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THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY”

OF

THE OJIBWA.

BY

W. J. HOFFMAN.

CONTENTS.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Illustrations have been placed as close as practicable to their
discussion in the text. Multi-part Plates have been divided. The printed
page numbers show the original location of the illustrations.
Plates and Figures were numbered continuously within each Bureau of
Ethnology volume, so there is no Plate I in this article.

Larger Map

Plate II. Ojibwa Indian Reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin. I Red Lake. II White Earth. III Winnibigoshish. IV Cass Lake. V Leech Lake. VI Deer Creek. VII Bois Forte. VIII Vermillion Lake. IX Fond du Lac. X Mille Lacs. XI Lac Court Oreílle. XII La Pointe. XIII Lac de Flanibeau. XIV Red Cliff. XV Grand Portage.

THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE
SOCIETY”
OF THE OJIBWAY.

By W. J. Hoffman.

INTRODUCTION.

The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it
is scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on
the east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Manitoba
southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This
tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in its westward
migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the limit of the timber
growth which so remarkably divides the State of Minnesota into two parts
possessing distinct physical features. The western portion of this State
is a gently undulating prairie which sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains,
while the eastern portion is heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or
near the meridian of 95° 50′ west longitude, extends due north and
south, and at a point about 75 miles south of the northern boundary the
timber line trends toward the northwest, crossing the State line, 49°
north latitude, at about 97° 10′ west longitude.

Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of
which are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely
isolated. The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions being
covered chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees, and
the lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes,
around which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which thrive in
moist ground, while the regions between these extremes are covered with
oak, poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties of trees and
shrubs.

Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abundant, and until recently have
furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence.

Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically
broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the several
reservations set apart for them by the General Government, where they
have been under more or less restraint by the United States Indian
agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various totems or gentes
may therefore be found upon a single reservation,
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where they continue to adhere to traditional customs and beliefs, thus
presenting an interesting field for ethnologic research.

The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wisconsin is
indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. II. In the southern portion many of
these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but throughout the
northern and northwestern part many bands continue to adhere to their
primitive methods and are commonly designated “wild Indians.” The
habitations of many of the latter are rude and primitive. The bands on
the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as a few others farther east,
have occupied these isolated sites for an uninterrupted period of about
three centuries, as is affirmed by the chief men of the several villages
and corroborated by other traditional evidence.

Father Claude Alloüez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumikong, or
La Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux. The
settlement at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions
pertaining to the “Grand Medicine Society” frequent allusion is made to
the fact that at this place the rites were practiced in their greatest
purity.

Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,1 bases his belief upon
traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of the whites
in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French missionaries met
with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock, as well as with
bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the latter, inhabiting
the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently mentioned in the Jesuit
Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was applied to all those people
who lived at the Falls, but from other statements it is clear that the
Ojibwa formed the most important body in that vicinity. La Hontan speaks
of the “Outchepoues, alias Sauteurs,” as good warriors. The name
Saulteur survives at this day and is applied to a division of the
tribe.

According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of importance
the tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe and Fond du Lac
at least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of the bands penetrating
the swampy country of northern Minnesota, while others went westward and
southwestward. According to a statement2 of the location of the tribes of Lake
Superior, made at Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the southern
and northern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however, that the
northern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region adjacent to
the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present location, thus
avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south of them.

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From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic division it is found that the traditions and practices
pertaining to the Midē´wiwin, Society of the Midē´ or Shamans, popularly
designated as the “Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed generally, and the
rites are still practiced at irregular intervals, though in slightly
different forms in various localities.

In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special mention
is made of the Midē´, the Jes´sakkīd´, or the Wâbĕnō´, but the term
sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class of
persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who practiced
incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Constant reference
is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of
Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this
antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the traditions of Indian
genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of
the Midē´ constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful and
impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man.
This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of
the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of
whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the
Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the
traditions just mentioned, and second, to give a certain class of
ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged
power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the
expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are
firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various
supernatural beings—manidos—and in order that certain
desires may be realized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose
of the present paper is to give an account of this society and of the
ceremony of initiation as studied and observed at White Earth,
Minnesota, in 1889. Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of
interest to consider a few statements made by early travelers respecting
the “sorcerers or jugglers” and the methods of medication.

In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the
Northwest, La Hontan3 says:

When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat
sparingly; and if they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think
themselves cur’d: They have told me frequently, that sleeping and
sweating would cure the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they
are so weak that they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and
dance and make merry before ’em, in order to divert ’em. To conclude,
when they are ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks,
(Jongleurs); of whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or
three Words by the bye.

A Jongleur is a sort of Physician, or rather a
Quack, who being once cur’d of some dangerous Distemper, has the
Presumption and Folly to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the
Power of curing all Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits.
Now though every Body rallies upon these Fellows when
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they are absent, and looks upon ’em as Fools that have lost their Senses
by some violent Distemper, yet they allow ’em to visit the Sick; whether
it be to divert ’em with their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity
of seeing them rave, skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry
Faces, as if they were possess’d. When all the Bustle is over, they
demand a Feast of a Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are
thus regal’d at once with Diversion and Good Cheer.

When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, he examines him
very carefully; If the Evil Spirit be here, says he, we shall
quickly dislodge him. This said, he withdraws by himself to a little
Tent made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl;
(which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, That the Devil converses
with ’em.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes
and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little
Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, That these very Bones
came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck up a good heart, in regard
that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in fine, that in order to
accelerate the Cure, ’t will be convenient to send his own and his
Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all
eat of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely
depend.

Commonly these Quacks bring ’em some Juices of Plants, which
are a sort of Purges, and are called Maskikik.

Hennepin, in “A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc.,4 speaks of the
religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those
living about the Great Lakes as follows:

We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the
Salvages in general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able
to comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will
have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among ’em look
upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an Otkon or
Manitou, either Good or Evil.

These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things;
they all believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof
they make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which
they carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of
their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell, or
some such thing;

There is no Nation among ’em which has not a sort of Juglers
or Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion
there is no Great reason to believe ’em such, or to think that their
Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the
Devil.

These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as
Prophets which fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to
have an unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry;
to cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a
Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also pretend to
Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part
as have little Virtue at all in ’em, especially to Cure that Distemper
which they pretend to.

It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and
strange Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they
are disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their
Enchantments.

Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo Indians in
1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the
ceremony of the “calumet dance,” as follows:

They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are
very liberal when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the
Remedies they take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those
who have prescrib’d them.

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In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a certain
class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled
to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were
permitted to “assist at all the Superstitions of their Juglers,
and their solemn Dances in honor of the Calumet, in which they
may sing, but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call’d to
their Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their Advice; for,
because of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look’d upon as
Manitous, or at least for great and incomparable Genius’s.”

That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of
interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same
writer declares that it is “the most mysterious thing in the World. The
Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have
such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it The God of Peace
and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death. Their Calumet of
Peace is different from the Calumet of War; They make use of
the former to seal their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety,
and receive Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.”

This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is
used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious
devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian
tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin. When the
calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the
houses in the winter and to the groves in the summer. The above-named
authority continues in this connection:

They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to
shelter themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a
large Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the
Company, who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom
they call Manitoa. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or
anything else that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this
Manitoa will prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other
Enterprizes. To the Right of their Manitoa they place the
Calumet, their Great Deity, making round about it a Kind of
Trophy with their Arms, viz. their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and
Arrows. ***Every Body sits down afterwards,
round about, as they come, having first of all saluted the
Manitoa, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their Tobacco upon
it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense. ***This Preludium being over, he who is to begin
the Dance appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the
Calumet, presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d invite him to
smoke. Then he moves it into an infinite Number of Postures sometimes
laying it near the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he wou’d
make it fly, and then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it
one after another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of
this famous Ball.

The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear
as significant as the “smoke ceremonies” mentioned in connection with
the preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation
into the Midē´wiwin.

154


In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the
sorcerers, Hennepin says:

As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of
a Name of a certain Genius, whom they call Micaboche, who
has cover’d the whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate
innumerable fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with
the Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain
Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to
foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians,
curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that
these Savages are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles
with a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass
for Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be erected with ten
thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then made a
horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of Snow
wou’d fall ere long, that they might have good game in the Hunting of
Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the bottom of the
Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet at a very great
distance, but that they drew near within seven or eight Leagues of their
Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy among those poor deluded
Wretches.

That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the
sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the
name of Micaboche, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit,
who acted as an intercessor between Ki´tshi Man´idō (Great Spirit) and
the Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi´nabō´zho; but to this full
reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of the
origin of the Midē´wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth) and the
birth of Manabush (the Mi´nabō´zho of the Menomoni) and his brother, the
Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and fragments of
other myths, are thrown together and in a mangled form presented by
Hennepin in the following words:

Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St.
Lawrence, do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost
the same opinion with the former [the Iroquois], that a Woman came down
from Heaven, and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not
finding Ground whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with
Compassion for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which
of them should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its
Back on the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and
fixed herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea
gathering together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and
little that vast Tract of Land, which we now call
America.

They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting
some body for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more
pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz’d upon her Spirits, she
fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in that
Condition approach’d and knew her unperceptibly. From which Approach she
conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of her Ribs. But
these two Brothers could never afterwards agree together. One of them
was a better Huntsman than the other; they quarreled every day; and
their Disputes grew so high at last, that one could not bear with the
other. One especially being of a very wild Temper, hated mortally his
Brother who was of a milder Constitution, who being no longer able to
endure the Pranks of the other,
155


he resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven,
whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times
his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate
Brother.

Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and
she conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were
propagated these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the
greatest parts of the Universe.

It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the
traditions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical
story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the
Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis
(the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the
wind gods. Mi´nabō´zho became angered with the Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the
latter, to appease his discontent, gave to Mi´nabō´zho the rite of the
Midēwiwin. The brother of Mi´nabō´zho was destroyed by the malevolent
underground spirits and now rules the abode of shadows,—the “Land
of the Midnight Sun.”

Upon his arrival at the “Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin),
Marquette found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: “Miamis,
Maskoutens, and Kikabeux.” He says:

When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross
set up in the middle of the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins,
Red Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer’d to the
Great Manitou, to return him their Thanks for the care he had
taken of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a
prosperous Hunting. Manitou, is the Name they give in general to
all Spirits whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.

Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is
the sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin,
as will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society.
The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of
the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a compliment to the
visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same
symbol of the Midē´ Society had probably been erected and bedecked with
barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of
him.

The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted
during the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accompanying
paper. The information was obtained from a number of the chief Midē´
priests living at Red Lake and White Earth reservations, as well as from
members of the society from other reservations, who visited the last
named locality during the three years. Special mention of the
peculiarity of the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and
it may here be said that in no instance was the use of colors detected,
in any birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten
the artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of
the works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col.
Garrick Mallery; U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological
Society of
156


Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding this
subject:

The general character of his voluminous publications has not
been such as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful
minuteness, as well as comprehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa
hieroglyphs has been generally regarded of late with suspicion. It was
considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how
much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose
its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as
assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable
points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern region
of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be
discovered. ***The general results of the
comparison of Schoolcraft’s statements with what is now found shows
that, in substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and
coloring. The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in
his copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent
significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the
birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the
bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also
used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian
philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are
attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which,
could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture of
the Ojibwa.

SHAMANS.

There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mystery
men, termed respectively and in order of importance the Midē´, the
Jĕs´sakkīd´, and the Wâbĕnō´, but before proceeding to elaborate in
detail the Society of the Midē´, known as the Midē´wiwin, a brief
description of the last two is necessary.

The term Wâbĕnō´ has been explained by various intelligent Indians as
signifying “Men of the dawn,” “Eastern men,” etc. Their profession is
not thoroughly understood, and their number is so extremely limited that
but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schoolcraft,5 in
referring to the several classes of Shamans, says “there is a third form
or rather modification of the medawin,
***the Wâbĕnō´; a term denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which
is regarded as a corruption of the Meda.” This writer furthermore
remarks6
that “it is stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern
origin. They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the
Meda.”

From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wâbĕnō´
does not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a
society, but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wâbĕnō´ is
primarily prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his
youth, for which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite
number of days. It is positively affirmed that evil man´idōs favor his
desires,
157


and apart from his general routine of furnishing “hunting medicine,”
“love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical magic. When a
hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance of the
Wâbĕnō´, he supplies the latter with part of the game, when, in giving a
feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wâbĕnō´ will invite a number of
friends, but all who desire to come are welcome. This feast is given at
night; singing and dancing are boisterously indulged in, and the
Wâbĕnō´, to sustain his reputation, entertains his visitors with a
further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he is alleged to
be enabled to take up and handle with impunity red-hot stones and
burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort it is said
that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even boiling maple
sirup. On account of such performances the general impression prevails
among the Indians that the Wâbĕnō´ is a “dealer in fire,” or
“fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always terminate at the approach of
day. The number of these pretenders who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin, is very limited; for instance, there are at present but two
or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech Lake.

As a general rule, however, the Wâbĕnō´ will seek entrance into the
Midē´wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the practice of
medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent man´idōs,
especially such as cause disease.

The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is a seer and prophet; though commonly designated a
“juggler,” the Indians define him as a “revealer of hidden truths.”
There is no association whatever between the members of this profession,
and each practices his art singly and alone whenever a demand is made
and the fee presented. As there is no association, so there is no
initiation by means of which one may become a Jĕs´sakkīd´. The gift is
believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animiki´, and then only at
long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during youth,
when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the individual.
His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe.
He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to become
acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the
success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs
of various individuals, and to call from any living human being the
soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim
of reason, and even of life. His power consists in invoking, and causing
evil, while that of the Midē´ is to avert it; he attempts at times to
injure the Midē´ but the latter, by the aid of his superior man´idos,
becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes
happens that the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midē´
alone has the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the
chief pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes
removed
158


by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how the
Jĕs´sakkīd´ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of the
most complicated tying of cords and ropes, etc. The lodge used by this
class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming a
square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which are
wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form an upright
cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is the most powerful
man´idō of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and through him, with numerous other
malevolent man´idōs, especially the Animiki´, or thunder-bird. When the
prophet has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway
violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within,
denoting the arrival of man´idōs, and numerous voices and laughter are
distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to the
prophet and, if everything be favorable, the response is not long in
coming. In his notice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, Schoolcraft affirms7 that “while he
thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member of the
highest class of the fraternity of the Midâwin—a society of men
who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and
incantations.”
The fact is that there is not the slightest connection
between the practice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and that of the Midē´wiwin, and
it is seldom, if at all, that a Midē´ becomes a Jĕs´sakkīd´, although
the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midē´wiwin, chiefly with
the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe.

The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wâbĕnō´. An idea
of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be formed by
taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect upon the
same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen hundred, the
Midē´ Society consisting, in round numbers, of one hundred members, and
among the entire population there are but two Wâbĕnō´ and five
Jĕs´sakkīd´.

It is evident that neither the Wâbĕnō´ nor the Jĕs´sakkīd´ confine
themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their
ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark
records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful
research and examination extending over the field seasons of three
years, prove to have been the property of Wâbĕnō´ and Jĕs´sakkīd´, who
were also Midē´. It is probable that those who practice either of the
first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are familiar with and may
employ for their own information certain mnemonic records; but they are
limited to the characteristic formulæ of exorcism, as their practice
varies and is subject to changes according to circumstances and the
requirements and wants of the applicant when words are chanted to accord
therewith.

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Some examples of songs used by Jĕs´sakkīd´, after they have become
Midē´, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the
Midē ’wiwin.

There is still another class of persons termed Mashkī´kĭkē´winĭnĭ, or
herbalists, who are generally denominated “medicine men,” as the Ojibwa
word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and consists in knowing the
mysterious properties of a variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries,
which are revealed upon application and for a fee. When there is an
administration of a remedy for a given complaint, based upon true
scientific principles, it is only in consequence of such practice having
been acquired from the whites, as it has usually been the custom of the
Catholic Fathers to utilize all ordinary and available remedies for the
treatment of the common disorders of life. Although these herbalists are
aware that certain plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon
the human system, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such
remedies are distasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in
the system and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these
herbalists are found among women, also; and these, too, are generally
members of the Midē´wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown
an herbalist preparing a mixture.

Fig. 1.—Herbalist preparing
medicine and treating patient.

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The origin of the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society, commonly, though
erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In
the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to
sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influence, and practices
are dependent upon the assistance of “Manitous,” or mysterious spirits;
though, as there is no discrimination made between these different
professors of magic, it is difficult positively to determine which of
the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that
the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or juggler, and the Midē´, or Shaman, were
referred to.

The Midē´, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has
by various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer,
prophet, etc. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among
the Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to
fill the vacancy one year after the death of a Shaman. Whether a similar
practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock
can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes
constituting that stock.

Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill
the place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of
the Midē´wiwin, or Society of the Midē´, but who is removed by death
before the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a
young man dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a
substitute. This will be explained in more detail under the caption of
Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or “Ghost Lodge,” a collateral branch of the
Midē´wiwin.

As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr.
W. W. Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate.
Mr. Warren was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a
member of the legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled “History of
the Ojibwa Nation,” was published in Vol. V of the Collections of the Minnesota Historical
Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. E. D. Neill. Mr.
Warren’s work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own
people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the
historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His
manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following
year. In speaking of the Society of the Midē´,8 he says:

The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to
term it, “Grand Medicine,”)and
the beliefs incorporated therein, are
not yet fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still
shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much pains
to inquire and made use of every advantage possessed by speaking their
language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their friendship
and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly acknowledge that
I stand as yet, as it were, on the threshold of the Me-da-we lodge. I
believe, however, that I have obtained full as much and more general and
true information
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on this matter than any other person who has written on the subject, not
excepting a great and standard author, who, to the surprise of many who
know the Ojibways well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he
has been regularly initiated into the mysteries of this rite, and is a
member of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to
believe in the Indian country; and when the old initiators or Indian
priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a
white man should ever have been allowed in truth to become a
member of their Me-da-we lodge.

An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are
being enacted, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this
does not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it
make him a member of the Society.

These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of “a great and standard
authority” have reference to Mr. Schoolcraft, who among numerous other
assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information
Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851,
p. 361, viz:

I had observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the
exactness and studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in
1820 in the region of Lake Superior; and determined to avail myself of
the advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a
Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its
principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its
ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors,
with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the
result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an
Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial
notation which have been sometimes called “music boards,” from the fact
of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda Society.
This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in accordance
with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society and three
other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made.

