THE
MENORAH
JOURNAL
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Greetings: From Dr. Cyrus Adler, Louis D. Brandeis, Professor Richard Gottheil, Dr. Joseph Jacobs, Dr. Kaufman Kohler, Justice Irving Lehman, Judge Julian W. Mack, Dr. J. L. Magnes, Dr. Martin A. Meyer, Dr. David Philipson, Dr. Solomon Schechter, Jacob H. Schiff, and Dr. Stephen S. Wise
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600 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK -:- -:- -:- 25 CTS. A COPY
ASSOCIATION
For the Study and Advancement of
Jewish Culture and Ideals
OFFICERS
Chancellor
HENRY HURWITZ
600 Madison Avenue, New York
President
I. LEO SHARFMAN
University of Michigan
| First Vice-President MOSES BARRON University of Minnesota | Second Vice-President LEON J. ROSENTHAL Cornell University |
|
Secretary ISADOR BECKER University of Michigan | Treasurer J. K. MILLER Penn State College |
THE ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL
Composed of Representatives, one each, from every constituent Menorah
Society (The Representatives for 1915 will be announced in the next
issue of The Menorah Journal)
There are Menorah Societies now at the following Colleges and
Universities:
| Boston University | University of Colorado |
| Brown University | University of Denver |
| Clark University | University of Illinois |
| College of City of New York | University of Maine |
| Columbia University | University of Michigan |
| Cornell University | University of Minnesota |
| Harvard University | University of Missouri |
| Hunter College | University of North Carolina |
| Johns Hopkins University | University of Omaha |
| New York University | University of Pennsylvania |
| Ohio State University | University of Pittsburgh |
| Penn State College | University of Texas |
| Radcliffe College | University of Washington |
| Rutgers College | University of Wisconsin |
| Tufts College | Valparaiso University |
| University of California | Western Reserve University |
| University of Chicago | Yale University |
| University of Cincinnati |
Office of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
600 Madison Avenue, New York
the
Menorah Journal
An Editorial Statement
aspirations of the Menorah movement, will necessarily be far more than
merely an “official organ” for the Menorah Societies. That function,
indeed, becomes increasingly important as the Menorah Societies
multiply in number and influence throughout the country. In this
special appeal to Menorah members, however, the Journal will be more
than a news medium; it will supply important material for study and
discussion, and stimulate thinking and active effort in behalf of
Menorah ideals. And inasmuch as the furtherance of Menorah ideals
means the advancement of American Jewry and the spread of Hebraic
culture, the Journal should appeal to every one in America who
sympathises with these purposes. The Journal will be conducted with
this general appeal always in mind—with the desire, indeed, to make
it a model publication dealing with Jewish life and thought. To
publish a periodical that shall measure up to this high standard, with
its accompanying influence and power, is one of the aspirations of the
Menorah movement; and the Menorah auspices and conditions are so
peculiarly favorable to the achievement of this ambition as to lend
every encouragement to the effort that will be put forth to make the
Journal a genuinely significant publication for the whole of American
Jewry.
For conceived as it is and nurtured as it must continue to be in the
spirit that gave birth to the Menorah idea, the Menorah Journal is
under compulsion to be absolutely non-partisan, an expression of all
that is best in Judaism and not merely of some particular sect or
school or locality or group of special interests; fearless in telling
the truth; promoting constructive thought rather than aimless
controversy; animated with the vitality and enthusiasm of youth;
harking back to the past that we may deal more wisely with the present
and the future; recording and appreciating Jewish achievement, not to
brag, but to bestir ourselves to emulation and to deepen the
consciousness of noblesse oblige; striving always to be sane and
level-headed; offering no opinions[2] of its own, but providing an
orderly platform for the discussion of mooted questions that really
matter; dedicated first and foremost to the fostering of the Jewish
“humanities” and the furthering of their influence as a spur to human
service.
It will undoubtedly prove necessary on more than one occasion in the
future to emphasize again the fact that the Journal is an
unqualifiedly non-partisan forum for the discussion of Jewish
problems; and that accordingly neither the Menorah Journal nor the
Menorah Societies are to be regarded as standing sponsor for the views
expressed in these columns by contributors. Nor will the Journal have
any editorials expressing the views of its editors or of the Menorah
organization,—particularly since the Menorah organization takes no
official stand on mooted subjects. The editorial policy will be one of
fairness in giving equal hospitality to opposing views; and space will
gladly be given to reasonable letters or articles that take exception
to statements or opinions published in these pages.
The Journal is singularly fortunate in having enlisted the
co-operation of the distinguished leaders of Jewish life and thought
who comprise its Board of Consulting Editors. The assurances already
in hand of important articles to come from our Consulting Editors and
from other notable men and women, both Jewish and non-Jewish, lend
strength to the editorial confidence that succeeding issues will more
and more repay the public interest. As an incidental but none the less
vital aim, the Journal hopes to be instrumental in encouraging our
young men and women, particularly in the Menorah membership, to devote
themselves to Jewish subjects as worthy of their best literary
effort,—with publication in the Menorah Journal as a prize to be
eagerly sought for. The Menorah hopes through the incentive of the
Journal to develop a “new school” of writers on Jewish topics that
shall be distinguished by the thoroughness and clarity of the
university-trained mind and inspired by the youthful, searching,
unfearing spirit of the Menorah movement.
With these aims and these aspirations, the Menorah Journal bids for
the favor of the public. Scholarly when scholarship will be in order,
but always endeavoring to be timely, vivacious, readable; keen in the
pursuit of truth wherever its source and whatever the consequences; a
Jewish forum open to all sides; devoted first and last to bringing out
the values of Jewish culture and ideals, of Hebraism and of Judaism,
and striving for their advancement—the Menorah Journal hopes not
merely to entertain, but to enlighten, in a time when knowledge,
thought, and vision are more than ever imperative in Jewish life.[3]
Greetings
From Dr. Cyrus Adler
Philadelphia

send a word of greeting to the Menorah men throughout the United
States. An Association which has as its object the promotion in
American colleges and universities of the study of Jewish history,
culture and problems, and the advancement of Jewish ideals, cannot but
fail to command my personal and official interest and support.
The Jewish people have a long and honorable record of literary
activity. Our Holy Scriptures, our Rabbinical Literature, our
contributions to philosophy, to ethics, to law, our poetry, sacred and
secular, our share in the world’s history, all become part of the
program which you have laid out for yourselves as a means of
cultivation. In their due proportion they should (although they do
not) form a part of the outfit of every educated man. That they should
be especially cultivated by Jewish young people is self-evident, and,
for several thousand years, they have been.
You Menorah men have taken the modern form of association for the
purpose of carrying on these studies, of cherishing your Jewish ideals
along with your general culture or with your chosen profession, and it
was high time that you should do so. You already count thousands of
young people, and as time goes on you will gradually increase in
number. From among your group will come the future leaders of the
Jewish people in America, and your main body will form our
intellectual backbone. It is my hope and belief that your movement
will gradually tend toward the maintenance and promotion of Judaism in
this land.
We are now a population of nearly three million souls. That such a
vast body should be lost to Judaism or should maintain a Judaism
ignorant of its language, its literature or its traditions, is almost
unthinkable. Conditions abroad may shift the center of gravity of
Judaism and of Jewish learning to the American continent. Your
movement is one which will aid in training the group that may be
expected to measure up to our new responsibilities.
It has been a source of great personal pleasure to me to meet with
your Association in your annual convention and to have the privilege
of coming in personal contact with some of your Societies,—at
Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Pennsylvania, and Boston Universities. I hope
to have the pleasure of meeting more of you and to derive more of the
stimulus which your enthusiasm gives me in my work. Speaking not only
in my own name but[4] in behalf of my colleagues on the Board of
Governors and the Faculty of The Dropsie College for Hebrew and
Cognate Learning, I wish your Association and your Journal success in
all of your endeavors.
From Louis D. Brandeis
Chairman of the Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist
Affairs

Menorah Society is a landmark in the Jewish Renaissance. That
Renaissance, in which the Society is certain to be a significant
factor, is of no less importance to America than to its Jews.
America offers to man his greatest opportunity—liberty amidst peace
and large natural resources. But the noble purpose to which America is
dedicated cannot be attained unless this high opportunity is fully
utilized; and to this end each of the many peoples which she has
welcomed to her hospitable shores must contribute the best of which it
is capable. To America the contribution of the Jews can be peculiarly
large. America’s fundamental law seeks to make real the brotherhood of
man. That brotherhood became the Jews’ fundamental law more than
twenty-five hundred years ago. America’s twentieth century demand is
for social justice. That has been the Jews’ striving ages-long. Their
religion and their afflictions have prepared them for effective
democracy. Persecution made the Jews’ law of brotherhood
self-enforcing. It taught them the seriousness of life; it broadened
their sympathies; it deepened the passion for righteousness; it
trained them in patient endurance, in persistence, in self-control,
and in self-sacrifice. Furthermore, the widespread study of Jewish law
developed the intellect, and made them less subject to preconceptions
and more open to reason.
America requires in her sons and daughters these qualities and
attainments, which are our natural heritage. Patriotism to America, as
well as loyalty to our past, imposes upon us the obligation of
claiming this heritage of the Jewish spirit and of carrying forward
noble ideals and traditions through lives and deeds worthy of our
ancestors. To this end each new generation should be trained in the
knowledge and appreciation of their own great past; and the
opportunity should be afforded for the further development of Jewish
character and culture.
The Menorah Societies and their Journal deserve most generous support
in their efforts to perform this noble task.
From Dr. Richard Gottheil
Columbia University

Menorah Journal. I do so with pleasure; indeed with much satisfaction.
The Menorah students at our colleges and universities will now be
bound together by a new bond, one that will give them a more unified
direction and converge their efforts toward the goal which the Menorah
has set for itself.
I should like to think that it is not entirely fortuitous that this
added impulse is given to our work just at this time. We all feel that
the present is a moment when the very foundations of our ethical
life—both as individuals and as groups—have received a rude shock.
At such a time—more than ever—we need to understand and to bear in
mind the great teachings which Jewish sages have given to the world,
as their and our contribution to the moral foundations of society.
Such teachings were, in most cases, not decked out in the tawdry
trappings of a recondite and far-fetched philosophy, nor garnished
with the decorations of superlogical terminology, nor even put forth
with lusty rhetoric. They were simple and to the point, because they
were founded upon deep religious convictions.
One of these teachings occurs to me as I write these lines: “The moral
condition of the world depends upon three things—truth, justice and
peace.” Have we outgrown such teaching? Have the astounding advances
made during the last one hundred years in the science of physical
living brought us any nearer to the true inwardness of moral living
than the ethical principles put forth by these early teachers? As our
hearts are rent by the sufferings of those who are caught in the
meshes of the terrible war now raging, and as our intellects are
befogged by the various excuses advanced in justification of carnage
and wholesale destruction, do not the simple words of the old Hebrew
sage appear to us as a beacon-light in the surrounding darkness?
“Truth, Justice, Peace!”
Many similar lessons are awaiting those who will show some little
willingness to learn and to know. They are a part of the patrimony
that is ours, and which for the most part we refuse to claim. A voice
is crying to us out of our own midst. We do not hear; for our ears are
sealed as with wax. The Menorah Societies, which now are to be found
in most of our institutions of higher learning, have set themselves
the task of bringing our Jewish students to a consciousness of their
own past, to a knowledge of their history as members of a great
historic people, and to a just appreciation of the teachings of their
religion. It is only the knowledge of what we have tried to be that
will make us realize fully what we are and will enable us to see what
our future may be. The Menorah Journal is intended to bring this
knowledge to our young men, to harden their Jewish resolve and to
point the way along which lies the consummation of our Jewish hopes.
It sends its greeting to every Jewish student, whether or not he be a
member of a Menorah Society. We of an older generation look to our
university and college men as the Jewish leaders of the future. Let
them gather[6] around the Menorah Journal in order to make it a true
expression of Jewish ideals, a powerful incentive to join the ranks of
those who are active in our cause. The word of the Prophet comes to me
again: “Be ye strong, therefore, and let not your hands be weak; for
your work shall be rewarded.”
From Joseph Jacobs

something in the spirit of Ibsen’s Master-Builder, who hears the
coming generation knocking at the door. I have long been of the
opinion that the future of American Israel lies with the academic Jews
of the American universities. The organ that represents them should
be, from this point of view, the voice of Israel’s future in America.
If you can live up to that ideal, you have indeed a great future
before you.

From Dr. Kaufman Kohler

sight of the Via Appia at the other end, your attention is riveted
by an exquisite white marble arch wonderfully preserved. It is the
Arch of Titus erected in memory of Rome’s triumph over Judæa Capta.
As you look closer at the trophies chiseled on this famous monument,
you find there standing out most conspicuously the seven-armed
candlestick carried by the Jewish captives, the Menorah, regarded,
no doubt, by the proud victor as the most characteristic feature of
the destroyed Jewish temple. Yet how strange! It seems to be almost a
foreboding of the future dominion of the vanquished over the
vanquisher. Israel’s state, with its temple, Israel’s nationality was
trampled under foot by the Roman legions—Israel’s religion remained
unconquered, the light of its truth remained undimmed; nay, it grew
brighter and stronger until the world was filled with its splendor.
Little did the Emperor Vespasian dream, when he granted Rabbi Johanan
ben Zakkai, the Jewish maker of learning, the privilege of building a
schoolhouse at Jamnia as a substitute for the hall of the judiciary in
the temple at Jerusalem, that this sanctuary of the Jewish law and
what it[7] represents would by far eclipse all the power and greatness
of the Roman civilization. Yet this was symbolized by the Menorah.
Whether originally intended or not, it was the emblem of Israel’s
mission of light. It indicated the task of the Jew, when scattered
over the wide globe, to be a light to the nations, the religious
luminary to the world. And if we be permitted to give a special
meaning to the seven arms of light of the Golden Candlestick, we might
find therein a suggestion of the lights of truth, justice and purity,
or holiness, on the one side, and the lights of law, literature, and
art, or wisdom, on the other, while the light in the center stands for
religion, from which all the other lights emanated and for which the
Jew throughout the centuries lived, suffered, and died, to preserve
intact as mankind’s highest treasure to the very end of history.
These ideas I would offer as greeting to the editors and readers of
the Menorah Journal. The name “Menorah” was aptly chosen by the
founders of the pioneer Menorah Society with a view to the two-fold
task of the light-bearer, to enlighten a surrounding world, and to
foster self-respect in the hearts of the Jewish students by spreading
the light of Jewish knowledge among them. Now, if I understand
correctly the purpose of starting a Journal as the organ of the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association, it is to give to these endeavors
a more permanent and classical literary form, and thus successfully
defend the cause of Judaism. Wishing this enterprise all success and
Godspeed, I venture to express the hope that true to its name Menorah,
the Journal will become a real banner-bearer of light not only
dispelling clouds of doubt and of prejudice within and outside of our
camp, but also aiming to spread the truth of Judaism in all its
spiritual force and grandeur. Not nationalism, which in these days of
a cruel world-war with its barbarism puts our much-vaunted modern
civilization to everlasting shame and which has split the Jewish
people also into warring camps, but Judaism as a religion, which
notwithstanding the differences of its various wings as to form is in
its essentials and fundamentals one, should be the watchword, for it
is the light of the Torah that is both law and learning, religion and
culture, which is to unify and consolidate all the forces of American
Israel.
From Irving Lehman

upon the fact that in their Journal they are obtaining a new
instrument to carry forward their work of bringing to the Jewish youth
knowledge of the old ideals and lessons of the Jewish past. During
these dreadful days, the Jewish students of almost every country
except America have been called from study, and preparation for a life
of usefulness, into pitiless war[8] and useless destruction. The
oppressed in Russia, the student in Germany, and the free Englishman,
all have answered the call to arms of the country in which they live,
and each is fighting, firm in the belief that he is defending his
Fatherland against foreign aggression. The loyalty shown by our
brethren even in those countries where their treatment might well have
furnished at least an explanation for disloyalty, is a new
demonstration of the ancient spirit of devotion to their ideals which,
I believe, has always been the true spirit of the Jews. But the ideal
of national physical strength is not the ideal which we Jews had when
we were a nation and which we must strive to make the ideal of the
modern nations in which we live. Dark though these present days are,
yet humanity must progress into the light of a permanent peace, and
though the Jews are doing their full share of the fighting in this war
brought on by their rulers, we must do more than our share in bringing
to its fruition the ancient prophecy: “For the law shall go forth from
Zion and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. And He shall judge many
people and rebuke strong nations, and they shall beat their swords
into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks; nation shall
not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any
more.”
The voice of this Journal may be only a weak, small voice, but if that
voice speaks in the spirit of the prophet and brings home to us the
worth of the prophetic ideals, it may well prove an important factor
in enabling Israel to fulfill its mission as a messenger of peace to
all the nations.
From Julian W. Mack

not only of linking together the Menorah Societies of the country but
also of bringing to the individual members a clearer conception of the
culture, ideals and traditions of the Jews, thereby increasing their
interest in all things Jewish.
This would inevitably tend to strengthen the religious faith of the
Jewish members and to awaken in all of the members a keener and a more
intelligent appreciation of the contribution which Jews and Judaism
have made to human progress.
From Dr. J. L. Magnes
York

Association upon the publication of the Journal. If the Journal can be
put upon a sound business basis assuring its permanence, its
publication will mark an important event in the development of Judaism
in America. What we need above all things is sound thinking on Jewish
affairs. I have no doubt that proper action will result from sound
thinking. The Menorah Journal ought to become the medium for
publishing the best thought modern Jewry is capable of. The present
catastrophe overwhelming Europe has conferred upon the Jews in America
the leadership of Jewry. We can assume this historic obligation only
if our theories be clear cut and well thought out.

From Dr. Martin A. Meyer

for the benefit of thinking Jews, which will stand between the
technical journal of the “Quarterly” type and outside of the purlieus
of our numerous “Weekly” gossip sheets.
Jewish journalism in America has done little, if anything, to justify
the numerous calls which it makes upon the people for support. On the
other hand, there is sad need for a journal representative of our best
thought, which will be readable and which will represent rather than
misrepresent us.
The field of Jewish culture and ideals surely has not been exhausted
by our European brethren. No matter what they may have contributed to
the exploitation of this field there surely remains ample ground for
the American Jew to express himself in the light of the old standards
of Jewish conduct and belief.
It goes without saying that your Journal will make its primary appeal
to the college man and woman. If successful, it will have saved for
Jewry its most valuable elements and enable us to build in the future
on a better and broader basis than the purely financial and commercial
leadership of the past.
From the far West we join hands with you in the far East and unite in
fervent hopes that the new Menorah Journal may grow from strength to
strength.
From Dr. David Philipson

charged the Jewish intelligenzia of his day with indifference
towards Judaism and Jewish interests. This accusation of Geiger’s has
since been repeated frequently. But a rift is appearing in the cloud.
To-day as never before our intelligenzia as defined by university
training and education is identifying itself more and more with Jewish
life and aspiration in our country. And I feel that due credit should
be given the Menorah movement in our colleges for this change of
attitude of Jewish students and professors. This movement, still
young, has accomplished much in bringing together the young men and
women who form our intellectual elite into associations for the study
of Jewish history and the consideration of Jewish problems. It has
awakened an interest in Jewish matters in many who have been lukewarm
and indifferent. It has brought as lecturers to our colleges Jewish
men of light and leading from many communities, who have voiced their
messages and given food for thought to the future leaders now sitting
on university benches.
The call of the ages sounds to the intellectual nobility of our day
and generation. Learning has been extolled among Jews from earliest
times, and the wise man has been the accredited leader, so that it was
declared that “the wise man is greater than the prophet.” I would have
the learned classes come again into their own. I would have our
university men in coming years the staunchest Jews in the community
through their intelligent interest in everything that makes for its
highest welfare.
To achieve this is the task of our university men. The possibility of
this achievement I see in such significant signs as the Menorah
movement, the institution of student congregations, and the launching
of this magazine by the Intercollegiate Menorah Association. What has
been called the “Jewish consciousness,” a term which has done yeoman’s
service during the past decade, is being aroused through these
agencies to an even greater degree. This aroused Jewish feeling will,
I am sure, be translated into active service more and more as the
years pass and the present generation of college men carve out their
careers in our communities throughout the country. This is the great
Jewish opportunity of the present generation; in this will they
reverse, such is my hope and my belief, that condition and that
attitude of the Jewish intelligenzia in the past (and still largely
in the present) which evoked the statement of Abraham Geiger. May this
new undertaking prosper so that the young generation whom this
magazine represents may be helped toward a realization of its ideals,
and become an inspiration to all Jewry throughout the length and
breadth of the land.
From Dr. Solomon Schechter

Menorah Association upon their undertaking the publication of the
Menorah Journal, which I have no doubt will prove greatly helpful in
promoting the knowledge of Judaism among the Jewish college youth. In
a liberal country like ours, with the eagerness of our people for
acquiring knowledge, there never was a lack of Jews in our Colleges
and Universities. But what the Menorah Association will accomplish
with the aid of the Journal is, I hope, to have Judaism also
represented in our seats of learning.

From Jacob H. Schiff

Menorah Journal, to provide an opportunity for a more general spread
of the high ideals of the Menorah Societies among our college youth.
When I received some time ago a copy of the publication entitled “The
Menorah Movement,” I noted with particular pleasure the progress the
Menorah Societies had already made. After an attentive perusal of the
contents of this publication, I felt as if a copy ought to be placed
in the hands of every Jewish college and university student, and I
myself distributed a number of copies for propaganda purposes. The
Menorah Societies are to be congratulated upon their new venture in
issuing the Journal, upon which I wish them every success. It is to be
hoped that the Menorah Journal will help the Jewish student to
understand what Judaism means and what as Jews we should strive for to
become useful and worthy citizens of this country. We shall have to
face increasing problems because of the deplorable war in Europe,
which so tragically affects our co-religionists there, and it will
require much devotion and understanding on our part to properly deal
with the conditions which will necessarily arise. The Menorah Journal
should freely discuss these conditions, so as to inspire its readers
with the desire to aid and the courage needed in the situation which
is facing us. Thus, by “spreading light,” the Journal can greatly
assist the Menorah movement, and render efficient service in and
outside of the university. Let me wish Godspeed to your new
publication and its managers.
From Dr. Stephen S. Wise

Association. The Menorah Journal will, I take it, serve the threefold
purpose of keeping the various groups of the Menorah throughout the
universities of the land in constant touch with one another, of
interpreting the ideals of the Menorah to widening circles of the
Jewish youth, and of confirming anew, from time to time, the loyalty
of the Menorah men to the Menorah ideal.
A truly great Jew said about fifteen years ago that a high
self-reverence had transformed arme Judenjungen into stolze junge
Juden. I believe that the Menorah movement in this land is in part
the cause and in other part the token of a transformation among young
American Jews to-day parallel to that cited by Theodor Herzl. It marks
a sea-change from the self pitying Jewish youth, immeasurably “sorry
for himself” because of his exclusion from certain dominantly
unfraternal groups, to the Jewish youth self-regarding, in the highest
sense of the term, self-knowing, self-revering. That the
self-respecting young Jew command the respect of the world without is
of minor importance by the side of the outstanding fact that he has
ceased to measure himself by the values which he imagined the
unfriendly elements of the world without had set upon him.
The Menorah movement is welcome as a proof of a new order in the life
of the young college Jew. He has come to see at last that it is comic,
in large part, to be shut out from the Greek letter fraternities of
the Hellenes and the Barbarians, but that it is tragic, in large part,
to shut himself out from the life of his own people. For it is from
his own people that he must draw his vision and spiritual sustenance
if he is to live a life of self-mastery rather than the life of a
contemptible parasite rooted nowhere and chameleonizing everywhere.
Time was when their fellow-Jews half excused the college men, who
drifted away from the life of Israel, as if the burden of the Jewish
bond were too much for the untried and unrobust shoulders of our
Jewish college men, as if their intellectual and moral squeamishness
led to inevitable revolt against association with their much-despised
and wholly misunderstood Jewish fellows. Now we see, and our younger
brothers of the Menorah fellowship have caught the vision, that no Jew
can be truly cultured who Jewishly uproots himself, that the man who
rejects the birthright of inheritance of the traditions of the
earliest and virilest of the cultured peoples of earth is
impoverishing his very being. The Jew who is a “little Jew” is less of
a man.
The Menorah lights the path for the fellowship of young Israel, finely
self-reverencing. Long be that rekindled light undimmed!