This statement is followed by another,9 in which Mr. Schoolcraft, in a
foot-note, affirms:

Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda
by the Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a Sagima and Jesukaid
in each of the other fraternities, and studied their pictographic system
with great care and good helps, I may speak with the more decision on
the subject.

Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory
ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is
meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the ceremonies
were conducted with more completeness and elaborate dramatization nearly
three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not
burden this paper with useless repetition, but present the subject as
conducted within the last three years.

Mr. Warren truly says:

In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient
amongst them—songs and traditions that have descended not orally,
but in hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this
rite is also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their
language, which differs somewhat from that of the common everyday
use.

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As the ritual of the Midē´wiwin is based to a considerable extent upon
traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the thoughtful
consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked upon by
them as “their religion,” as they themselves designate it.

In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western
tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of aboriginal
ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks10 in reference to the
Ojibwa:

Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused
by a close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be
too late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total
oblivion. And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine
information can be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling
into their graves, and they carry with them the records of the past
history of their people; they are the initiators of the grand rite of
religious belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his
red children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and
in the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of
this their most ancient belief.
***

They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion,
that the world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now
living on what they term the “new earth.” This idea is fully accounted
for by their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion,
hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth.

Furthermore,

They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the
Great Spirit which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new
earth it was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful
being, whom they denominate Manab-o-sho, that they were allowed to
exist, and means were given them whereby to subsist and support life;
and a code of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they
could commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the approach
and ravages of death.

It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description
given by Rev. Peter Jones of the Midē´ priests and priestesses. Mr.
Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the
Missasauga—i.e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of
Indians living in Canada. In his work11 he states:

Each tribe has its medicine men and women—an order of
priesthood consulted and employed in all times of sickness. These
powwows are persons who are believed to have performed extraordinary
cures, either by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations.
When an Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the
first place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into
the woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various
useful plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and
how to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master
of Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have
offended.

The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded
brethren; not so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical
power which they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to
lead these credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold
intercourse with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever
information they require.

163


The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man´idōs, which
inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These
man´idōs, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a
charitable and benevolent character or those which are malignant and
aggressive. The chief or superior man´idō is termed Ki´tshi
Man´idō—Great Spirit—approaching to a great extent the idea
of the God of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is
Dzhe Man´idō, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit
of the Midē´wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of
the Midē´wiwin were granted to man. The Ani´miki or Thunder God is, if
not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant man´idōs,
and it is from him that the Jĕs´sakkīd´ are believed to obtain their
powers of evil doing. There is one other, to whom special reference will
be made, who abides in and rules the “place of shadows,” the hereafter;
he is known as Dzhibai´ Man´idō—Shadow Spirit, or more commonly
Ghost Spirit. The name of Ki´tshi Man´idō is never mentioned but with
reverence, and thus only in connection with the rite of Midē´wiwin, or a
sacred feast, and always after making an offering of tobacco.

The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first
fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in
the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of
days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or
ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallucinations. The
spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of
mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is
considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the
personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced,
and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small
effigy of this man´idō is made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece
of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the neck,
or if the wearer be a Midē´ he carries it in his “medicine bag” or
pinji´gosân. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his
dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary
importance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some
powerful man´idō or other object held in great reverence by the members
of the Midē´ Society, the faster first becomes impressed with the idea
of becoming a Midē´. Thereupon he makes application to a prominent Midē´
priest, and seeks his advice as to the necessary course to be pursued to
attain his desire. If the Midē´ priest considers with favor the
application, he consults with his confrères and action is taken, and the
questions of the requisite preliminary instructions, fees, and presents,
etc., are formally discussed. If the Midē´ priests are in accord with
the desires of the applicant an instructor or preceptor is designated,
to whom he must present himself
164


and make an agreement as to the amount of preparatory information to be
acquired and the fees and other presents to be given in return. These
fees have nothing whatever to do with the presents which must be
presented to the Midē´ priests previous to his initiation as a member of
the society, the latter being collected during the time that is devoted
to preliminary instruction, which period usually extends over several
years. Thus ample time is found for hunting, as skins and peltries, of
which those not required as presents may be exchanged for blankets,
tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable from the trader. Sometimes a
number of years are spent in preparation for the first degree of the
Midē´wiwin, and there are many who have impoverished themselves in the
payment of fees and the preparation for the feast to which all visiting
priests are also invited.

Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the
society he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to
purchase a mī´gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and
consists of a small white shell, to which reference will be made further
on. His application follows the same course as in the preceding
instance, and the same course is pursued also when a Jĕs´sakkīd´ or a
Wâbĕnō´ wishes to become a Midē´.

MIDĒ´WIWIN.

The Midē´wiwin—Society of the Midē´ or Shamans—consists
of an indefinite number of Midē´ of both sexes. The society is graded
into four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general
impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond
the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained
by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having
submitted to “being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the
officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain
localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there
is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One
circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that
is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the
Midē´ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of
the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which
reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in
forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the
importance and sacredness of the ceremony.

It has always been customary for the Midē´ priests to preserve
birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent
pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner
is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to
the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when
165


an accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary
preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.

Plate III. Red Lake And Leech Lake Records (key).

Complete
Plate

During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good
fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which,
according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midē´ priests,
had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian
unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½
inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of
birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat
strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured
transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as
to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A, is a
reproduction of the design referred to.

It had been in the keeping of Skwēkŏ´mĭk, to whom it was intrusted at
the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it
in 1825 from Badâ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibē´goshish
Ojibwa.

It is affirmed that Badâ´san had received the original from the Grand
Midē´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midē´wiwin was at
that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict
accordance with ancient and traditional usage.

The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the
preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very
great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the
traditional history of the origin of the Midē´wiwin, the positions
occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and
the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On
account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long
continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually
occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial
representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and
ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has
already been given.

A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be
presented further on in connection with two interesting variants which
were subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the
widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa,
and the establishment of independent Midē´ societies, portions of the
ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at
some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of
tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the
origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was
possible to procure will be submitted.

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In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe
these people are termed A-nish´-in-â´-bēg—original people—a
term surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni,
indicating that the tradition of their westward migration was extant
prior to the final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have
occurred at Sault Ste. Marie.

Mi´nabō´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most
of the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, the Good Spirit,
and acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally
supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and
the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.

The tradition of Mi´nabō´zho and the origin of the Midē´wiwin, as
given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake (Pl. III A), is as follows:

When Mi´nabō´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, looked down upon the
earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinâ´bēg, the ancestors of the
Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth—the
northeast, the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how
helpless they were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off
the diseases with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide
them with animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts,
Mi´nabō´zho remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth,
endeavoring to devise some means of communicating with them, when he
heard something laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the
surface of the water to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize
its form, and while watching it closely it slowly disappeared from view.
It next appeared in the north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of
time again disappeared. Mi´nabō´zho hoped it would again show itself
upon the surface of the water, which it did in the east (No. 4).
Then Mi´nabō´zho wished that it might approach him, so as to permit him
to communicate with it. When it disappeared from view in the east and
made its reappearance in the south (No. 1), Mi´nabō´zho asked it to
come to the center of the earth that he might behold it. Again it
disappeared from view, and after reappearing in the west Mi´nabō´zho
observed it slowly approaching the center of the earth (i.e., the centre
of the circle), when he descended and saw it was the Otter, now one of
the sacred man´idōs of the Midē´wiwin. Then Mi´nabō´zho instructed the
Otter in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, and gave him at the same time
the sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick; the sacred Midē´
drum to be used during the ceremonial of initiation and at sacred
feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in invocations and in making
peace.

The place where Mi´nabō´zho descended was an island in the middle of
a large body of water, and the Midē´ who is feared by all the others is
called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then
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Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân (sacred Midē´ lodge), and taking his drum
he beat upon it and sang a Midē´ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe
Man´idō had decided to help the Aníshinâ´bōg, that they might always
have life and an abundance of food and other things necessary for their
comfort. Mi´nabō´zho then took the Otter into the Midē´wigân and
conferred upon him the secrets of the Midē´wiwin, and with his Midē´ bag
shot the sacred mī´gis into his body that he might have immortality and
be able to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the Aníshinâ´bēg.

The mī´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân, and may
consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar
to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and
the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midē´wiwin at this
day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabō´zho and the
Otter. It is admitted by all the Midē´ priests whom I have consulted
that much of the information has been lost through the death of their
aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the
sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the
adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midē´
priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are
in consequence termed “pagans.”

My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other
information in explanation of the various characters represented
thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of
the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabō´zho, while the Otter
appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the
semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the
earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8.
Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idōs, who
endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of
the Midē´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the
outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding
lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the
lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the
course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13,
14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midē´ priests whose services are
always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a
rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of
this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midē´ lodge. No.
20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents
the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midē´ man´idōs, to
which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may
compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the
Midē´wigân, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred
drum which
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the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two offerings must
be made, as indicated by the number two.

After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared
to advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three
prayers to the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the
entrance (No. 29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts
and chants are indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26,
and 27.

Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idōs
who oppose a Midē´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers
directed to the Makwa´ Man´idō have by him been deemed sufficient the
four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the
two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in
the middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on
his way to the second degree.

Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard
the entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at
Nos. 37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the
preceding; but while the seven Midē´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43,
44, and 45 simply indicate that the number of Midē´ assisting at this
second initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages
than in the first degree, the number designated having reference to
quality and intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as
specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.

When the Midē´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´idō
supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from
the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he
can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that
he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance,
however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his
ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or
duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a
Midē´ of this degree has several times had the
mī´gis—life—“shot into his body,” the increased size of the
spot signifying amount or quantity of influence obtained thereby.

No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Midē´ or Bad Midē´, one who employs his
powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any
animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim,
immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent
of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass
the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the
intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the
modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig. 24, page 238.

Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special
reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No.
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50, represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the
characters at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him,
impressions of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges
occupied by his intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of
No. 50 signify a forest, the location usually sought by bad Midē´ and
witches.

If a second degree Midē´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of
the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before
described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating
Midē´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for favor and success. No. 53
denotes that the candidate now personates the bear—not one of the
malignant man´idōs, but one of the sacred man´idōs who are believed to
be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He
is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the
Serpent Man´idō (No. 54)—who has until this opposed his
advancement—now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and
advances toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56)
of the Midē´wiwin, where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the
four Panther Spirits, the guardians of this degree.

Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midē´ spirits who inhabit the structure of
this degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in
connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and
more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he
becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midē´. The powers which he
possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented
in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms
denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp
from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish
extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and
assistance from the sacred man´idōs and his knowledge of them becomes
more widely extended.

Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the
special guardians of the third degree lodge.

To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a
greater number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues
to personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown
sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for
his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most
powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a
candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree
structure (No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the
assistance of Dzhe Man´idō, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81
and 82) at the eastern entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83
and 84) at the western exit. Other bad spirits are about the
structure, who frequently gain possession and are then enabled to make
strong and prolonged resistance to the candidate’s entrance.
170


The chiefs of this group of malevolent beings are Bears (Nos. 88
and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No. 97), and
many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions being
indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but the
last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate
serpents.

The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing
through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure
(No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body
is covered with the mī´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the
Midē´wiwin. These spots designate the places where the Midē´ priests,
during the initiation, shot into his body the mī´gis and the lines
connecting them in order that all the functions of the several
corresponding parts or organs of the body may be exercised.

The ideal fourth degree Midē´ is presumed to be in a position to
accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only
endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others,
as is pictorially indicated by the mī´gis spot upon the top of the head,
but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at
pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the
prerogatives of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and is then recognized as one, as he
usually performs within the Jĕs´sakkân or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge, commonly
designated “the Jugglery.”

The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may
have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was
not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the
history or ceremonies or the Midē´wiwin.

Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure
is an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be
followed by the Midē´ after he has attained this high distinction. On
account of his position his path is often beset with dangers, as
indicated by the right angles, and temptations which may lead him
astray; the points at which he may possibly deviate from the true course
of propriety are designated by projections branching off obliquely
toward the right and left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the
end of this path is termed Wai-ĕk´-ma-yŏk´—End of the
road—and is alluded to in the ritual, as will be observed
hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e., the end of the individual’s
existence. The number of vertical strokes (No. 102) within the ovoid
figure signify the original owner to have been a fourth degree Midē´ for
a period of 14 years.

The outline of the Midē´wigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the
same individual was a member of the Midē´wiwin, but the thirteen
vertical strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief
Midē´ priest of the society for that number of years.

The outline of a Midē´wigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon
the interior designating the location of the sacred post (No.
171


107) and the stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during
the time of treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling
of the exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the
acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is
indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure.

Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree
lodge is shown the outline of a Midē´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No.
114), leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is
another similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right
angles to the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is
at the north. This is the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or Ghost Lodge.

Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters
denoting the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are
presided over by the Dzhibai´ Midē´, literally Shadow Midē´.

No. 113 represents the Kŏ´-kó-kŏ-ō´ (Owl) passing from the Midē´wigân
to the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of
the dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´idō is
personated by a candidate for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin when
giving a feast to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been
dedicated to the Midē´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the
giver of the feast.

Upon the back of the Midē´ record, above described, is the personal
record of the original owner, as shown in Pl.
III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4
represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been
initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he
has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear
tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´idō or Bear Spirit,
considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits
of the fourth degree wigwam.

The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a
birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a
lately deceased Midē´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together
with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the
Midē´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose
courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no
information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had
an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech
Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data
concerning them.

The chart represents the owner to have been a Midē´ of the second
degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at
Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and
4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midē´ priests holding their Midē´ bags as in
the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos.
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9, 10, 11, 12, and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him
during his initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was
one of the four officiating priests of the Midē´wigân at his place of
residence. Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred
bags as during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been
pursuing since he became a Midē´, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging
lines signify that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as
referred to in the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. III A.

The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midē´ referred
to will be described and figured hereafter.

Plate IV. Sikas´sige’s Record.

Larger
Plate

The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by
Sikas´sigĕ, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midē´ of the second degree, now resident
at White Earth.

The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several
degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midē´ at
Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sigĕ, at the age of 10 years,
received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sigĕ
received continued instruction from his father Baiē´dzhĕk, and although
he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the
society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation
he was permitted to be present.

Plate V. Origin of Âni´shinâ´bēg.

Larger
Plate

Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sigĕ has become one of the
officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by
him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following
tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which
Pl. V is
a reduced copy:

In the beginning, Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1), made the Midē´
Man´idōs. He first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women
(Nos. 4 and 5); but they had no power of thought or reason. Then
Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1) made them rational beings. He took them in his
hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung
the Indians. When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but
he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death,
and that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would
soon become extinct.

Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´idō and the earth
were four lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe
Man´idō decided to commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which
the Indians could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6,
and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same
information to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with
No. 9. They all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind
gods at Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be
best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to
ask Dzhe Man´idō to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to
the people.

Dzhe Man´idō then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and
asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided
upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went
to the earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy
of her own.

This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the
winter this woman’s
173


son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to
return to the village and bury the body there; so they made preparations
to return, and as they traveled along, they would each evening erect
several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent the wild beasts
from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging upon the poles,
the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would play about
the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he
pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he
could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed
great surprise and desired to know how that could be
accomplished.

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village,
when he said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No. 16),
put the dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the
ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been
done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated themselves
around the corpse.

When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they
saw through the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which
gradually came towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself
before the dead body and said hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, when he passed around it
towards the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the
body began quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued
until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life again
and stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the
distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the
following words:

The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this.
He then remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the
mysteries of the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had
finished, he told his adopted father that as his mission had been
fulfilled he was to return to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would
have no need to fear sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine
which would enable them to live. He also said that his spirit could
bring a body to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from
which they would feel his influence.

This is called Kwí-wĭ-sĕns´ wĕ-dī´-shĭ-tshī
gē-wī-nĭp—“Little-boy-his-work.”

From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22
denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course
of initiation into the Midē´wiwin, three others must be taken before a
candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are
denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct
gifts of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē´ priests before the
ceremony can take place.

Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the
tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must
personate the Makwa´ Man´idō—Bear Spirit—when entering the
Midē´wiwin (No. 19). No. 20 is the Midē´ Man´idō as Ki´tshi Man´idō
is termed
174


by the Midē´ priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a
common symbol of superior power found in connection with the figures of
human and divine forms in many Midē´ songs and other mnemonic records.
No. 21 represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at
No. 22.

Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians
with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of
Mi´nabō´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be
explained by Sikas´sigĕ, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of
events; but from information derived from other Midē´ it is evident that
there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances
being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative
relating to the chart on Pl. III A.

This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief
Baiē´dzhĕk, was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La
Pointe about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by
Sikas´sigĕ is similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is
an interesting variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of
detail in the delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.

By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1,
resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl. III, A, with this difference, that the four
quarters of the globe inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg are not designated
between the cardinal points at which the Otter appeared, and also that
the central island, only alluded to there (Pl.
III A), is here inserted.

The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface
(Pl. V,
No. 21) upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so
that the former stands vertically and at right angles to the latter; for
the reason that the first half of the tradition pertains to the
consultation held between Ki´tshi Man´idō and the four lesser spirits
which is believed to have occurred above the earth’s surface. According
to Sikas´sigĕ the two charts should be joined as suggested in the
accompanying illustration, Fig. 2.

Fig.
2.—Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, showing descent of
Min´abō´zho.
complete figure

175


Sikas´sigĕ’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. IV) is
substantially as follows:

When Mi´nabō´zho descended to the earth to give to the
Ani´shinâ´bēg the Midē´wiwin, he left with them this chart,
Midē´wigwas´. Ki´tshi Man´idō saw that his people on earth were without
the means of protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent
Mi´nabō´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabō´zho appeared over
the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to
communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an otter
sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the waters in
the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the surface
again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No. 3), which
pleased Mi´nabō´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he
might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi
Man´idō. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the
north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi´nabō´zho desired it would
come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make its
reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of sight
to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi´nabō´zho asked it to
approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it
did. This did Ni´gĭk, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge
of the first degree of the Midē´wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his
spirit always abides during initiation and when healing the
sick.

Then Ni´gĭk asked Mi´nabō´zho, “Why do you come to this
place?” When the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinâ´bēg and wish
to give them life; Ki´tshi Man´idō gave me the power to confer upon them
the means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and
through you I will give them the Midē´wiwin, and teach them the sacred
rites.”