A Call to the Educated Jew
By Louis D. Brandeis

LOUIS D. BRANDEIS (born in Louisville, Ky., in 1856),
lawyer and publicist, is a distinguished leader in the voluntary
profession of “public servant.” His extraordinary record of unselfish,
genuine achievement in behalf of the public interest—for shorter
hours of labor, savings bank insurance, protection against monopoly,
against increase in railroad rates, etc.,—gives peculiar aptness to
the appeal for community service made in this article, which Mr.
Brandeis has prepared from a recent Menorah address. From the
beginning Mr. Brandeis has taken a keen interest in the Menorah
movement as a promotive force for the ideals he has at heart.
distinction on the bench told me this incident from his early life. He
was born in a little village of Western Russia where the opportunities
for schooling were meagre. When he was thirteen his parents sent him
to the nearest city in search of an education. There—in
Bialystok—were good secondary schools and good high schools; but the
Russian law, which limits the percentage of Jewish pupils in any
school, barred his admission. The boy’s parents lacked the means to
pay for private tuition. He had neither relative nor friend in the
city. But soon three men were found who volunteered to give him
instruction. None of them was a teacher by profession. One was a
newspaper man; another was a chemist; the third, I believe, was a
tradesman; all were educated men. And throughout five long years these
three men took from their leisure the time necessary to give a
stranger an education.
The three men of Bialystok realized that education was not a thing of
one’s own to do with as one pleases—not a personal privilege to be
merely enjoyed by the possessor—but a precious treasure transmitted
upon a sacred trust to be held, used and enjoyed, and if possible
strengthened—then passed on to others upon the same trust. Yet the
treasure which these three men held and the boy received in trust was
much more than an education. It included that combination of qualities
which enabled and impelled these three men to give and the boy to seek
and to acquire an education. These qualities embrace: first,
intellectual capacity; second, an appreciation of the value of
education; third, indomitable will; fourth, capacity for hard
work. It was these qualities which[14] enabled the lad not only to
acquire but to so utilize an education that, coming to America,
ignorant of our language and of our institutions, he attained in
comparatively few years the important office he has so honorably
filled.
Now whence comes this combination of qualities of mind, body and
character? These are qualities with which every one is familiar,
singly and in combination; which you find in friends and relatives,
and which others doubtless discover in you. They are qualities
possessed by most Jews who have attained distinction or other success;
and in combination they may properly be called Jewish qualities. For
they have not come to us by accident; they were developed by three
thousand years of civilization, and nearly two thousand years of
persecution; developed through our religion and spiritual life;
through our traditions; and through the social and political
conditions under which our ancestors lived. They are, in short, the
product of Jewish life.
training of the mind throughout twenty-five centuries. The Torah led
the “People of the Book” to intellectual pursuits at times when most
of the Aryan peoples were illiterate. And religion imposed the use of
the mind upon the Jews, indirectly as well as directly, and demanded
of the Jew not merely the love, but the understanding of God. This
necessarily involved a study of the Laws. And the conditions under
which the Jews were compelled to live during the last two thousand
years also promoted study in a people among whom there was already
considerable intellectual attainment. Throughout the centuries of
persecution practically the only life open to the Jew which could give
satisfaction was the intellectual and spiritual life. Other fields of
activity and of distinction which divert men from intellectual
pursuits were closed to the Jews. Thus they were protected by their
privations from the temptations of material things and worldly
ambitions. Driven by circumstances to intellectual pursuits, their
mental capacity gradually developed. And as men delight in that which
they do well, there was an ever widening appreciation of things
intellectual.
Is not the Jews’ indomitable will—the power which enables them to
resist temptation and, fully utilizing their mental capacity, to
overcome obstacles—is not that quality also the result of the
conditions under which they lived so long? To live a Jew during the
centuries of persecution was to lead a constant struggle for
existence. That struggle was so severe that only the fittest could
survive. Survival was not possible except where there was strong
will—a will both to live and to live a Jew. The weaker ones passed
either out of Judaism or out of existence.
And finally, the Jewish capacity for hard work is also the product of[15]
Jewish life—a life characterized by temperate, moral living continued
throughout the ages, and protected by those marvellous sanitary
regulations which were enforced through the religious sanctions.
Remember, too, that amidst the hardship to which our ancestors were
exposed it was only those with endurance who survived.
So let us not imagine that what we call our achievements are wholly or
even largely our own. The phrase “self-made man” is most misleading.
We have power to mar; but we alone cannot make. The relatively large
success achieved by Jews wherever the door of opportunity is opened to
them is due, in the main, to this product of Jewish life—to this
treasure which we have acquired by inheritance—and which we are in
duty bound to transmit unimpaired, if not augmented, to coming
generations.
But our inheritance comprises far more than this combination of
qualities making for effectiveness. These are but means by which man
may earn a living or achieve other success. Our Jewish trust comprises
also that which makes the living worthy and success of value. It
brings us that body of moral and intellectual perceptions, the point
of view and the ideals, which are expressed in the term Jewish spirit;
and therein lies our richest inheritance.
autocratic of countries, to America, the most democratic of countries,
comes here, not as to a strange land, but as to a home? The ability of
the Russian Jew to adjust himself to America’s essentially democratic
conditions is not to be explained by Jewish adaptability. The
explanation lies mainly in the fact that the twentieth century ideals
of America have been the ideals of the Jew for more than twenty
centuries. We have inherited these ideals of democracy and of social
justice as we have the qualities of mind, body and character to which
I referred. We have inherited also that fundamental longing for truth
on which all science—and so largely the civilization of the twentieth
century—rests; although the servility incident to persistent
oppression has in some countries obscured its manifestation.
Among the Jews democracy was not an ideal merely. It was a practice—a
practice made possible by the existence among them of certain
conditions essential to successful democracy, namely:
First: An all-pervading sense of the duty in the citizen. Democratic
ideals cannot be attained through emphasis merely upon the rights of
man. Even a recognition that every right has a correlative duty will
not meet the needs of democracy. Duty must be accepted as the dominant
conception in life. Such were the conditions in the early days of the
colonies and states of New England, when American democracy reached
there its fullest[16] expression; for the Puritans were trained in
implicit obedience to stern duty by constant study of the Prophets.
Second: Relatively high intellectual attainments. Democratic ideals
cannot be attained by the mentally undeveloped. In a government where
everyone is part sovereign, everyone should be competent, if not to
govern, at least to understand the problems of government; and to this
end education is an essential. The early New Englanders appreciated
fully that education is an essential of potential equality. The
founding of their common school system was coincident with the
founding of the colonies; and even the establishment of institutions
for higher education did not lag far behind. Harvard College was
founded but six years after the first settlement of Boston.
Third: Submission to leadership as distinguished from authority.
Democratic ideals can be attained only where those who govern exercise
their power not by alleged divine right or inheritance, but by force
of character and intelligence. Such a condition implies the attainment
by citizens generally of relatively high moral and intellectual
standards; and such a condition actually existed among the Jews. These
men who were habitually denied rights, and whose province it has been
for centuries “to suffer and to think,” learned not only to sympathize
with their fellows (which is the essence of democracy and social
justice), but also to accept voluntarily the leadership of those
highly endowed morally and intellectually.
Fourth: A developed community sense. The sense of duty to which I
have referred was particularly effective in promoting democratic
ideals among the Jews, because of their deep-seated community feeling.
To describe the Jew as an individualist is to state a most misleading
half-truth. He has to a rare degree merged his individuality and his
interests in the community of which he forms a part. This is evidenced
among other things by his attitude toward immortality. Nearly every
other people has reconciled this world of suffering with the idea of a
beneficent providence by conceiving of immortality for the individual.
The individual sufferer bore present ills by regarding this world as
merely the preparation for another, in which those living righteously
here would find individual reward hereafter. Of all the nations,
Israel “takes precedence in suffering”; but, despite our national
tragedy, the doctrine of individual immortality found relatively
slight lodgment among us. As Ahad Ha-‘Am so beautifully said: “Judaism
did not turn heavenward and create in Heaven an eternal habitation of
souls. It found ‘eternal life’ on earth, by strengthening the social
feeling in the individual; by making him regard himself not as an
isolated being with an existence bounded by birth and death, but as
part of a larger whole, as a limb of the social body. This conception
shifts the center of gravity not from the flesh to the spirit, but
from the individual to the community; and concurrently with this
shifting, the problem of life becomes a problem not of individual, but
of social life. I live for the sake[17] of the perpetuation and happiness
of the community of which I am a member; I die to make room for new
individuals, who will mould the community afresh and not allow it to
stagnate and remain forever in one position. When the individual thus
values the community as his own life, and strives after its happiness
as though it were his individual well-being, he finds satisfaction,
and no longer feels so keenly the bitterness of his individual
existence, because he sees the end for which he lives and suffers.” Is
not that the very essence of the truly triumphant twentieth-century
democracy?
what are the terms of that trust; what the obligations imposed? The
short answer is noblesse oblige; and its command is two-fold. It
imposes duties upon us in respect to our own conduct as individuals;
it imposes no less important duties upon us as part of the Jewish
community or race. Self-respect demands that each of us lead
individually a life worthy of our great inheritance and of the
glorious traditions of the race. But this is demanded also by respect
for the rights of others. The Jews have not only been ever known as a
“peculiar people”; they were and remain a distinctive and minority
people. Now it is one of the necessary incidents of a distinctive and
minority people that the act of any one is in some degree attributed
to the whole group. A single though inconspicuous instance of
dishonorable conduct on the part of a Jew in any trade or profession
has far-reaching evil effects extending to the many innocent members
of the race. Large as this country is, no Jew can behave badly without
injuring each of us in the end. Thus the Rosenthal and the white-slave
traffic cases, though local to New York, did incalculable harm to the
standing of the Jews throughout the country. The prejudice created may
be most unjust, but we may not disregard the fact that such is the
result. Since the act of each becomes thus the concern of all, we are
perforce our brothers’ keepers. Each, as co-trustee for all, must
exact even from the lowliest the avoidance of things dishonorable; and
we may properly brand the guilty as traitor to the race.
But from the educated Jew far more should be exacted. In view of our
inheritance and our present opportunities, self-respect demands that
we live not only honorably but worthily; and worthily implies nobly.
The educated descendants of a people which in its infancy cast aside
the Golden Calf and put its faith in the invisible God cannot worthily
in its maturity worship worldly distinction and things material. “Two
men he honors and no third,” says Carlyle—”the toil-worn craftsman
who conquers the earth and him who is seen toiling for the spiritually
indispensable.”
And yet, though the Jew make his individual life the loftiest, that
alone will not fulfill the obligations of his trust. We are bound not
only to use[18] worthily our great inheritance, but to preserve and, if
possible, augment it; and then transmit it to coming generations. The
fruit of three thousand years of civilization and a hundred
generations of suffering may not be sacrificed by us. It will be
sacrificed if dissipated. Assimilation is national suicide. And
assimilation can be prevented only by preserving national
characteristics and life as other peoples, large and small, are
preserving and developing their national life. Shall we with our
inheritance do less than the Irish, the Servians, or the Bulgars? And
must we not, like them, have a land where the Jewish life may be
naturally led, the Jewish language spoken, and the Jewish spirit
prevail? Surely we must, and that land is our fathers’ land: it is
Palestine.
manifestation in the struggle for existence. Zionism is, of course,
not a movement to remove all the Jews of the world compulsorily to
Palestine. In the first place, there are in the world about 14,000,000
Jews, and Palestine would not accommodate more than one-fifth of that
number. In the second place, this is not a movement to compel anyone
to go to Palestine. It is essentially a movement to give to the Jew
more, not less, freedom—a movement to enable the Jews to exercise the
same right now exercised by practically every other people in the
world—to live at their option either in the land of their fathers or
in some other country; a right which members of small nations as well
as of large—which Irish, Greek, Bulgarian, Servian or Belgian, as
well as German or English—may now exercise.
Furthermore, Zionism is not a movement to wrest from the Turk the
sovereignty of Palestine. Zionism seeks merely to establish in
Palestine for such Jews as choose to go and remain there, and for
their descendants, a legally secured home, where they may live
together and lead a Jewish life; where they may expect ultimately to
constitute a majority of the population, and may look forward to what
we should call home rule.
The establishment of the legally secured Jewish home is no longer a
dream. For more than a generation brave pioneers have been building
the foundations of our new old home. It remains for us to build the
superstructure. The Ghetto walls are now falling, Jewish life cannot
be preserved and developed, assimilation cannot be averted, unless
there be reëstablished in the fatherland a center from which the
Jewish spirit may radiate and give to the Jews scattered throughout
the world that inspiration which springs from the memories of a great
past and the hope of a great future. To accomplish this it is not
necessary that the Jewish population of Palestine be large as compared
with the whole number of Jews in the world. Throughout centuries when
the Jewish influence was great, and it was working out its own, and in
large part the world’s, destiny during the[19] Persian, the Greek, and
the Roman Empires, only a relatively small part of the Jews lived in
Palestine; and only a small part of the Jews returned from Babylon
when the Temple was rebuilt.
The glorious past can really live only if it becomes the mirror of a
glorious future; and to this end the Jewish home in Palestine is
essential. We Jews of prosperous America above all need its
inspiration. And the Menorah men should be its builders.
this country. The one is an heroic attempt to organize
the Jews of the country for Jewish things. That can be
done, I believe, primarily through the organization of
self-conscious Jewish communities throughout the
country. The other thing necessary is, that we have
vigorous Jewish thinking. We need a theory, a
substantial theory, for our Jewish life, just as much
as we need Jewish organization. We need to have our
college men think their problems through without fear,
courageously, by whatever name their theories may be
known, be these theories called Zionism or
anti-Zionism, Reform Judaism or Orthodox Judaism. We
need some vigorous Jewish thinking.—From a Menorah
Address by Dr. J. L. Magnes.
Menorah
By William Ellery Leonard

WILLIAM ELLERY LEONARD (born in New Jersey in 1876),
Assistant Professor of English at the University of Wisconsin, is the
author of several volumes of verse and literary criticism which have
won high praise,—notably “Sonnets and Poems,” “Byron and Byronism in
America,” and “The Vaunt of Man.”
| WE’VE read in legends of the books of old |
| How deft Bezalel, wisest in his trade, |
| At the command of veilèd Moses made |
| The seven-branched candlestick of beaten gold— |
| The base, the shaft, the cups, the knops, the flowers, |
| Like almond blossoms—and the lamps were seven. |
| We know at least that on the templed rock |
| Of Zion hill, with earth’s revolving hours |
| Under the changing centuries of heaven, |
| It stood upon the solemn altar block, |
| By every Gentile who had heard abhorred— |
| The holy light of Israel of the Lord; |
| Until that Titus and the legions came |
| And battered the walls with catapult and fire, |
| And bore the priests and candlestick away, |
| And, as memorial of fulfilled desire, |
| Bade carve upon the arch that bears his name |
| The stone procession ye may see today |
| Beyond the Forum on the Sacred Way, |
| Lifting the golden candlestick of fame. |
| The city fell, the temple was a heap; |
| And little children, who had else grown strong |
| And in their manhood venged the Roman wrong, |
| Strewed step and chamber, in eternal sleep. |
| But the great vision of the sevenfold flames |
| Outlasted the cups wherein at first it sprung. |
| The Greeks might teach the arts, the Romans law; |
| The heathen hordes might shout for bread and games; |
| Still Israel, exalted in the realms of awe, |
| Guarded the Light in many an alien air, |
| Along the borders of the midland sea |
| [21]In hostile cities, spending praise and prayer |
| And pondering on the larger things to be— |
| Down through the ages when the Cross uprose |
| Among the northern Gentiles to oppose: |
| Then huddled in the ghettos, barred at night, |
| In lands of unknown trees and fiercer snows, |
| They watched forevermore the Light, the Light. |
| The main seas opened to the west. The Nations |
| Covered new continents with generations |
| That had their work to do, their thought to say; |
| And Israel’s hosts from bloody towns afar |
| In the dominions of the ermined Czar, |
| Seared with the iron, scarred with many a stroke, |
| Crowded the hollow ships but yesterday |
| And came to us who are tomorrow’s folk. |
| And the pure Light, however some might doubt |
| Who mocked their dirt and rags, had not gone out. |
| The holy Light of Israel hath unfurled |
| Its tongues of mystic flame around the world. |
| Empires and Kings and Parliaments have passed; |
| Rivers and mountain chains from age to age |
| Become new boundaries for man’s politics. |
| The navies run new ensigns up the mast, |
| The temples try new creeds, new equipage; |
| The schools new sciences beyond the six. |
| And through the lands where many a song hath rung |
| The people speak no more their fathers’ tongue. |
| Yet in the shifting energies of man |
| The Light of Israel remains her Light. |
| And gathered to a splendid caravan |
| From the four corners of the day and night, |
| The chosen people—so the prophets hold— |
| Shall yet return unto the homes of old |
| Under the hills of Judah. Be it so. |
| Only the stars and moon and sun can show |
| A permanence of light to hers akin. |
| What is that Light? Who is there that shall tell |
| The purport of the tribe of Israel?— |
| In the wild welter of races on that earth |
| Which spins in space where thousand other spin— |
| The casual offspring of the Cosmic Mirth |
| [22]Perhaps—what is there any man can win, |
| Or any nation? Ultimates aside, |
| Men have their aims, and Israel her pride. |
| She stands among the rest, austere, aloof, |
| Still the peculiar people, armed in proof |
| Of Selfhood, whilst the others merge or die. |
| She stands among the rest and answers: “I, |
| Above ye all, must ever gauge success |
| By ideal types, and know the more and less |
| Of things as being in the end defined, |
| For this our human life by righteousness. |
| And if I base this in Eternal Mind— |
| Our fathers’ God in victory or distress— |
| I cannot argue for my hardihood, |
| Save that the thought is in my flesh and blood, |
| And made me what I was in olden time, |
| And keeps me what I am today in every clime.” |
The Jews in the War
By Joseph Jacobs

JOSEPH JACOBS (born in New South Wales in 1854), noted
author and editor, was one of England’s well-known scholars and men of
letters when he was called to America to become managing editor of the
Jewish Encyclopedia. He has held the chair of English literature at
the Jewish Theological Seminary, and is now editor of the American
Hebrew. He is the author of many authoritative books, including “Jews
of Angevin England,” “Studies in Jewish Statistics,” “Jewish Ideals,”
and “Literary Studies.”
effect of such a world-cataclysm as the present European war on the
fate of the Jews of the world. The chief center of interest naturally
lies in the eastern field of the war which happens to rage within the
confines of Old Poland. This kingdom, founded by the Jagellons,
brought together Roman Catholic Poland and Greek Catholic Lithuania
and could not, therefore, apply in full rigor the mediaeval principle
that only those could belong to the State who belonged to the State
Church. Hence a certain amount of toleration of religious differences,
which led to Poland forming the chief asylum of the Jews evicted from
Western Europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As a
consequence here lies the most crowded seat of Jewish population in
the world. From it comes the vast majority of the third of a million
Jews in the prime of life who are fighting for their native countries
and often against their fellow-Jews. Probably three hundred thousand
Jewish soldiers are under arms in this district. Besides the
inevitable loss by death of many of these and the distress caused by
the removal of so many others for an indefinite period from
breadwinning for their families, there must be ineffable woe caused by
the fact that this district is the scene of strenuous conflicts, which
lead to the wholesale destruction of the Jewish homes in a literal
sense. When one reflects that one out of every six of the inhabitants
of Russian, Prussian, and Austrian Poland is a Jew, the extent of the
misery thus caused may be imagined. One meets friends whose
birth-place changes nationality from week to week, according as the
different armies take possession. The Jewish inhabitants of Suwalki,
for example, must be doubtful whether they are Germans or Russians,
according as Uhlan or Cossack holds control of their city. But
whichever wins, for the time being, the non-combatants suffer by the
demolition of their houses,[24] the requisition of their property, and
above all by the dislocation of their trade. The mass of misery caused
by the present war in this way to the Jews of Russian, Prussian, and
Austrian Poland is incalculable.
Nor is this direct loss and misery compensated for by any hope of
improved conditions after the war is concluded. One may dismiss at
once the rumor that the Czar has promised his Jewish soldiers any
alleviation of their lot, on account of their loyalty and bravery.
Such rumors are always spread about when the Russian autocracy needs
Jewish blood or money. Besides, we all know the value of the plighted
word of the crowned head of the Russian Church; the emasculation of
the Duma is sufficient evidence of this. And even if the Czar carries
out his promise of giving autonomy to Poland, including any sections
of Prussian and Austrian territory which he may acquire by the present
war, the Jewish lot will not be ameliorated in the slightest. For,
unfortunately, Poles have of recent years turned round on their Jewish
fellow sufferers from Russian tyranny somewhat on the principle of the
boy at school who “passes on” the blow which he has received from a
bigger boy to one smaller yet.
its outcome, will be the increased influence of just those circles
from whom the anti-Semitic movement has emanated throughout Europe for
the past forty years. It is, in my opinion, absurd to think that
militarism will be killed or even scotched by the present war;
militarism cannot cast out militarism. Even if Germany is defeated, it
is impossible to imagine that she will rest content with her defeat,
and practically the only change in the situation will be that “La
Revanche” will be translated into “Die Rache”; and in Russia, the
defeat of Germany will simply increase the prestige and influence of
the grand-ducal circles from which the persecution of the Jews has
mainly emanated.
In the contrary case, if Germany gets the upper hand, the influence of
the Junkers in Germany, with their anti-Semitic tendencies, would be
raised to intolerable limits, while the Reaction in Russia, even if it
loses prestige, will yet be granted more power in order to carry out
the projected revenge.
decreased stream of emigration from Russia and Galicia to this
country, so that the escape from the House of Bondage would be still
more limited. Many will be so impoverished by the war that they will
not be able to afford the minimum sum needed for migration. Death on
the[25] battle-field or in the military hospitals will remove many
energetic young fellows who would otherwise have come to this country
and afterwards have brought their relatives with them. Conditions here
too, in the immediate future, are likely to be less attractive for the
immigrant from the economic point of view owing to the dislocation of
trade caused by the current conflict.
Altogether, as will have been seen from the above enumeration, I am
strongly of opinion that the Jews will suffer even more than most
peoples concerned in the present war. They have nothing to gain by it;
they are sure to lose by it.

justice to one’s fellow men, is not a narrow rule of
life, to be discarded by us today on any plea that we
have outgrown it; surely a history of thousands of
years’ devotion to spiritual ideals is not a history
to be forgotten. America is a land of divers races and
divers religions. Each race and each religion owes to
it the duty of bringing to its service all its
strength; it derives no added strength from a race
which has forgotten the lessons it has learnt in the
past, a race which deliberately discards the spiritual
strength which it has obtained by devotion to its
ideals.—From a Menorah Address by Justice Irving
Lehman.
Jewish Students in European Universities
By Harry Wolfson

HARRY WOLFSON (Harvard A. B. and A. M. 1912), a member
of the Harvard Menorah Society since 1908, was the Hebrew poet at the
annual Harvard Menorah dinners for four years, and won the Harvard
Menorah prize in 1911 for an essay on “Maimonides and Halevi: A Study
in Typical Jewish Attitudes Toward Greek Philosophy in the Middle
Ages.” On graduating from Harvard he received honors in Semitics and
Philosophy, and was appointed to a Sheldon Traveling Fellowship. As
Sheldon Fellow he spent two years abroad, studying in the University
of Berlin and doing research work in the libraries of Munich, Paris,
the Vatican, Parma, the British Museum, Oxford and Cambridge. The
present article is based upon the impressions he gathered during this
period. He is now pursuing graduate studies in Semitics and Philosophy
at Harvard.
soil of Jewish reality, he is like the best of the academic youth of
other nations responsive to the needs of his own people. If in spots
he is still groping in the dark, he is no longer a lone, stray
wanderer, but is seeking his way out to light in the company of
kindred souls. A comprehensive and exhaustive study of native Jewish
student bodies in countries like England, Germany, Austria, France and
Italy, as well as of the Russian Jewish student colonies strewn all
over Western Europe, would bring out, in the most striking manner,
contrasting tendencies in modern Jewry. But that is far from the
direct purpose of this brief paper. As a student and traveler in
various European countries during the years 1912-1914 I had the
opportunity of observing Jewish student life and Jewish conditions in
general abroad, and it is merely a few random impressions of certain
aspects of these European conditions that I have here gathered
together for the readers of the Menorah Journal.
domesticated. The Jewish gentleman is becoming as standardized as the
type of English gentleman. But more insular than the island itself,
Anglo-Jewry, as a whole, prefers to remain within its natural
boundaries, and is disinclined to become the bearer of the white Jew’s
burden. Two of her great Jews, indeed, had embarked upon a scheme of
Jewish empire building. The attempts of both of them, however, ended
in a fizzle, for one was an unimaginative philanthropic squire, and
the other is an interpreter of the dreamers, himself too wide-awake to
become a master of dreams.
Yet within its own narrow limits, Anglo-Jewry is active enough to keep
in perfect condition. Over-exertion, however, is avoided. Cricket
Judaism is played according to the rules of the game, and the players
are quite comfortable in their flannels. The established synagogue of
Mulberry Street is as staid and sober as the Church of England, the
liberalism preached in Berkeley Street as gentle and unscandalizing as
the nonconformity of the City Temple, and the orthodoxy of the United
Synagogue as innocuously papish as the last phases of the Oxford
movement.
In England it is quite fashionable to admit Judaism into the parlor.
Parlor Judaism, to be sure, is not more vital a force nor more
creative than kitchen Judaism, but it seems to be more vital than the
Judaism restricted to the Temple. At least it is voluntary and
personal, and, what is more important, it is engaging. So engrossed in
the subject of his discussion was once my host at tea, that while
administering the sugar he asked me quite absent-mindedly: “Would you
have one or two lumps in your Judaism?” “Thank you, none at all,” was
my reply. “But I am wont to take my Judaism somewhat stronger, if you
please.”
them, in which they glory. That tradition does not at present seem to
stand any imminent danger of being interrupted. The younger generation
follow in the footprints of the older. Nowhere is there so narrow a
rift between Jewish fathers and sons as in England. Hence you do not
find there any prominent organization of the young. Last winter an
anonymous appeal for the organization of the Jewish students in
England ran for several weeks in the Jewish Chronicle, but it seems
to have resulted in nothing.
Independent local organizations of Jewish students, however, are to be
found in almost every university in England. In Oxford and Cambridge
they are organized in congregations, having Synagogues of their own,
in which the students assemble for prayer on every Friday night and
Saturday morning. In Cambridge they hold two services, an orthodox and
a liberal, both well attended. In Oxford they have recently published
a special prayer book of their own, suitable for the needs of all
kinds of students, it being a medley of orthodoxy and liberalism,
which if rather indiscriminate in its theology is, on the whole, made
up with good common sense. English liberal Judaism, it should be
observed, is markedly different from its corresponding cults in
Germany and in the United States. In Germany, reformed Judaism has its
nascence in free thought, and it aims to appeal to the intellectual.
With us liberalism is stimulated by our pragmatic evaluation of
religion, and is held out as a bait to the[28] indifferent. In England it
arises from the growing admiration on the part of a certain class of
Jews for what they consider the inwardness and the superior morality
of Christianity, and is concocted as a cure to those who are so
affected. As a result, English liberal Judaism is more truly religious
than the German, and more sincerely pious than the American. In a
sermon delivered before the Oxford congregation, a young layman of the
Liberal Synagogue of London apostrophized liberal Judaism as the
safeguard of the modern Jews from the attractiveness of the superior
teachings of Christ.
old-fashioned giving. You are stopped for a penny everywhere and by
everybody, from the tramp who asks you to buy him a cup of tea, to the
hospital which solicits a contribution to its maintenance “for one
second.” Pavement artists abound in Paris as much as in London, but in
Paris it is a Bohemian-looking denizen of the “Quartier” posing as a
pinched genius forced to sell his crayon masterpieces for a couple of
sous, whereas in London it is always a crippled ex-soldier trying to
arouse your pity in chalked words for a “poor man’s talent.” But
England is also the classic home of modern social service of every
description. The Salvation Army had its origin in London, where also
Toynbee Hall, the first University settlement of its kind, came into
existence. Likewise among the Jews, there are, on the one hand, the
firmly established old-fashioned charitable institutions to help the
“alien” brethren of the East End, and on the other hand, there are
also the equally well organized boys’ clubs for the “uplifting” of the
“alien” little brethren of the same East End.
The Jewish University men in England take an active interest in both
these branches of philanthropy. It was a fortunate coincidence that
when I came to Oxford the Jewish students there had among them a
social worker of the latter type, who had come to make arrangements
for the reception of a squad of Whitechapel boys who were under his
tutelage. When I afterwards went to Cambridge I found there a delegate
of some charitable board of the London Jewish community, seeking to
enlist the aid of the Jewish students in his work.
the presence of Jewish students. With their far-famed efficiency the
Germans have contrived to turn the large university hall into a medium
of information more adequate than our University Bulletins and
Registers combined. The bulletin boards covering every vacant spot on[29]
the walls told me the story of all the phases of Jewish activities in
the University, professional, social, vocational and, if you please,
also gastronomical, more fully than the frescoed walls of Dido’s
temple told their story to pious Æneas. In the announcement of courses
by the various faculties, well-known Jewish names stand out quite
prominently,—none of them above the rank of Honorar-Professor, to be
sure, but in popularity and achievement they are among the foremost.
Among the long rows of the variegated Wappen of the Korporationen, the
Borussias, Teutonias and Germanias, there hang the insignia of the
Jewish students’ societies, the yellow and white of the Sprevia and
the black and gold of the Hasmonea, both announcing the dates of their
Kneipe held in their respective places in the students’ quarters
around Linienstrasse and Charlottenburg. In another nook of the hall,
from the midst of a jumble of little slips of paper enumerating in
minute detail in microscopic German script what dishes are offered at
the paltry sum of so many pfennig in the various “Privat-Mittagtische”
and “bürgerliche-Küche” there looms up unblushingly, proud in the
clearness of its square characters, the Hebrew word כשר
over the notice of a Lebanon restaurant run by a Palestinian Jew.
Still further on the wall, students of unmistakably Jewish names offer
instruction in almost all the languages spoken, while a German young
lady wants to exchange lessons in Russian with an orthodox Christian
and one who hails from the mendacious little country, cautiously
states, as an inducement to a prospective pupil in the Roumanian
tongue, that the would-be instructor is a true Roumanian. Here you
have a picture of Jewish life in the Berlin University, in its outer
paraphernalia, in its cosmopolitan character, in its relation to the
rest of the student body, in its freedom and restriction, as portrayed
in the unjaundiced tales of bulletin boards.
branch of the inter-varsity K. Z. V. (Kartell Zionistischer
Verbindungen), whereas the Sprevia belongs to the K.-C.
(Kartell-Convent der Tendenzverbindungen deutscher Studenten jüdischen
Glaubens). The former, as the name implies, is Zionistic; the latter
is opposed to Zionism. Their relation to each other, however, is not
like that between the Menorah and the Zionist societies in American
colleges. The Hasmonea and the Sprevia are mutually exclusive, rather
than complementary to each other. The German Jewish student does not
come to the university with a mind open and free as to Judaism. He
comes there with definite views on the subject which have already been
crystallized under the influence of early training. Judaism, of
whatever shade it may happen to be, is more potent a factor in the
domestic life of German Jews and in the bringing up of the[30] young than
it is with us here. Jewish boys there evince a keener interest in
Judaism than do Jewish boys in America. Their intelligent
understanding of Judaism is therefore not necessarily preceded by a
period of indifference and lack of knowledge. It steadily grows and
develops with them from their early youth. And so by the time they
enter the university, at an age somewhat older than that of our
average freshman, their Jewish consciousness is mature and fixed. They
are able to judge whether they can work for or against Zionism, for to
them Zionism is the only vital question in present-day Judaism, a
question which they are willing to face squarely and once for all
determine their position towards it; and it is on this question of
Zionism and the future destiny of the Jews as a nation that the two
leading student organizations radically differ.
There is another quite as notable distinction between our Menorah and
the Jewish students’ organizations in Germany. With us the Menorah is
primarily an undergraduate society. When graduate Menorah Societies
arise, they may be confederated with the undergraduate organization,
but they will of course retain their separate character. In Germany
this distinction between undergraduate and graduate does not exist.
Matriculation in the University, not the taking of a degree in it,
introduces one into the society of the educated with its appellative
“intellectual” corresponding to our “high-brow” rather than to our
“college grad.” Joining the membership of a student organization marks
the entrance into that large class of “intellectuals.” And once you
join such an organization you are a member ever after. In Germany, in
fact, nobody graduates from a university in the same sense that we do.
There the taking of a degree is merely an episode. If you take it, you
will thenceforth be addressed as “Herr Doktor”; if you do not take it,
you will keep on printing on your visiting card “Kandidat Philosophie”
all the rest of your lifetime, and be addressed by the uninitiate as
“Herr Doktor” just the same. Thus the achievements generally ascribed
to Jewish students’ organizations in Germany are in reality the
collective work of all the Jewish men of academic training, and not
necessarily of students actually engaged in university studies. Read
over the names of contributors to publications issued by what are
known as “student organizations,” and you will notice how loosely that
term is used.
students, take more interest in Jewish life than do our university men
in this country. This is chiefly due to the peculiar position of the
modern Jews in Germany. German Jewry, by the total disappearance of
its laboring class during recent times, has ceased to be a people by
itself and has become a part of the middle class of the general German
population.[31] Among the native Jews of Germany, if Berlin is to be
taken as a typical example of Jewish communities in large cities,
there is no organic social body, complete in itself, consisting of
various classes, following all imaginable trades, ranging from the
chimney-sweep and the cobbler to the merchant prince. Such
communities, forming organic wholes in themselves, you may find in
Russia, Galicia, Roumania, and in the newer Jewish settlements of
England and America. You do not find them in Germany. Higher up in the
social scale, Jews are represented everywhere, but lower down you
cannot find any native Jew below a shop clerk or master tailor. Being
thus interspersed among the middle class of the general population,
that part of the population which more than any other sends its
children to universities, the number of academically trained men
engaged in liberal professions among the German Jews is exceedingly
large. These professional Jews encounter greater difficulties in their
careers than those engaged in commerce. While the latter are given
free range for the development of the native Jewish talents, the
former find their road toward recognition blockaded. Consequently they
are hurled back upon their Judaism, and their energies not finding
vent elsewhere turn into Jewish channels.
The activities of Jewish university men in Germany are chiefly
literary and intellectual, for the problem with which they are faced
is quite different from that of ours. With us the problem of
Americanism and Judaism is in its ultimate analysis the possible
conflict between two sets of social duties, in themselves not
necessarily contradictory, which can be easily reconciled by a working
program adjusting the practical demands of both without curtailing the
scope and efficiency of either. For Americanism in the abstract has no
existence. The American mind is as yet unknown in its essence; it is
only manifest by its functions, of which Jewish activities may form a
complementary part. In Germany it is quite different. If Germanism
stand for Aryanism and Occidentalism, Judaism must inevitably stand
for Semitism and Orientalism,—and can the twain ever meet? That the
Jew manifests in his works and actions good practical patriotism does
not radically solve the problem; that the Jews are capable of being
good patriots is no longer questioned, but can they be genuine ones?
Will not the Jews always remain the carriers of an alien culture,
unabsorbable and unassimilable, despite their conversion and
intermarriage? It is this problem that confronts the Jewish
intellectuals in Germany, in the over-hanging shadow of which the
“Sorrows of the Jewish Werther” was written, and the martyrdom of Otto
Weininger, self-inflicted, was made possible. Hence the great
introspective literary activity of the German Jewish youth.
There is, on the one hand, the great, ever-increasing inrush of the
Jews into the inmost sanctum of German cultural life, where their
Germanic protestations are more vociferous than those of the native
Teuton,—and they sometimes have, too, as must be admitted, a false
ring. Ludwig[32] Fulda openly proclaims that as to his relation with
Judaism there is none: Goethe is his Moses and the German war of
liberation is his Exodus; and Jewish “Gymnasium” seniors inundate the
columns of the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums with introspective
analyses of their Teutonic souls. On the other hand, there are those
who, while quite as good Germans as the others, so far as practical
patriotism is concerned, do not renounce the intellectual and
spiritual heritage which is their own. Their self-imposed task is
therefore the cultivation, enrichment, and modernization of Jewish
thought and tradition. Hence the great output of highly meritorious
literary works on purely Jewish subjects which, if not as scholarly as
those of the German Jewish scientists of the past generation, are far
more stimulating and of greater educational value.
during the early years of our leading universities,
Hebrew not only formed, a subject of instruction, but
also appeared upon the Commencement programs. Upon
such grandiloquent occasions you will find that side
by side with a poem in Greek there figured a speech in
Hebrew. What the Hebrew was like that was poured out
there I have difficulty in imagining. But that the
instruction was of much use to the student, I have
grave reasons to doubt. Will you allow me to read to
you a note written in regard to that famous professor
of Hebrew at Yale towards the end of the eighteenth
century—Ezra Stiles. Stiles was a very learned
Christian Hebraist. One of his pupils wrote about him:
“For Hebrew he possessed a high veneration. He said
one of the Psalms he tried to teach us would be the
first we should hear sung in Heaven, and that he
should be ashamed that any one of his pupils should be
entirely ignorant of that holy language.”—From a
Menorah Address by Professor Richard Gottheil.
The Twilight of Hebraic Culture
The Transition from Hebraism to Judaism
By Max L. Margolis

MAX L. MARGOLIS (born in Merecz, Russia, in 1866), one
of the leading Biblical scholars of America, received his education in
Russia, Germany, and the United States (Columbia Ph.D. 1891). He has
held important professorships of Semitics and Biblical Exegesis at the
Hebrew Union College and the University of California,—and since 1909
has filled the chair of Biblical Philology in The Dropsie College for
Hebrew and Cognate learning. He has been engaged also, as
Editor-in-Chief, in the monumental task of the new English translation
of the Bible by American Jewish scholars. He is the author of numerous
learned papers and books on Biblical lore and theology.
Jewish visions are rehearsed by Christian catechumens, the Synagogue
will continue to hold in veneration the chest where reposes its
chiefest glory. Surely a book which thrills the religious emotions of
civilized mankind cannot but be an object of pride to the people that
produced it. Stupendous as the literary output of the Jewish people
has been in post-biblical times, the Scriptures stand on a footing of
their own. Throughout the era of the dispersion they have held their
unique position and have exercised a most potent influence on the
Jewish soul. And the modern man taught by Lowth and Herder, and the
modern Jew under the spell of Mendelssohn and the Haskalah, have their
minds open to the æsthetic side of the “Bible as literature.”
To the Jew, however, the Scriptures are possessed of an interest
beyond the religious and literary. They are the record of his
achievements in the past when his foot rested firm and steady on
native soil, of a long history full of vicissitudes from the time when
the invaders battled against the kings of Canaan to the days when the
last visionary steeled the nation’s endurance in its struggle with the
heathen. They are the charter of Jewish nobility, linking those of the
present to the wanderer from Ur of the Chaldees.
As a finished product the Hebrew Scriptures came after the period of
national independence. When canon-making was in its last stage,
Jerusalem was a heap of ruins. The canon was the supreme effort of
Judæa—throttled by the legions of Rome—withdrawing to its inner
defences. The sword was sheathed and deliverance was looked for[34] from
the clouds. The Scriptures were to teach the Jew conduct and prayer,
and the chidings of the prophets were listened to in a penitential
mood, but also joyfully because of the consolations to which they led.
The canon-makers had an eye to the steadying of a vanquished people
against the enemy without and the foe within. For there arose teachers
who proclaimed that the mission of the Jew was fulfilled: free from
the fetters of a narrow nationalism, of a religion bound up with the
soil, he was now ready to merge his individuality with the large world
when once it accepted that measure of his teaching suited to a wider
humanity. The temple that was made with hands was destroyed, and
another made without hands was building where men might worship in
spirit and truth. The dream was fascinating, the danger of absorption
was acute, because it was dressed up with the trappings of an ideal to
which many believed the Scriptures themselves pointed.
There was a much larger range of writings in Palestine and a still
larger in Egypt. The list included historical works carrying on the
story of the people’s fortunes beyond Alexander the Great; novelistic
tales like that of the heroic Judith luring the enemy of her people to
destruction, or that exquisite tale of Jewish family life as
exemplified by the pious Israelite captive Tobit; books like the wise
sayings of Jesus, son of Sirach, the Wisdom of Solomon, or the Psalms
of Solomon, all modelled after patterns in the canon; midrashic
expositions of the law, like the Little Genesis; apocalyptic visions
going by the name of Enoch and the Twelve Patriarchs and Moses and
Isaiah and Esdras, whose prototype may be sought in the canonical
Daniel. Over and above the three parts which the Synagogue accepted
there were a fourth and fifth; but by an act of exclusion the canon
was concentrated upon the three and the others were cast overboard.
The canon was the creation of the Pharisaic doctors, who drew a line
at a point of their own choosing, and decreed that writings “from that
time onward” did not defile the hands.
abdicated. The war with Rome had been brought on by the intransigent
hotspurs of Galilee and the commune of Jerusalem. John, son of Zakkai,
parleyed with the enemy that Jamnia with its House of Study might go
unscathed. There the process began which culminated in the gigantic
storehouse of legal lore which was to dominate Jewish life and Jewish
literature for centuries, commentary being piled upon commentary and
code upon code. For in the sum total of Scriptures the Torah was
admittedly to be the chief corner-stone, albeit prophecy and wisdom
had not lost their appeal; and in moments of relaxation or when
addressing their congregations worn out with the strife of the
present, the scholars of the wise brought out of the ancient[35] stock
many a legend and quaint saying and even apocalyptic vision,
transporting the mourners for Zion into the ecstasies of the future
redemption. While official Judaism was committed to the dialectics of
the Halakah, in the unofficial Haggadah mysticism exercised a potent
influence by underground channels, as it were, issuing in later days
in Kabbalah and offsetting the rational philosophies borrowed from
Hellas. For the time being, however, the dominant note was legistic,
Pharisean.
The Pharisees had been lifted by the national catastrophe into the
leading position. They had previously been a party among many parties,
and their Judaism one of the many varieties. The Sadducees, their
chief opponents, had a literature of their own: the day upon which
their “Book of Decrees” was consigned to destruction was made a legal
holiday upon which fasting was prohibited. But even writings which
were lightly touched by the Sadduccee spirit were frowned upon: the
Siracide was barely tolerated on the outside because he made light of
individual immortality, and believed in the eternity of Israel and the
Zadokite priesthood. The Pharisees had been on the opposition during
the latter period of the Maccabeans: so with partisan ruthlessness
they excluded from the canon the writings commemorative of the
valorous deeds of those priest-warriors who freed the people from
foreign overlordship and restored the Davidic boundaries of the realm.
Because the apocalyptic visions inclined to teachings not acceptable
to the dominant opinion, they were declared not only heterodox,
heretical, but worthy of destruction. Had the stricter view prevailed,
the sceptical Preacher—now, to quote Renan, lost in the canon like a
volume of Voltaire among the folios of a theological library—would
have shared the fate of Sirach and Wisdom and the other writings which
Egypt cherished after Palestine had discarded them. And there were
mutterings heard even against the Song, that beautiful remnant of the
Anacreontic muse of Judæa. It was then that Akiba stepped into the
breach and by bold allegory saved that precious piece of what may be
called the secular literature of the ancient Hebrews.
The process concluded by the Pharisees had begun long before. The
Pharisee consummated what the scribe before him had commenced, and the
scribe in turn had carried to fruition the work inaugurated by the
prophet. Just as the Pharisee decreed what limits were to be imposed
upon the third part of the Scriptures, the scribe in his day gave
sanction to the second, and at a still earlier period the prophet to
the wide range of literature current in his days. Sobered by national
disaster, the scribe addressed himself to the task of safeguarding the
remnant of Judæa in the land of the fathers. There were schisms in the
ranks, and all kinds of heresies, chief among which stood the
Samaritan. The nation’s history was recast in a spirit showing how
through the entire past faithful adherence to Mosaism brought in its
wake national stability, and conversely a swaying from legitimacy and
law was responsible for disaster. With the Torah[36] as a guide, prophecy
was forced into the channels of orthodoxy. Heterodox prophets, the
“false prophets,” were consigned to oblivion. Their opponents alone
were given a hearing. Secular history there was to be none; there was
room only for the sacred. We may take it for granted that the
“prophets of Baal,” as their adversaries triumphantly nicknamed them,
had their disciples who collected their writings and recorded the
deeds of their spirit. But they were one and all suppressed. The
political achievements of mighty dynasts had been recorded by
annalists; the pious narrators in the so-called historical books of
the canon brush them aside, gloss over them with a scant hint or
reference; what is of absorbing interest to them is the activity of an
Elijah or an Elisha, or the particular pattern of the altar in the
Jerusalem sanctuary. In their iconoclastic warfare upon the
abomination of Samaria, the prophets gave a partisanly distorted view
of conditions in the North which for a long time had been the scene of
Hebrew tradition and Hebrew life.
culture can only approximately be gauged. One thing is certain: they
all and one dealt the death-blow to the old Hebraic culture. When the
excavator sinks his spade beneath the ground of a sleepy Palestinian
village, he lays bare to view from under the overlaid strata, Roman
and Greek and Jewish and Israelitish, the Canaanite foundation with
its mighty walls and marvellous tunnels, its stelæ and statuettes, its
entombed infants sacrificed to the abominable Moloch. Similarly if we
dig below the surface of the Scriptures, we uncover glimpses of the
civilization of the Amorite strong and mighty, which generations of
prophets and lawmakers succeeded in destroying root and branch. On the
ruins of the Canaanite-Amorite culture rose in the latter days Judaism
triumphant; the struggle—prolonged and of varying success—marked the
ascendancy of the Hebraic culture which was a midway station between
the indigenous Canaanite civilization on the one hand and that mighty
spiritual leaven, Mosaism in its beginnings and Judaism in its
consummation, on the other. The Hebraic culture was a compromise. It
began by absorbing the native civilization. The danger of succumbing
to it was there, but it was averted by those whom their adversaries
called the disturbers of Israel. And even to the last, when the sway
of Judaism was undisputed, the Hebraic culture could not be severed
from the soil in which it was rooted. It was part of a world-culture
just as it contributed itself thereto.
Whether living in amity or in warfare, nations influence each other to
a marked degree. They exchange the products of their soils and their
industry—they also give and take spiritual possessions. Culture is a
compound product. The factors that are contributory to its make-up are
the[37] soil and the racial endowment recoiling against the domination
from without which, though not wholly overcome, is resisted with might
and main. Cultures are national amidst an international culture. They
express themselves in a variety of ways, chiefly in language and
literature. For while blood is thicker than water, the pen is mightier
than the sword. Out of a mass of myth and legend and worldly wisdom
the Hebrews constructed, in accordance with their own bent of mind,
their cosmogonies and ballads and collections of proverbs. At every
shrine the priests narrated to the throngs of worshippers the
marvelous stories of local or national interest.
somber seriousness of latter-day Judaism had not yet penetrated it.
Israel rejoiced like the nations. The young men and maidens danced and
wooed in the precincts of the sanctuaries which dotted the country
from Dan to Beersheba. The festivals were seasons of joy, the
festivals of the harvest and of the vintage. The prophets called them
carousals and dubbed the gentlemen of Samaria drunkards. Probably
there were excesses. But life was enjoyed so long as the heavens
withdrew not the moisture which the husbandman was in need of. The
wars which the Kings waged were the wars of the Lord, and the exploits
of the warriors were rehearsed throughout the land—they were spoken
of as the Lord’s righteous acts. National victories strengthened the
national consciousness. Taunt songs were scattered on broadsides. The
enemy was lampooned. At the height of national prosperity, when Israel
dwelt in safety in a land of corn and wine moistened with the dew of
the heavens, the pride of the nation expressed itself in the pæan,
“Happy art thou, O Israel: who is like unto thee, a people victorious
through the Lord, the shield of thy help, and that is the Sword of thy
excellency!” Excellency then meant national independence and welfare.
It was the period of the Omrides whose exploits are merely hinted at
in our sources, whose sway marked the nascent struggle between
Hebraism and Judaism. For the time being, Hebraic culture was on the
ascendant, successor to the indigenous Canaanite civilization which it
had absorbed, remodelled, developed.
The chief difference between the Hebraic culture and Judaism which
supplanted it consists in the fact that, whereas the latter was
bookish, transforming its votaries into the “people of the book,” the
former was the sum total of all that goes to make up the concern of a
nation living upon its own soil. Bookishness, literature, has a place
in the affairs of a nation, but it contributes only a side in its
manifold activities. The spoken word precedes the written. The writer
has an eye to aftertimes. He lives in the future. The speaking voice
addresses itself to the present and its varied needs. Saints are
canonized after death. The act of canonization[38] means the verdict of
the survivors who from a distance are able to gauge the merits of past
deeds. When a literature is pronounced canonical or classical, it is
no more. In its dying moments it is reduced to rule, and its range
becomes norm. But normalization is an act of choosing, of accepting
and excising. A living literature is far from being normalized. Much
that is written serves a temporary purpose, but is none the less
effective while it has vogue. However, it is only a part of the
national activities, mirroring them and commenting upon them. So is
religion another part of the national life. Government policy and
legal procedure and the arts and the crafts occupy a nation’s living
interests. The Hebraic culture meant all that. It is now a thing of
the distant past. It speaks to us from beneath the Hebrew Scriptures
by which it is overlaid, themselves the remnant of what in times gone
by stirred the nation’s spirit. A revival of that culture may come,
but when it comes it will be tempered by Judaism. And the Hebrew
Scriptures which constitute the bridge between them both will act as
the peacemaker.
which the word “knowledge” is employed in Hebrew. For
“to know” in Hebrew (yada) does not merely mean to
conceive intellectually, but expresses at the same
time the deepest emotions of the human soul; it also
means to care, to cherish, to love. It is remarkable
indeed that the only Hebrew expression which in any
way approaches what in modern languages we call
religion is daath elohim, the knowledge of God. It
is no less remarkable that the fundamental concept
formulated by one of the greatest thinkers who
proceeded from Jewish loins, by Baruch Spinoza, is
amor Dei intellectualis, “the intellectual love of
God,” that is, the mental and yet emotional conception
of the Supreme Power that rules the universe. If I
were to wish for anything, it would be for an amor
Judaismus intellectualis, “an intellectual love of
Judaism,” not shallow love and hollow self-complacency
that cover every sin. We want to be frank about our
Judaism, we want to be clear about our faults, we want
to remedy our faults whenever we can, but at the same
time we want to have the sympathy that goes with
knowledge.—From a Menorah Address by Professor Israel
Friedlaender.
Days of Disillusionment
By Samuel Strauss