Then Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân in which he instructed
the Otter in all the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The Otter sat before
the door of the Midē´wigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10),
sunning himself, after which time he approached the entrance
(No. 14), where his progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing
two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and 13) guarding it. Through the powers
possessed by Mi´nabō´zho he was enabled to pass these; when he entered
the sacred lodge (No. 15), the first object he beheld being the
sacred stone (No. 16) against which those who were sick were to be
seated, or laid, when undergoing the ceremonial of restoring them to
health. He next saw a post (No. 17) painted red with a green band
around the top. A sick man would also have to pray
176


to the stone and to the post, when he is within the Midē´wigân, because
within them would be the Midē´ spirits whose help he invoked. The Otter
was then taken to the middle of the Midē´wigân where he picked up the
mī´gis (No. 18) from among a heap of sacred objects which form part
of the gifts given by Ki´tshi Man´idō. The eight man´idōs around the
midē´wigân (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26) were also sent
by Ki´tshi Man´idō to guard the lodge against the entrance of bad
spirits.

A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the
short lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of
human progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause
of one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and
the beliefs taught by the Midē´. When one arrives at middle age
(No. 32) his course for the remaining period of life is usually
without any special events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27,
extending from middle age (No. 32) to the end of one’s existence
(No. 33). The short lines at Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating
departure from the path of propriety, terminate in rounded spots and
signify, literally, “lecture places,” because when a Midē´ feels himself
failing in duty or vacillating in faith he must renew professions by
giving a feast and lecturing to his confreres, thus regaining his
strength to resist evil doing—such as making use of his powers in
harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was not given him by Ki´tshi
Man´idō through Mi´nabō´zho, etc. His heart must be cleansed and his
tongue guarded.

To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter,
Sikas´sigĕ said:

The Otter then went round the interior of the Midē´wigân
(No. 34), and finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabō´zho
shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which was in his Midē´ bag. Then
Mi´nabō´zho said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos.
35 and 36), and eight Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the
night.”

The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the
second degree structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two
evil man´idōs (Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who
were driven away by Mi´nabō´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he
beheld the sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43),
the one nearest to him being painted red with a green band around the
top, and another at the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the
top. The other post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of
green at the top, similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are
the places where sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the
Midē´wiwin is guarded at night by twelve Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 46
to 57) placed there by Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the degree is owned by
the Thunder Bird as shown in Nos. 58, 59.

The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline
of the structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a
line (No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition
to denote the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midē´. The points
(Nos. 64, 65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines,
also refer to the feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.

177


To continue the informant’s tradition:

When the Otter had passed around the interior of the
Midē´wigân four times, he seated himself in the west and faced the
degree post, when Mi´nabō´zho again shot into his body the mī´gis, which
gave him renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath”
once each day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next
degree. (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69,
70, and 71.)

The third degree of the Midē´wiwin (No. 72) is guarded
during the day by two Midē´ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern
entrance, and by the Makwa´ Man´idō within the inclosure (Nos. 75
and 76), and at night by eighteen Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 77
to 94), placed there by Ki´tshi Man´idō. When the Otter approached
the entrance (No. 95) he was again arrested in his progress by two
evil man´idōs (Nos. 96 and 97), who opposed his admission, but
Mi´nibō´zho overcame them and the Otter entered. Just inside of the
door, and on each side, the Otter saw a post (Nos. 98 and 99), and
at the western door or exit two corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101).
These symbolized the four legs of the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit,
who is the guardian by day and the owner of the third degree. The Otter
then observed the sacred stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred
objects (Nos. 103 and 104) which Mi´nabō´zho had deposited, and three
degree posts (Nos. 105, 106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was
a plain cedar post with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the
second (No. 106), a red post with a green band round the top and one
about the middle, as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No.
107) painted red, each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No.
108 was said to have no relation to anything connected with the
tradition.] After the Otter had observed the interior of the Midē´wigân
he again made four circuits, after which he took his station in the
west, where he seated himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then
Mi´nabō´zho, for the third time, shot into his body the mī´gis, thus
adding to the powers which he already possessed, after which he was to
prepare for the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin.

Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as
follows:

The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which
is planted at each of the four corners of the Midē´wigân, are usually
cedar, though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not
be had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and
connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119, and
120, have the same signification as in the preceding two
degrees.

After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared
himself for the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day
for four successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he
proceeded toward the Midē´wigân he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No.
179), which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit, who guarded
the four doors of the sacred structure.

The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the
Midē´wigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the
larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by
Sikas´sigĕ, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line
leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or
stages of progress, equal to as many days—one spot denoting one
day—which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the
entrance.

Fig. 4.—Peep-hole post.

When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he
came to a short post
178


(No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was painted
green on the side from which he approached and red upon the side toward
the Midē´wigân [see Fig. 4.] But before he
was permitted to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of
Ki´tshi Man´idō, that the evil man´idōs might be expelled from his path.
Then, when the Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior
of the inclosure was filled with Midē´ Man´idos, ready to receive him
and to attend during his initiation. The two Midē´ Man´idos at the
outside of the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil
man´idōs (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at
the door (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and
the five heaps of sacred objects which Minabō´zho
had deposited (Nos. 126, 127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree
posts (Nos. 131, 132, 133, and 134). According to their importance, the
first was painted red, with a green band about the top; the second was
painted red, with two green bands, one at the top and another at the
middle; the third consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the
arms and the top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a
square post, the side toward the east being painted white, that toward
the south green, that toward the west red, and that toward the north
black.

The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern
and western doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit.
When the Otter had observed all these things he passed round the
interior of the Midē´wigân four times, after which he seated himself in
the west, facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabō´zho approached him and
for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which gave him
life that will endure always. Then Mi´nabō´zho said to the Otter, “This
degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and 138),
who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any of your
people.” At night the Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 139 to 162) will guard the
Midē´wigân, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so. The Bear’s
nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and southern doors
(Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midē´wigân are the places where Makwa´ Man´idō
takes his station when guarding the doors.

Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers
(Nos. 167, 168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midē´wiwin, which
Ki´tshi Man´idō had given him.

The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sigĕ,
viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure
(Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner
corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees
planted there by the Midē´ at the time of preparing the Midē´wigân for
the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the
connecting line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three
preceding degrees, and signify the course of a Midē’s life—that it
should be without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of
the Midē´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183,
184, and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midē’s path, and he
shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or,
in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187,
and 188, consisting of four
179


spots each, which radiate from the larger circle at No. 179 and that
before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the four bear nests and their
respective approaches, which are supposed to be placed opposite the four
doors of the fourth degree; and it is obligatory, therefore, for a
candidate to enter these four doors on hands and knees when appearing
for his initiation and before he finally waits to receive the concluding
portion of the ceremony.

Fig. 5.— Migration of Âníshinâ´beg.

The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a
reduced copy of a drawing made by Sikas´sigĕ to represent the migration
of the Otter toward the west after he had received the rite of the
Midē´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1,
and signifies the earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line separating the history of the
Midē´wiwin from that of the migration as follows: When the Otter had
offered four prayers, as above mentioned, which fact is referred to by
the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went
toward the west, whither the Ani´shinâ´bēg followed him, and located at
Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected the Midē´wigân and lived
for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and
in a short time reappeared at A´wiat´ang (No. 5), when the
Midē´wigân was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in
accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabō´zho. Thus was an interrupted
migration continued, the several resting places being given below in
their proper order, at each of which the rites of the Midē´wiwin were
conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate at was
Mi´shenama´kinagung—Mackinaw
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(No. 6); then Ne´mikung (No. 7); Kiwe´winang´ (No. 8);
Bâwating—Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi´towi´
(No. 10); Nega´wadzhĕ´ŭ—Sand Mountain (No. 11), northern
shore of Lake Superior; Mi´nisa´wĭk [Mi´nisa´bikkăng]—Island of
rocks (No. 12); Kawa´sitshĭŭwongk—Foaming rapids
(No. 13); Mush´kisi´wi [Mash´kisi´bi]—Bad River
(No. 14); Shagawâmikongk—Long-sand-bar-beneath–the-surface (No. 15);
Wikwe´dâⁿwonggâⁿ—Sandy Bay (No. 16);
Neâ´shiwikongk—Cliff Point (No. 17);
Netâⁿ´wayaⁿ´sink—Little point-of-sand-bar
(No. 18); Aⁿ´nibiⁿs—Little elm tree
(No. 19); Wikup´biⁿmiⁿsh-literally,
Little-island-basswood (No. 20);
Makubiⁿ´miⁿsh—Bear Island (No. 21);
Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No. 22); Ni´wigwas´sikongk—The place
where bark is peeled (No. 23); Ta´pakwe´ĭkak
[Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]—The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained
(No. 24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi
[Ne´wisaku´desi´biⁿ]—Point-deadwood-timber river
(No. 25); Aⁿnibi´kanzi´bi [modern name,
Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as Fish spawn River and Green leaf
River (No. 26).

This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where
the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē´wigân was
finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa
claim to have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory,
as well as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies
has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the
ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin.

Plate VI. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.

According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the
Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the
Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the
first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration
was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each
adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled,
viz:

First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead
and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the
eyes.

Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the
temples, the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above
which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above
this again one of green.

Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over
the face, the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in
applying the colors.

Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible;
for the first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of
green extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left
temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second,
the face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of
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green across the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign
of mourning by one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the
Midē´wiwin, but special reference to this will be given in connection
with the ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, or Ghost Society.

Plate VIII. Ojibwa’s Record.

Larger
Plate

On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midē´
chart made by Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a
member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa.
The illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833
in imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōⁿsh; and
this last had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe,
many years before.

The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile,
and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake,
and Mille Lacs.

The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as
follows:

When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the
Ani´shinâ´bēg the rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and
sang, calling upon the other Man´idōs to join him and to hear what he was going to
do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2,
indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots
surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about him
is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân
(No. 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure,
while the ten—all but himself—upon the outside (Nos. 5
to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged with the
means of conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the
Midē´wigân (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon
which is perched Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō—the Owl (No. 16). The line
traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail
leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the
right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents
are deposited and the sacred stone—this according to modern
practices.

When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of
initiation he prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a
steam bath once each day for four successive days. The four baths and
four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the
lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the
officiating priests of the society are present, one of which
(No. 20) may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act
of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21)
is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to
either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos.
22, 23, 24, and 25) designate the village habitations.

In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the
candidate (No. 26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive
from him final directions as to the part to be enacted upon the
following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him
his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all
gifts. His relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some
of which are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28)
near the entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s
wig´iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor
showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure
No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation
pertains to Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´
drum. Upon the following
182


morning the Midē´ priests, with the candidate in advance (No. 30),
approach and enter the Midē´wigân and the initiation begins. No. 31 is
the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to employ the
drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating priests; No. 33
is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´, the Owl (No. 34).
The post is painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over its
surface, emblematic of the mī´gis shell. The line (No. 35)
extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole
from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which
constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.

This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther
Man´idō.

When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to
present to the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and
offers chants (No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi
Man´idō himself is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints
are shown in No. 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and
contains two sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is
the same as that of the first degree, the second being painted with
white clay, bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one
near the middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony
is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians
and attendants; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43,
44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The
horizontal pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and
kettles suspended from it.

When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree
(No. 47) he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this
degree, and whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are
visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred
posts, the first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed
Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´—the Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with
white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third
(No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the
effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used
by the Midē´ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and
sacredness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under
another caption. The horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one
end of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets
and other gifts.

The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no—the
Turtle—as he appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the
fourth degree (No. 54). Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth
degree; the first (No. 55), being painted white upon the upper half
and green upon the lower; the second (No. 56) similar; the third
(No. 57) painted red, with a black spiral line extending from the
top to the bottom, and upon which is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´—the Owl;
and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the arms and part of the trunk of
which is white, with red spots—to designate the sacred
mī´gis—the lower half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the
east painted red, the south green, the west white, and the north black.
The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross signifies the place of
the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. 60) designate the
participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure,
whilst others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal
pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting gifts to the
society.

Plate VII. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.

The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII),
according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:

First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face,
from near the ears across the tip of the nose.

Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across
the eyelids, temples, and the root of the nose.

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Third degree.—The upper half of the face is painted green
and the lower half red.

Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face,
from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots
of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and
four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the
plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down
the back. This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the
expense of the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater
number of persons.

Before proceeding further with the explanation of the
Mide´ records it
may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of
the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his
reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the
officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the
following words12 caught his attention:

“Our forefathers
were living on the great salt water
toward the rising sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above
the surface of the great water and the rays of the sun for a long time
period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to
the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the
surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of
the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our
forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared
from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank
from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till
it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun once more at
Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but
once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and the
An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and
once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe
Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and
blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays reach the
remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man delivered
this talk he continued to display the shell, which he represented as an
emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.

A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this
allegory, ***I requested him to explain to
me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue.

After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had
presented he proceeded to give me the desired information, as
follows:

“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the
Me-da-we religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on
the shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were
suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the
intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and
prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and
proceeded westward.

“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again
erected till our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the
great river where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.

“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our
forefathers, still
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proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they reached the shores of
Lake Huron, where again the rites of the Me-da-we were
practiced.

“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge
was not built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at
Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many
winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the
Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long
before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest
and most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life
granted to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people
were mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the
meaning of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to
us by our fathers for many generations.”

In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with
the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem
of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr.
Warren,13 as follows:

There is another tradition told by the old men of the
Ojibway village of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their
former residence on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however,
so similar in character to the one I have related that its introduction
here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between
the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of
the four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe
rites, is used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is
used in the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from
the depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence,
then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly
at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced
the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still
pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke
through.

It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the
Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the
country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These
have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber
people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc.
Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du
Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more
than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe
westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the
timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation
of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several
versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the
Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in
favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost
entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.

On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the
various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight
intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the
nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic
185


representation of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently
not recognized by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in
which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in
the pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also
corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.

Fig. 6.—Birch-bark record, from
White Earth.

The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received
from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at
White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents
Mi´nabō´zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the
members of the Midē´wiwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones, who
put into my heart the life.” Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the
sacred Midē´ sack, or pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the
drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Midē´ rise and become
inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4
denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the
Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a
snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was
the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the
Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō, but not held in so great veneration as
the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the
sacred Midē´ sack or pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be
used by the Midē´ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents
a Dog, given by the Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.

Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the
informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only
from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but
also in the light of later information and research in the
exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.

Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2
and 5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of
the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog
given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.

The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to
others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from
186


a chart in the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its
true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of
sacred objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and
admirers.

Fig. 7.—Birch-bark record, from
Red Lake.

Fig. 8.—Birch-bark record, from
Red Lake.

Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in
the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are
almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are
reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8.
By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the place of Mi´nabō´zho as
having originally received the Midē´wiwin from Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it
is believed that the word is a synonym or a substitute based upon some
reason to them inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a
brief explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.14 At that time
I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the
records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs
pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part
of the sacred records of the Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic
representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion.
The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations
and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to both
illustrations:

No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, and
receiver of the Midē´wiwin.

No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.

No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is
resumed.

No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an otter
skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.

No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the
Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the line
extending from the heart to the mouth.

187


No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This character,
with the slight addition of lines extending upward from the straight top
line, is usually employed by the more southern Ojibwa to denote the
wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery.

No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the
Midē´wiwin.

No. 8, a pause or rest.

No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving life.
This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the
back of the skin.

No. 10, represents a woman.

No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.

No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line
extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure
with magic plants.

No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´
priest, no explanation was given.

Fig. 9.— Esh´gibō´ga.

Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the
characters shown in No. 1 of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use
of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate
form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more
in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.

MIDĒ´WIGÂN.

Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time,
performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed
in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely
constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the
top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing
what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to
the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is
given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.

To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation
as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first
describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge
with which the candidate has also to do.

Fig. 10.— Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree.

The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally
designated “Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or
clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in
width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point
of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and
saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled
with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls
are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide,
188


used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening the
wall-like structure extends at right angles to the end wall, appearing
like a short hallway leading to the inclosure, and resembles double
doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents a ground
plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an
interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as
rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark,
to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several
saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are
attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of
which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from
the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in
diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to
treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western
door is planted the sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first
degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is
painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the
post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor
midway between the stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon
which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A
short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are
planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.

Fig. 11.—Interior of
Midē´wigân.

189


About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a
wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his
vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.

This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures
about 10 feet in
diameter and 6 feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which
can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the
structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being
bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are
then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops,
decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using
strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of
birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is used—leaving a
narrow opening on the side facing the Midē´wigân, which may be closed
with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.

The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept
clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some
of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.

FIRST
DEGREE.

PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.

When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin
has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the
three assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at
a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has
been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke
offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the
deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object
of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the
candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and
dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased
son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned,
as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the
ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents
and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those
intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also
discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the
selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being
usually appointed from among these four priests.

When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to
the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the
four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most
acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person
designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´
council.

The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days
upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire
190


information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is
furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until
after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and
pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the
south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a
similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken
slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed
forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after
taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward
the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe,
and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the
candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information,
because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before
the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the
greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be
looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is
frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous
phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig.
12 a) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12 b) in the fact that it is
cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or
perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in
diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which
rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes
hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which
may be heard at a great distance.

Fig. 12.—Ojibwa drums.

Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the
drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to
intensify the sound very considerably.

The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the
applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it
through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the
presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking
191


direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be
employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism
of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it
is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or
the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one.

Fig. 13.— Midē´ rattle.	Fig. 14.— Midē´ rattle.

The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its
origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a
patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the
drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an
accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two
forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains
of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other
being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely
through the rattle case.

In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced
and their properties extolled.

The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next
extracted from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as
being the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being
given in the account of the several traditions presented in connection
with Pls. III, IV, and VIII. This
information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history
connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time
to suit the preceptor’s plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the
mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page
215.

Fig. 15.—Shooting the mī´gis.

As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs,
i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and
which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when
searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a
comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which
information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the
composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters
employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of
his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.

It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite
correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the
character of the record and the particular class of service in which it
may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at
Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading
Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page
292.

192


From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and
presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual.
The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and
frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or
syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad
libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the
singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of
singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch
bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have
been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the
preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic
vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The initial
mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original
text are repeated below in regular order with translations in English,
together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed.
The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a
monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; furthermore,
a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the
Midē´ songs presented in connection with the ritual of initiation and
preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A)
pertains to a request to Ki´tshi Man´idō that clear weather may be had
for the
193


day of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the
singer’s words are a faithful rendering of his creed.

Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as
often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence
and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a
brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the
appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may
occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.

Plate IX.a. Mnemonic Song.

	Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win. I rock you, you that are a spirit. [A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line indicate.]
	Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´. The sky I tell you. [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something therefrom.]
	O-we-nen´; hwīn´. Who is it, who? The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.
	Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´. The man helping me. A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.
	Nu-wan´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´? Have I told the truth to my son? The bear going to the Midē´wigan and takes with him life to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
	Rest.
	Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´. My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart). My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.
194	A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´. I follow with my arms. Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.
	Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an. Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of “medicine” in the earth. [A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote direction.]
	We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´?  From whence comes the rain? The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.
	Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan. The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.
	Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan. Very seldom I make this request of you. The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge of secrets of the earth.

In the following song (Pl.
IX, B), the singer relates to
the candidate the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived
from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and
other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been
derived by his having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and
hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in
the course which he has thus far pursued.

Plate IX.b. Mnemonic Song.

	Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-an´? When I am out of hearing, where am I? The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the body.
	We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan. In my house, I see. Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns denote superiority of the singer.
195	Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi. When I rise it gives me life, and I take it. The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same idea.
	Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-an´. The reason why I am happy. Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances—singing.
	Rest.
	Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´. The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam. [Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.]
	Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ. The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.
	Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-nan´. I am holding this that I bring to you. The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.
	Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´. I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends. The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, i.e., the heart, the seat of life.

In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel
satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and
therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of
the fulfillment of his highest desires.

Plate IX.c. Mnemonic Song.

196	Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă. I hear the spirit speaking to us. The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.
	Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yan. I am going into the medicine lodge. The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he is going through it, as in the initiation.
	Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man. I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.
	O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´. I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.
	O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt. I am flying into my lodge. Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of spirits or Man´idōs.
	Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an. The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects occur in scattered places.
	Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´. I have the medicine in my heart. The singer’s body—i.e., heart—is filled with knowledge relating to sacred medicines from the earth.

MIDĒ´ THERAPEUTICS.

During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the
foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is
also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and
preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in
regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being
enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate
is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree
may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled
out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the
ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to
Noko´mis—the earth, the grandmother of mankind—for the
benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed by
Ki´tshi Man´idō.

In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the
botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in
which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that
portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of
them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of
season.

It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and
decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific
remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is
probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the
Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of
medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal
form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned
below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their
administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that
the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional
derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent
beings—commonly designated as bad Man´idōs—supposed to have
taken possession of that part of the body in which such derangement
appears most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of
some of the plants employed will be made at the proper time.

Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ—medicine
broth—signifies liquid medical preparations, the term is usually
employed in a general sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and
in addition to the alleged medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors,
certain parts of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of
some mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of
habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed
supernatural origin or property, an explanation of which they have
forgotten.

Pinus strobus, L.   White Pine.   Zhingwâk´.

1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also boiled;
after which they are put into a small hole in the ground and hot stones
placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which is inhaled to cure
backache.

The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are
inhaled to cure headache.

2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is
obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon which
it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. The boiling
was formerly done in clay vessels.

Pinus resinosa, Ait.   Red Pine; usually, though
erroneously, termed Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk.

Used as the preceding.

Abies balsamea, Marshall.   Balsam Fir.  
Ini´nandŏk.

1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is used to
induce diaphoresis.

2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and also
by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the crushed bark
is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken internally as a remedy
for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the chest resulting from colds.

3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.

Abies alba, Michx.   White Spruce.   Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The
split roots—wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside
timbers of canoes.

Abies nigra, Poir.   Black Spruce.   A´mikwan´dŏk.

1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and
sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.

2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.

Abies Canadensis, Michx. Hemlock.  
Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh—“Raven Tree.”

Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of
diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.

Larix Americana, Michx.   Tamarack.  
Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik.

1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.

2. Gum used in mending boats.

3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.

Cupressus thyoides, L.   White Cedar.  
Gi´zhĭk—“Day.”

1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety of
leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert their
prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons possessing the
patient’s body.

2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe and
lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing
habitations.

Juniperus Virginiana, L.   Red Cedar.  
Muskwa´wâ´ak.

Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.

Quercus alba, L.   White Oak.   Mītig´ōmish´.

1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is
boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.

2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.

Quercus rubra, L.   Red Oak.  
Wisug´emītig´omish´—“Bitter Acorn Tree.”

Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.

Acer saccharinum, Wang.   Sugar Maple.  
Innīnâ´tik.

1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.

2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.

3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.

Acer nigrum, Michx.   Black Sugar Maple.  
Ishig´omeaush´— “Sap-flows-fast.”

Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer
projicitur.

Sometimes used as the preceding.

Betula excelsa, Ait.   Yellow Birch.   Wi´umis´sik.

The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer saccharinum,
and the decoction taken as a diuretic.

Betula papyracea, Ait.   White Birch.   Mīgwas´.

Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, syrup-pans,
mōkoks´—or sugar boxes—etc. The record of the Midē´wiwin,
given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.

Populus monilifera, Ait.   Cottonwood.  
Mâ´nâsâ´ti.

The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.

Populus balsamifera, L.   Balsam Poplar.   Asa´dĭ.

1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and
eaten.

2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and particularly
for the Midē´wigân.

Juglans nigra, L.   Black Walnut.   Paga´nŏk—“Nut
wood.”

Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is
sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.

Smilacina racemosa, Desf.   False Spikenard.  
Kinē´wigwŏshk—“Snake weed or Snake Vine.”

1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.

2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a
blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve
headache.

3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.

Helianthus occidentalis, Riddell.   Sunflower.  
Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´.

The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.

Polygala senega, L.   Seneca Snakeroot.  
Winis´sikēⁿs´.

1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.

2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to destroy
water-bugs that have been swallowed.

Rubus occidentalis, L.   Black Raspberry.  
Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk—“Black Blood Berry.”

A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in the
stomach.

Rubus strigosus, Michx.   Wild Red Raspberry.  
Miskwi´minŏk´—“Blood Berry.”

The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.

Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gr.   Huckleberry.  
Mī´nŭn.

Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The berry
occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of the Dead,”
referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”

Prunus Virginiana, L.   Choke Cherry.  
Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´.

1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also
during gestation.

2. The fruit is eaten.

Prunus serotina, Ehrhart.   Wild Black Cherry.  
Okwē´wĭsh—“Scabby Bark.”

1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first boiling,
bruising, or chewing it.

2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains and
soreness of the chest.

Prunus Pennsylvanica, L.   Wild Red Cherry.  
Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk.

1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other stomach
disorders.

2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.

3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of Minnesota, is
referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the “Ghost Society.”

Prunus Americana, Marsh.   Wild Plum.   Bogē´sanŏk.

The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and
boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a
remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the time
during which the investigations
were made, and
therefore were not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to
furnish only the names and an imperfect description. They are as
follows, viz: Minēⁿ´sŏk, two species, one with red berries,
the other with yellow ones; Wabō´saminī´sŏk—“Rabbit berries”;
Shi´gwanau´isŏk, having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea, L.
Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk.

Typha latifolia, L.   Common Cat-tail.  
Napŏgŭshk—“Flat grass.”

The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a poultice
to sores.

Sporobolus heterolepis Gr.
Napŏ´gŭshkūⁿs´—“Little Flat Grass.”

1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.

2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to remove
bile.”

Fragaria vesca, L.   Wild Strawberry.   Odē
īmĭn´nĕ—Heart Berry.

Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”

The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.

Acer Pennsylvanicum, L.   Striped Maple.  
Mōⁿ´zomĭsh´—“Moose Wood.” The inner bark scraped from
four sticks or branches, each two feet long, is put into a cloth and
boiled, the liquid which can subsequently be pressed out of the bag is
swallowed, to act as an emetic.

Fraxinus sambucifolia, Lam.   Black or Water Ash.  
A´gimak´.

1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to
sore eyes.

2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.

Veronica Virginica, L.   Culver’s Root.  
Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik—“Bitter Root.”

A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.

Salix Candida, Willd.   Hoary Willow.  
Sisi´gewe´mĭsh.

The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the
decoction taken for cough.

Symphoricarpus vulgaris, Michx.   Indian Currant.  
Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh.

The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, applied
to sore eyes.

Geum strictum, Ait.   Aven.   Ne´bone´ankwe´âk—“
Hair on one side.”

The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for soreness
in the chest, and cough.

Rumex crispus, L.   Curled Dock.   O´zabetshi´wĭk.

The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores,
etc.

Amorpha canescens, Nutt.   Lead Plant.  
We´abŏnag´kak—“That   which turns white.”

A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.
Rosa blanda, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk.

A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is
applied to inflamed eyes.

Anemone (sp.?)   Anemone.   Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also
called Hartshorn plant by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.

The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of
headache.

(Gen. et sp. ?)   Termed Kine´bĭk
waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”

This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that
identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it to give
them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when necessary to possess
these qualities. The root is likened to a snake, which is supposed to be
swift in motion and possessed of extraordinary muscular strength.

Rhus (aromatica, Ait. ?)   “White Sumac.”  
Bŏkkwan´ībŏk.

Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the
decoction taken to cure diarrhea.

(Gen. et sp. ?)   Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk—“Big Heart
Leaf.”

Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.

Monarda fistulosa, L.   Wild Bergamot.  
Moshkōs´waⁿowiⁿs´—“Little Elk’s Tail.”

The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several swallows, at
intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.

Hydrophyllum Virginicum, L.   Waterleaf.  
Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´.

The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest,
back, etc.

Anemone Pennsylvanicum, L.   Pennsylvania Anemone.  
Pesī´kwadzhi´bwiko´kŏk.

A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.

Viola (Canadensis, L.?).   Canada Violet.  
Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk.

The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of the
bladder.

Phryma leptostachya, L.   Lopseed.  
Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk.

The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in the
legs.

Viola pubescens, Ait.   Downy Yellow Violet,  
Ogitē´waguⁿs.

A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at
intervals for sore throat.

Rosa (lucida, Ehrhart?).   Dwarf Wild Rose.  
Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs.

The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid
applied to sore eyes.

(Gen. et sp. ?)   Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.

This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at which
investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the decoction
taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.

Actæa rubra, Michx.   Red Baneberry.  
Odzī´bĭkĕⁿs´—“Little Root.”

A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for stomachic
pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used also in conjunction
with Ginseng.

This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male
plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and boys,
while the same plant at other seasons, because of size, color of fruit,
or something else, is termed the female, and is prepared for women and
girls in the following manner, viz: The roots are rolled in basswood
leaves and baked, when they become black; an infusion is then prepared,
and used in a similar manner as above.

The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´.

Botrychium Virginicum, Swartz.   Moonwort.  
Ozaga´tigŭm.

The root is bruised and applied to cuts.

Aralia trifolia, Gr.   Dwarf Ginseng.  
Nesō´wakŏk—“Three Leafed.”

The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest
hemorrhage.

Echinospermum lappula, Lehm.   Stickweed.  
Ozaga´tĭgomĕⁿs—“Burr Bush.”

The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to cause
the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and has a cloth
or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled for headache. The
raw roots are also sniffed at for the same purpose.

It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former
times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not
imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was
reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree
to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the
mysteries of the order. As much knowledge
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is believed to have been lost through the reticence and obstinacy of
former chief priests, the so-called higher secrets are now imparted at
the first and second degree preparatory instructions. The third and
fourth degrees are very rarely conferred, chiefly because the necessary
presents and fees are beyond the reach of those who so desire
advancement, and partly also because the missionaries, and in many
instances the Indian agents, have done their utmost to suppress the
ceremonies, because they were a direct opposition and hindrance to
progress in Christianizing influences.

When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of
the ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil
a song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the
knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of
tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former
sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being
tediously prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sigĕ,
and are a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been
in his possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the
possession of his father, Baiē´dzĭk, one of the leading Midē´ at Mille
Lacs, Minnesota.

Plate X.a. Mnemonic Song.

	Wī-ka-no´-shi-an-ŏ. My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of medicine. The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously designated “medicine.”
	We-wī´-ka-ni´-an. Almost crying because the medicine is lost. The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping; the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine” is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed it.
	Me-shi´-âk-kĭnk mi-sui´-a-kĭnk. Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.
	Pe-i´-e-mĭ-ko-ya´-na-kĭnk´. Yes, I see there is plenty of it. The Midē´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.
	Rest.
203	We´-a-kwĕ´-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e´-mi-wĭt´-o-wan´. When I come out the sky becomes clear. When the otter-skin Midē´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.
	We´-kwĕ-nĭnk´ ke´-tŏ-nĭnk´ e´-to-wa´. The spirit has given me power to see. The Midē´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good Spirit.
	Mi´-sha-kwat´-ni-yō´. I brought the medicine to bring life. The Midē´ Man´idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line usually employed to designate the imaginary vault of the sky.
	Me´-ka-yē´-nĭnk te´-a-yĕ-am´-ban. I, too, see how much there is. His power elevates the Midē´ to the rank of a man´idō, from which point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.
	In-de´-be-mĭ´-ko. I am going to the medicine lodge. The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the Midē´wigân.
	In-de´-bi-bi´-ton. I take life from the sky. The Midē´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from Ki´tshi Man´idō the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top denotes the sacred mī´gis, or shell.
	No-a´-wi´-mi-kō´. Let us talk to one another. The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē´) and the hearer (Ki´tshi Man´idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the Midē´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.
	Man´-i-dō-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´. The spirit is in my body, my friend. The mī´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´idō, is in contact with the Midē´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.

From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief
Midē´ priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of
sticks one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier
is charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to
the day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to
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be held. Sometimes these sticks have bands of color painted around one
end, usually green, sometimes red, though both colors may be employed,
the two ends being thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring
with him his invitation stick, and upon entering the Midē´wigân he lays
it upon the ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree
post. In case a Midē´ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a
statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks
upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and
the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the
initiation begins.

About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of
initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of
the Midē´wigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the
sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of
the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water
which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones
introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of
purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day
for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor
baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however,
is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During
the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the
seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the
new life he is about to assume.

When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the
other officiating Midē´ priests, when the conversation is confined
chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them
presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō, with the
pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midē´ sacks and
explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the
magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of
preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous
ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the
Midē´wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.

Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the
power of the Midē´ the greater will appear the mystery connected with
the exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such
proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold
purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midē´
themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki´tshi
Ma´nidō is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of
the candidate.

Fig. 16.

The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig´iwam a
string of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See
Fig. 16. After the owner of this object has
chanted for a few moments in an almost inaudible manner the beads begin
to roll from side to side as if animated. The string is then quickly
restored to its place in the Midē´ sack. Another Midē´ produces a small
wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17), measuring
about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running through
it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck forming
a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass stopper
to a bottle.

A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the
effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely
restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of
herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in
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it, when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances
are chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will
perceptibly move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another figure used in a similar
manner. It consists of one piece, however, and is decorated with narrow
bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and knees, a patch of red
cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists, each of the eyes being
indicated by three white porcelain beads.

Fig. 17.	Fig. 18.

One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be
produced only by Midē´ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midē´
sack to move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is
confidently alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that
the deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned
instances, as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal
could readily be made to account for the movements.

In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to
prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public
demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the
most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer,
from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.

The preceptor then consults with the Midē´ priests respecting the
presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following
words, viz:

When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the
eve of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than
usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who
have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident
to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous
beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or
the hard, sharp taps of the midē´ drum, caused by a priest propitiating
and invoking the presence and favor of Ki´tshi Ma´nidō in the service
now so near at hand.

When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate,
with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig´iwam, while
the assistant Midē´ priests and intimate friends or members of his
family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the
transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midē´wigân.
Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night.

At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to
the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the
officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing
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and such articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor
and Midē´ priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing
one or two beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded
cloth crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Midē´wiwin who
are not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Midē´wigân
and take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may
continue to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with
his assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred
inclosure to the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast
corner.

IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.

Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midē´
priests accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X, B) to
dispel the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of
times, and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others
as an accompaniment.

It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when
chanted or sung.

Plate X.b. Mnemonic Song.

Hi-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō. I swing the spirit like a child. The Midē´ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The Midē´ claims to be able to receive special favor.

Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg;

Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg´;

Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg´.

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Gi-zhik´-ē´ ka-hwē´ da-mū´-nĕ. The sky is what I am telling you about. The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.

Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´,

Ki´zhiga´widâ´ Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ´,

Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ mu´nedē´.

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Wa-ne-o-ho ne´-ge-shi´-go-ni Ko-sa´-we, hē´, wa-ni´-sha´-na´. We have lost the sky [it becomes dark]. [Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Midē´ is reaching up into it for its favor of clear weather.]

Waneo-ho hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni,

Ko´sawe ne hē wa´nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni.

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Wi-tshi´-hi-na´-ne-he, nē´, kō´, hō. ne´-ni-wi-tshi-nan´. I am helping you. [The Otter-skin Midē´ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit to aid them.]

Wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō hō´, ne´niwi´tshinan, wi´tshihinanehe

nē´ kō´ hō´. U-a-ni-ma wē u-a-ni-ma wē henigwish.

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	U-a´-ni-ma´, wē´, he´-ni-gwĭsh. I have made an error [in sending]. The Otter-skin Midē´ sack has failed to produce the desired effect.
	Rest.

The Midē´ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to
dance as the song is renewed.

	Na-nin-dē´, hē´, he-yo-ya, nē´. I am using my heart. Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midē´ ceremony.
209	Yo´-na-hĭsh´-i-me´-a´-ne´, hē´. yá-na-hĭsh-a-me´-a-ne´, hē´. What are you saying to me, and I am “in my senses”?
	Man´-i-dō, hē´ nē´, mē´-de-wē´, ē´. The spirit wolf. One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony is assisting the evil man´idōs in causing the sky to be overcast.
	Wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´, nē´, wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´. I do not know where I am going. The Midē´ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance of initiation.
	Mi´-shok-kwo´-ti-ne be-wa´-ne, ni-bin´-zhi man´-i-dō i-ya´-nē. I depend on the clear sky. [To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]
	Ke-me´-ni-na-ne´ a-nō´-ē´ a´-sho-wē´ me-nō´-de ki-man´-i-dō. I give you the other village, spirit that you are. [That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and Midē´wigân.]
	Tshing-gwē´-o-dē    |: gē´. The thunder is heavy. The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain. page image
	We´-ka-ka-nō´, hō´ shi´-a-dē´. We are talking to one another. The Midē´ communes with Ki´tshi Man´idō; he is shown near the sky; his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from the mouth signify speech.

In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the
initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or
to rain, then the song termed the “Rain Song” is resorted to and sung
within the inclosure of the Midē´wigân, to which they all march in
solemn procession. Those Midē´ priests who have with them their Midē´
drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the
good will of Ki´tshi Man´idō. Each line of the entire song appears as an
independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the
feelings of the officiating priest.

The words of the song are known to most of the Midē´ priests; but, as
there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the
result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung
independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under
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ordinary circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one
stanza of the song, after which the others will readily catch the notes
and accompany him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken
vary to some extent when chanted or sung.

If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the
priests return to their respective wig´iwams and the crowd of visitors
disperses to return upon the first clear day.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.

If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early
to the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by
the officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and
the proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings
the following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies
according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized
method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing
songs:

Plate X.c. Mnemonic Song.

	Kan-do´-e-a-nē´, to´-e-a-nē´ kan-do´-e-a-nē´, in-nin´-nĭ man´-e-dō´-ē´. The spirit man is crying out. [The head of the Midē´, a synonym of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The voice lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that Ki´tshi Man´idō is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.]
	Ya-ni-nē´, na´, tshi-mo-tē´, hē´, Talking around in various sections. The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate “talks” in various directions addressed to the Midē´.
	Man´-e-dō, wē´, hē´, pe-me´-so-wa´. The spirit is flying. The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote place.
	Mi-de´-we-tē-we´ me´-wa-gwi´-shak-wa´, mi-de´-we-ta´. The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine. [The Midē’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other than upon the Midē´wigân, as shown by rain lines from the end of the curved lines denoting the sky.]
	Me-shak´-kwot dung´-ke-hē´, ne-mē´-gĭs-sĭm´. I am the sign that the day will be clear. [The Midē´’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions.]
211	Sun´-gis-ni de´-wit-ka-nē´, hē´, wi-no´-wo-he´-she-wat´ man´-i-do-wi-tshik. I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me. [The speaker compares himself to Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit.]
	Hwo´-ba-mī´-de, hwo´-ba-mī-de, man-ĕ-dō na´-wa-gī-zhĭk. The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me. [The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō, the “line of vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot below.]
	Ni-wĭ-we´-wai-a-de´ hi´-me nai´-o-nā´. I take my sack and touch him. The Midē´ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the candidate.
	Man´-i-dō wi-kan-ē´, mi-de´-yo. My medicine is the sacred spirit. The Midē´ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki´tshi Man´idō; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to receive them.
	Ha-ni-ne´ ku-mē´ ni´-kan-nē´? How do you answer me, my Midē´ friends?

This is addressed to the Midē´ priests (Nika´ni) present, and is an
inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midē´wigân is shown, the
line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate (or one
who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the sacred
stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the outside of the
inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge, symbolizing the
circle of the earth upon the Midē´ chart (Pl.
III), those upon the left denoting
the three possible degrees of advancement in the future.

Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during
which all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual
offerings to the four points of the compass, to Ki´tshi Man´idō´, and
toward the earth.

The preceptor then says:

After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the
midē´ gagĭ´kwewĭn´, or Midē´ sermon, in the following language, viz:

The Midē´ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the
outside, while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small
presents, such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the
wig´iwam to join the Midē´ priests. The order of marching to the main
entrance of the Midē´wigân is then taken up in the following order:
First the candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the
officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and
relatives as desire. At the door of the Midē´wigân all but one of the
priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure,
the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midē´ priest
upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the
inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is
continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the
candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midē´wigân.
When he is prompted to say:

The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes
inside, taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and
remains standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward
the west. Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the
side of the candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct,
and exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed
to Ki´tshi Man´idō whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the
Midē´wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is
presented to receive life (the mī´gis) for which he is suffering, and
invoking the divine favor.

The following is the musical notation:

he-he-he-he yo.

MIDI files:
drum,
flute,
piano (default)

The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members
of the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern
side to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back
along the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four
times. As he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in
the line of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear,
until the entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a
monotonous drumming upon the Midē´ drums and the chief officiating
priest sings:

At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously
occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor
to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating
priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and
station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and
facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets
and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and
upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western
extremity of the inclosure where he
214


stands upon the blankets spread upon the ground and faces the four Midē´
priests. The preceptor takes his position behind and a little to one
side of the candidate, another assistant being called upon by the
preceptor to occupy a corresponding position upon the other side. During
this procedure there is gentle drumming which ceases after all have been
properly stationed, when the preceptor steps to a point to the side and
front of the candidate and nearer the officiating priests, and says:

The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to
one side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the
following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical midē´drum.
The words are: Kit´-ta-noⁿ´-do-wē man´-i-do´-wid—you
shall hear me, spirit that you are—, and the music is rendered as
follows:

Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō´wid-hō dō, wē, hē,

Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō-wid-hō, hē, hwē, hē,

Kit´-ta-no´-do-we man´-i-dō´-wid, kit´ta-no´do-wē,

kit´ta-no´do-wid, man´i-do´-wid, man´i-do´wid-hō, wē, hwē, hē,

Kit´ta-no´dowē´ man´idō´wid, hō, hē, hwē, hē, hē, hwē, hē.

MIDI files:
drum,
flute,
piano (default)

215


After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members
sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests
says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees:

This priest then grasps his Midē´ sack as if holding a gun, and,
clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the
right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it
toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward toward
that target uttering the syllables “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,”
rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and
repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the
last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling man’s breast as
if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While
this is going on, the preceptor and his assistants place their hands
upon the candidate’s shoulders and cause his body to tremble.

Then the next Midē´, the third of the quartette, goes through a
similar series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midē´ sack,
uttering similar sounds and shooting the sacred
mī´gis—life—into the right breast of the candidate, who is
agitated still more strongly than before. When the third Midē´, the
second in order of precedence, goes through similar gestures and
pretends to shoot the mī´gis into the candidate’s heart, the preceptors
assist him to be violently agitated.

The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and
says to the Midē´; “Mī´-dzhi-de´-a-mi-shĭk´”—“put your helping
heart with me”—, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “yâ,
hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” at the fourth time aiming the Midē´ sack
at the candidate’s head, and as the mī´gis is supposed to be shot into
it, he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless.

Then the four Midē´ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay
their Midē´ sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mī´gis shell
drops from his mouth—where he had been instructed to retain it.
The chief Midē´ picks up the mī´gis and, holding it between the thumb
and index finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the
candidate’s mouth says “wâ! wâ! hĕ hĕ hĕ hĕ,” the last syllable being
uttered in a high key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same
words are uttered while the mī´gis is held toward the east, and in
regular succession to the south, to the west, to the north, then toward
the sky. During this time the candidate has begun to partially revive
and endeavor to get upon his knees, but when the Midē´ finally places
the mī´gis into his mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as
before. The Midē´ then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as
before, and as they pass around the inanimate body they touch it at
various points, which causes the
216


candidate to “return to life.” The chief priest then says to him,
“Ō´mishga‘n”A—“get up”—which he does; then indicating to
the holder of the Midē´ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and
presently sings the following song:

Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-dian,

Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,

Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,

Ni-kan. Hĭū, Hĭū, Hĭu.

MIDI files:
drum,
flute,
piano (default)

The words of the text signify, “This is what I am, my fellow Midē´;
I fear all my fellow Midē´.” The last syllables, hĭū´, are
meaningless.

At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to
ask the chief Midē´:

In response to which the Midē´ teaches him the following, which is
uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:

To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, ēⁿ,
yes, i.e., assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midē´,
and adds:

Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to
seat themselves, saying:

and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.

The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other
gifts and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving
some of less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco
is carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of
smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the
Midē´wigân—where Ki´tshi Man´idō presides—and to the earth.
Then each person blows smoke upon his or her Midē´ sack as an offering
to the sacred mī´gis within.

The chief Midē´ advances to the new member and presents him with a
new Midē´ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the
mink or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member
rises, approaches the chief Midē´, who inclines his head to the front,
and, while passing both flat hands down over either side,

Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and
continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the
Midē´wigân.

At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members
of the society for their presence, the newly elected Midē´ returns to
his place and, after placing within his Midē´ sack his mī´gis, starts
out anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest
the eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack in a
manner similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening
motions toward the Midē´ as if to shoot him, saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´, hŏ´,” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth
movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter
falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is
menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently
unconscious from the powerful effects of the mī´gis. This is continued
until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the
mī´gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth
experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering
in regular order a short time after having been “shot at,” as this
procedure is termed.

When all of the Midē´ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes
place. Each one places his mī´gis shell upon the right palm and,
grasping the Midē´ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure
and exhibits his mī´gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the
word “hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” in a quick, low tone. During this period
there is a mingling of all the persons present, each endeavoring to
attract the attention of the others. Each Midē´ then
218


pretends to swallow his mī´gis, when suddenly there are sounds of
violent coughing, as if the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter
they gag and spit out upon the ground the mī´gis, upon which each one
falls apparently dead. In a few moments, however, they recover, take up
the little shells again and pretend to swallow them. As the Midē´ return
to their respective places the mī´gis is restored to its receptacle in
the Midē´ sack.

Food is then brought into the Midē´wigân and all partake of it at the
expense of the new member.

After the feast, the older Midē´ of high order, and possibly the
officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani´shinâ´bēg and the
origin of the Midē´wiwin, together with speeches relating to the
benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales
of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given
utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their
boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new
member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midē´. Having
acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs
and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents
itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient
number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract
the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies—for enemies are
numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the
society of the Midē´, or who have failed to attain the desired
distinction.

The new member, in the absence of a Midē´ drum of his own, borrows
one from a fellow Midē´ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the
strokes in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a
song (Pl. X, D), of which the following are the
words, each line being repeated ad libitum, viz:

Plate X.d. Mnemonic Song.

	We´-nen-wi´-wik ka´-ni-an. The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live. The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wigwam, the latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing his body.
	En´-da-yan´ pi-ma´-ti-su´-i-ŭn en´-da-yan´. The spirit gave the “medicine” which we receive. The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being shown by the horizontal line at the bottom.
	Rest.
219	Nin´-nik-ka´-ni man´-i-dō. I too have taken the medicine he gave us. The speaker’s arm, covered with mī´gis, or magic influence, reaches toward the sky to receive from Ki´tshi Man´idō the divine favor of a Midē’s power.
	Ke-kĕk´-ō-ĭ-yan´. I brought life to the people. The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and consequently life to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life.
	Be-mo´-se ma-kō-yan. I have come to the medicine lodge also. The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Midē´wiwin, was also present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance.
	Ka´-ka-mi´-ni-ni´-ta. We spirits are talking together. The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i.e., those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an equal.
	O-ni´-ni-shĭnk-ni´-yo. The mī´gis is on my body. The magic power has been put into his body by the Midē priests.
	Ni man´-i-dō ni´-yăn. The spirit has put away all my sickness. He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the disturbing influences of evil man´idōs.

As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Midē´ priests emerge
from the western door of the Midē´wigân and go to their respective
wig´iwams, where they partake of their regular evening repast, after
which the remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other
members of the society, smoking, etc.

The preceptor and his assistant return to the Midē´wigân at
nightfall, remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the
wig´iwam—that part directly opposite the entrance—occupied
by the new member. Two stones are placed at the base of the post, to
represent the two forefeet of the bear Man´idō through whom life was
also given to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.

If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the
entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Midē´wigân for
initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the
220


business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their
respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements
have been made to advance a member to a higher degree, the necessary
changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Midē´wigân
are begun immediately after the society has adjourned.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

The mī´gis referred to in this description of the initiation consists
of a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one believed to
resemble the form of the mythical mī´gis is similar to the cowrie,
Cypræa moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl. XI. Nearly all
of the shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no
doubt been obtained from the traders. The shells found in the country of
the Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the
salt water shells are employed as a substitute chiefly because of their
less frangible character. The mī´gis of the other degrees are presented
on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made. No. 2
represents the mī´gis in the possession of the chief Midē priest of the
society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a pearl-white Helix
(sp?).

Plate XI. Sacred Objects.

The Midē´ sack represented in No. 7 (Pl. XI.) is made
of the skin of a mink—Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy feathers
are secured to the nose, as an additional ornament. In this sack are
carried the sacred objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for
facial ornamentation, and the magic red powder employed in the
preparation of hunters´ songs; effigies and other contrivances to prove
to the incredulous the genuineness of the Midē´ pretensions, sacred
songs, amulets, and other small man´idōs—abnormal productions to
which they attach supernatural properties—invitation sticks,
etc.

Fig. 19.—Hawk-leg fetish.

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In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal
growth which was in the possession of a Midē´ near Red Lake, Minnesota.
It consists of the leg of a Goshawk—Astur atricapillus,
Wilson—from the outer inferior condyle of the right tibia of which
had projected a supernumerary leg that terminated in two toes, the whole
abnormality being about one-half the size and length of the natural leg
and toes.

This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was believed
to be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God,
might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in
pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the Falconidæ; hence
it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and
reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial
representatives of this deity.

A Midē´ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance
further in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, owing to his inability to
procure the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is
required to pay to new preceptors and to the officiating
priests—the latter demanding goods of double the value of those
given as an entrance to the first degree—may, however, accomplish
the acquisition of additional knowledge by purchasing it from individual
Midē´. It is customary with Midē´ priests to exact payment for every
individual remedy or secret that may be imparted to another who may
desire such information. This practice is not entirely based upon
mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed that when a secret or
remedy has been paid, for it can not be imparted for nothing, as then
its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely destroyed, by the man´idō
or guardian spirit under whose special protection it may be supposed to
be held or controlled.

Under such circumstances certain first degree Midē´ may become
possessed of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the
accomplishments of the Midē´ of the higher degrees; but, for the mutual
protection of the members of the society, they generally hesitate to
impart anything that may be considered of high value. The usual kind of
knowledge sought consists of the magic properties and use of plants, to
the chief varieties of which reference will be made in connection with
the next degree.

There is one subject, however, which first-degree Midē´ seek
enlightment upon, and that is the preparation of the “hunter’s medicine”
and the pictographic drawings employed in connection therewith. The
compound is made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are
ground into powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with
the bullet, and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the
animal to compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder
is so sprinkled upon the ground.

The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as
follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits
the Midē´, giving him a present of tobacco before announcing
222


the object of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and
such portions of the animal which he may procure. The Midē´, if
satisfied with the gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering
to Ki´tshi Man´idō for aid in the preparation of his “medicine,” and to
appease the anger of the man´idō who controls the class of animals
desired, sings a song, one of his own composition, after which he will
draw with a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch
bark, the outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of
the heart of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small
quantity of vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very
efficacious toward effecting the capture of the animal and the punctured
heart insuring its death.

Fig. 20.—Hunter’s medicine.

Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure,
from which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the
life line, i.e., that magic power may reach its heart and influence the
life of the subject designated. Fig. 20 is a
reproduction of the character drawn upon a small oval piece of birch
bark, which had been made by a Midē´ to insure the death of two bears.
Another example is presented in Fig. 21, a
variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of vermilion being
rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the representation of
animal forms is drawn by the Midē´ not upon birch bark, but directly
upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which affords a smooth
surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed piece of wood,
thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards sprinkles upon
this a small quantity of powder consisting of magic plants and
vermilion. These performances are not conducted in public, but after the
regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Midē´ the information
is delivered with certain injunctions as to the course of procedure,
direction,
223


etc. In the latter method of drawing the outline upon the sand or upon
ashes, the result is made known with such directions as may be deemed
necessary to insure success.

Fig. 21.—Hunter’s medicine.

For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposition
of his alleged medicines, the Midē´ familiarizes himself with the
topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide
area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and
their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also
skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus becomes
possessed of a large amount of valuable information respecting the
natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with
a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities
for such varieties of game as may be particularly desired by him.

Fig. 22.—Wâbĕnō´ drum.

In his incantations a Wâbĕnō´ uses a drum resembling a tambourine. A
hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly
stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure,
usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red
Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The
human figure is painted red, while the outline of the head is black, as
are also the waving lines extending from the head. These lines denote
superior power. When drumming upon this figure, the Wâbĕnō´ chants and
is thus more easily enabled to invoke the assistance of his man´idō.

Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Midē´wiwin,
but, so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly
to the treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of
headache and chronic neuralgia.

Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal,
soot or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together
a small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or
sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of
round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter
immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out
the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an
occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal
eminence.

When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are
smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be
found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks
from the alæ of the nose to a point near the
224


lobe of the ear, clearly indicating that the tattooing was done for
toothache or neuralgia.

The female Midē´ is usually present at the initiation of new members,
but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself
generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine
feast.

SECOND
DEGREE.

The inclosure within which the second degree of the Midē´wiwin is
conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only
important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of
one. A diagram is presented in Fig. 23. The
first post is planted a short distance beyond the middle of the
floor—toward the western door—and is similar to the post of
the first degree, i.e., red, with a band of green around the top, upon
which is perched the stuffed body of an owl; the kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´. The
second post, of similar size, is painted red, and over the entire
surface of it are spots of white made by applying clay with the finger
tips. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) These spots are symbolical of
the sacred mī´gis, the great number of them denoting increased power of
the magic influence which fills the Midē´wigân. A small cedar tree is
also planted at each of the outer angles of the inclosure.

Fig. 23.—Diagram of Midē´wigân of
the second degree.

The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the
main entrance of the Midē´wigân, but a larger structure is arranged upon
a similar plan; more ample accommodations must be provided to permit a
larger gathering of Midē´ priests during the period of preparation and
instruction of the candidate.

PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.

A Midē´ of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued by
him when he contemplates advancement into the next higher grade. Before
making known to the other members his determination, he is compelled to
procure, either by purchase or otherwise, such a quantity of blankets,
robes, peltries, and other articles of apparel or ornament as will
amount in value to twice the sum at which were estimated the gifts
presented at his first initiation. A year or more usually elapses before
this can be accomplished, as but one hunting season intervenes before
the next annual meeting of the society, when furs are in their prime;
and fruits and maple sugar can be gathered but once during the season,
and these may be converted into money with which to purchase presents
not always found
225


at the Indian traders´ stores. Friends may be called upon to advance
goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but such loans must be
returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed. When a candidate
feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient material to pay for his
advancement, he announces to those members of the society who are of a
higher grade than the first degree that he wishes to present himself at
the proper time for initiation. This communication is made to eight of
the highest or officiating priests, in his own wig´iwam, to which they
have been specially invited. A feast is prepared and partaken of, after
which he presents to each some tobacco, and smoking is indulged in for
the purpose of making proper offerings, as already described. The
candidate then informs his auditors of his desire and enumerates the
various goods and presents which he has procured to offer at the proper
time. The Midē´ priests sit in silence and meditate; but as they have
already been informally aware of the applicant’s wish, they are prepared
as to the answer they will give, and are governed according to the
estimated value of the gifts. Should the decision of the Midē´ priests
be favorable, the candidate procures the services of one of those
present to assume the office of instructor or preceptor, to whom, as
well as to the officiating priests, he displays his ability in his
adopted specialties in medical magic, etc. He seeks, furthermore, to
acquire additional information upon the preparation of certain secret
remedies, and to this end he selects a preceptor who has the reputation
of possessing it.