SAMUEL STRAUSS (born in Des Moines, Ia., in 1870), was
publisher of the Des Moines Leader from 1895 to 1904, and became
publisher of the New York Globe in 1904. Since 1912 he has been
associated with the management of the New York Times. Mr. Strauss has
taken an active and effective interest in many worthy movements for
Jewish betterment. He is a member of the Graduate Advisory Menorah
Committee and of the Menorah College of Lecturers. His impressive and
stimulating talks have given him marked popularity with the Menorah
Societies.
crisis is always a test for genuineness. Since August 1st a number of
things seemingly vital have come tumbling to the ground as mere
inflated delusions or comparative trifles formerly viewed out of all
perspective. Men are beginning to realize that they have been
deceiving themselves, and the immediate effect is disappointment.
What profit will be derived from it all is as yet merely a matter for
speculation. Not yet have men been able to think of the conflict in
other than negative terms, to see in it other than despair, crippled
industry, a fall from civilization, all that belongs on the debit side
of the ledger. But there is also a credit side: and to realize that
the effects of war are positive as well as negative is by no means to
condone war, but only to accept it as a fact.
History teaches us to expect that the positive result of this struggle
will be in the nature of a physic—a dissolving away of delusions, and
simultaneously a bringing into relief of some essential facts. This
clearing of the ground will not wait until the war is over; it has
already begun, though men are yet but half-conscious of it, and then
only in the guise of profitless disillusionment. This state of mind is
understandable enough. The spectacle of thousands going out by
trainload to settle differences through slaughter has been a terrible
shock. Individuals, having progressed beyond that stage, had assumed
that collectively, too, men must share the same aversion to so
illogical a method as murder for the solution of differences. This
assumption has had root in a justifiable belief in the world’s
attainment to a higher plane of civilization. The quality of to-day’s
culture may not be so fine as that of Judæa, of Greece, or Rome, or of
the Renaissance, but surely in no period of history has its extent
been so great. Never had the entire world been nearer
denationalization,[40] never had the economic interdependence of nations
been more complete. Jingoism has seemed obsolete, cosmopolitanism had
seemed the ideal, as the horizon of an increasing number of
individuals broadened out, and prejudice gave way before
enlightenment. But now this assumption is suddenly discovered to be
mere delusion, and at once much scorn is heaped upon “our alleged
civilization.” How much justification there is for disappointment over
the failure of culture to influence action is difficult to determine.
There is much confusion of thought on this point. To conclude that
because nations go to war, individuals have therefore made practically
no advance from the original state of barbarism is absurd. What should
be clear is the danger of generalizations from the individual to
groups of the individual—two psychologically different entities. It
may be that even as communities we have progressed more than we
believe, as some future reaction to this war may indicate, but what is
brought to the surface now is the old fact that the progress of groups
of men is at snail’s pace, however men may forge ahead as individuals.
This refreshed realization is by no means of negative value. It is
rather a positive benefit, and should be fixed in the minds of all men
who are striving collectively for various ends. For political parties,
socialists, suffragists, all and sundry reformers, this realization
should be the starting point from which to readjust programs when the
cataclysm is over.
For the Jewish people this realization is peculiarly significant.
Though the outlines of the general situation the world over are as yet
indistinct, some problems of the Jews have already been brought out
into sharp relief. Like the rest of mankind, the Jew has had his eyes
cruelly opened, and the clear boundary between truth and delusion
which this war has made should be stamped upon his memory, to remain
vivid after negative feelings of wrongs and disappointments have been
forgotten.
time since the dispersal to consider himself assimilated in all save
the Slav countries. Not that anti-Semitism had disappeared; but it had
seemed to be, and indeed is, so much less important when viewed
against the background of the Jew’s positive advance to light and
freedom. Explained more recently as a survival of many prejudices
which do not die overnight, including the old religious differences,
physical and mental antipathies, economic jealousies—the force of
anti-Semitism was not only weakened by the increasing breadth of
vision, the cosmopolitanism on which the world has plumed itself, but
dwarfed by the achievement of the Jew himself. He has come out of his
Ghetto; softened by a more liberal attitude on the part of his
individual neighbor, he has largely laid aside his resentment and his
hostility. There was a feeling that adaptation and[41] assimilation had
advanced so far that the Jew, by his own progress and with the consent
of his neighbor, had become a citizen of his community, differentiated
from the rest, if at all, only by what he chose to keep of his
religious belief. Those who have most zealously argued for
assimilation as the sole solution of the Jewish problem have had
little need of late to push their gospel further; the process seemed
to be taking excellent care of itself. But after all, it was not real.
A drastic crisis like the present one was required to brand it as
delusion. The attitude of the occasional individual was construed as
the attitude of the entire community. This has been a double-edged
delusion. The Jew has not judged himself as a community in relation to
his neighbor, and he has misjudged his individual neighbor as a
community in relation to himself.
It takes two sides always to make up the full truth, but from both
sides, from the Jew and from his neighbor, there is circumstantial
evidence in the events of the past five months that gives abundant
support to this conclusion.
In this time of crisis the world has thrown aside its pretense, honest
and well-intentioned pretense though it may have been, and revealed
its underlying feeling toward the Jewish people. Suddenly, without any
absolute change in their status, the Jews are singled out and set
apart. Special inducements are held out for their support. The Czar,
though this was reported upon dubious authority, addresses his
“beloved Jews;” a non-commissioned Jewish officer is recommended for
the Order of St. George; Dreyfus is decorated in France, his son made
Lieutenant; Austria issues a special appeal to the Jews of Poland; an
English Jew voices England’s hope of their loyalty; in Germany
anti-Semitic newspapers suddenly announce their discontinuance.
been continuous. Through the centuries there has been report that he
has dodged his war tax wherever he could, that he bought soldiers to
fill his place in the ranks, that as financier he offered his gold
without scruple to the bitterest foes of his own fatherland. How much
of this is based on blind prejudice is beside the point. What is
important is the effect that this doubting attitude has had on the
Jew’s normal impulse to render patriotic service. The Jew to-day who
feels most keenly the cause of Germany, or of France, or of England in
this war, who most unreservedly throws in his lot with his
compatriots, glorying in a privilege long withheld, moved to an
intense fervor of patriotism, cannot but be disheartened at the
spectacle of his neighbors as in one way or another they give evidence
of their lack of faith in him.
Why this feeling of distrust? How has it been engendered, what are[42]
its roots? Again the answer is to be found both with the Jew himself
and with his neighbor.
As far as the present situation is concerned, the Gentile world has
had lying dormant in its subconscious mind the notion that the Jew was
inferior, and by its own action it has kept this subconscious notion
alive. For while the world has admitted the Jew to its political life,
while it has modified much its religious and its economic prejudices
and jealousies, it has not broken down every barrier. Without fully
realizing its attitude, it has still held the Jew to be different and
of lower quality. The Jew’s neighbors have had an honest sort of
delusion about their attitude toward the Semite; because they had
discovered the individual Jew, and taken him, as it were, into the
arms of their community life, they have fancied that all prejudice,
even toward the Jew as a class, had become obsolete. Here again there
is evidence of the fact that feeling toward Jews as individuals has
been mistaken for feeling toward the Jews as a race group.
This delusion has its base in something more fundamental, to which may
be accredited perhaps the distrust against which the Jews have been
battling for centuries. It is not the stranger who inspires continued
suspicion, for he soon ceases to be a stranger, but it is the wanderer
and the gypsy. There is imbedded in human nature a distrust of
shifting things and a respect for what is long established in any one
place, and it is in the wandering class that the Jew is placed in
spite of all talk of assimilation. He has had no point of departure
and hence no place of arrival. The French have crossed over the
Channel and become Englishmen; one would hardly know that the Romans
still live on in the Tyrol; but the Jew has always remained Jew, for
he has no established place from which to come and whither to return.
a home; subconsciously they have always regarded themselves as such.
To-day a gigantic fund is proposed for the relief of the Jews affected
by the present war, by the very ones who have argued most persistently
for adaptation and assimilation. Yet this is a relief fund not for
Belgian Jews, nor French Jews, nor German Jews, but for all Jews
irrespective of the side on which they fight. The Jews are not
thinking of themselves in terms of citizens or subjects of this or
that country, but only as members of the Jewish race, who have no
unity save as members of that race. It is the surest indication that
beneath all self-delusion the Jews have subconsciously realized
themselves as a homeless people, men without a country. Is it strange
that the rest of the world should regard the Jew as alien when he
cannot but hold himself as such?
It would seem that this argument leads along a straight path towards[43]
Zionism as its conclusion. But practical Zionism, like all other
programs of reconstruction, must await a time which will admit of
reconstruction, and that is not the present. It may be that when this
war is concluded, world conditions will have so completely changed
that Zionism and its geographic program will no longer be the answer
to the problem of Jewry. All that is certain of it now is its
uncertainty. But the spirit of which Zionism is the expression, and
which has made of it more than a mere experiment in colonization,
still remains, emphasized by the self-realization to which the Jews
have been brought in the present conflict.
existence, the Jew has always found himself with one inalienable
possession—his faith. There is something mystifying about the
persistence through so many vicissitudes of a religion which commands
respect from neighbors who see in it a powerful inspiration, while the
Jew himself, especially the Jew more fortunately placed in the general
community, endeavors so often to cast it off as outworn and
impracticable. It is the Jew himself who has misled the rest of the
world into a delusion. He has seemed to consider himself, and the
faith with which he is bound up, inferior. In his endeavor to take on
the color of his environment, he has sought to lay aside all that was
old, and of this the religion of his fathers was a part. But a faith
as strong and as far-reaching as Judaism cannot be dropped out of the
life into which it has been ingrained, and hence the Jew has been hard
put to cover it up, to hide it, or to attempt its modification to fit
the fashion in religions. The inevitable reaction on the non-Jewish
part of the community has been a feeling of mystification, and,
following on that, suspicion and distrust.
It is this which has undermined confidence in the Jews as a
people—their negation of that which is their valuable heritage. For
Judaism is not merely tradition, a thing to be reverenced as a relic;
it is a thing to be put to everyday use. This practical and vitalized
Judaism is the real salvation for which the Jews have been groping,
all the while under the delusion that it was anywhere but near at
hand. Such a rejuvenated faith would mean an end of that homelessness
which is accountable for much of the Jew’s displacement in the world’s
life. And though the remedy has been intimate to him these many years
he has failed to make positive use of it. It is true that the Zionists
have been striving for a geographical base for Judaism. But a
geographical base is never more than an outward expression of a
people’s unity; it is an excellent starting point, but as an end in
itself it is nothing. The Jews had a geographical base for their
start; thereby they were enabled to build up a unified result, the
Jewish spirit. It is this which, if recognized as a positive fact,
will take from the Jew[44] his feeling of homelessness, and from his
neighbor the notion that the Jew is a member of a tribe forever
unestablished and purposeless. It is around a spiritual core that the
Jews as a people must build, around that central force which has thus
far held them intact.
themselves but the world at large were so ready for this
reconstruction. If in the very near future, as seems probable, the
Jews are again to play a prominent rôle in history, it will be more
largely through the pressure exerted by the world outside than through
their own initiative. Men are coming more and more to need what the
Jewish people, under certain conditions, are peculiarly qualified to
bestow. The period of materialism now undoubtedly coming to a close
has brought with it a heavy burden of discontent, and there has been a
turning from tangible comforts, a reaching out for spiritual
consolation. Under the rule of enlightenment religion has gone away,
and the world begins to feel its lack. One may not prophesy that
religion is soon to return, but the suggestion of its coming is in the
air. What the Jew will then be able to furnish may now be an open
question, but the great fact of his religion is undeniable. It should
be remembered that only in things spiritual has the Jew been able to
render world service; in material progress he has been able to do
little more than march with the rank and file. Should the Jew again
lead in the world, it must be in a time when the things of the spirit
are paramount in men’s desires. With the hope that such a time is near
at hand, the Jew should retrim his lamp, in the faith that it may help
to illuminate much that had fallen into darkness.
Three University Addresses
I
Before the Yale Menorah Society, October 14, 1914

double pleasure when I see beside me the Menorah emblem, the emblem of
light, “the outward and visible sign of the inward and spiritual
grace.” Jewish history is embodied in a great literature, and a
literature which is worthy of deep and earnest study. It is the common
heritage of all mankind, and should be studied by every man who lays
claim to culture and education.
By studying the literature of the Jewish race, men at Yale and
elsewhere can do a great work for the learning and for the inspiration
of our country; especially can this Society do a noble and inspiring
work. History is in large measure made by the study of the literatures
of ancient races. What was it that waked Europe during the dark ages
from her apathy and ignorance but the discovery and the revival of the
Greek and Latin classics by enthusiastic scholars? In the various
centres of learning at the end of what we call the “dark ages,” we
find groups of earnest young men devoting themselves to this study,
and in these groups we find the influence which roused Europe from her
period of intellectual torpor.
Classics are the literatures which thus make history; which serve the
needs of all peoples, voicing truths of universal application. And
though it is to the Greek and Latin that the name classics has been
often confined, yet the Hebrew classics are being recognized more and
more as worthy of a place beside if not above them. Interest in the
Jewish classics never utterly perished. Throughout all ages the
theologian kept alive his interest in those writings; but there is
something of more than mere professional interest in these studies,
something which closely touches every man’s development and
experience.
It is not for me to attempt to say what these writings mean to
humanity. Biblical writings are far above any individual praise. But I
may with propriety say the reading of the Hebrew writings in English
has meant much to me personally. As a boy I read fewer books than do
youngsters of the present day, and among them the Bible was one of[46]
extraordinary interest. I read the Psalms and Isaiah as wonderful
poetry, and turned to the Bible as to a storehouse of historical
literature.
Hebrew history has been of great importance in the early history of
our country. The early settlement in America was due to the same
causes as the settlement of Canaan by the Hebrews. To the Pilgrim
Fathers the Old Testament was a supporting hand and a guide for them
in all matters. They took the Jewish theocracy as their model of
government and, in the measure that they patterned after a good model,
they achieved good results. So largely are the early history and
institutions of the United States a copy of Jewish institutions that
the spirit of the American people both before and after the Revolution
cannot be fully understood without a knowledge of Hebrew literature.
These early settlers were imbued with spirit and desire for the best
in life by reading the Bible. It was their one book, and “a man of one
book makes a strong man.” And perhaps it is the Old Testament rather
than the New Testament the knowledge of which is of greater
consequence for the best understanding of the peculiar conditions of
the early American people.
Therefore I welcome your Society first because it represents something
which has done much for learning in our great centres of learning, the
universities; and second, because as Americans, Jewish history means
much to us in understanding the early development of our own country.
II
Before the Menorah Society of New York University, May 12, 1914