For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Midē´ priest receives
blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon between
himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the instructor’s
wig´iwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes during the autumn
months, preceding the summer in which the initiation is to be conferred,
the candidate is compelled to resort to a sudatory and take a vapor
bath, as a means of purgation preparatory to his serious consideration
of the sacred rites and teachings with which his mind “and heart” must
henceforth be occupied, to the exclusion of everything that might tend
to divert his thoughts.

What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into the
second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to
ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be
derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and fourth
degrees, are, that a Midē´ upon his admission into a new degree receives
the protection of that Man´idō alleged and believed to be the special
guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of initiation adds to
the magic powers previously received by the initiate. In the first
degree the sacred mīgis was “shot” into the two sides, the heart, and
head of the candidate, whereas in the second degree this sacred, or
magic, influence, is directed by the priests
226


toward the candidate’s joints, in accordance with a belief entertained
by some priests and referred to in connection with the Red Lake chart
presented on Pl. III. The second, third, and fourth degrees are
practically mere repetitions of the first, and the slight differences
between them are noted under their respective captions.

In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the
therapeutics of the Midē´, a few additional magic remedies are taught
the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are
described below.

Ma-kwa´ wī´-i-sŏp, “Bear’s Gall,” and Pi´-zhi-ki wī´-i-sŏp, “Ox Gall,”
are both taken from the freshly killed animal and hung up to dry. It is
powdered as required, and a small pinch of it is dissolved in water, a
few drops of which are dropped into the ear of a patient suffering from
earache.

Gō´-gi-mish (gen. et sp.?).—A plant, described by the preceptor as
being about 2 feet in height, having black bark and clusters of small
red flowers.

1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is to
be used the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked in hot
water to extract the virtue. It is used to expel evil man´idōs which
cause obstinate coughs, and is also administered to consumptives. The
quantity of bark derived from eight stems, each 10 inches long, makes a
large dose. When a Midē´ gives this medicine to a patient, he fills his
pipe and smokes, and before the tobacco is all consumed the patient
vomits.

2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to produce
paralysis of the mouth. In consequence of the power it possesses it is
believed to be under the special protection of the Midē´ Man´idō, i.e.,
Ki´tshi Man´idō.

The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions,
conjurations, or other charms of so-called bad Midē´, Wâbĕnō´, and
Jĕs´sakkīd´.

Tzhi-bē´-gŏp—“Ghost Leaf.”

After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is
crushed into a powder. It is mixed with Gō´gimish.

Dzhi-bai´-ĕ-mŏk´-ke-zĭn´—“Ghost Moccasin;” “Puff-ball.”

The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above
mixture.

O-kwē´-mish—“Bitter Black Cherry.”

The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added.

Nē´-wĕ—“Rattlesnake” (Crotalus durissus, L.).

The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried, and used in a
pulverulent form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up and
the drippings collected and dried. Other snakes may be employed as a
substitute.

It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in the
above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of White
Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in the eastern
extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous plants are of rare
occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual poisonous properties
exist in the mixture they may be introduced by the Indian himself, as
strychnia is frequently to be purchased at almost any of the stores, to
be used in the extermination of noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus
venom may be present, the introduction into the human circulation of
this substance would without doubt produce death and not paralysis of
the facial muscles, and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes
chemical change when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is
well known
227


from experiments made by several well known physiologists, and
particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the contents
of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of rheumatism.

I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White
Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after
the Midē´ administered this compound. In nearly all of them the
distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months,
though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of
recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation
was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called
“bad Midē´” have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured from
the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies,
rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above referred
to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim,
but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only
substance attainable by them that could produce such symptoms, and then
only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by
almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess
poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal
of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the Midē´
for such service.

Plate XII. Invitation Sticks.

When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Midē´
priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to
attend (Pl. XII), while the candidate removes his wig´iwam
to the vicinity of the place where the Midē´wigân has been erected. On
the fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he
takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the
following day he takes the third bath, after which his preceptor visits
him. After making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´iō the priest sings a song,
of which the characters are reproduced in Pl.
XIII, A. The Ojibwa words
employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to be the
ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are archaic, to
a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables inserted, and
used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of
the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken at the present
time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The radical
similarity between the two is readily perceived.

Plate XIII.a. Mnemonic Song.

	Hi´-na-wi´-a-ni-kan. (As sung.) We´-me-a´ ni-kan mi´-sha man´-i-dō I am crying my colleague great spirit. ni-wa´-ma-bi-go´ ma´-wĭ-yan´. He sees me crying. [The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion with Ki´tshi Man´idō, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i.e., “eye rain,” directed toward the sky.]
228	Ki-nŭn´-no, hē´, ki-mun´-i-dō´-we, hē´, esh´-i-ha´-ni. (As sung.) Gi-nŭn´-dōn ni-kan´ ē-zhi-an. I hear you, colleague, what you say to me. [The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging from the Midē´wigân of which he is the chief guardian.]
	Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshi-wi-mō´ a-ni´-me-ga´-si. (As sung.) Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshŏ-tâg´ ni-mī´-gĭ-sĭm. He will tell you (—inform you) [of] my migis. tē´-ti-wa´-tshĭ-mo-ta´ âg. He it is who will tell you. [The reference is to a superior spirit as indicated by the presence of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The words signify that Ki´tshi Man´idō will make known to the candidate the presence within his body of the mī´gis, when the proper time arrives.]
	Rest, or pause, in the song.

During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the
Midē´ priest is joined by the candidate.

	Hĭu´-a-me´-da-ma´ ki´-a-wēn´-da-mag man´-i-dō´-wĭt hĭu´-a-wen´-da-mag. (As sung.) Ki-wĭn´-da-mag´-ū-nan man´-i-dō´-wid. He tells us he is [one] of the man´idōs. [This ma´nidō is the same as that referred to in the above-named phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four sacred mī´gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines referring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled.]
	Wa´-sa-wa´-dī, hē´, wen´-da-na-ma´, mĭ-tē´-win. (As sung.) Wa´-sa-wa´-dŭn´-da-na-ma´ I get it from afar mi-dē´-wi-wĭn´. The “grand medicine.” [The character represents a leg, with a magic line drawn across the middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through the medium of supernatural powers. The place “from afar” refers to the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō.]
	Ki-go´-na-bi-hin ē´-ni-na mi-tē´. (As sung.) Kin-do´-na-bī-in´ mi-dē´-wi-wĭn-ni-ni´ I place you there “in the grand medicine” (among the “Midē´ people”) a-bit´-da-win´. Half way (in the Midē´wigân). [The Midē´ priest informs the candidate that the second initiation will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the Midē´wigân. The candidate is then placed so that his body will have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag lines radiating from it toward the sky.]
229	Hi´-sha-we-ne´-me-go´, hē´, nē´. Ni-go´-tshi-mi, hē´. (As sung.) Ni´-sha-we´-ni-mi-go´ ĕ´-ne-mâ´-bi-dzhĭk. They have pity on me those who are sitting here. [This request is made to the invisible man´idōs who congregate in the Mide´wigân during the ceremonies, and the statement implies that they approve of the candidate’s advancement.]

Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song,
after which both individuals retire to their respective habitations.
Upon the following day, that being the one immediately preceding the day
of ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to take a last
vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the coming of his
preceptor for final conversation and communion with man´idōs respecting
the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow.

The preceptor’s visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the
candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of the
Midē´wigân. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke the
preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being a
reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the preparatory
instruction. (See Pl. XIII, B.)

Plate XIII.b. Mnemonic Song.

	Man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē, man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē´. Spirit, spirit, Ni´-man-i-dō´ win´-da-bi-an´. I am a spirit (is) the reason why I am here. [The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth indicate singing. He has reached the power of a man´idō, and is therefore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the Midē´wigân, to which he alludes.]
	Da´-bī-wā-ni´, ha´, hē´, An´-nĭn, e-kō´-wē-an´. Drifting snow, why do I sing. [The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea to be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical zigzag lines indicating falling snow—though being exactly like the lines employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a shower of delicate mī´gis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of it to account for the feeling of inspiration experienced by the singer, as this shower of mī´gis descends from the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō and is therefore, in this instance, looked upon as sacred.]
	Rest, or pause.
230	Gi-man´-i-dō´-wē, ni´-me-ne´-ki-nan´ wan-da. Gi´-a-wĭngk, gi-man´-i-dō´-a-ni-min´, Your body, I believe it is a spirit. Gi-a-wĭngk. your body. [The first line is sung, but the last word could not be satisfactorily explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the song is addressed to him. The curved line, from which the arm protrudes, is the Midē´wigân and the arm itself is that of the speaker in the attitude of adoration: reaching upward in worship and supplication.]
	Pi-nē´-si ne´-pi-mi´-a nin´-ge-gē´-kwe-an The bird as I promise the falcon mi-we´-tshi-man´-i-dō´-wid. the reason he is a spirit. [The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning its correct signification could be reached by the Midē´. The meaning of the phrase appears to be that Ki´tshi Man´idō promised to create the Thunder-bird, one of the man´idōs. The falcon is here taken as a representative of that deity, the entire group of Thunderers being termed a-ni´-mi-ki´.]
	Zhīn´-gwe mi´-shi-ma-kwa´ Makes a great noise the bear. wen´-dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kwēd´ kŭn-nēt´. the reason I am of flame. [The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form. By means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed with the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in this guise accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire) denotes the class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is granted, i.e., the Wâbĕnō´, and in the second degree this power is reached as will be referred to further on.]
	Ni´-a-wen´-din-da-sa´, ha´, sa´, man´-i-dō´-wid. Gi´-a-wĭngk in´-do-sa man´-i-dō´-wid. In your body I put it the spirit. [The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken language. The second line signifies that the arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō, through the intermediary of the Midē´ priest, will put the spirit, i.e., the mī´gis, into the body of the candidate.]

The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of
wood, termed “singing stick” or the Midē´ drum. After the song is
completed another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and
after making an offering of smoke both persons return to their
respective wig´iwams. Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon the
candidate, when both, with the assistance of friends, carry the presents
to the Midē´wigân, where they are suspended from the rafters,
231


to be ready for distribution after the initiation on the following day.
Several friends of the candidate, who are Midē´, are stationed at the
doors of the Midē´wigân to guard against the intrusion of the
uninitiated, or the possible abstraction of the gifts by strangers.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.

The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initiation
to take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the coming of his
preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an abundance of
tobacco with which to supply all the active participants, so that they
may appease any feeling of opposition of the man´idōs toward the
admission of a new candidate, and to make offerings of tobacco to the
guardian spirit of the second degree of the Midē´wiwin. After the usual
ceremony of smoking individual songs are indulged in by the Midē´
priests until such time as they may deem it necessary to proceed to the
Midē´wigân, where the members of the society have long since gathered
and around which is scattered the usual crowd of spectators. The
candidate leads the procession from the sweat-lodge to the eastern
entrance of the Midē´wigân, carrying an ample supply of tobacco and
followed by the priests who chant. When the head of the procession
arrives at the door of the sacred inclosure a halt is made, the priests
going forward and entering. The drummer, stationed within, begins to
drum and sing, while the preceptor and chief officiating priest continue
their line of march around the inclosure, going by way of the south or
left hand. Eight circuits are made, the last terminating at the main or
eastern entrance. The drumming then ceases and the candidate is taken to
the inner side of the door, when all the members rise and stand in their
places. The officiating priests approach and stand near the middle of
the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one of them says to the Midē´
priest beside the latter: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma—“Take it, the
tobacco,” whereupon the Midē´ spoken to relieves the candidate of the
tobacco and carries it to the middle of the inclosure, where it is laid
upon a blanket spread upon the ground. The preceptor then takes from the
cross-poles some of the blankets or robes and gives them to the
candidate to hold. One of the malevolent spirits which oppose the
entrance of a stranger is still supposed to remain with the Midē´wigân,
its body being that of a serpent, like flames of fire, reaching from the
earth to the sky. He is called I´-shi-ga-nē´-bĭ-gŏg—“Big-Snake.”
To appease his anger the candidate must make a present; so the preceptor
says for the candidate:

This being assented to by the Midē´ priests the preceptor takes the
blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground. Slight taps
upon the Midē´ drum are heard and the candidate is led
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toward the left on his march round the interior of the Midē´wigân, the
officiating priests following and being followed in succession by all
others present. The march continues until the eighth passage round, when
the members begin to step back into their respective places, while the
officiating Midē´ finally station themselves with their backs toward the
westernmost degree post, and face the door at the end of the structure.
The candidate continues round to the western end, faces the Midē´
priests, and all sit down. The following song is then sung, which may be
the individual production of the candidate (Pl.
XIII, C). A song is part of
the ritual, though it is not necessary that the candidate should sing
it, as the preceptor may do so for him. In the instance under my
observation the song was an old one (which had been taught the
candidate), as the archaic form of pronunciation indicates. Each of the
lines is repeated as often as the singer may desire, the prolongation of
the song being governed by his inspired condition. The same peculiarity
governs the insertion, between words and at the end of lines, of
apparently meaningless vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong the last
notes sounded. This may be done ad libitum, rythmical accentuation being
maintained by gently tapping upon the Midē´ drum.

Plate XIII.c. Mnemonic Song.

	Hĭa´-ni-de hĕn´-da man´-i-dō, hō´, ni´-sha-bon´-de man´-i-dō´-en-dât. Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it. [The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân, the arm upon the left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the latter being shown by a zigzag line.]
	Nin-gō´-sa mĭ-dē´-kwe ni-ka´ na´-ska-wa´. I am afraid of the “grand medicine” woman; I go to her. A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the opposition of a Midē´ priestess and will conciliate her.
	Ka-ni-sa´ hi´-a-tshi´-mĭn-dē´ man´-ski-kī´, dē´, hē´, hē´. Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky. A person of superior power, as designated by the horns attached to the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or speech, while the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the height above the earth of which illustrates the direction of the abode of the spirit whose conversation, referring to the singer, is observed crossing them as short vertical zigzag lines; i.e., voice lines.
	Ke´-na-nan´-do-mē´ ko-nō´-ne-nak ka-ne-hē´ nin-ko´-tshi nan´-no-me´. The cloud looks to me for medicine. [The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic influence that he has preference with the superior Man´idōs. The magic influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches beyond the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the forearm.]
233	Rest, after which dancing begins.
	Wa-tshu´-a-nē´ ke´-ba-bing´-e-on´, wa-dzhū. Going into the mountains. The singer’s thoughts go to the summit to commune with Ki´tshi Man´idō. He is shown upon the summit.
	Hi´-mĕ-de´-wa hen´-dĕ-a he´-na. The grand medicine affects me. In his condition he appeals to Ki´tshi Man´idō for aid. The arms represent the act of supplication.
	Hai´-an-go ho´-ya o´-gĕ-ma, ha´. The chief goes out. The arms grasp a bear—the Bear Man´idō—and the singer intimates that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is one of the guardians of the Midē´wigân.
	Nish´-o-wē´ ni-mē´-hi-gō´, hē´, ni-gō´-tshi-mi´-go-we, hē´. Have pity on me wherever I have medicine. The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength of which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him.
	Wi´-so-mi´-ko-wē´ hĕ-a-za-we´-ne-ne-gō´, hō´. I am the beaver; have pity on me. This is said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic song was of the Beaver totem or gens.
	Hēn´-ta-no-wik´-ko-we´ de-wĕn´-da ĕn-da-â´-dân. I wish to know what is the matter with me. The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in the Midē´wigân, because the sacred man´idōs have filled his body with magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving lines descending to the earth.

As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a protracted
manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during the
intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down.
234


The dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged in
for amusement only. The steps consist of two treading movements made by
each foot in succession. Keeping time with the drum-beats, at the same
time there is a shuffling movement made by the dancer forward, around
and among his companions, but getting back toward his place before the
verse is ended. The attitude during these movements consists in bending
the body forward, while the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of
searching for a lost object. Those who do not sing give utterance to
short, deep grunts, in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes
upon the drum.

As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the
preceptor, acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and
distributes a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is
indulged in, preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south, the
west, the north, the sky and the earth.

After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the
Midē´ drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is
delivered to the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach
within two or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees.
The preceptor and the assistant who is called upon by him take their
places immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and the
Midē´ priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick, deep
tones, resembling the sound hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, at the same time
grasping his midē´ sack with both hands, as if it were a gun, and moving
it in a serpentine and interrupted manner toward one of the large joints
of the candidate’s arms or legs. At the last utterance of this sound he
produces a quick puff with the breath and thrusts the bag forward as if
shooting, which he pretends to do, the missile being supposed to be the
invisible sacred mī´gis. The other priests follow in order from the
lowest to the highest, each selecting a different joint, during which
ordeal the candidate trembles more and more violently until at last he
is overcome with the magic influence and falls forward upon the ground
unconscious. The Midē´ priests then lay their sacks upon his back, when
the candidate begins to recover and spit out the mī´gis shell which he
had previously hidden within his mouth. Then the chief Midē´ takes it up
between the tips of the forefinger and thumb and goes through the
ceremony described in connection with the initiation into the first
degree, of holding it toward the east, south, west, north, and the sky,
and finally to the mouth of the candidate, when the latter, who has
partly recovered from his apparently insensible condition, again
relapses into that state. The eight priests then place their sacks to
the respective joints at which they previously directed them, which
fully infuses the body with the magic influence as desired. Upon this
the candidate recovers, takes up the mī´gis shell and, placing it upon
his left palm, holds it forward and swings it from side to side, saying
he!
235


he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this time only reeling from
its effects. He is now restored to a new life for the second time; and
as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the southern side and
seats himself. After all those who have been occupied with the
initiation have hung up their midē´ sacks on available projections
against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to the pile of
tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among those present,
giving the larger portions to the officiating priests. He then passes
around once more, stopping before each one to pass his hands over the
sides of the priests´ heads, and says:

after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing
toward the priest, says:

to which each responds hau´, ēⁿ. The word hau´ is a term
of approbation, ēⁿ signifying yes, or affirmation, the two
thus used together serving to intensify the expression. Those of the
Midē´ present who are of the second, or even some higher degree, then
indulge in the ceremony of passing around to the eastern part of the
inclosure, where they feign coughing and gagging, so as to produce from
the mouth the mī´gis shell, as already narrated in connection with the
first degree, p. 192.

This manner of thanking the officiating Midē´ for their services in
initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those
members of the Midē´wiwin who are of the first degree only, in
acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony, they
being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher than the
class to which they belong, because such men are neither benefited nor
influenced in any way by merely witnessing such initiation, but they
must themselves take the principal part in it to receive the favor of a
renewed life and to become possessed of higher power and increased magic
influence.

Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, recounting
personal exploits in the performance of magic and exorcism, to which the
auditors respond in terms of gratification and exclamations of approval.
During these recitals the ushers, appointed for the purpose, leave the
inclosure by the western door to return in a short time with kettles of
food prepared for the midē´ feast. The ushers make four circuits of the
interior, giving to each person present a quantity of the contents of
the several vessels, so that all receive sufficient to gratify their
desires. When the last of the food has been consumed, or removed, the
midē´ drum is heard, and soon a song is started, in which all who desire
join. After the first two or three verses of the song are recited, a
short interval of
236


rest is taken, but when it is resumed dancing begins and is continued to
the end. In this manner they indulge in singing and dancing,
interspersed with short speeches, until the approach of sunset, when the
members retire to their own wig´iwams, leaving the Midē´-wigân by the
western egress.

The ushers, assisted by the chief Midē´, then remove the sacred post
from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations, either
of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and presented
themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting again at once,
the members of the society and visitors return upon the following day to
their respective homes.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

The mī´gis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the
same species as those before mentioned. At White Earth, however, some of
the priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this advanced
degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as possible,
having a perforation through it by which it may be secured with a strand
or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a bead may be used as
a substitute. On Pl. XI, No. 4, is presented an illustration of the
bead (the second-degree mī´gis) presented to me on the
occasion of my initiation.

With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this
degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to their
own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the
traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate
usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he is
officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the preparatory
instruction for the second degree be not the same individual whose
services were retained for the first time, then the candidate has the
privilege of painting his face according to the style of the preceding
degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as an exceptional
token of respect, and the student is not expected to follow the method
in his further advancement.

A Midē´ of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary daimon;
e.g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now prepares
a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and crosses the
middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing his form into
that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he wreaks vengeance
upon his detractors and upon victims for whose destruction he has been
liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the accomplishment of such an act
he resumes his human form and thus escapes identification and detection.
Such persons are termed by many “bad medicine men,” and the practice of
thus debasing the sacred teachings of the Midē´wiwin is discountenanced
by members of the society generally. Such pretensions are firmly
believed in
237


and acknowledged by the credulous and are practiced by that class of
Shamans here designated as the Wâbĕnō´.

In his history15 Rev. Mr. Jones says:

As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application
of their medicines I shall here give a short account of this curious
art.

Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the
agency of familiar spirits from whom they receive power to inflict
diseases on their enemies, prevent good luck of the hunter and the
success of the warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly at pleasure
from place to place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls,
bats, and snakes. Such metamorphoses they pretend to accomplish by
putting on the skins of these animals, at the same time crying and
howling in imitation of the creature they wish to represent. Several of
our people have informed me that they have seen and heard witches in the
shape of these animals, especially the bear and the fox. They say that
when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at once she will
run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time by her
pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old woman
walking quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as innocent as a
lamb. The fox witches are known by the flame of fire which proceeds out
of their mouths every time they bark.

Many receive the name of witches without making any
pretensions to the art, merely because they are deformed or ill-looking.
Persons esteemed witches or wizards are generally eccentric characters,
remarkably wicked, of a ragged appearance and forbidding countenance.
The way in which they are made is either by direct communication with
the familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being
instructed by those skilled in the art.

A Midē´ of the second degree has the reputation of superior powers on
account of having had the mī´gis placed upon all of his joints, and
especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is shown in
Pl. III, No.
48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast denotes where the mī´gis
has been “shot” into the figure, the enlarged size of the circle
signifying “greater abundance,” in contradistinction to the common
designation of a mī´gis shown only by a simple spot or small point. One
of this class is enabled to hear and see what is transpiring at a remote
distance, the lines from the hands indicating that he is enabled to
grasp objects which are beyond the reach of a common person, and the
lines extending from the feet signifying that he can traverse space and
transport himself to the most distant points. Therefore he is sought
after by hunters for aid in the discovery and capture of game, for
success in war, and for the destruction of enemies, however remote may
be their residence.

When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued
similar to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though more
powerful magic medicines are used. In the following description of a
pictograph recording such an occurrence the Midē´, or rather the
Wâbĕnō´, was of the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin. The indication of
the grade of the operator is not a necessary part of the record, but in
this instance appears to have been prompted
238


from motives of vanity. The original sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a reproduction, was drawn upon birch-bark
by a Midē´, in 1884, and the ceremony detailed actually occurred at
White Earth, Minnesota. By a strange coincidence the person against whom
vengeance was aimed died of pneumonia the following spring, the disease
having resulted from cold contracted during the preceding winter. The
victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of the locality
above named, and his death was attributed to the Midē´’s power, a
reputation naturally procuring for him many new adherents and disciples.
The following is the explanation as furnished by a Midē´ familiar with
the circumstances:

Fig. 24.—Midē´ destroying an
enemy.

No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Midē´ who was called upon to take
the life of a man living at a distant camp. The line extending from the
midē´ to the figure at No. 9, signifies that his influence will reach to
that distance.

No. 2, the applicant for assistance.

Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6, represent the four degrees of the Midē´wiwin (of
which the operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees are
furthermore specifically designated by short vertical strokes.

No. 7 is the midē´ drum used during the ceremony of preparing the
charm.

No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is
indicated, and upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of
vermilion.

No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon
resided.

War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of songs
used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and a
reproduction of one is given on Pl. XIII, D. This song was used by the Midē´
priest to insure success to the parties. The members who intended
participating in the exhibition would meet on the evening preceding
their departure, and while listening to the words, some would join in
the singing while others would dance. The lines may be repeated ad
libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of phrases according to the
prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the disposal of the performers. The
war drum was used, and there were always five or six drummers so as to
produce sufficient noise to accord with the loud and animated singing of
a large body of excited men. This drum is, in size, like that employed
for dancing. It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle, or
wooden vessel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then attached
to four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching the
ground, thus affording every advantage for producing full and resonant
sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the end of
each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The following lines
are repeated ad libitum:

Plate XIII.d. Mnemonic Song.

	Hu´-na-wa´-na ha´-wā, un-do´-dzhe-na´ ha-we´-nĕ. I am looking [feeling] for my paint. [The Midē’s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war paint.]
	Hĭa´-dzhi-mĭn-de´ non´-da-kō´, hō´, They hear me speak of legs. Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the arm of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as to give speed and strength.
	Hu´-wa-ke´, na´, ha´, He said, The Turtle Man´idō will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was one of the swiftest man´idōs, until through some misconduct, Min´abō´zho deprived him of his speed.
	Wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē, wa´-ka-te´, hē´, wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē´. Powder, he said. [The modern form of Wa´-ka-te´, he´, hwā´, is ma´-ka-dē´-hwa; other archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The phrase signifies that the Midē´ Man´idō favors good results from the use of powder. His form projects from the top of the Midē´ structure.]
	Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed, accompanied with dancing.
	Sin-go´-na wa-kī´ na-ha´-ka I made him cry. The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot.
	Te-wa´-tshi-me-kwe´-na, ha´, na-ke´-nan. They tell of my powers. The people speak highly of the singer’s magic powers; a charmed arrow is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament, enlarged to signify its greater power.
	He´-wĕ-ne-nis´-sa ma-he´-ka-nĕn´-na. What have I killed, it is a wolf. By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad man´idō which had assumed the form of a wolf.
	Sun´-gu-we´-wa, ha´, nīn-dēn´, tshi´-man-da´-kwa ha´na-nĭn-dēn´. I am as strong as the bear. The Midē´ likens his powers to those of the Bear Man´idō, one of the most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the top of the Midē´wigân while his spirit form is indicated by the short lines upon the back.
240	Wa´-ka-na´-ni, hē´, wa´-ka-na´-ni. I wish to smoke. The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of the war party, termed a “partisan.” The Midē´ is in full accord with the work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by desiring to smoke with the braves.
	He´-wa-hō´-a hai´-a-nē´ I even use a wooden image. Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death of the victim is encompassed.
	Pa-kwa´ ma-ko-nē´ ā´, ō´, hē´, ōsh-ke´-na-ko-nē´-a. The bear goes round angry. [The Bear Man´idō is angry because the braves are dilatory in going to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it will be for the Midē´ as to his fee, and the chances of success are greater while the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if they should become sluggish and their ardor become subdued.]

THIRD
DEGREE.

Fig. 25.—Diagram of Midē´wigân of
the third degree.

The structure in which the third degree of the Midē´wiwin is
conferred resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is
presented in Fig. 25. In this degree three
posts are erected, the first one resembling that of the first degree,
being painted red with a band of green around the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.)
This is planted a short distance to the east of the middle of the floor.
The second post is also painted red, but has scattered over its entire
surface spots of white clay, each of about the size of a silver quarter
of a dollar, symbolical of the mī´gis shell. Upon the top of this post
is placed the stuffed body of an owl—Kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.)
This post is planted a short distance west of the first one and about
midway between it and the third, which last is erected within about 6 or
8 feet from the western door, and is painted black. (Pl. XV, No. 3.)
The sacred stone against which patients are placed, and which has the
alleged virtue of removing or expelling the demons that cause disease,
is placed upon the ground at the usual spot near the eastern entrance
(Fig. 25, No. 1). The Makwá
Man´idō—bear spirit—is the tutelary guardian of this degree.
Cedar trees are planted at each of the outer angles of the structure (Fig. 25, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9). The sudatory is
erected about 100 yards due east of the main entrance of the Midē´wigân,
and is of the same size and for the same purpose as that for the second
degree.

Plate XV. Sacred Posts Of Midē´wigân.

PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.

It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a
second-degree Midē´ can be promoted, even if he be provided with enough
presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of goods and
tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few present
themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation, relatively,
as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Midē´’s powers are
intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of being “shot
with the sacred mī´gis,” and he is also elevated to that rank by means
of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the assistance of the
tutelary guardian of this degree.

A Midē´ who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of
announcing to the chief Midē´ his purpose, gaining satisfactory evidence
of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents, and of
his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a
preceptor of at least the third degree and one who is held in high
repute and influence in the Midē´wiwin. After procuring the services of
such a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be
enabled to purchase from him some special formulæ for which he is
distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions
previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants and
compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversations
relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and exorcism.
Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new “medicines” to add to
his list, and the following is a translation of the tradition relating
to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the so-called “man
root,” held in high estimation as of divine origin. In Fig. 3 is presented a pictorial representation of the
story, made by Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The
tradition purports to be an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to
the abode of Dzhibai´Man´idō, “the chief spirit of the place of souls,”
called Ne´-ba-gi´-zis, “the land of the sleeping sun.”

Fig. 3.—Origin of Ginseng.

Larger
Figure

There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and that
given in connection with Pl. V, in which the Sun Spirit restored to life a
boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of the
Midē´wiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition is a
corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of “man
root,” as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions of it,
being so extensively employed in various painful complaints.

Once an old Midē´, with his wife and son, started out on a
hunting trip, and, as the autumn was changing into winter, the three
erected a substantial wig´iwam. The snow began to fall and the cold
increased, so they decided to remain and eat of their stores, game
having been abundant and a good supply having been procured.
242


The son died; whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village
to obtain help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the
chief priest of the Midē´-wiwin, able to accomplish this.

When the woman informed her father of the death of her son,
her brother, who was present, immediately set out in advance to render
assistance. The chief priest then summoned three assistant Midē´, and
they accompanied his daughter to the place where the body of his dead
grandson lay upon the floor of the wig´iwam, covered with
robes.

The chief Midē´ placed himself at the left shoulder of the
dead boy, the next in rank at the right, while the two other assistants
stationed themselves at the feet. Then the youngest Midē´—he at
the right foot of the deceased—began to chant a midē´ song, which
he repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time.

When he had finished, the Midē´ at the left foot sang a
midē´ song four times; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder of the body
did the same, after which the chief Midē´ priest sang his song four
times, whereupon there was a perceptible movement under the blanket, and
as the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when the boy sat
up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water, which
was given to him.

The four Midē´ priests then chanted medicine songs, each
preparing charmed remedies which were given to the boy to complete his
recovery. The youngest Midē´, standing at the foot of the patient, gave
him four pinches of powder, which he was made to swallow; the Midē´ at
the left foot did the same; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder did
likewise, and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest standing at
the left shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent immediately
recovered his speech and said that during the time that his body had
been in a trance his spirit had been in the “spirit land,” and had
learned of the “grand medicine.”

The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during
the trance, as follows: “Gi´-gi-min´-ĕ-go´-min mi-dē´-wi-wĭn mi-dē´
man´-i-dō´ B’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk ban-dzhi´-ge´-o-we´-ân
ta´-zi-ne´-zho-wak´ ni-zha´-nĕ-zak, kĭ-wi´-de-gĕt´
mi´-o-pi´-ke´-ne-bŭi´-yan ka-ki´-nĕ ka-we´-dĕ-ge´ mi´-o-wŏk-pi´
i-kan´-o-a-mag´-ĭ-na mi-dē´ man´i-dō wi-we´-ni-tshi mi-dē´-wi-wĭn,
ki´-mi-mâ´-dĭ-si-win´-in-ân´ ki-mi´-nĭ-go-nan´ ge-on´-dĕ-na-mŏngk
ki´-mi-mâ´-di-si´-wa-in-an´; ki´-ki-no´-a-mag´-wi-nan´ mash´-kĭ-ki
o-gi´-mi-ni´-go-wan´ o-dzhi-bi´-gân gi-me´-ni-na-gŭk´
mash´-kĭ-ki-wa´-boⁿ shtĭk-wan´-a-ko-se´-an o-ma´-mâsh´-kĭ-ki
ma´-gi-ga´-to ki´-ka-ya-tōn.”

The following is a translation:

“He,
the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society, gave us the
“grand medicine,” and he has taught us how to use it. I have come back
from the spirit land. There will be twelve, all of whom will take wives;
when the last of these is no longer without a wife, then will I die.
That is the time. The Midē´ spirit taught us to do right. He gave us
life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us, and gave
us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is sick,
this medicine put upon it, you will put it on.”

The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner imparted
to the Indians. The reference to twelve—three times the sacred
number four—signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed each
other before death will come to the narrator. It is observed, also, that
a number of the words are archaic, which fact appears to be an
indication of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition.

The following are the principal forms in which a Midē´ will utilize
Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng—Shtĕ´-na-bi-o´-dzhi-bik:

1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve stomachic
pains.

2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of the
body is given that part of the root corresponding to the part affected;
e.g., for pleurisy, the side of the root is cut out, and an infusion
given to relieve such pains; if one has pains in the lower extremities,
the bifurcations of the root are employed; should the pains be in the
thorax, the upper part of the root—corresponding to the
chest—is used in a similar manner.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.

As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Midē´ friends
such new information as they choose to impart, and from his instructor
all that was practicable, he has only to await the day of ceremony to be
publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Midē´. As this time approaches
the invitation sticks are sent to the various members and to such
non-resident Midē´ as the officiating priests may wish to honor. On or
before the fifth day previous to the meeting the candidate moves to the
vicinity of the Midē´wigân. On that day the first sweat bath is taken,
and one also upon each succeeding day until four baths, as a ceremony of
purification, have been indulged in. On the evening of the day before
the meeting his preceptor visits him at his own wig´iwam when, with the
assistance of friends, the presents are collected and carried to the
Midē´-wigân and suspended from the transverse poles near the roof. The
officiating priests may subsequently join him, when smoking and singing
form the chief entertainment of the evening.

By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are
encamped throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the drum,
where dancing is going on, may be heard far into the night.

Early on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate goes
to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor and
later the arrival of the Midē´ priests by whom he is escorted to the
Midē´wigân. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges his gift of
tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure, after which a
smoke offering is made, and later Midē´ songs are chanted. These may be
of his own composition as he has been a professor of magic a sufficient
lapse of time to have composed them, but to give evidence of superior
powers the chief, or some other of the officiating priests, will perhaps
be sufficiently inspired to sing. The following was prepared and chanted
by one of the Midē´ priests at the third-degree meeting at White Earth,
Minnesota, and the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the
original. The words, with translation, are as follows:

Plate XIVa. Mnemonic Song.

	Ni-ka´-ni-na man´-do-na-mō´-a. My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark. [The two arms are grasping the mī´gis, which he the Midē´ is going to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means, literally, trying to hit the mark at random.]
244	Me-kwa´-me-sha-kwak´, mi-tē´-wi-da´. While it is clear let us have it, the “grand medicine.” The Midē´ arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower end of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the rain is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending from the sky at the right and left.
	Rest. During this interval a smoke offering is made.
	Mi-sha´-kwi-tō-nĭ mī´-gĭs-sĭm´. As clear as the sky [is] my mī´gis. The figure represents the sacred mī´gis, as indicated by the short lines radiating from the periphery. The mī´gis is white and the clear sky is compared to it.
	Sōn´-gi-mi-dē´ wi-ka´-ne, hē´, Wi-nō´-a man´-i-dō´-wi-dzhī´-id-e´-zhi-wât. Take the “grand medicine” strong, as they, together with the “Great Spirit,” tell me. [The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The associate Midē´ are alluded to, as also Ki´tshi Man´idō, who urge his continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm reaches down to search for the sacred mī´gis of the fourth degree—designated by four vertical lines—which is, as yet, hidden from the person addressed.]
	Hwa´-ba-mi-dē´, hwa´-ba-mi-dē´, Na´-wa-kin-tē´. He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth. [The human figure symbolizes Ki´tshi Man´idō; the magic lines cross his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the Midē´wigân. His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the earth, and he beholds the Midē´ while chanting and conducting the Midē´wiwin.]
	Man´-i-dō´ wi´-ka-ni´ ni-mi-dē´. To the spirit be a friend, my Midē´. The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge, and thus a friend to Ki´tshi Man´idō, who in return will always assist him. The figure holds a mī´gis in its right hand, and the Midē´ drum in its left.