but to the whole university, that there should be a body here devoted
to the study of Jewish tradition, Jewish literature and Jewish
history. You are emphasizing something that is of permanent value to
your associates here in the University who are not of the Jewish race
and the Jewish faith. The Christian Church finds in the Jewish
Scriptures some of the finest and most precious of the things it
cherishes from the religious point of view. Our civilization in these
occidental countries is deeply indebted to the history and the
literature of the Jewish race. From time to time that indebtedness
comes to stronger expression, and we may expect that in the future the
sense of that indebtedness of our whole people to that which is the
immediate concern of the Menorah Society will be more keenly felt.
If you go back in the history of this country you will find a time
when our New Englanders were especially indebted to what they as
Christians[47] called the Old Testament. There was a time in Colonial
days when the earlier portions of this literature exercised a mighty
influence over these new commonwealths. As you read the history of New
England you cannot help being profoundly impressed by the influence of
the Hebrew literature upon the life of the seventeenth century. The
names and references to the Jewish people are all interwoven with New
England history. I was thinking of a curious illustration of this fact
only a short time ago. You know the old poem of “Darius Green and His
Flying Machine” that has come into astonishingly new popularity in
modern times. It contains, you will recall, an enumeration of the
brothers of Darius, and four of the five names are taken from Hebrew
history. The appearance of these Jewish names in such large numbers is
coincident with a reappearance of Hebrew spirit in our Colonial times,
all modified of course by Christian tradition, but presenting a most
important and essential ingredient of the time. This apparently
trivial illustration simply shows that which is to be found in our
whole culture. It is profoundly significant in regard to our American
culture.
So it seems to me that the Menorah Society has work of two kinds—to
bring together our Jewish students on a higher plane of sentiment, and
at the same time to put new emphasis, in all parts of the University,
on the invaluable things which the Jewish race has contributed to the
civilization of the world. So I feel that I may look to you of this
organization to bring to New York University a new emphasis upon these
great things which are the common heritage of our scholastic society.
I trust that you will feel that there is a genuine warmth and a
genuine interest in the welcome that I extend to you,—not a welcome
to the University alone, but a welcome to this new service in this
University, in which every movement such as this has work to do for
the good of all.
III
Before the Cincinnati Menorah Society, November 19, 1914
Jewish people, and for the advancement of their ideals, the Menorah
Society is welcomed to the University of Cincinnati. This University,
of all institutions, should welcome every such organization. The
University of Cincinnati claims to represent the idea of the democracy
of the higher education, the equality of opportunity for the highest
culture in its latest form. The American idea is that the university
should be as free to all cultures as our country is free to all races.
Standing for this idea more distinctly than any other type of
institution among us, the American state university has been called
the characteristic institution of the republic. But the municipal
university is destined to democratize[48] the higher education even more
completely than the state university. The state university makes the
higher education free to all who can come to it, but the municipal
university takes it to the poorest citizen at his home.
For these reasons, if for no other, we should welcome the Menorah
Society into our midst. As I was just informed that the national
convention of the Intercollegiate Association is about to take place,
let me, on behalf of this University, say to you, Mr. Chancellor, as
the representative of the national organization, that we are glad to
extend an invitation to your convention to meet in our halls.
There are special reasons, too, why we should welcome the Menorah
Association here. We believe that the University and its members need
this Society for several reasons. In the first place, a great
democratic institution like this can grow only when all the races
bring into it their peculiar customs and ideals. I believe the
non-Jews need it as well as the Jews. It takes varied elements to make
up the democracy, and America, and Cincinnati, and its University all
need the spiritual resources of the Jew. I am impressed with the
statement of the purposes of the Menorah Society as explained by the
Chancellor in the address to which we have just listened.
He tells us first of all that its object is to promote the study of
the history of the Jewish race. Your ancient books are the sources of
all history; in fact, I cannot conceive of the study of history unless
it begins with, or takes up very early, these great historic books of
the Bible. They furnish the Ariadne’s thread for the wanderer through
all history; they are the fountain head also of the philosophy of
history. The old Jewish historians always took the teleological view
of the world and looked from the effect back to the cause,
interpreting human events in the terms of God, the designer, the
creator, and the governor of the world. In fact, their great
contribution to history was this doctrine of God’s hand in human
events.
The Jew had also, it seems to me, throughout his whole history, a
special talent for theistic truth, for those verities that are
eternal. With an insight and a power almost surpassing all other men,
he discovered truths which have ever been, and always will be,
essential factors in all religion. The first of these ideas is his
conception of Jahveh, not only as a sovereign, powerful, and terrible
Being, but as a personal, holy, righteous, and good Father, “who
pitieth his children.” Your Bible, however, nowhere tries to prove the
existence of a God; it everywhere assumes it. “It is the fool who says
in his heart there is no God,” declares the Psalmist.
For the same reason, your great books are the world’s text book of
comparative religion. I cannot conceive of any one studying religions
without going to them, for above all others the Jewish religion is
original.[49] For these and many more reasons, we hold that the history,
religion and philosophy of the Hebrews is fundamental and
indispensable for the student of these subjects—in fact, for all
students of the humanities.
It was the Jew who discovered conscience, also, and produced in due
time an order of men who made themselves the conscience of their
nation. Moses first formed a law declaring the word of God and
teaching men their relations to God and to each other. Other nations
have had priests and augurs who received the oblations of the people
and gave them advice about their affairs, but the Jewish nation was
the first to produce real prophets who dared to denounce the sins of
the people and remind them of their duty as men and nations. What the
world needs today is another line of such prophets.
To the young men assembled here tonight, I would say, therefore, it is
your duty to study the history, philosophy and theology presented in
these ancient Scriptures, and thus inform yourselves how to instruct
this great democratic people. Be prophets like the prophets of old to
guide the people into the truth!
The Jews were the first people to uphold the sacred character of
patriotism, the patriotism of principle, not of mere power, the
patriotism that teaches that it is not might that makes right, but
right which makes might. How sadly the European powers need to learn
this lesson today! Only “righteousness exalteth the nation” and gives
it the power and the right to lead in the world. If nations would seek
righteousness as a means of winning leadership, they would never need
to go to war, and the exercise of might would never be necessary.
Because this Society proposes to study the great history and
literature which teaches these things, we give it a welcome tonight,
and pray that the light held up by the Menorah may shine not only for
the people of Cincinnati, but for the people of America, and the
world, that all the nations may be guided into that righteousness
which leads to Peace.
The Menorah Movement
By Henry Hurwitz
University, where the first Menorah Society was organized in October,
1906, the idea spread to other colleges and universities in various
parts of the country. Societies arose at Columbia, College of the City
of New York, Pennsylvania, Johns Hopkins, Minnesota, Michigan,
Chicago, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Missouri. Before long a common
desire was felt for closer relationship and co-operation. This led to
the holding of two intercollegiate conferences early in 1912: one, an
eastern conference, at Columbia University, in January, with delegates
from six Menorah Societies, and another, a western conference, at the
University of Chicago, in April, where also six Societies were
represented. As a result of these preliminary gatherings, the first
national convention of Menorah Societies was called at the University
of Chicago, in January, 1913. Delegates of twelve Menorah Societies
from universities in both the East and the West came together, and
seven other Societies were heard from. At this national convention,
the Intercollegiate Menorah Association was formed.
In a period of less than two years since this first convention, the
number of Societies has grown from nineteen to thirty-five. There are
Societies now at the following colleges and universities: Boston
University, Brown, California, Chicago, Cincinnati, College of the
City of New York, Clark, Colorado, Columbia, Cornell, Denver, Harvard,
Hunter, Illinois, Johns Hopkins, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri,
New York University, North Carolina, Ohio State, Omaha, Pennsylvania,
Penn State, Pittsburgh, Radcliffe, Rutgers, Texas, Tufts, Valparaiso,
Washington, Western Reserve, Wisconsin, and Yale. New Societies are in
the process of formation at several other universities.
This development of the Menorah movement has from the very beginning
been a natural, unforced growth. The Intercollegiate Menorah
Association makes no effort to organize new Menorah Societies; its
policy is rather to encourage and assist the efforts of students who,
wishing to join in the movement, have undertaken on their own
initiative to organize Menorah Societies at their colleges and
universities. Hence every Menorah[51] Society is the result of a
spontaneous desire among students to organize for Menorah purposes.
The first Menorah Society started with sixteen members. Now the total
membership of Menorah Societies approximates 3,000. The Menorah idea
is firmly implanted in leading colleges and universities throughout
the country, from Massachusetts to California.
university the study of Jewish history and culture and contemporary
Jewish problems. First of all, the Menorah Societies aim to spread a
knowledge of the Jewish humanities—Jewish literature, religion, and
ideals—and of their influence upon civilization. In other words, the
Societies aim to promote a true appreciation of the spirit and
achievements of the Jewish people, from ancient to modern times.
Particular study is made of contemporary conditions and problems, and
of the ways in which Jewish culture may not only be conserved but
advanced. To this end, the Menorah Societies strive to inspire the
Jewish student with an intelligent and spirited devotion to Jewish
ideals, and with the desire to develop and contribute to the community
what is best in his Jewish character and endowment.
Thus, in endeavoring to promote knowledge, culture, idealism, the
Menorah Societies are in keeping with the university spirit which has
helped to call them into existence. The Societies are an expression of
the liberality and freedom of American universities. Membership is
open to all students and instructors. College and university
authorities have heartily welcomed the Menorah Societies, have aided
them in carrying out their objects, have enhanced their influence
among the students at large, and have been most generous in
recognizing the definite contribution which the Societies make to the
intellectual and idealistic life of their universities.
Not only the university authorities, but the graduates, too, and other
public-spirited men and women outside of the universities, have warmly
welcomed the Menorah Movement. They see in it the expression of a
spontaneous and earnest desire on the part of growing numbers of
Jewish students for Jewish knowledge and idealism, for a realization
of the Jewish noblesse oblige; they see, too, that this movement is
bound at the same time to help bring about a more just and liberal
attitude on the part of university men and women in general toward the
character and ideals of their Jewish fellow-citizens.
Through the encouragement and generous support provided by a Graduate
Advisory Menorah Committee, under the chairmanship of Justice Irving
Lehman of New York, the Intercollegiate Menorah Association is being
helped materially in carrying out its objects.[52]
are free to carry out these purposes in any ways they choose, along
lines that best suit their local conditions and are in keeping with
the academic and liberal character of the organization. Certain
activities, however, are followed in common by most of the Societies.
To begin with, it may be stated that all of the Menorah Societies
strongly encourage their members to take the regular courses in Jewish
history and literature wherever such courses are a part of the
curriculum and are devoted not so much to technical learning as to a
liberal and humane study of Jewish culture. Where such courses are not
offered—and it is unfortunately true that many institutions are
deficient in this regard—the Menorah students are creating a demand
which, it is hoped, will be met in time by the offer of appropriate
courses. It is even hoped that a number of the leading universities
will eventually have special Chairs in Jewish history and culture.
Meanwhile, however, whether to supplement or to take the place of
regular courses, the Menorah Society enables its members—or, rather,
all the members of the university who so desire—to pursue their
interest in Jewish studies in less formal manner. Thus, the Societies
have lectures on Jewish subjects by members of the faculties, or by
men from outside their universities. In this connection, the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association has been of considerable service
to the various Societies. The Association has established the Menorah
College of Lecturers, consisting of a number of Jewish scholars,
publicists, and religious leaders, who have undertaken to lecture (for
love) before the Societies. Their lectures, which are generally
followed by informal discussions, are, as a rule, open to the whole
university, and are often held not merely under the auspices of the
Menorah Society, but also in conjunction with some department of the
university, or with some other student organization. At times, the
Menorah lecturers are invited by the university authorities to address
the whole student body at assemblies and convocations.
At other Menorah meetings, the members themselves present papers and
carry on discussions upon Jewish topics of historic and literary as
well as current interest.
Not content, however, with such lectures, papers, and discussions,
most of the Societies provide their members with opportunities for
intensive and systematic study. Study groups are formed, under the
leadership of older students or of competent men from outside the
universities, for the purpose of regular study in Jewish history,
religion and literature, or contemporary Jewish conditions and
problems, or the Hebrew language, or any other special field of
interest. The work of these groups is carried on along the lines of a
regular class or seminar, though, of course, with less rigor and
formality.[53]
several Menorah Societies have been enabled to offer prizes to their
universities for the best essays on Jewish subjects. Thus, at Harvard,
since 1907, through the generosity of Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, of New
York, the Menorah Society has offered an annual prize of $100 for the
best essay written by any undergraduate on some approved Jewish
subject; and similarly, at the Universities of Wisconsin and Michigan,
through the generosity of Mr. Julius Rosenwald, of Chicago, the
Menorah Societies are enabled to offer prizes of $100 each to their
Universities upon the same terms. (Menorah Prize Essays will be
printed from time to time in this Journal.) One or two other Societies
have been enabled to offer smaller prizes. All of the Societies are
anxious to be of similar service to their universities, and it is
hoped that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association may be enabled next
year to offer prizes open to the undergraduates of all American
colleges and universities. This should help materially to stimulate
Jewish study among students throughout the country.
Perhaps the most essential requirement for carrying on Jewish study is
an adequate supply of books. Except at the larger institutions, there
has been a notable lack of Jewish books at American colleges and
universities, mainly, no doubt, because Jewish studies as a whole have
been neglected. The Intercollegiate Menorah Association has
fortunately been able to remedy these conditions to some extent at the
institutions where Menorah Societies exist. With the assistance of the
Jewish Publication Society and a number of individuals, the
Association has sent Menorah Libraries of Jewish books to the various
Menorah Societies. These books are for the use not only of Menorah
Societies, but of all the students in their universities. That the
Menorah Libraries have helped the work of the Societies, and have
added appreciably to the library facilities at the various
institutions, is abundantly shown by the gratitude expressed both by
students and authorities.
Yet the work of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association has only
begun. Its field is almost unlimited; and with constantly growing
membership, both of undergraduates and of graduates, with the
increasing encouragement and support from men and women in all parts
of the country, the Association is gathering strength for enterprises
that must prove beneficial not to universities alone, but to the
community in general. Thus, the Menorah Journal is launched this year
in response to a desire not only on the part of the students, but of
men and women throughout the country who have been wanting such a
Review of Jewish life and literature in America. Other literary
enterprises are contemplated for the future. Besides syllabi for the
study groups, pamphlet essays, and similar facilities designed
especially for students, one large scheme in mind may[54] appropriately
be mentioned here as of interest to all the readers of the Journal,
namely, the plan for the Menorah Classics. These are to be the
selected treasures of the literature of the Jewish people, from the
Bible to Bialik, printed in attractively handy form, with translations
and notes designed for the general reader as well as for students. In
this way, it is hoped to place the gems of the great store of Jewish
literature within the reach of all.
scholars of the members. It is meant to gratify their desire to
understand their heritage, to stimulate them still further to study
that heritage, to help them realize the honor and the responsibility
they share as the heirs and trustees of Jewish tradition. And though
the earnest work of Menorah Societies partakes largely of the spirit
of the class-room and the lecture-hall, the pursuit of Menorah aims
expresses itself incidentally in sociable ways as well. Smokers,
dinners, pageants, literary and dramatic evenings, testify to the
pleasure which the members find in their association together for
Menorah purposes.
Menorah Societies, however, do not assume the character of social
organizations. Menorah Societies are all-inclusive, not exclusive;
they promote democracy, mutual respect, and understanding between
different types of Jewish students who have often in the past retained
toward one another the prejudices of their elders. The Menorah
fellowship expresses and promotes the common sentiment of all students
who have come to appreciate Jewish knowledge and ideals, who accept
their common Jewish heritage and Jewish hopes. In other words, where
in the past snobbery and spinelessness were not lacking among Jewish
students at our universities, there has grown up now a spirit of
democracy and of manly frankness, which has not escaped the
observation of older men, both within and without the universities.
But these qualities in the Jewish students of to-day have merely been
revealed by the Menorah movement. The movement has definite moral
purposes of its own. The Menorah idea embraces not merely the study
but the enhancement of the Jewish heritage. And this requires not
moral enthusiasm alone, but vision and action. To accomplish their
full purposes, the Menorah Societies endeavor to inspire their members
with the will to throw themselves into the heart of Jewish life, to
join hands with other men in the active effort to advance its
interests and solve its problems.
While this participation in Jewish life must be the personal outcome
of Menorah enthusiasm and activity—as indeed has been proven already
among students and graduates—the Menorah organization, as such,
maintains its non-partisan character. A Menorah Society is neither
orthodox nor reform, neither Zionist nor anti-Zionist, but rather an
open forum for[55] presenting and discussing every point of view, a forum
hospitable in true academic spirit to the open-minded pursuit of
truth.
If the organization has grown in extent and importance beyond the
fondest expectations, it is because the idea, conceived by students
and carried out by them, has found a welcome home in the American
university. And one of the reasons why the Menorah idea has seized
upon the imagination and caught the heart of the university man is
because it appeals both to his independence of mind and his pride. A
Menorah Society imposes no dogma, no ceremony; the independence of
thought so dear to the bosom of youth is given full scope. A Menorah
Society aims, first of all, to satisfy an aroused intellectual
curiosity with respect to the past and present and possible future of
the Jewish race.
But the real source of Menorah strength lies far deeper. Consciously
or unconsciously, from the very beginning of his affiliation with a
Menorah Society, the Jewish student responds to a call within himself
of noblesse oblige. It is pride of race—not vanity or brag, but a
pride conscious of its human obligation—that animates Menorah men and
women throughout the country. Knowledge and service, which may be
regarded as the very cornerstones of Jewish idealism, constitute the
twin motives of the Menorah movement.
The Menorah movement is the answer of the Jewish academic youth to the
challenge of American democracy. American institutions give us the
opportunity to develop all our capacities in freedom. The endeavor of
Menorah men is to preserve and enhance, for America and for mankind,
the best in us that may flourish in freedom, our Jewish heritage and
endowment.
From College and University
Reports from Menorah Societies
[It is not planned to have reports from all the Menorah Societies in
any single issue of the Journal. A complete list of Menorah Societies
may be found on the inside of the front cover.]
promising auspices.
The first meeting of the year, on Monday evening, August 31, was the
finest ever held by the Society. It had been announced before the
entire student body at the University meeting in Harmon Gymnasium, and
all interested were invited to attend. Eighty men and women of the
University were present. The theme of the meeting was the Menorah
Idea. Mr. Samuel Spring, Harvard, ’09, a former member of the Harvard
Menorah Society, spoke on “The Menorah and the Community from a
Graduate’s Standpoint;” Rabbi Edgar F. Magnin of Stockton, now a
graduate student in the University, spoke on “The Menorah and the
Rabbinate,” and the chief speech of the evening was delivered by Dean
D.B. Barrows on “The University and the Menorah.” Professor Barrows
greatly approved of the organization and characterized the California
Menorah Society as the most, useful student organization on the
campus.
The second general meeting of the Society, held on September 28, was
devoted to the topic of Immigration. Professor Ira B. Cross, of the
University Economics Department and of the State Industrial Accident
Commission, delivered an excellent address on “Streams of Immigration,
Past, Present and Future.” Mr. R. J. Rosenthal, of the California
State Commission on Immigration and Housing, spoke a few words on the
Jewish side of the question. A selection from Mary Antin’s “The
Promised Land” was read. Appropriate literary and musical selections
were rendered. About fifty-five members were present.
On Monday evening, October 12, a Study Circle meeting was held. Rabbi
Edgar F. Magnin conducted a discussion on “Dominant Notes in Jewish
Poetry.” Among the poems read were the Song of Deborah, the 23d Psalm,
the Wine Song of Gabirol, selections from Emma Lazarus, and “The
Jewish Soldier” and “The Sweatshop” of Rosenfeld.
At the general meeting of the Society on Monday evening, October 26,
Rabbi Jacob Nieto of San Francisco spoke on “The Modern Viewpoint of
the Bible” to an audience of over sixty, including several non-Jews,
who were so favorably impressed with the meeting that they declared
their intention to be present at future Menorah meetings. Rabbi
Nieto’s talk stirred up a great deal of discussion among the members.
The first chapter of Isaiah and the Song of Moses were read, and there
were musical selections.
On Monday evening, November 9, Mr. Harry Hart, Assistant City
Attorney, led a discussion in the Study Circle on “Early Jewish
Philosophers.”
The last general meeting was held on Monday evening, November 30.
Professor William Popper gave a most interesting talk on “Jewish
Education,” in which he traced the history and methods of Jewish
pedagogy through the Biblical, post-Biblical and Talmudic periods.
Musical and literary numbers were rendered, the “Menorah Quartet”
making its debut at this meeting. The attendance was about sixty, of
whom ten were non-Jews.
The constitution of the club has been revised to meet the expanding
needs of[57] the Society. Three standing committees now exist. The
executive committee, composed of the four elected officers and three
other members elected by the general body, will be the administrative
arm of the club. The club’s policy is largely determined by this
committee. They decide what business is to be brought before the club
members, and they set in motion all innovations looking to the
betterment of the club.
The membership committee, composed of a chairman, appointed from the
three elected executive committee members by the President, and nine
other students, selected from the different colleges of the
University, has the duty of increasing the membership roll of the
Society. This committee began active operations in the summer.
California being a State university, its student body is made up
almost entirely of residents of California. Hence through the
assistance of Rabbis in different sections of the State, the committee
has been enabled to get in touch with many of the newcomers to the
University this fall. To them, as well as to the old members of this
Society, a circular letter was sent. The aims of the Menorah were
briefly outlined, and the dates of monthly meetings stated; the office
hours and location of several members of the Society during
registration were named, and all freshmen were advised to consult with
them for any information or aid desired.
In this way the committee has been able to reach newcomers at the
University and impress them with the Menorah idea before the entrant’s
viewpoint has been beclouded by any false attitude toward a Jewish
organization on the campus. After the college year has begun, the
committee scours the campus for those Jewish students who have not yet
been enlightened as to the work of the Menorah. The California Society
does not bow down before numbers, but it feels that the benefits of
the Menorah should be enjoyed by the largest possible number of Jewish
students.
Upon the third committee, however, the Social committee, which plans
the programs, rests the major responsibility for the Club’s success.
Taking the Harvard plan as a pattern, the California Menorah[58] has
created what is for the present called the Menorah Study Circle. This
meets bi-weekly. On the other hand, a general meeting of the Society
as a whole is held every month. These general meetings are more
popular in nature, for the many elements of the Jewish body must here
be conciliated, as well as those of non-Jewish faith who are
interested in the purposes of the Menorah. Due to the complex and
many-sided character of the Jewish student group, a concession to the
various interests must be made in the form of a cultural-social
program for the evening. Lecturers are secured; informal discussion is
encouraged; musical and literary programs are arranged—all, of
course, in the effort to present in attractive form such cultural
material as the diverse elements in the body of Jewish students can
absorb.
The Study Circle meetings have a different viewpoint. They are of a
more specialized nature. Through them the serious phases of the club’s
activity are furthered. The personnel of the Circle is made up of
those who are seriously interested in the distinctly intellectual work
of the Club. The demand for the Study Circle arose spontaneously from
these students. A faculty member, or Rabbi, or outside scholar, is
occasionally asked to present an address. Discussion follows. Jewish
literary, religious, economic and social problems are thus handled.
The recent arrival of the Menorah Library has greatly pleased the
members. The books will be a great aid in the work of the Society. The
attention of all the students in the University is being called to the
Library by a statement in the Daily Californian and by other means.
Efforts are now being made to introduce a Menorah prize for the best
essay on a Jewish subject.
25, 1914. Our first task was to place the Society in the right light
on the campus, to emphasize the absolutely unsectarian, academic,
cultural nature[59] of a Menorah, and the fact that membership is
“invitingly open to all the members of the University,” irrespective
of creed or sex. We accomplished this by continuous announcements in
the University News, by the open character of our meetings, and by
the actual composition of our membership.
Though we organized late in the year, we succeeded in having several
large meetings at which addresses were delivered by men who are
authorities in their respective subjects. At the initial meeting,
preliminary to organization, Dr. David Philipson, ’83, spoke, and Dean
F. W. Chandler of the College of Liberal Arts cordially welcomed the
Society. The first meeting after our organization was addressed by
Professor Julian Morgenstern of the Hebrew Union College, who spoke on
“The Judaism of the Future.” Addresses at subsequent meetings were
delivered by Mr. A. J. Kinsella of the Greek Department of the
University of Cincinnati on “The Greek and the Semite in the World’s
Civilization;” by Dr. Edward Mack, Professor of Old Testament at the
Lane Theological Seminary, on “The Influence of Hebrew Literature on
the World’s Thought and Literature”; and by Rabbi Louis L. Mann of New
Haven, Conn., on “Christian Science and Judaism.” These meetings had
an average attendance of seventy.
Among the meetings held so far this year the most important was on the
evening of November 19th. Chancellor Henry Hurwitz of the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association delivered an address on the
purposes of the Menorah movement, to which President Charles W. Dabney
of the University responded, heartily welcoming the Menorah Society to
the University and extending a cordial invitation to the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association to hold its next annual Convention
at the University. (The address of President Dabney is printed above,
page 47). Dr. David Philipson spoke on the significance of the
Menorah, and lighted a large Menorah on the platform. Music was
rendered by the Girls’ Glee Club. Dean F. W. Chandler sent the
following greeting:
“With the modern drift of attention[60] away from the classics and away
from the Bible, it behooves those of us who would count as the friends
of culture to welcome every effort to stimulate interest in either.
The Menorah Societies which are finding a place in our chief
universities have assumed a laudable task. They are striving to hold
before the minds of the youth of this land the fine ideals of the
ancient Hebrew literature. In such efforts they should be encouraged
by Jew and Gentile alike. For we are all heirs of Hebrew tradition; we
are all brothers engaged in a common undertaking. We believe it to be
our duty to learn from the past whatever is best, to the end that we
may enrich with that knowledge the present and the future. We welcome
therefore all that the Menorah Society can give us of inspiration
toward making the most of our heritage. We rejoice that through this
agency we may be kept constantly aware of what a great people has
contributed to our civilization.”
The Cincinnati Menorah Society is delighted that the Association has
accepted the invitation of President Dabney to hold the next
Convention at this University. Preparations are now being made for the
Convention and for the entertainment not only of the delegates but of
all Menorah men and women who will come. We ardently hope to welcome a
large number of our fellow-Menorah members.
It will be of interest to relate that, after reading a copy of “The
Menorah Movement,” Miss E. McVea, Dean of Women and Assistant
Professor of English, suggested the following three subjects for
twenty-page essays in one of her English classes: “The Contribution of
the Jew to Civilization,” “The Integrity of the Jewish Race,” and
“Zionism.”
Early in the year Mr. Louis D. Brandeis of Boston spoke under the
auspices of the Menorah Society at a meeting open to the whole
University upon “The New Science of Efficiency”—the subject being
chosen at the request of President Dabney. In introducing the speaker
President Dabney expressed the indebtedness of the Faculty to the
Menorah for the pleasure of having Mr. Brandeis at the University.
New York has made very important gains. First, in numbers—from 165,
reported at the last Convention, we have increased to 327. There are
still about 500 Jewish students who are not yet members, and these we
intend to gain over. Second, in prestige—from a position of mere
toleration we have gradually risen to the position of the recognized
and accepted exponent of Jewish culture in the College, and as such we
have set the College its standard of a cultural society. Third, in
influence—we have inspired a large number of students, including many
who for some reason or other have not yet become members, with a
lively interest in things Jewish and a serious desire for collegiate
Hebrew instruction. At present the College lacks such instruction; but
we hope before long to report progress in remedying this condition.
Meanwhile we are attracting the favorable attention of a considerable
number of the alumni—men who in their college days would not or could
not join the Menorah Society. This is indeed remarkable; that old
graduates, who never knew the Menorah, should manifest toward it the
highest interest and approbation is a most eloquent sign of the
influence of the Menorah idea.
Our plan for the organization of the graduates as associate members is
the same as Harvard’s. But their dues are disposed of in a different
way: out of the two dollars one goes to our Library Fund, and the
other is sent to the Menorah Journal as the associate’s subscription,
for we feel that this is the best way to keep him in touch with
Menorah activities. This system has a further advantage in that it
spreads the Journal everywhere.
There were held during the past year thirty regular meetings and
lectures—one each week. At the meetings the average attendance was
36, at the lectures 155. The principal lecturers were: Professor M. M.
Kaplan, “The Menorah Idea”; Professor Richard Gottheil, “Jews in
Various Lands”; Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, “Zionism and Jewish Nationality”;
Professor[62] A. Marks, “Persecutions of the Jews in the Middle Ages”;
Rev. Dr. David de Sola Pool, “Jewish Education”; Professor Israel
Davidson, “Hebrew Literature”; Rev. Dr. M. A. Hyamson, “The Mishnah”;
Rev. Dr. Harry S. Lewis of London, “The Jews and Democracy”; Rev. Dr.
H. P. Mendes, “Traditional Judaism”; Professor Stephen P. Duggan,
“Tradition as a Static and Dynamic Force”; Rev. Dr. Stephen S. Wise,
“What’s Wrong with the Jew?”
There were four courses taught. The average attendance at a course was
16. Rabbi Nathan Blechman led the course in “An Extensive Study of the
Bible,” Professor M. M. Kaplan taught “Essentials of Judaism,” and
Rabbi Samuel Margoshes gave the course in “Jewish Philosophy and
Literature.” At the request of a number of students a course in
“Elementary Hebrew” was also given for a time.
Two social meetings were held during the year. The first was a
reception in the vestry rooms of the Temple Beth-el tendered us by the
Menorah Society of Hunter College (formerly Normal), in recognition of
our help in the organization of their Society. The second was a
“smoker” held at the College in the Faculty lunch-room. The guests of
the occasion were Professor Israel Friedlaender of the Jewish
Theological Seminary, Professor A. J. Goldfarb of the College, and
Rev. Dr. D. de Sola Pool.
For the first semester this year, four regular Wednesday evening
meetings have been scheduled, four public lectures, six study circles,
and four courses. The courses—”Modern Movements in Judaism” (one
hour), “Elementary Hebrew” (two hours), “Post-Biblical History” (one
hour), and an “Extensive Study of the Bible” (one hour)—will be
conducted by Rabbis Stephen S. Wise, J. L. Magnes, Max Reichler,
Rudolph Grossman, Maurice Harris, C. H. Levy, H. S. Goldstein, and A.
Robinson. The study circles, which will meet once a week, under the
leadership of Dr. Joseph I. Gorfinkle and Dr. A. Basel, will read the
“Essays of Ahad Ha-‘Am,” Schechter’s “Studies in Judaism,” the “Book
of Job,” the “Book of Jeremiah,” “Pirke Aboth,” and the “Five
Scrolls.”[63]
With the respect and co-operation of the student body, the faculty,
and the alumni, the prestige of our Menorah bids fair to increase
until, it is hoped, it will not be exceeded by that of any other City
College organization.
has met with much favor among undergraduates, graduates and faculty,
and has been very helpful in our work. It contains an explanation of
“The Menorah Idea,” accounts of the history and activities of both the
Cornell Society and the Intercollegiate Association, and the address
of President Schurman of November 24, 1913, by which he welcomed the
Menorah Society to the University. There is also included, besides the
general program for the year, the announcement of the Cornell Menorah
prizes. These are three prizes of $25.00 each, offered by the Cornell
Menorah Society to all the undergraduates of the University for (1)
the best essay on any subject relating to the status and problems of
the Jews in any country; (2) the best essay on any subject relating to
Jewish literature in English; and (3) the best essay or poem in
Hebrew.
The first meeting of the year, on October 7, was very successful. It
was attended by more than eighty students and several members of the
faculty. The meeting was devoted to an exposition of the purposes and
ideals of the Menorah movement. Professor W. A. Hurwitz and Professor
Hays spoke very enthusiastically of the accomplishments and the hopes
of the Cornell Menorah Society. About thirty new members were
enrolled, bringing our membership list up to one hundred. This number
includes five members of the faculty and about a score of graduates.
Several men who had come to the meeting to scoff stayed to enroll. The
subsequent meetings have also been well attended. Our organization is
gaining greater and greater prestige on the campus.[64]
In the plans for this year, the work of study circles has been
particularly emphasized. As compared with two circles last year,
meeting more or less irregularly, we have at present six circles
meeting very regularly and doing really splendid work. More than half
of our members are now enrolled in one or several of these circles.
The subjects of study are: (1) Elementary Hebrew, (2) Advanced Hebrew,
(3) The Bible, (4) Jewish History, (5) Sociological Problems of the
Jews, and (6) Zionism. Though we have been feeling very keenly the
need of suitable syllabi and text books, each circle has chosen the
texts considered most suitable and available for its purpose. Most of
the men have bought their own text books, and have subscribed to
various Jewish periodicals. Thus, the beginners in Hebrew are using
Manheimer as a text; the members of the advanced Hebrew circle are
also using the Bible as a text and have each subscribed to the
Hatoren (a Hebrew monthly of New York). The Bible circle is also
using the Bible as its text, and the Hebrew and Bible circles
contemplate procuring jointly several Jewish Commentaries, like those
of Rashi and Kimchi, for general reference in the University Library.
The circle in Zionism is using Professor Gottheil’s book, and the
members have each subscribed to The Maccabæan. The history circle
has recently decided to use Dubnow’s Essay as a text. It may be
mentioned here that the books of the Menorah Library are receiving
very good circulation and the standard reference works, such as
Graetz, Ginsburg, Schechter, and others, have been of great value to
the members of the study circles in their work. It is hoped that a
number of Jewish periodicals may also be made available in the
University Library.
It is planned to hold meetings of the Cornell Menorah Society in
conjunction with one or two other university organizations for several
lecturers whom we expect through the courtesy of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association. One meeting in particular that is planned for the
future may be noted. Annually, in February, occurs what is known as
Farmers’[65] Week in Ithaca. During the week thousands of farmers from
all over the country visit the College of Agriculture, where a most
elaborate program is arranged for their benefit, consisting of
lectures, demonstrations, exhibits, and addresses on the various
phases of agriculture and country life. Last year, Mr. Joseph M.
Pincus, Editor of The Jewish Farmer, addressed a large audience
under the joint auspices of the Menorah Society and the College of
Agriculture on “The Jew as a Farmer.” The lecture was illustrated with
a fine selection of lantern slides, and the meeting as a whole was
very successful. In planning for the coming year, we have tried to
emphasize even more strongly than last year our part in the program
for Farmers’ Week. Mr. Pincus has kindly consented to come again, and
probably we shall also have Mr. Leonard G. Robinson, General Manager
of the Jewish Agricultural and Industrial Aid Society, who will speak
on “Jewish Agricultural Co-operative Associations.”
We are now trying to make arrangements for our Society to take care of
an exhibit which will show by charts, photographs, and other suitable
material, the activities of the various Jewish agricultural
organizations and the progress of Jewish farmers in America within
recent years. It may be of interest to add that as a direct result of
the Menorah meeting last year during Farmers’ Week, one of the
students was appointed by the Extension Department of the College of
Agriculture to go out with an “educational train” during the summer
and carry on certain extension work among the Jewish farmers of New
York State.
was held on October 13, 1914. The meeting was the largest in the
history of the Society, over 150 men being present. The purposes of
the Society were explained to the new men by the officers, and Le
Baron Russell Briggs,[66] Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences,
extended a welcome in behalf of the University. He said in part: “I
was present at the foundation of the Harvard Menorah Society in 1906,
and was very much impressed by the fine earnestness of the leaders. If
I were a Jew, I would be so proud of the history and traditions of my
race that I would welcome the opportunity that this Society offers.
For this reason I have always taken a great interest in the Menorah
Society.”
The plans for this year include as usual a series of fortnightly
lectures by men of learning and prominence. Among the speakers for the
first half year are Dr. Cyrus Adler of Philadelphia, Professor Richard
Gottheil of New York, Mr. Samuel Strauss of New York, Dr. A. A. Neuman
of Philadelphia, Dr. Martin A. Meyer of San Francisco, Dr. D. de Sola
Pool and Dr. S. Benderly of New York. In addition, there are planned
three study circles, each of which will meet every alternate week. One
of these circles is to be devoted to Jewish history, another to the
study of the Hebrew language, and the third to the consideration of
modern Jewish problems.
The prospects for this year are even brighter than ever before. The
enthusiasm is as great as it has ever been, and the membership will
undoubtedly exceed all past records.
It is of interest to note that more and more members of Menorah
Societies at other Universities all over the country continue their
Menorah activities in our Society when they come to study in the
graduate departments of Harvard University.
City of New York, a Menorah Society was formed at the Normal College
of New York (for women), with the approval of the Dean, in May, 1913.
Owing to the change of name of the College, it is now known as the
Hunter College Menorah.
During the first year of its existence,[67] under the leadership of its
first President, Miss Selma Blechman, and the hearty support of its
members, the corner-stone for its present greater work was laid. A
program of lectures was planned to be held on the third Friday of
every month. The lectures were to cover the several periods of Jewish
history from ancient to modern times. This was done with great
success.
This year, in addition to the lectures, the Society is planning to
give courses in (1) Hebrew, (2) Jewish History, and (3) the Bible.
This project has met with the hearty approval of both the President
and the Dean, and the Menorah hopes to enter soon upon active work in
these subjects.
A word about the membership of the Hunter Menorah must be said. When
the Society started it had a membership of one hundred, of whom ninety
were active members. It now has about twice that number, with an
active membership of one hundred.
The Society has acquired such repute that students who are not members
attend the lectures and are very enthusiastic about them. Indeed, the
Hunter College Menorah sees before it a very rosy future.
At the recent Bazaar given by the College Athletic Association for the
Red Cross Relief Fund, the Society had a booth and sold appropriate
articles, like brass Menorahs, books and small Hebrew scrolls, objects
of Jewish art, and candy and almonds from Palestine, thus adding a
considerable sum to the Fund. Besides, the members have contributed
over $100 for Jewish relief in Palestine.
formed a society and assumed the Menorah name. After a rather
checkered course of three years, marked by misunderstood ideals and
activities not always well-considered, the organization suddenly
became more alive to the consideration of the vital problems which had
been the ultimate excuse for its existence. A few men,[68] sacrificing
personal ambition for the common welfare, spurred the Society on to
more serious and genuine work.
The rejuvenated Menorah Society enjoyed this period of prosperity only
for a few months when a new organization for Jewish spiritual
development at the University was formed. It calls itself the Jewish
Student Congregation, and its aim, as distinguished from the Menorah
goal of cultural research, is purely religious. The weekly prayer
meeting, marked by sermon and ceremony, is now offered to the Jewish
students in addition to the weekly study circle of the cultural
society.
However true or untrue may be the oft-repeated statement that the
Menorah has blazed the way for the Congregation, it still remains a
fact that the new organization was not confronted with the difficulty
of gaining a following, such as the parent Jewish society had
experienced. Though the attendance of the Congregation shaded off
quite considerably the last few months of its first year, there were
always enough to show their appreciation by their presence at the
services and to guarantee the continuation of the services in the
future. One noteworthy fact calls for special mention here—a certain
group of students seemed to be more religious than devoted to cultural
interests. Only a few of this class, however, were really inspired by
a religious zeal; for there were some who expressed this preference
because there still rankled in their thoughts the stigma which a few
thoughtless pioneers had allowed to attach itself to the Menorah in
the early days of its formation.
That the Congregation would appeal to a certain number was evident
from the first. The Jewish service was fraught with that sociable
spirit which became more lacking in the Menorah the more it devoted
itself to its primary motives of research and investigation into
Jewish history, culture and ideals. Though there unquestionably exists
a strong feeling of fellowship in the Menorah, it cannot compare with
the atmosphere of fraternalism in a religious meeting.
Moreover, the student can come to the Congregation to relax. He can
sit back passively and draw inspiration from the[69] service. But a
Menorah meeting is virtually a class-room lacking a few formalities.
There the student must actively discuss the problems placed before
him; he must earnestly dig for the Pierian waters before he can hope
to quench his thirst.
The average Jewish student comes to Michigan wofully ignorant of
matters pertaining to Judaism. Many of them have been reared in small
towns, where the efforts of parents to train their children in Jewish
ways, if tried at all, barely passes the first two or three pages of
the “Siddur”; while those who have been raised in the city are
generally the victims of the lax system of Jewish training prevalent
there. At the most they have only a superficial knowledge of Jewish
culture, of the great Jewish movements of the past and present. The
Synagogue or Temple represents to the mind of the average Jewish
student all that there is in Jewry; and so, while he will readily and
voluntarily support a movement for the establishment of the Jewish
church, he will have to be persuaded to help or join an organization
devoted to Jewish culture. For in the latter case he must first be
made to understand that there are other vital forces in Israel than
the Jewish church as it stands to-day in its conventional form.
The Menorah at Michigan faces the problem of attracting that element,
forming the big majority of the student body, which, though it proudly
upholds the high scholastic standard generally credited to the Jewish
student, still has its eyes closed and its brains dulled to many of
the vital Jewish problems which press for solution. With the
co-operation of the Intercollegiate Menorah office, the Society is
gradually molding the sentiment of the individual student toward a
more intelligent and favorable attitude. That the Menorah is already a
vital force on the campus may be seen from the work being done, the
zeal and enthusiasm displayed by the officers and members, many of
them among the University leaders. Those who formerly scorned or stood
aloof, including some who were in the position to mold student
sentiment, have begun to show a sympathetic interest, bordering in
many instances on actual participation.[70]
The Jewish Student Congregation does not conflict in any way with the
Menorah Society. There is room for both on the campus. Each has its
own purpose. Menorah members participate in the conduct and the
services of the Congregation.
together” meeting, arranged especially for the benefit of new arrivals
at the University, the Minnesota Menorah seems certain to make this
year the most successful in its history. The meeting, which follows an
established custom at Minnesota, was well attended by both students
and alumni, and enabled both elements to become better acquainted. The
early part of the evening was devoted to a general reception; this was
followed by a short entertainment, and then a very interesting
discussion of Menorah ideals and duties by various members of the
faculty and alumni.
The plans of the Society this year look more than ever before to an
intensive study of Jewish subjects by the students themselves.
Although various outside speakers will be asked to address the
Society, the bulk of the work will rest with the student body.
in the form of its administration. The Society is really two
organizations within the one university. This dual composition is
necessitated by the division, geographically, of New York University
into colleges in the downtown section of New York City, and into
colleges in the far uptown section of the Bronx, the distance between
these divisions being some twelve miles. It has therefore been found
necessary to organize one Menorah Society at University Heights, the
Bronx section, and another at Washington Square, the downtown
section.
Each of these Societies has its own officers, and each is active in
its own section. The Executive Councils of both Societies meet jointly
as a Board of Governors at least once in two months. This Board
directs Menorah work pertaining to the whole University, at the same
time considering the problems arising in the work of each Society.
The University Heights chapter is the older, having been organized
December 22, 1913. Its membership is about 75 at this time, and an
increase to 100 is expected by the end of the present academic year.
Formed by the zeal of some twenty-five men, and looked upon at its
inception with indifference by the college community, it has made
itself respected at University Heights and has become, young as it is,
an institution in the college life.
Its work during the first half-year was directed chiefly to the
internal strengthening of the Society, the increasing of its
membership and the institution of smooth working machinery of
administration. At the same time, however, the Society offered a
number of valuable lectures which attracted wide interest. Among the
speakers of that half-year may be mentioned Professor Israel
Friedlaender, Dr. Madison C. Peters, and Dr. Theodore F. Jones of the
faculty.
The activities of the University Heights Menorah Society for this year
are extensive. It has arranged a program of lectures, among which may
be mentioned the following: “The Talmud,” by Dr. Clifton H. Levy; “The
Jew in English Literature,” by Dean Archibald L. Bouton; “The Jews in
Medieval Spain,” by Dr. D. de Sola Pool; “Conservative Judaism,” by
Dr. Jacob Kohn; “Historical Beginnings of Christianity,” by Dr. A. H.
Limouze; “Reform Judaism,” by Dr. Isaac Moses. Besides these lectures,
some meetings are devoted to discussions by members of such subjects
as Zangwill’s “Melting Pot,” “Zionism,” and others of current
interest.
The Society does not limit its work to these meetings. It conducts
regularly, every Thursday evening, classes in elementary Hebrew and in
Post-Biblical History, and on Tuesday afternoons a class in Advanced
Hebrew and the reading of Hebrew Literature. The Thursday evening
class in Hebrew is under the direction of Dr. Max Reichler. The course
in History is divided into several periods, and as the course proceeds
to a new period in the history a different instructor takes the class.
Among the men giving the course are Dr. M. H. Harris, Dr. Reichler,
Dr. Moses Hyamson, and Dr. Joseph Gorfinkle. The class in Advanced
Hebrew is conducted by Mr. Max Kadushin of the Jewish Theological
Seminary.
Through the kindness of the Jewish Publication Society of America and
the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, and by its own additions, the
Society has placed a collection of books in the University library,
which, according to the Librarian’s statement, is used more frequently
than is any other collection of books placed in the library by a
society.
All these activities have caused favorable interest on the part of the
student body, faculty, and college authorities. Aside from these
academic efforts, the Society has made its members feel something of a
social friendliness toward each other and has brought together men who
might otherwise not have come in contact at all.
The Society at Washington Square promises an exceedingly good future.
At the present writing it is only several weeks old, but it already
has a membership of over one hundred and fifty. Judging from the
strong beginning it has made, it is bound to become a factor in its
section of the University.
University, proved to be the most successful in its history. In accord
with the nature and purpose of our organization, we strove to be
academic, sociable and non-sectarian, and accomplished this end, even
beyond the expectations of the more optimistic. During the year the
Society carried on a lecture course in Biblical History, by Professor
Morgenstern, of the Hebrew Union College, in such a creditable manner
as to attract attention even outside the University. The lectures of
Dr. Israel Friedlaender and Dr. H. M. Kallen met with similar success,
and after their lectures at the University they addressed large
audiences at our local Temples.
The new University library opened its doors this year, and we are
greatly indebted to our beloved friend, Mr. Joseph Schonthal, of
Columbus, for placing upon the shelves a set of the Jewish
Encyclopedia; and to the University, the Intercollegiate Menorah
Association, and the Jewish Publication Society for books and
periodicals. The trustees of the University considered our proposition
for the establishment of a chair in Jewish History and Culture, but it
was agreed that conditions were not yet ripe for this move. These
several undertakings, in connection with the entertainments, held the
members steadily interested throughout the year. The bi-monthly
meetings, the programs of which were made up by the members
themselves, were inspiring and beneficial.
A successful close was marked by a “Farewell Banquet” to the seniors,
among whom were several of our best workers—pioneers of our Society.
Of the guests present, only our old friend Dean Orton made an address.
He was greatly impressed with the work of our Society, and assured us
that the faculty is in full sympathy with our aims.
With the passing of a good year we are looking forward to a still
better one, and are predicting a big year for Menorah work. Such men
as Dr. J. Leonard Levy, Dr. Washington Gladden, Dr. Moses J. Gries,
Prof. I. Leo Sharfman, Dr. David Philipson, and Dr. Louis Wolsey are
among the speakers this year.
Our program committee has been working up attractive plans, and expect
to carry out discussions and studies in Jewish history, literature and
problems. The social part of our program is taken care of as the year
progresses, and forms only so much of our work as is justifiable to
keep the members together.
The Ohio State Menorah takes this opportunity of extending its best
wishes to the other Menorah Societies and of expressing its perfect
readiness to co-operate with them. The members will eagerly welcome
the first number of the Menorah Journal, both for its own sake and as
a means of strengthening the bonds with the other Menorahs.
time threatened its welfare, but happily the present internal
condition is healthy and assures the new administration the hearty
support of the entire membership. Despite difficulties our work has
been successful and varied. Last year fourteen regular meetings were
held, some devoted to programs by our own members, others to outside
speakers.
Among those who addressed us last year were Dr. Cyrus Adler, ’83,
President of the Dropsie College; Rabbi Henry Berkowitz, Chancellor of
the Jewish Chautauqua Society, on the “New Teaching of Religion”; Dr.
Henry M. Speaker, Principal of Gratz College, on “Jewish Literature”;
Rabbi Haas of the Baron de Hirsch School, on “Woodbine, a Jewish
Town”; Dr. Isaac Husik of the Semitic Faculty, on “Philosophic
Movements of Medieval Jewry”; and Dr. Henry Malter of the Dropsie
College, on “The Written and the Oral Law.”
In addition to the regular meetings we have been for the past three
years conducting a Jewish Discussion Group, led by Rabbi Marvin Nathan
of this city, which has proved very popular. The group meets at the
noon hour and attracts also non-Menorah men, women students, and
liberal-minded non-Jews. This year in order to accommodate the
students whose schedules prevent their attending this group, we expect
to institute another to be conducted either like the present or in
such a way as to utilize the services of the Rabbis and other
prominent Jews of Philadelphia.
Our policy this year concerning new members differs decidedly from
that of the past. While we are by no means more restrictive or
exclusive than heretofore, we feel that the method of “rushing” men
into membership is psychologically wrong. It cheapens the organization
in the eyes of non-members and thereby defeats its own end. Instead of
attempting to cajole freshmen into joining, we shall endeavor to
attract the serious-minded men on the campus by the quality of our
programs and the variety of our activities. With the strong men in,
the others will follow, and in this way our membership will be one of
both quality and quantity.
Another innovation this year will be the acceptance of women students
as members. The attitude of the University toward mixed membership in
organizations that meet on the campus has been unfavorable and as a
result women students have been admitted only to the Discussion Group
and to public meetings. Their wholesale application for admission into
the Society, however, prompted us to intervene in their behalf, and in
view of the seriousness of our purpose the authorities consented to
make the exception. Hereafter, therefore, we shall be able to offer
membership, on an equal footing, to all students.
Although our attention this year will be directed mainly to intensive
work, the Menorah will continue to act unofficially as the medium
between the Jewish students here and local communal activities. In a
quiet way, also, we intend to exert our influence upon local Jewish
organizations so as to induce them to take a more active interest in
Jewish affairs. They will be invited to attend our public meetings and
assistance will be offered them in arranging programs along Jewish
lines. We shall further offer to furnish them with speakers from among
our members.
A real need of our Menorah, and probably of other Menorahs, is some
extra incentive to induce the writing of Jewish papers. The
establishment here of a Menorah Prize would, we feel confident, work
wonders in stimulating interest in Jewish problems. We look forward to
the early filling of this need.
Of our work this year we are very optimistic. Several papers have
already been prepared by members and others are promised. A number of
notable men, including Provost Edgar F. Smith, of our University, and
Professor David W. Amram, ’87, of the Law Faculty, will give us
addresses. We are in addition organizing a Menorah Orchestra with the
idea primarily of presenting to the public the best Jewish music, and
we hope in this way to combine business with pleasure.
from the beginning were characterized by a willingness on the part of
the members to devote a great deal of their time to the mapping and
carrying out of our weekly program. The significant fact that the
Society has held forty talks during the past year, most of which were
delivered by its members, is in itself proof of the conscientiousness
and devotion that the men of Penn State bring to the Menorah Society.
As is quite natural, our organization did not at first strike all the
Jewish students as something worth while, but in a comparatively short
time we found that ninety per cent. of the Jewish students of the
College were members, and that our attendance for the past year
averaged thirty-five out of a possible forty.
Our meetings are held every Sunday morning from ten to twelve o’clock.
Our constitution states that any member who absents himself for three
consecutive meetings without a legitimate excuse is automatically
expelled. Thus far no man has been expelled. Members of the Menorah
Society are excused from the chapel by the Dean, provided they attend
all the Menorah meetings.
Our Society has also striven to get desirable lecturers. Owing to our
limited treasury, we must depend upon the Intercollegiate Association
for support, else we can make but very little headway.
The Menorah Library has proved a big boon, for practically every man
is making use of the books for his own reading and in the preparation
of papers for our meetings.
We were very fortunate in having been offered the services of
Professor O. F. Boucke as a lecturer for the Society and as teacher of
a special course of study on the Old Testament. Professor Boucke’s
assistance is bound to add materially to the prestige of the Menorah
on the campus. At an early meeting this year we had a most interesting
and inspiring talk by President Sparks, who is taking a deep interest
in the Menorah movement.
It is our belief that the Menorahs in colleges and universities that
are isolated from the large cities (a good example of which is Penn
State) are bound to have by far the greater success, because the
students enjoy more opportunity of being together and doing more
things in common. In our Menorah Society the Jewish students find
their chance not only to study things Jewish in common, but to come
together and exchange their thoughts on all subjects in which they are
interested.
18, 1914, at the Hotel Driskill, Austin. In addition to forty-three
students and faculty members, there were present four honored guests:
Dean W. J. Battle of the University of Texas, Rabbi Henry Cohen of
Galveston, and Messrs. J. Koen and N. Davis of the Austin Jewish
community. The opening address was delivered by the President of the
Society, Mr. L. W. Moses, who traced the growth of the Menorah Society
of Texas from its beginning in 1907 through its affiliation with the
Intercollegiate organization and its consequently renewed vigor. Dean
Battle, as head of the department of Greek in the University, spoke on
“Hellenism and Hebraism,” discussing the essential principles of the
two cultures and comparing their influence on modern civilization. Mr.
H. J. Ettlinger of the University Faculty elected as his subject, “The
Menorah in Its Relation to Other Student Activities,” and he
elaborated on the many reasons why the Jewish student should select
the Menorah Society as one of his extra-curricular activities. Rabbi
David Rosenbaum of Austin and also of the University faculty, taking
excellent advantage of his position as a representative of both the
University and the community, gave an instructive talk on “What
Judaism Expects of the Student.”
Rabbi Henry Cohen, speaking eloquently on “Judaism as a Factor in
Modern Life,” took up each one of the Ten Commandments and summarized
their influence on society to-day. A poem written especially for the
occasion was read by Mr. Israel Chasmin, and piano selections were
rendered by Miss Beatrice Burg and Miss Minna Rypinski. The program
closed with the installation of officers for the year 1914-15.
We lost ten members by graduation last June, but our membership has
none the less increased on account of the greater number of Jewish
students at the University this year.
The opening meeting of the year was attended by fifty out of the
fifty-eight Jewish students. In enthusiasm it resembled a football
rally, and the new students caught the spirit of the occasion. Since
then a number of other meetings have been held, with an average
attendance of forty. At the first meeting, Professor L. M. Keasby of
the Department of Institutional History gave an eminently just
interpretation of Jewish history from the point of view of the
economic development of mankind. At the next meeting, Israel Chasmin
reviewed Dubnow’s Essay on Jewish History. At the last meeting, Rabbi
J. Bornstein of Houston, Texas, spoke on Jewish Music. We are looking
forward to an illustrated lecture by Professor Gideon of the
Department of Architecture on “The Architecture of the Synagogue, Past
and Present.”
Through the fund for local speakers which we are raising and through
the aid of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, we hope to have a
speaker at least every month for the rest of the year.
The Menorah Library which we have received through the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association is greatly appreciated by the University and will
be of much help in the work of the Society.
feasibility of organizing a Jewish society on the campus. As a result,
a meeting was called at the Y. M. H. A. rooms in the first week of the
1913-14 semester. Cards for the meeting had been sent to all men
students known to be Jews. There was an enthusiastic discussion of the
purposes of the meeting, and it was decided to effect a permanent
organization, which should include the Jewish women students as well,
and to begin active work. Our purposes were then somewhat different
from what they are at present. We felt that if our union could bring
about a better understanding between the various Jewish elements in
the city of Seattle and throughout the State of Washington, we should
be accomplishing something worth while. The fact that the student body
itself was composed of these various elements would aid us, it was
believed, to bring that result about speedily and effectively.
And so members of the Menorah Society joined the Jewish lodges in
Seattle, Jewish synagogues, and the “Modern Hebrew School,” so that
they might effect their objects both from within as individual members
and from without as the Menorah Society. Our members volunteered to
teach at the Modern Hebrew School, an orthodox institution, one day in
the week. The offer was accepted gladly and greatly appreciated. At
the same school, a class was conducted by one of our members for the
instruction of Jewish men in the fundamentals of citizenship, and over
twelve of this class passed the examinations and secured their
citizenship papers. Another member organized an athletic club among
Jewish boys, and still another member did much valuable work at the
Settlement House.
At the meetings of the Society, which were held in the quarters of
Jewish organizations downtown and at members’ homes, papers bearing on
Jewish questions were read.
During the past summer it was felt that by affiliating with the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association greater impetus would be given to
our Society, and steps have already been taken for admittance into
that body. President Henry Landes of the University has expressed, I
believe, the favorable attitude of the whole University toward the
Society, as shown in the letter quoted below.
This year we shall devote more time to the study of Jewish culture and
ideals. A course of lectures is being arranged which will bring noted
Jewish men of the Pacific Coast to our University. It is hoped also
that we may have the benefit of speakers from the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association. Of course, the work we began last year down town
will be kept up, but it will now be done unofficially.
Washington to the Chancellor of the Intercollegiate Menorah
Association:
“In behalf of the University it gives me great
pleasure to endorse this movement and to assure you of
the satisfactory university standing of the students
who are members of the local society. The scholarship
of the students is good, several of the number having
obtained highest grades in most of their studies. I
feel sure that the organization in every way is worthy
of recognition by the Intercollegiate Menorah
Association and that such recognition will be of great
assistance to these and other students in the
formation and conservation of the culture and ideals
of the Jewish people. The University recognizes the
large debt modern culture owes to these ideals and
feels assured that the Menorah organization among us
will be of the greatest assistance in keeping alive a
keener consciousness of this fundamental part of our
civilization.
“The University will be glad to assist the Association
by permitting it to use University rooms for its
meetings, under the usual regulations governing the
use of rooms by student associations.
“Personally I shall be glad to co-operate in any way I
can to make the work of the local Society successful.
“Acting President“
the program has been the policy of the Wisconsin Menorah for the past
two years. Because of its advantages, the same policy has been adopted
for the current year.
In the past, the programs have been of a diverse nature, many phases
of Hebrew life and letters having been touched upon. The program
committee has put forth special efforts to assign to members those
subjects in which they have special interest.
The work of the past year came to a close with a large banquet, at
which Professor I. Leo Sharfman, Judge Max Pam of Chicago, and
Professor Joseph Jastrow and Dr. H. M. Kallen of the Faculty of the
University of Wisconsin gave short talks.
Although the Wisconsin Menorah may be said to be still in its infancy,
there is no doubt that, with its membership, which includes both men
and women, steadily increasing, it will soon be ranked high among the
Menorah Societies of the Middle West.
Society inaugurated what bids fair to be a most successful year.
President Arthur T. Hadley addressed the meeting (for the address of
President Hadley see above, page 45), as did also Professor Charles F.
Kent of the Yale School of Religion.
Professor Kent said:—”It is a great pleasure for me to face the work
of the new year with you, and it is a source of congratulation that
the Menorah is no longer an innovation but an established institution
at Yale. It seems a pity that Jews do not inherit Hebrew as a
birthright, but fortunately the study of Hebrew history and ideals
can proceed without this knowledge.
“Men must appropriate old ideas and interpret them into the terms of
modern life and thought, for in the old we find the germ of the new.
It is in Jewish history that we must look for the first true
commonwealth or democracy, where the king was chosen by the people and
where his authority was derived solely from and rested in the people.
This has no ancient parallel, not even in Greece. International peace
was also one of the great fundamental teachings of the prophets of
Israel.
“Religious education is to be traced directly to the Jews,—and this
is one of the great needs of America to-day. Not to the Greeks but to
the prophets do we turn for religious education. Hebrew sages were the
forerunners of the modern religious education movement, for they
devoted their time to developing the moral and spiritual ideals and
character of the individual. And then the great teacher of Nazareth
was a Rabbi, a Jew. The social motif is exceedingly strong throughout
Jewish history and literature. Social justice, social service, and the
universal brotherhood of man are the dominant ideas in the Old
Testament, and they constitute a heritage of priceless value to the
world and to our country to-day.
“All success and joy to you in your work, for the Menorah fills a
large gap in the life of the University.”
We hold lecture meetings fortnightly. Among the speakers thus far have
been Professor Richard Gottheil of Columbia University and Mr. Samuel
Strauss of New York. In addition to these regular meetings study
groups have been planned under the direction of Rabbi Louis L. Mann of
the Temple Mishkan Israel of New Haven.
Mr. Norman Winestine who was last spring elected President for this
year has been awarded a fellowship at the Dropsie College of
Philadelphia and has therefore left the University. Mr. Charles Cohen
has been chosen President to take Mr. Winestine’s place.
Notes
Of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
The Third Annual Convention of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
took place at the University of Cincinnati on Wednesday and Thursday,
December 23 and 24, 1914. A report will be published in the next
number of the Journal.
The Harvard Menorah Society Prize of $100, established by Mr. Jacob H.
Schiff of New York, was awarded last May to Henry Epstein, ’16, for an
essay on “The Jews of Russia.” The judges were Professor David Gordon
Lyon of Harvard, chairman; Professor William R. Arnold of Harvard, and
President Solomon Schechter of the Jewish Theological Seminary. This
is the seventh award of the Harvard Menorah Society prize since its
foundation in 1907-8. (For the list of previous awards, see The
Menorah Movement, 1914, page 102.)
The Wisconsin Menorah Society Prize of $100, established in 1911-12 by
Mr. Julius Rosenwald of Chicago, was awarded for the first time, in
1912, to Marvin M. Lowenthal (adult special student in Letters and
Science) for an essay on “The Jew in the American Revolution.” There
was no competition in 1912-13, but last year the prize was divided
into two equal parts and awarded to Hemendra Kisor Rakshir (senior in
Letters and Science) for an essay on “The Jews and the Interest Rate
in Angevin England,” and Percy B. Shostac (senior in Letters and
Science) for an essay on “A Short Survey of the Modern Yiddish Stage.”
The prize for 1913-14 was awarded again to Marvin M. Lowenthal for an
essay on “Zionism.” The Committee of Award consists of Professor R. E.
N. Dodge, chairman, Professor E. B. McGilvary, and Professor M. S.
Slaughter, of the University of Wisconsin. The chairman has stated
that the Menorah prize is the best prize offered by the University of
Wisconsin.
The Michigan Menorah Society Prize of $100 was established in 1912 by
Mr. Julius Rosenwald of Chicago, but was not awarded the first year.
Last year three prizes of $50 each were awarded, one to Paul
Blanshard, ’14, for an essay on “The Approach of Reformed Judaism to
the Unitarian Movement in the United States,” one to Miss Judith
Ginsburg, ’15, for an essay on “Disintegrating Forces in Contemporary
Jewish Life,” and one to Miss Sadie Robinson, ’15, for a general
discussion of Jewish problems upon the text of Proverbs 30, 13. The
judges were Professor Robert E. Wenly, chairman, and Professor I. Leo
Sharfman of the University of Michigan, and Rabbi Leo M. Franklin of
Detroit, Mich.
The Cornell Menorah Society offers this year the following prizes to
the undergraduates of the University: a prize of $25 for the best
essay on any subject relating to the status and the problems of the
Jews in any country; a prize of $25 for the best essay on any subject
relating to Jewish literature in English; and a prize of $25 for the
best essay or poem in Hebrew. The judges will be Professor Nathaniel
Schmidt of Cornell University, chairman; Professor M. M. Kaplan of the
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, and Professor I. Leo Sharfman
of the University of Michigan.
The Harvard Menorah Society has made a gift of $50 to the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association. The sum is taken from the
Associate Membership Fund of the Society. This Fund consists of the
dues of associate members (graduates), “which shall be used
exclusively for the substantive work of the Society” (Harvard Menorah
Constitution, Article IV, section 4). The control of this Fund is in
the hands of an advisory committee, consisting of the President of the
Society and two associate members designated by the Executive Council
of the Society.
the
Menorah Journal