The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an archaic
form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several lines may be
repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of inspiration which the
singer experiences, or the amount of interest manifested by his
hearers.

All the members of the society not officially inducting the candidate
have ere this entered the Midē´wigân and deposited their invitation
sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability
245


to attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at the
suggestion of the Midē´ priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory,
gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Midē´
inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their
office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the
entrance of the Midē´wigân, where the candidate and his preceptor halt,
while the remainder enter and take their stations just within the door,
facing the west.

The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the
inclosure, begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly
around the exterior, going by the south, thus following the course of
the sun. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted directly
opposite the main entrance, to which his attention is then directed. The
drumming and singing cease; the candidate beholds two Midē´ near the
outer entrance and either side of it. These Midē´ represent two
malevolent man´idō and guard the door against the entrance of those not
duly prepared. The one upon the northern side of the entrance then
addresses his companion in the following words: I´-ku-tan ka´-wi-nad´-gĭ
wa´-na-mâ´-sĭ ē´-zhĭ-gĭ´-nĭ-gĕd—“Do you not see how he is formed?”
To which the other responds: O-da´-pĭ-nŏ´ ke´-no-wĭn-dŭng
shkwan´-dĭm—“Take care of it, the door;” [i.e., guard the
entrance.] The former then again speaks to his companion, and says:
Ka-wīn´-nĭ-na-ga´ wâ´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´—“Do you not
see how he carries the goods?” The Midē´ spoken to assents to this, when
the preceptor takes several pieces of tobacco which he presents to the
two guards, whereupon they permit the candidate to advance to the inner
entrance, where he is again stopped by two other guardian man´idō, who
turn upon him as if to inquire the reason of his intrusion. The
candidate then holds out two parcels of tobacco and says to them:
O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma—“Take it, the tobacco,” whereupon they receive
the gift and stand aside, saying: Kun´-da-dan—“Go down;” [i.e.,
enter and follow the path.] As the candidate is taken a few steps
forward and toward the sacred stone, four of the eight officiating
priests receive him, one replacing the preceptor who goes to the extreme
western end there to stand and face the east, where another joins him,
while the remaining two place themselves side by side so as to face the
west.

It is believed that there are five powerful man´idōs who abide within
the third-degree Midē´wigân, one of whom is the Midē´
man´idō—Ki´tshi Man´idō—one being present at the sacred
stone, the second at that part of the ground between the sacred stone
and the first part where the gifts are deposited, the remaining three at
the three degree posts.

As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the
interior of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while
all those remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the
246


sacred stone he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not
toward it in passing; the same is done at the second place where one of
the spirits is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and third
posts. By this time the candidate is at the western extremity of the
structure, and as the second Midē´ receives him in charge, the other
taking his station beside the preceptor, he continues his course toward
the north and east to the point of departure, going through similar
evolutions as before, as he passes the three posts, the place of gifts
and the sacred stone. This is done as an act of reverence to the
man´idōs and to acknowledge his gratitude for their presence and
encouragement. When he again arrives at the eastern extremity of the
inclosure he is placed between the two officiating Midē´, who have been
awaiting his return, while his companion goes farther back, even to the
door, from which point he addresses the other officiating Midē´ as
follows:

Then one of the Midē´ priests standing beside the candidate leads him
to the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post where the
blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here he is seated.
This priest then walks slowly around him singing in a tremulous manner
wa´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, returning to a position so as to
face him, when he addresses him as follows: Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa
pŏ´-gŭ-sĕ-ni´mi-nan´ au´-u-sa´ za-a´-da-win´ man´-i-dō mī´-gis.
Na´-pish-gatsh di-mâ´-gĭ-sĭ ĕ-nĕ´-nĭ-mi-an pi´-sha-gâ-an-da-i´
na´-pish-gatsh tshi-skwa´-di-na-wâd´ dzhi-ma´-dzhi-a-ka´-ma-da-mân
bi-mâ´-dĭs-si´-an.

The following is a free translation:

The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this
“reverence” i.e., the sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in your
behalf, but you think my powers are feeble; I am asking him to confer
upon you the sacred powers. He may cause many to die, but I shall
henceforth watch your course of success in life, and learn if he will
heed your prayers and recognize your magic power.

At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating
Midē´ advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the
candidate. The Midē´ drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a
short prelude of drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and sings
the following Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B.

Plate XIV.b. Mnemonic Song.

	Man´-i-dō´ we-da´, man´-i-dō´ gi-dō´ we-do´-nĭng. Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth. The head is said to signify that of a Midē´, who is about to sing.
247	Nin´-de-wen´-don zha´-bon-dĕsh´-kân-mân´. I own this lodge, through which I pass. The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of the Midē´wiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of the oblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear.
	Ân´-dzhe-ho ĭ´-a-ni´ o-gēn´, hwe´-ō-ke´, hwe´-ō-ke´. Mother is having it over again. The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the “grand medicine” again.
	Ni´-ka-nan ni´-go-sân, ni´-go-sân´ ni-ka´-ni-san´, man´-i-dō´ wi-dzhig´ nin-go-sân´ an-i-wa´-bi-dzhig ni-ka´. Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting around me. [The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith in Ki´tshi Man´idō who abides above.]
	Ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa, ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, hē´, ki´-no-sha´-we-wa´. I am going, with medicine bag, to the lodge. [The object represents an otter skin Midē´ sack, the property of the speaker.]
	Ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´-ā´, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´ā´, wa´-na-he´-ni´-o-ni´, ya´-be-kai´-o-bik´. We are still sitting in a circle. [A Midē´ sitting within the Midē´wigân; the circle is shown.]
	A-ya´-a-bi-ta´ pa´-ke-zhĭk´, ū´, hū´, a´, Half the sky The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assistance of Ki´tshi Man´idō that the candidate may receive advancement in power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired.
	Ba´-be-ke´ o´-gi-mân nish´-a-we, hē´, ne´-me-ke-hē´, nish´-a-we´-ni-mĭk o´-gi-mân. The spirit has pity on me now, [The “Great Spirit” is descending upon the Midē´wigân, to be present during the ceremony.]
	Nin-dai´-a, nin-dai´-a, ha´, we´-ki-ma´, ha´, wâ-no-kwe´. In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit. [The hand is holding the mī´gis, to which reference is made.]
	I-ke´-u-ha´-ma man-ta-na´-ki-na ni-ka´-ni I take the earth, my Midē´ friends. The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance of life, both food and medicines.
248	Wi´-a-ya´-din shin-da´, hān´, man-da´-ha-ni´, o-hō´ ni-bĭ´. Let us get him to take this water. [The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes to the horizontal strokes indicate.]
	Hŭe´-shĭ-shi-kwa´-ni-an nin-ga´-ga-mūn´. I take this rattle. The rattle is used when administering medicine.
	Wi-wa´-ba-mi´na hē´-na ko´-ni-a´-ni, ka´, ko´-ni-a´-ho-nā´, nī´, kā´. See how I shine in making medicine. [The speaker likens himself to the Makwa´ Man´idō, one of the most powerful Midē´ spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze with light—due to magic power.]

This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of
the person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ from
the modern forms.

Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps
his Midē´ sack and goes through the gestures, described in connection
with the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and forehead of
the candidate the sacred mī´gis. At the attempt made by the chief priest
the candidate falls forward apparently unconscious. The priests then
touch his joints and forehead with the upper end of their Midē´ sacks
whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing posture. The chief then
addresses him and enjoins him to conduct himself with propriety and in
accordance with the dignity of his profession. The following is the
text, viz: Gi-gan´-bis-sĭn dau´-gē-in´-ni-nân´ kish-bin´-bish-in
dau´-o-ân-nĭn da´-ki-ka-wa´-bi-kwe ga´-kĭ-ne ke-ke´-wi-bi´-na-mōn
ki-ma´-dzhĭ-zhi we´-bĭ-zi-wĭn´.

The translation is as follows: “You heed to what I say to you; if you
are listening and will do what is right you will live to have white
hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions.”

The Midē´ priest second in rank then says to the candidate:
Ke´-go-wi´-ka-za´-gi-to-wa´-kin ki-da´-no-ka´tshĭ-gân kai-ē´-gi-gīt´
a-sē´-ma, kai´-e-mī´-dzĭm, which signifies: “Never begrudge your goods,
neither your tobacco, nor your provisions.” To this the candidate
responds ēⁿ´—yes, by this signifying that he will never
regret what he has given the Midē´ for their services. The candidate
remains standing while the members of the society take seats, after
which he goes to the pile of blankets, skins, and other presents, and
upon selecting appropriate ones for the officiating priests he carries
them to those persons, after which he makes presents of less value to
all other Midē´ present. Tobacco is then distributed, and while all are
preparing to make an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō of tobacco, the
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newly accepted member goes around to each, member present, passes his
hands downward over the sides of the Midē’s head and says:

then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Midē´,
adding: Ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ka-na´,—“My Midē´ friend,
my Midē´ friend, my Midē´ friend, friend.” To this the Midē´ responds in
affirmation, hau´, ēⁿ´—yes.

The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the
inclosure, whereupon the ushers—Midē´ appointed to attend to
outside duties—retire and bring in the vessels of food which are
carried around to various persons present, four distinct times.

The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which
the kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Midē´wi-gân, when
all who desire indulge in smoking. Midē´ songs are chanted by one of the
priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in Pl. XIV C, being an example. The lines, as usual,
are repeated ad libitum, the music being limited to but few notes, and
in a minor key. The following are the words with translation:

Plate XIV.c. Mnemonic Song.

	He´-ne-wi´-a ni´-na mi´-si-man´-i-dē-ge´ Their bodies shine over the world he-wa´-we-a´-ne-kan´. unto me as unto you, my Midē´ friend. This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united in the drawing.
	Ma´-na-wi-na´ hai´-e-ne-hā´ be-wa´-bik-kun Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, kan-din´-a-we. piercing eyes. The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching voice is indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth. The eyes of the crane Man´idō are equally penetrating.
	Ta-be´-nĕ-wa´ he-shi-wa´, hā´ ma´-si-ni´-ni-he´-shi-wa´, hā´. Calm it leads you to guides you to your food. Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity with the rites of the Midē´wiwin is here referred to. The figure points to the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō; three short lines indicating three degrees in the Midē´wiwin, which the candidate has taken.
	Ha-nin´-di he-bik´-kĭn-he´ man´-i-dō ni-kan´ Whence does he rise spirit Midē´ friend wa-ba-nŭnk´, mi-dē´-man´-i-dō wa-ba-nŭnk´. from the east, midē´ man´idō from the east. [The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising sun or day, the “sky lines” leaning to the left, or east; one making signs is always presumed to face the south, and signs referring to periods of day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made from the left side of the body.]
250	Rest.
	Wa-dzhi-wan´, wa-dzhi-wan´-na, Wa-dahi-wan´ ni-ka´-na-hē´. There is a mountain, there is a mountain, There is a mountain, my friends. [The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a powerful Midē´ is seated, symbolical of the distinction attainable by a Midē´.]
	Wa´-bĕ-ku´ĕ-be-a´, wa´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´, Shot it was, shot it was na´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´ man´-i-dō´-´a nĭn-dē´. and it hit body, your man´ido your heart. man´-i-dō´-a nin-dē´. man´ido your heart. [The Mī´gis is represented in the illustration by the small rings; the arrow indicating that it was “shot” with velocity.]
Hwe´-kwo-nin´-na-ta, ki-wī´-kash´-ka-man; En-do´-ge-mā´ wesh´-in-ē´. What am I going around? I am going around the Midē´wigân. [The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân. The otter-skin Midē´ sack is taken around it, as is shown by the outline of that animal and the line or course indicated. The Makwa´ Man´idō (bear spirit) is shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the earth, below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares himself to the bear spirit.]
	Nen´-do-ne´-ha-mān-ni´ nī´-ŏ, What am I looking at. The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting one’s self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by the three transverse lines and the small spots, the mī´gis, upon it.
	Ba´bin-ke´-en non´-do-wa-wē´, hī´, I soon heard him, the one who did not listen to them. [The Midē´, as a superior personage, is shown by having the horns attached to the head. The line of hearing has small rings, at intervals, indicating that something is heard.]
	Hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-gi´, ē´, hē´, pī´-na-nī´, hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-ga´ na´-ge-ka-na´ ē´, hē´. The Nika´ni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge. [The arm at the side of the Midē´wigân points to the interior, the place spoken of.]
251	Onsh´-konsh-na-nā´ pi-na´-wa nin-bosh´-i-na´-na. With the bear’s claws I almost hit him. The Midē´ used the bear’s claw to work a charm, or exorcism, and would seem to indicate that he claimed the powers of a Wâbĕnō´. The one spoken of is an evil man´idō, referred to in the preceding line, in which he speaks of having heard him.

At the conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may be
made by a Midē´, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the powers
wielded by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the chief priest
intimates to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning. They then
leave the Midē´wigân by the western door, and before night all movable
accessories are taken away from the structure.

The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing,
etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective
homes.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

Although the mī´gis shell of the several degrees is generally of the
same species, some of the older Midē´ priests claim that there were
formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining
specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by Sika´s-sigĕ
as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the Cypræa monata,
L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated form, both
shown on Pl. XI, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively.

The fact of a Midē´ having been subjected to “mī´gis shooting” for
the third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his powers
are in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of exorcism and
incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of magic medicines more
extended and certain of effect; and his ability to do harm, as in the
capacity of a Wâbĕnō´, is more and more lauded and feared. He becomes
possessed of a greater power in prophecy and prevision, and in this
state enters the class of personages known as the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or
jugglers. His power over darkness and obscurity is indicated on Pl. III, A, No.
77, upon which the head, chest, and arms are represented as being
covered with lines to designate obscurity, the extended arms with
outstretched hands denoting ability to grasp and control that which is
hidden to the eye.

Fig. 26.—Jĕs´sakkân´ or juggler’s lodge.

The Jĕs´sakkīd´ and his manner of performing have already been
mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit Fathers
early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under various
designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du manitou, etc.
Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and formed one of the
greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianization of the Indians.
Although the Jĕs´sakkīd´ may be a seer and prophet as well as a
practitioner of exorcism without becoming a
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member of the Midē´wiwin, it is only when a Midē´ attains the rank of
the third degree that he begins to give evidence of, or pretends to
exhibit with any degree of confidence, the powers accredited to the
former. The structure erected and occupied by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ for the
performance of his powers as prophet or oracle has before been described
as cylindrical, being made by planting four or more poles and wrapping
about them sheets of birch bark, blankets, or similar material that will
serve as a covering. This form of structure is generally represented in
pictographic records, as shown in Fig. 26.

Fig. 27.—Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.	Fig. 28.—Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.

Fig. 29.—Jĕs´sakkân´, juggler’s lodge.

The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced from
birch-bark etchings, were the property of Jĕs´sakkīd´, who were also
Midē´ of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that the
structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wig´iwam, as their
profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher esteem than the
art of prophecy; their status and claims as Jĕs´sakkīd´ being indicated
by the great number of ma´nidōs which they have the power of invoking.
These man´idōs, or spirits, are indicated by the outline of their
material forms, the heart being indicated and connected with the
interior of the structure to show the power of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ over the
life of the respective spirits. The Thunder-bird usually occupies the
highest position in his estimation, and for this reason is drawn
directly over the wig´iwam. The Turtle is claimed to be the man´idō who
acts as intermediary between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and the other man´idōs, and
is therefore not found among the characters on the outside of the
wig´iwam, but his presence is indicated within, either at the spot
marking the convergence of the “life lines,” or immediately below it.




Fig. 30.—
Jĕs´sakkân´ or
juggler’s lodge.
Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an
253


etching made by a Jĕs´sakkīd´ at White Earth, Minnesota. The two curved
lines above the Jĕs´sakkan´ represent the sky, from which magic power is
derived, as shown by the waving line extending downward. The small spots
within the structure are “magic spots,” i.e., the presence of man´idōs.
The juggler is shown upon the left side near the base. When a prophet is
so fortunate as to be able to claim one of these man´idōs as his own
tutelary daimon, his advantage in invoking the others is comparatively
greater. Before proceeding to the Jĕs´sakkân´—or the “Jugglery,”
as the Jĕs´sakkīd´ wig´iwam is commonly designated, a prophet will
prepare himself by smoking and making an offering to his man´idō, and by
singing a chant, of which an example is presented on Pl. XIV, D. It
is a reproduction of one made by a Jĕs´sakkīd´ who was also a Midē´ of
the third degree. Each line is chanted as often as may be desired, or
according to the effect which it may be desirable to produce or the
inspired state of the singer.

Plate XIV.d. Mnemonic Song.

	Me-we´-yan, ha´, ha´, ha´, I go into the Jĕs´sakkan´ to see the medicine. The circle represents the Jĕs´sakkīd´ as viewed from above; the short lines denote the magic character of the structure, and the central ring, or spot, the magic stone used by the prophet who appears entering from the side.
	Tschi-nun´-dōn´, he´, he´, he´, he´, I was the one who dug up life. The Otter Man´idō emerging from the Midē´wigân; he received it from Ki´tshi Mani´dō.
	Ni´ka-nī´ we-do-kon´-a, ha´, ha´, The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow. The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote supernatural origin of the mī´gis, which is shown by the four small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent the ascending sprouts of magic plants.
	Te-ti-ba´-tshi mŭt´-â-wit´, tē´, hē´, hē´, I am the one that dug up the medicine. The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The speaker represents himself “like unto the Otter Man´idō.”
	Ki´wan-win´-da ma´-kwa-nan´, na´, ha´, I answer my brother spirit. The Otter Man´idō responds to the invocation of the speaker. The diagonal line across the body signifies the “spirit character” of the animal.
254	Rest or pause.
	Wa´-a-so´-at wĕn´-ti´-na-man, ha´, ha, The spirit has put life into my body. The speaker is represented as being in the Midē´-wigân, where Ki´tshi Man´idō placed magic power into his body; the arms denote this act of putting into his sides the mī´gis. The line crossing the body denotes the person to be possessed of supernatural power.
	Ki-to´-na-bi´-in, nē´, hē´, hē´, This is what the medicine has given us. The Midē´wigân, showing on the upper line the guardian man´idōs.
	Ni´-sha-we´-ni-bĭ-ku´, hū´, hū´, hē´, I took with two hands what was thrown down to us. The speaker grasped life, i.e., the migīs´, to secure the mysterious power which he professes.