For Small Mercies
By Israel Zangwill
| Thinking of Poland and her tortured Jews, |
| ‘Twixt Goth and Cossack hounded, crucified |
| On either frontier, e’en the Pale denied, |
| Wand’ring with bloodied staff and broken shoes, |
| Scarred like their greatest son with stripe and bruise, |
| Though thrice a hundred thousand fight beside |
| Their Russian brethren and are glorified |
| By death for those who flout them and abuse,— |
| I suddenly was touched to thankful tears. |
| Not that one wave had ebbed of all this woe, |
| Not that one heart had softened in “the spheres”[A] |
| One touch of bureau-malice to forego, |
| But that amid blind eyes, dumb mouths, deaf ears, |
| One voice in England[B] said these things were so. |

FOOTNOTES:
[A] Only permissible form of Russian reference to the Tsar
and his Counsellors.
[B] The London Nation.
From Across the Seas
From Dr. Max Nordau

noble and impressive program which you develop. It shows your
consciousness of the new duties of the rich, free and powerful
American Jewry, your readiness to assume fully the moral
responsibilities which your privileged position imposes upon you, and
your comprehension of the needs of the present hour. Your journal
seems the promising beginning of that organization in which we are so
sorely wanting and without which we will achieve nothing in the
forthcoming deep transformations of the old world.
From Dr. Moses Gaster
British Empire

corner into which it had been thrust, that you have polished up the
old candlestick, nay, even more, that you have trimmed the wick and
poured the oil into the cup, that you are kindling a light which is to
dissipate the darkness spiritual, more dangerous, more terrible than
darkness physical. What our people really want is to be able to see
that light of truth, that light of hope, of humanity, of knowledge, of
idealism, which has been ours through the ages. We have never allowed
our lamp to be extinguished, whether it burned in a remote corner in
the ghetto, smoky, ill trimmed, even evil smelling; still there was
the light sufficiently strong to illumine the pages of the Torah and
the Talmud, even[73] the pages of the writers of philosophy and science.
It was quite sufficient if one lamp was kept alight. This is the
greatness and the beauty of it,—that from one, one can kindle a
thousand.
There is no limit to which the light cannot reach and there will be no
limit, I hope, to the light which you will now spread. It will reach
the remotest corner of the universities and schools of learning, nay,
even more, it will bring everywhere a measure of knowledge and of
truth, and above all it will illumine and warm. It will reach the eyes
of those who have hitherto refused to see the beauty of their own past
and the greatness of their own future. They may then learn to live in
the present by the teaching of the past and by the hope of the future.
Make both known.
In conclusion, I can only express the wish that you keep steadily and
exclusively to Jewish questions, Jewish problems, Jewish learning.
Make your readers know what they can find in Jewish literature and
make the students of the various universities realize that in the
libraries of Europe and America there are vast treasures accumulated
which await the hand and the heart of the Jewish scholars. There are
great and grave problems which await solution and the field is
unlimited. Let them begin to till the ground of our own field, and
turn the furrows and sow the seed, and the golden harvest is sure to
repay them for their labor in the service of love and truth, and above
all of devotion to Judaism.
From Norman Bentwich

those who regard this world war as a terrible catastrophe. I can see
in it with God’s grace the preparation of a great uplift of humanity
and especially the coming of redemption for Israel. But the more
glorious the vision of the future the greater the need of light, and
more light, to illuminate the present and to enable the young
generation to advance steadily towards the vision and make it reality.
That is what I believe the function of the Menorah Journal to be, and
your first number is an earnest of the sincerity of your aim and the
goodness of your means.
The Jewish people stand on the brink of a new era in which they are to
resume their true function of the spiritual teacher of mankind. And[74]
American Jewry, it is a truism to say, has a vital and a leading part
to play in moulding the destiny of the Jewish people. So we may adapt
the old Rabbinic saying: “He who saves the soul of a single Jewish
student is as though he saved the world.” The Menorah Journal in
holding up the light of the Jewish spirit to the young men and women
of America is doing the work of humanity.
May I express the hope that the Menorah Societies will direct the gaze
of their members to the land of promise and the land of the prophets,
where the inspiration of Judaism has always come and whither the hopes
of Jewry have always turned. Living as I do, in the reflection of
Palestine as well as in the shadow of the Pyramids, I am very
conscious of the need for a continued Passover from the ideas of the
various Egypts that beset the Jewish people to the message that calls
us, in spirit if not in body, to the land of our fathers. To-day in
Palestine the light has begun to shine brightly again. Judaism has
relit there its prophetic lamp, which in centuries of stress and
darkness has never been permitted to fade away altogether. In our own
time the Menorah has been re-established in the Temple of the land by
a new band of Maccabees. But a single branch, so to say, of the seven
branches as yet shows its clear light. But if the Jewish youth wills
it, the whole Menorah may be lighted and shine full and clear to the
world with fresh lustre. In our day there may be a new Hanukka, a
rededication of the Hebraic light—if only we will it.
The Jewish Problem Today
By Jacob H. Schiff

JACOB HENRY SCHIFF (born in Frankfort-on-the-Main,
Germany, in 1847, came to America in 1865), one of the world’s leading
bankers (senior member of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., New York), and a prince of
philanthropists, noted for his personal devotion and munificent gifts
to many causes for human betterment. He was among the first to
encourage and befriend the Menorah movement, founding in 1907 the
annual Menorah Society Prize at Harvard. The present article forms the
approved substance of an interview granted by Mr. Schiff to the
Editors of The Menorah Journal on March 4, 1915. Mr. Schiff’s
statement regarding the need for a separate Jewish Relief Fund is
given special significance by the fact that he is Treasurer of the
American Red Cross.
conditions in the war-stricken countries, especially in the three
Polands. According to the reports we get, conditions in Russian Poland
are such that Belgium’s plight is a mere bagatelle in comparison.
The Jewish people there have been outraged in the most terrible
manner, both by the Poles who denounced them to the Russians as
enemies and spies and then by the Russians themselves, who treated
them as such. It is only after the Russian armies are forced to leave
that the Jews are given protection by the Germans. In saying this I do
not want to be misjudged, for it is well known that I am a German
sympathizer. But the fact is that the Russians and the Poles alike
have been inhumane to the Jewish population.
According to the latest reports, the conditions are not being improved
in any way. And the relief so far has been entirely inadequate. It has
never been adequate. We need millions for the immediate relief of our
brethren, and so far only about half a million has been forthcoming
from American Jews. This in spite of the fact that all parties and
factions in Jewry are acting together in the work of relief, except
only one organization, the B’nai B’rith, and for this there is some
reason, because the B’nai B’rith have their own lodges abroad and they
want evidently to apply their relief to their own members first.
Funds for other people in the war-stricken countries, because the
Jewish problem forms everywhere a problem of its own. It would be[76]
rather hard to say whether, were it not for the specific Jewish Relief
Fund, the Jews would get as much relief as the other suffering people,
but there is very little doubt that the Jews in the war-stricken
districts, especially in Poland, have suffered a great deal more than
the rest of the population. The Jews, therefore, need more relief,
particularly as the civilian population has been against them.
Beyond the immediate measures for relief we can for the present do
nothing. We must act from day to day. As the war goes on we must
simply keep on trying to relieve the distress. As to what is in store
after the war, I am unable to form a picture, at least so far as
Russia is concerned. The hope is expressed that when peace is restored
Russia will do better than heretofore for her large Jewish population.
But we have been disappointed so often by Russia’s promises that we
should believe this only when actually done and not before. I have
little confidence at all in the assertion that Russia will mend her
way in the future.
is nothing less than the entire removal of the Pale. We must ever
demand this and accept nothing else. When the Jew can go where he
pleases, and trade where he pleases, and live where he pleases, the
Jewish question in Russia will be solved. It is the government, the
governing classes, in Russia that create the enmity towards the Jews.
I believe there is no people anywhere who have at present or ever had
less anti-Jewish feeling than the mass of Russian people. When once
the pressure brought by the bureaucracy is removed and the Jews are
permitted to have normal relations with the mass of the Russian
population all over the country, the Jewish question will be a thing
of the past.
The situation is different in Poland and Roumania, where the people
themselves are anti-Semitic. It may appear strange at first that there
should be such a difference between the Polish people and the Russian
people in their attitude towards the Jews in their midst. But it may
be easily explained. People who are oppressed generally become narrow
by the oppression. The Poles and the Roumanians have had long to
suffer from oppression to a great extent, the Poles from Russia and
the Roumanians for many years from Turkey, from whose yoke they were
freed only a few decades ago. It is generally a fact that when the
servant becomes a master he makes the most intolerant master. Even if
a Polish autonomous kingdom should be created, it could not be much
worse for the Jewish population than it is now. But the Russian people
have been happy. They have gotten used to their despotic government
and do not feel it in particular, and they have little prejudice
against their still greater oppressed Jewish neighbors.[77]
The great numbers of Jews who have gone into the war and are fighting
heroically will, I have no doubt, make a convincing demonstration of
Jewish patriotism in every country, and that should make for an
improvement of Jewish conditions all over, except possibly in Russia.
Russia“
with Russia, because England doesn’t want to do anything that is
displeasing to her ally, more through fear to offend her than through
respect for her. So far, at least, it has not come true, as it was
hoped in certain quarters, that England might apply pressure upon
Russia to obtain an improvement in the condition of the Jews. And
unfortunately the conditions in England itself affecting the Jews are
certainly not as good now as they have been formerly. England has
always been our great friend. In England there existed no such thing
as anti-Semitism. But now there are, I fear, signs of a change.
In Germany the Jews do not suffer. They have a high standing and
occupy many high positions. There has, it is true, always been a
certain anti-Semitic tendency in Germany. But I think this war will
crush out most of that, in fact all class differences. I am quite
convinced that anti-Semitism in Germany is a thing of the past.
bring about a permanent betterment of Jewish conditions elsewhere, it
is hard to say. America has already gone pretty far by breaking off
commercial treaty relations with Russia. Whether the United States
could or should go further is difficult to judge at this time. It is
certainly clear that the solution of the Jewish problem in Russia
along the lines already suggested would solve the passport problem and
would pave the way for the resumption of regular treaty and commercial
relations between the two countries.
I do not think there is anything to do now for the Jews and for Jewish
bodies in America except to work harmoniously together in the raising
of relief funds. Of course, we must always be on the alert and ready
to take a definite position whenever the proper time arrives. But not
now. When peace negotiations begin to be talked about, I think it will
be well for such bodies as the American Jewish Committee, possibly the
B’nai B’rith and other organizations, to take united action. What
action they should take it is hard to say. It is a very difficult
question to decide at[78] this moment whether or not it would be
advisable to have special Jewish representatives present at the peace
negotiations to look after the specific Jewish interests. Whatever
influence should be brought to bear at the proper time should
originate with the American Jewish Committee, which is the most
suitable unifying Jewish agent in America to-day.
funds to a much larger extent than we have done so far. There has been
too much apathy among the American Jews. They have done much less than
at the time of the Kishineff massacres, when almost a million and a
half was raised. Now, with conditions infinitely worse, we have thus
far not been able to raise half as much as was readily given then.
Unfortunately we have become used to horrors and they do not touch us
any more as deeply as they should. Moreover, we have weighty and
costly problems of our own at home. We have to expend such enormous
sums for home problems that American Jewry seems unable to bear much
more. But notwithstanding this more must be forthcoming. We Jews must
give until it hurts, until it really becomes self-sacrifice; we must
stir up our people to the terrible condition of our brethren abroad.
And the Menorah Societies, which represent the most intelligent and
idealistic Jewish youth of the land, should do their share in making
known the tragic conditions and in arousing the Jews of America from
their apathy.
Nationality and the Hyphenated American
By Horace M. Kallen

HORACE MEYER KALLEN (born in Silesia, Germany, in
1882, came to America in 1887), studied at Harvard (A. B., Ph.D.),
Princeton, Oxford, and Paris. He has been assistant and lecturer in
philosophy at Harvard, instructor in logic at Clark University, and
since 1911 of the faculty of philosophy at the University of
Wisconsin. At the request of the late William James, he edited his
unfinished book on “Some Problems of Modern Philosophy.” Besides
contributing to philosophical and general periodicals, Dr. Kallen is
the author of a recently published book on “William James and Henri
Bergson.” Dr. Kallen was one of the founders of the Harvard Menorah
Society, and has rendered signal service, both by tongue and pen, to
the Menorah movement.
government is not taking sides in the great war; officially we are the
friends of all the embattled powers. And yet—we have but to take up
any newspaper, anywhere in America, to find violent praise of one
side, violent blame of the other. The sentiment of our country is
divided. On all sides, our diverse populations are emphasizing afresh
their European origins and background. The German in German-American,
the Slav in Slavic-American, the Briton in British-American, have
awakened, have become demonstrative and emphatic. The President,
observing this, has declared his official and personal boredom with
the “hyphenated American,” and the conception expressed in this phrase
has become an issue in the written and spoken discourse of our
country.
Why, in an officially neutral country, has this come to pass? When we
look closely to the ground and principle of the division of sentiment
in our population, we discover this significant fact: the division is
not truly determined by the merits of the European issue; it is
determined by the lines of our population’s European origin and
ancestral allegiance. The Americans of German and Austrian and Magyar
ancestry are pro-German; those of French or British or Russian
ancestry favor the Allies. Only the Jews seem to be an exception to
this rule. Being mainly from Russia, their favor should go to the
Russians, but their newspapers, almost without exception, favor the
Germans. The case of the Jews, however, is an exception that proves
the rule. Although the majority of them came from Russia, they have
had no part in the Russian polity; they have been oppressed,
persecuted, terrorized, as their brethren still are in Russian
territory. As[80] Americans, what portion and what hope have they in
Russia that they should desire Russian victory? None. But they are not
for this reason in favor of Germany. The headlines of their newspapers
do not celebrate German victories, but Russian defeats. The Ghetto’s
partiality to Germany is a consequence of its loyalty to Jewry.
Kinship of blood and race, ancestral allegiance, determine with the
Jewish masses in America also, what side they take in this war.
Although they have no political background in Europe, and their civil
allegiance is absolutely American, they too are hyphenated in
sentiment—Jewish-Americans.
Such is the fact. Its significance lies in what it reveals, and what
it reveals is a force much deeper and more radical, distinctly more
primitive and original, than anything else in the structure of
society. It hyphenates English and Germans and Austrians and Russians
and Turks no less than it hyphenates Americans, and, in the failure of
the external socio-political organization of Europe to give it free
play, it is the chief, almost the only, cause of the present
unendurable European tragedy. Its name is nationality.
constituent of nationhood. Many nationalities may compose a nation
(such is the case of the British, Russian, Austro-Hungarian and
Turkish Empires, of the Swiss Republic, of our own Union), and then
the relation between the nationalities will determine the strength or
the weakness of the nation. Again, a single nationality may be divided
among many nations (such is the case of the Poles, of the Serbs and
other Slavs, of the Jews), and then the stability of the nations will
be largely determined by their effect on the nationalities divided
among them.
The Swiss Republic, for example, is a nation composed of three
nationalities, two of which belong to powers at war with each other.
These are the French and the German; the third is the Italian. Yet the
nationhood of Switzerland is the most integral and unified in Europe
to-day, because Switzerland is as complete and thorough a democracy as
exists in the civilized world, and the efficacious safeguard of
nationhood is democracy not only of individuals but of nationalities.
The German, French and Italian citizens of the Swiss Republic are
to-day under arms to defend the neutrality of their nation from
possible violation by German, French or Italian belligerents, and in
defending their nation, they are defending also the autonomy of each
other’s nationality. In Switzerland, nationhood, being democratic, is
the safeguard and insurance of nationality.
Contrast Swiss nationhood with Austro-Hungarian nationhood.
Austria-Hungary is the immediate and direct occasion of the great war
by reason of the fact that, although she is a mosaic of nationalities
like[81] Switzerland, her government, instead of being a democracy, has
in the long run been directed toward the control and exploitation of
many nationalities by one or two. Hungary contains a population of
seven million Magyars among twelve million Slavs; yet the Hungarians,
having the economic and political upper hand, have sought to Magyarize
by force and trickery this almost doubly greater and culturally equal
population. They have tried to compel Magyar forms and standards in
language, in literature, in history, the arts, the sciences, religion,
law, in every intimate or remote concern of the daily life and
national genius of their Slavic subjects. The result has been the
steady disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian mosaic, the increasing
use of force to hold it together, the corresponding increase of
restlessness among the subject-peoples, plot and counterplot, the
assassination of the Archduke, and the attack on Serbia, which
precipitated the war. In this war Austria has come off worst of all
the combatants, and for the same reason: the attempt to maintain the
unity of a nation of nationalities by the force of one of them instead
of by the democratic coöperation of all. In Austria-Hungary,
nationality, having been exploited and suppressed, has been the enemy
and destroyer of nationhood.
constitute American nationhood makes for the liberation and harmonious
coöperation of nationalities. This spirit is also a part of the
Hebraic spirit, a part of the explicit program of our prophets, those
champions and vindicators of social justice and international
righteousness and peace; and this, significantly, is the spirit that
literally inspired the democracy of our America.
For the democracy of America had its first articulate voicing in the
Pilgrim Fathers and the Puritans of New England. These men and women,
devoted to the literature of the Old Testament, and upheld by the
ancestral memories of the Jews, were moved to undertake their great
American adventure by the ideal of nationality. It was not because of
an overwhelming oppression of body and soul that the Pilgrims
adventured to America. It was not “freedom to worship God” that they
sought. They had that in Holland. They sought freedom to be
themselves, to realize their national genius in their own individual
way. Their English manners, English speech, English history, and
English loyalty were, in fact, more important to them than their
Hebrew Bible. They used that as the spiritual pabulum which nourished
their English corporate life. Their Calvinism was a reinterpretation
of its prophetic nationalism expressed in the doctrine of the “chosen
people”; their political institutions were a modification of the ideal
political order it was supposed to reveal. As Cotton Mather narrates,[82]
his grandfather, John Cotton, found, on his arrival in New England,
that the population was much exercised over the framing of a “civil
constitution.” They turned to him for help, begging “that he would,
from the laws wherewith God governed his ancient people, form an
abstract of such as were of a moral and lasting equity.” So “he
propounded unto them an endeavor after a theocracy, as near as might
be to that which was the glory of Israel.” Out of this beginning the
democratic mood of America surges; in such conceptions the ideals
which express the mood have their origins. These ideals are the
conservation of nationality, and the equality of men before the
inconceivable supremacy of their God. Hebraism and English
nationality—these are the spiritual background of the American
commonwealth.
Political freedom in America has tended to generate self-expression of
each national group, and our country is to-day, broadly speaking, a
great coöperative commonwealth of nationalities, British, French,
German, Slavic, Jewish, each freely developing, in so far as it is
self-conscious, its national genius, its language, literature and art
in its own characteristic way as its best contribution to the
civilization of America as a whole,[C] realizing in this way the ideal
of the democracy of nationalities, of international comity and
coöperation which our prophets were the first to formulate.
American nationhood, thus, is in the way of becoming what Swiss
nationhood fully is, the liberator and protector of nationality; its
democracy is its strength, and its democracy is “hyphenation.”
“Hyphenation” may, it is true, become perverse. As an expression of
the coöperation of nationality with nationality in the life of the
State, it is inevitable and good; as an attempt to subordinate all
nationalities to one, to use all for the advantage of one, it is
partial, undemocratic, disloyal. Our nation is a democracy of
nationalities having for its aim the equal growth and free development
of all. It can take no sides. To require it to take sides, German or
Anglo-Saxon, Slavic or Jewish, is to be untrue to its spirit and to
pervert its ideal.
character, culture and ideals upon others that has been the basis of
all the great wars in Europe, of all international injustice from the
beginning of history.
The movement in modern history which we call progressive has been a
movement toward democracy in both the internal affairs and external
relationships of nations. Men did not realize its entire significance
until the nineteenth[83] century; only then did it come to full
consciousness in fact and idea, urged equally in Greece, in Germany,
in Ireland, in Italy. Its great voice is the Italian thinker and
patriot, Mazzini. In a marvelous essay entitled “Europe, Its Condition
and Its Prospects,” he wrote, at a time when the hope of social and
international democracy seemed extinguished: “They struggled, they
still struggle, for country and liberty; for a word inscribed upon a
banner, proclaiming to the world that they also live, think, love and
labor for the benefit of all. They speak the same language, they bear
about them the impress of consanguinity, they kneel beside the same
tombs, they glory in the same tradition; and they demand to associate
freely, without obstacles, without foreign domination, in order to
elaborate and express their idea, to contribute their stone also to
the great pyramid of history. It is something moral which they are
seeking; and this moral something is in fact, politically speaking,
the most important question in the present state of things. It is the
organization of the European task. In principle, nationality ought to
be to humanity that which division of labor is in a workshop—the
recognized symbol of association; the assertion of the individuality
of a human group called by its geographical position, its traditions
and its language, to fulfill a special function in the European work
of civilization.”
Modern Europe saw the overthrow of the Holy Roman Empire, of the
imperial aspirations of Louis XIV, and of Napoleon before it realized
the natural fact and moral principle which underlay these overthrows,
and which finally so successfully asserted themselves as to unify
Italy and cast off the Austrian dominion, to liberate Greece,
Bulgaria, Roumania and the other Balkan States from the Turk, to unify
and create contemporary Germany. The last quarter of the nineteenth
century saw the renaissance, often in the face of overwhelming
suppression, of the language and cultures of Czechs, Bohemians, Poles,
Irish and Jews. It saw the rise of nationalism in the Oriental
dependencies of Great Britain. It saw the beginning of an
acknowledgment of the full rights of nationalities by both Austria and
Great Britain, the grant of local autonomy to the various
nationalities in the Austrian Empire, of progressive home rule to
India and South Africa and Ireland. The twentieth century seemed to be
moving peacefully toward the fulness of democracy—when came the war.
the economic domination of the world, springing from commercial
rivalry and industrial intrigue. No. Nothing is so international as
economic life—we in America know that now to our own cost also—and
if commercial interests and capitalistic counsels had had their say,
there would have been no war. England was Germany’s best customer,
France her[84] great creditor, Russia supplied her with unskilled labor.
The socialist international was against war, the peace party was
against it, the intelligence of the world was against it. When it
came, it shattered all these international organizations into national
units, it smashed the solidarity of even science and art, which are
the most international enterprises in the world. And why? Because its
cause was something deeper than economic interest or the other
secondary interests. Here is the question that the war is to decide:
Is the whole of mankind to be dominated in body and in spirit, without
its consent, by a portion of it, and to be compelled “to elaborate and
express the idea” of the portion? or is the whole of mankind to be
self-governed, in a coöperative commonwealth, each part of which, by
elaborating and expressing its own idea, contributes its best to the
whole?
This is the issue between the warring powers and each claims that it
is defending itself against the aggression of its opponents. Each
claims to be fighting for democracy. In the face of these claims,
history has the deciding voice. Now, historically, England, more than
any other power, has stood for the democratic and coöperative idea.
Her colonies have autonomy, her more backward dependencies are
encouraged toward autonomy. Since the Boer war, when imperialism
passed away, she has moved toward the position of Switzerland. Even
Ireland has obtained home rule. “We are a great world-wide,
peace-loving partnership,” said Mr. Asquith,[D] has reiterated again
and again the principle for which all the Allies are fighting:
believing that “the preservation of local and national ties, of the
genius of a people which has a history of its own, is not only not
hostile to or inconsistent with, but on the contrary, fosters and
strengthens and stimulates the spirit of a common purpose, of a
corporate brotherhood,” the Allies seek to defend public right, to
find and to keep “room for the independent existence and free
development of the smaller nationalities, each with a corporate
consciousness of its own . . . and, perhaps, by a slow and gradual
process, the substitution for force, for the clash of competing
ambitions, for groupings and alliances and a precarious equipoise, of
a real European partnership, based on equal right and enforced by a
common will.”[E]
It is hard to believe that Russia can be fighting for such an end.
Fear of Russian barbarism is what brought Germany into the lists, the
Germans declare, to defend western ideals and western democracy. Yet
Russian government is Prussian in its organization, and it is on the
side of the ideal of western democracy that she is explicitly aligned.
The contradiction is striking, and it is still more striking when we
recall that in her armies are over a quarter of a million of Jews, and
that in the other armies there are half as many more. For the Jews the
war is more than civil; it is[85] fratricide. On the face of it they have
no inevitable personal or political stake in the war’s fortune.
England has acknowledged their “corporate consciousness” and given
them maximal opportunity for “free self-development”; so has France.
Russia has oppressed and horribly exploited them; Germany, though
infinitely better than Russia, has set them conditions in which “free
development” is synonymous with complete Germanization. Austria and
Turkey have dealt with them somewhat after the manner of England and
France. The contradiction of the Jewish position outdistances that of
the Russian. But both contradictions are resolved in the fact that the
ideal in question concerns not Russia alone, nor England alone, nor
the Jews alone, but the whole of Europe, the whole world. What is at
stake is not something local, personal, political, but a universal
principle, the goal toward which mankind has been so slowly and
deviously crawling from the beginnings of modern history—the
principle of democracy in nationality and nationality in democracy.
It is for this that our brethren in the armies are fighting; it is for
this that they are undergoing crucifixion in the Pale, for this that
our people have suffered and died from the beginnings of our history.
Our whole recorded biography is the narrative of a struggle for social
justice against the exploitation of class by class within our polity,
for nationality against imperialism without. Our statesmen and leaders
were the first to formulate the ideal of the coöperative harmony of
nationality, and the ideal of international peace.[F] Mr. Asquith is
echoing our prophets, and our embattled brethren are engaged in the
defence of a principle which is the constituent of the genius of their
own nationality.
an issue in the war not only as a principle but as a fact. The Jewish
people are the great historic incarnation of the casus belli. In
fortune and in disaster, through difficult and terrible centuries,
they have cherished their language, their history, their culture, have
sustained their “corporate consciousness” and in terms of it have
served civilization in all the institutions of civilization. Not
freely, not by free development; not because of conditions, but in
spite of them. The Bible, whose moral vision inspires the world, we
gave the world only as we had or yearned for “independent existence”
and “free development.” Our best, like the best of every people, has
been a function of this “independent existence and free development.”
We also, scattered among the nations, tortured and oppressed by the
mighty and the weak among them, are among “the smaller nationalities”
for whose sake the war is being fought. With Serbia, with Belgium,
with Poland, we[86] claim our public right and our national security, and
we claim it not merely for ourselves, but for the service of all
mankind. For as we have had a rôle “in the organization of the
European task,” so we still have a rôle, and in that division of the
labor of civilization in terms of nationality we have our task to
accomplish, our service to render. This task, this service, is the
expression of the Jewish idea, the flowering and fruitage of the
Hebraic spirit, which, rooted in our historic past, planted on our
national soil, shall realize in modern terms, in social organization,
in religion, in the arts and the sciences, a national future that by
its inward excellence will truly make Israel “a light unto the
nations.”
The indispensable condition for such a realization is autonomous
nationality; not nationhood, necessarily, but autonomy. This, more
than civil rights among other nationalities, is our stake in this
great war. In the last analysis, the Hebraic culture and ideals which
our Menorah Societies study, can be advanced, can be a living
force in civilization, only as a national force. Our duty to America,
inspired by the Hebraic tradition,—our service to the world, in
whatever occupation,—both these are conditioned, in so far as we are
Jews, upon the conservation of Jewish nationality. That is the potent
reality in each of us, our selfhood, and service is the giving of the
living self. Let us so serve mankind; as Jews, aware of our great
heritage, through it and in it strong to live and labor for mankind’s
good.
real spirit of our country’s motto, e pluribus unum.
That does not mean a sinking of the differences
between us all into absolute uniformity, but rather
the harmony that can result from the recognition of
these differences and developing our own
individualities so that we shall have variety in
unity.—From an Address before the Yale Menorah
Society by Professor Benjamin W. Bacon of Yale
University.
FOOTNOTES:
[C] For a fuller treatment of this point compare in the New
York Nation for February 18 and 25, 1915, the author’s articles on
“Democracy Versus the Melting Pot.”
[D] Cardiff Speech, 2d October, 1914.
[E] Dublin Speech, 25th September, 1914.
[F] Cf. Isaiah, II, 2-4; XIX, 23-25; XI, 6-9; LXV, 17-25,
etc.
Yankee and Jew
An After-Dinner Address
By G. Stanley Hall

G. STANLEY HALL (born in Ashfield, Mass., in 1846),
President of Clark University, is a leading authority on education and
psychology, and author of a number of important books, notably
“Adolescence” (2 vols. 1904). The present address, delivered at a
recent dinner of the Clark Menorah Society, has been revised by Dr.
Hall for publication in The Menorah Journal.
because the light After-Dinner View of Life, which is my theme on your
program, is far from being serious enough, and I must totally abandon
my plan and speak entirely extemporaneously, although upon a subject
in which I have an old and strong interest.
Again, I am always embarrassed in talking to members of your race
because I feel a little as Napoleon did when he told his soldiers in
Egypt that forty generations looked down on them from the top of the
Pyramids. You know your ancestry in general back for thousands of
years, and I am rarely fortunate in being able to go back as much as
nine or ten generations to the Puritans of the “Mayflower,” but there
I stop and everything before that is a blank. David Starr Jordan tells
us in his book that there is perhaps no man alive who has not kings or
queens in his ancestry, but adds that we all have had murderers among
our predecessors, too.
Jews, and this alone ought to give us a friendly feeling toward one
another. We are both misunderstood and caricatured. The Yankee stands
for a peculiar sort of closeness in money matters and a shrewdness
which has even given its slang name to a neighboring New England
State, the “Nutmeg State.” Perhaps we have both done too much in the
past to deserve this reputation for super-cleverness. One of you has
referred to the fact that there are Jews who do not like to
acknowledge their race. In that respect we are alike, for there are
many Yankees[88] who are ashamed of being known as such. Long years ago,
when I was a student in Germany, I was introduced one evening to a
young German countess. She said in her broken English, “I am so glad
to meet an American. I have heard you have many funny people there,
the Dago, the Paddy, the Nigger, and many more; but I have heard that
the lowest people there are what they call the ‘damn Yankees.’ How I
would like to see one of them!” This, bear in mind, was soon after our
Civil War, and she received her impression of us doubtless from
Confederates. I did not have the courage to acknowledge my nationality
to her, but diverted the topic to some of the other people she had
mentioned.
The old New England Puritan taught sternly. He was a patriarchal head
of his family. In my boyhood, Saturday evening or perhaps better
Thanksgiving Day, when their descendants all gathered together as long
as either of the grandparents lived, we had an illustration of
something very like Heine’s touching picture of an old Jewish peddler
who worked hard through the week, but on Friday night put on his long
black coat and his three-cornered hat, lit the seven candles at the
table, and told his children and grandchildren how Jehovah had led His
people through the wilderness, and how the Egyptians and all the other
naughty people who persecuted them were long since dead, while the
chosen race survived. And so happy in his race was this poor peddler
and so proud of his pedigree that, as Heine says, had the great
Rothschild entered at that moment and asked him what favor he could
do, he would reply simply: “Stand out of my light, that I may finish
telling the law to my children.”
far more than that of the New, pervaded the life of old New England.
Every day after breakfast, no matter how busy the season or how late
the breakfast, my grandfather read to the assembled family a chapter
from the Old Testament, and perhaps remarked upon certain passages.
After graduating from college and when I became a tutor in a prominent
Hebrew family in New York, and especially when I had to teach the
children their Sunday school lessons and freshen up the small
knowledge of the Hebrew language that I had, I realized very keenly
how closely related were the Jews to the Yankees,—with this
tremendous difference, that you are increasing in numbers while we are
decreasing.
As I read the Old Testament, the substance of the covenant with
Abraham was that if he kept Jehovah’s law, his seed would be
multiplied like the stars of Heaven. This placed society and life in
that early day squarely on a eugenic basis, for it makes the number
and success of good children the supreme test of every human
institution, activity, and every[89] kind of culture. This I take it is
one of the chief characteristics of your race, and I hope it may long
be so.
I am going to avail myself of this opportunity to say a few words
about a topic that has for centuries been a point of the very greatest
difference and tension between your people and mine, namely, the
character and work of Jesus. Please do not be shocked till you hear
what I have to say. Such of us psychologists as have recently been
interested in the psychological aspect of Jesus’ life and work
understand, as had never been understood before, how purely Jewish he
was. Scholars have lately given to his figure a radically new
interpretation.
and deep enthusiasm for the loftiest things of life. He was a little
ecstatic all the time, illustrating the higher powers of man. His soul
was unconquerable by misfortune and disaster, like that of the Jewish
race itself. He was also organizing victory out of defeat, and his
greatest triumph was over death itself. Some think that his youthful
dreams and ideals were to be an agrarian lord of a manor, or a grand
country gentleman of the Jewish order, making contracts with servants,
leasing out farms and vineyards, giving feasts, and the like, for more
than half the parables pertain directly or indirectly to such a
vocation. But this youthful dream he was unable on account of poverty
and his station in life to realize; so two very natural changes took
place in his soul. He came to hate the rich because they were wasting
their opportunities and never doing anything; but far more important,
he developed from these juvenile reveries his world-transforming ideas
of the kingdom, which created the church, visible and invisible, and
re-made society.
The Jews are never beaten; if checked in their aspirations they, like
the prophets in the days of captivity, strike out in higher and nobler
ways. Thus you ought to be proud of Jesus for, as he is now being
understood, he was an extremely representative man of your race. The
real enemies of the Jews are now claiming that no such man ever lived,
which is the view of Drews and his school, some holding that he was a
deliberate invention of the early decades of the first century, and
others, like Jensen, that he was a revived Babylonian myth. But these
new views show that Jesus was not an Aryan, as a few of the
pan-Germanists have claimed, but a typical Semite. It does look now,
in view of the teachings of such men as Gobineau and various of his
successors, that the Aryans are the highest and best people in the
world and that the Germans are the very best of all the Aryans, that
it is Germany that has come to consider itself the chosen people, the
elite, superior race. But certainly Germany is not very[90] Christian. It
was only converted in the thirteenth century, and Luther soon threw
off the fully developed Christianity of Rome. Since then we have had
the Tübingen School, that resolved everything into myth, and the very
many other negative points of view expressed in Nietzsche’s supremest
condemnation of Jesus as a wretched degenerate, while Wagner’s
deliberate slogan was, “Das Deutschtum muss das Christentum siegen.”
reconstruct your conceptions so much as to recognize Jesus as a
typical, golden, Jewish youth, worthy of being an ideal for young men.
We certainly do have in his life as now interpreted exactly what youth
needs above all things,—ambition, enthusiasm, idealism, all of them
absorbing, all of them diverting physical and sensuous energy into the
very highest culture sphere, sublimating desire, and making us
understand that youth is not complete without a great effort at
achievement. The very essence of youth is excitement. There must be
tension, strain, a tiptoe attitude, a strong “Excelsior”-like ambition
to climb, and a corresponding horror of inferiority,
Miderwertigkeit. Youth is an age of idealism, and the tension decade
of adolescence needs a regimen and an idealization all its own, to set
back-fires to temptation. Instead of the current altogether too plain
talk on sex hygiene and teaching, we must realize that every
enthusiasm or real interest, be it in the multiplication table or in
literature, debate, athletics, is an alternative. It reduces
temptation and stores up energy as the great reservoirs in the middle
west store up the floods that come down from the mountains, so that
they shall irrigate and not devastate the land. Jesus, in the new
interpretation of Holzmann and Baumann, stands for this kind of
enthusiasm.
I cannot but wonder, therefore, whether, in view of these new
conceptions, Jew and Gentile are not going to meet in this country and
even agree about Jesus. It is difficult at least to see which of us
would change most if there were this rapprochement. We must neither
of us abandon our birthright. We must be the very best Puritan
Anglo-Saxons we possibly can, and you must be the best Jews possible,
for out of these component elements American citizenship is made up.
This country stands for the dropping of old prejudices, such as those
that are inflaming Europe now with war. If we can satisfy each other’s
ideals and meet half way the thing is done, and the melting pot which
America stands for has got in its work. I want the Menorah Society to
feel that it is in the van of this movement.
“Golden Rule” Hillel
By Moses Hyamson

MOSES HYAMSON (born in Suwalki, Russia, in 1863, came
to England in childhood). Rabbi and jurist; educated at Jews’ College
and University College of London; for thirteen years Senior Dayan of
the London Beth-Din (Jewish Court of Arbitration), in which capacity,
because of his erudition in both the Jewish and the common law, he
rendered notable service to the British community. In 1913 he accepted
a call from the Congregation Orach Chayim of New York. Besides being a
contributor to the Jewish Quarterly Review and other learned
publications, Dr. Hyamson has published “The Oral Law and Other
Sermons” (1901), and an annotated edition of the medieval “Collatio
Romanorum et Mosaicarum Legum” (1912).
Abtalion assembled for worship one wintry Sabbath morning, they were
astonished to find their lecture-hall exceptionally dark. On looking
up they descried what seemed to be a human form lying prone across the
skylight. Willing feet ascended the roof and willing hands swept away
the snow from a young lad’s half-frozen form. They brought him down,
and although it was the holy Sabbath, kindled a fire to revive the
chilled body. “Worthy is Hillel,” they exclaimed, “that the Sabbath
should be desecrated for his sake!”
So runs the Talmudic tale. The incident happened in Palestine in the
century before the common era. The boy Hillel had come from his
obscure home in Babylon, bent upon study at the most famous school in
Palestine, whose teachers, Shemaya and Abtalion, were heads of the
Synhedrion, the Supreme Court of Jurisdiction. Poor and proud, Hillel
supported himself by manual labor while he was securing his education.
Like Abraham Lincoln, he was a woodchopper. One half of the small
amount he earned daily served for his meals, and the other half he
paid to the porter at the college for his admission in the evening. On
this short Friday in mid-winter he had been able to earn nothing, and
in his keen anxiety not to miss the lecture and discussion, he
clambered to the roof of the college hall, braving snow and cold for
the words of the living God as expounded by his teachers.
Within a few short years Hillel himself had succeeded his teachers as
the head of this famous school, and also as President of the
Synhedrion. Hillel’s career is a shining example of the democratic
principle which has always prevailed in Jewish life, of the
opportunity open to all men of talents, however humble their origin,
to achieve position in the republic[92] of Jewish learning. And learning
combined with noble character, as in the case of the great Hillel,
carried authority in Jewish life. It is true that Hillel was not
without letters patent of nobility; though he came from poverty and
obscurity and from an alien land, he was, according to tradition, of
the blood of David. It is not, however, to this accident of birth,
known only later, that Hillel owed his quick rise and supreme eminence
in Jewish life, but to his distinguished attainments, to his profound
learning not only in the Jewish Law but in many secular fields of
knowledge, to his bold and original mind combined with a pious
devotion to tradition, to his indomitable energy and industry, his
nobility of character, his sympathy with the people and his
understanding of their needs.
negative form. The story that is told in the Talmud is one of the most
familiar; yet no repetition can lessen its point and charm. A heathen,
it is related, came to Shammai, the leader of a rival school,
requesting to be received into Judaism and instructed in the whole of
the religion while he stood upon one leg. Shammai, an architect by
profession, threatened the heathen with his builder’s measuring rod
and drove him out. The man went to Hillel with the same request.
Hillel, gentle, patient, democratic, received the man hospitably and
answered: “The whole of Judaism can be summarized in one short
sentence: ‘What to thee is hateful do not unto another.’ That is the
essence of the whole Torah; the rest is commentary.”
And in the interpretation of that “commentary” which, together with
the Torah itself, enshrined the spirit of Judaism and made it a
throbbing reality in the life of the nation, Hillel brought out the
humanity of every regulation, the true intent behind it, whenever
literal enforcement would have worked hardship or might have defeated
its true intent because of the changed circumstances since its
enactment. While keeping faithfully within the spirit of Jewish
tradition, Hillel struck out into innovations, new precedents and
legal institutions, which testified at once to the remarkable insight
and boldness of his mind as a jurist and to his tact and sympathy as a
leader of the people. Some of his innovations anticipate in a striking
way the developments under similar circumstances of the common law of
England and the United States many centuries later.
was a Sabbatical year, which, according to the Deuteronomic provision
(Deut. 15, 2), set up a Statute of Limitations and effectively barred[93]
the recovery of all debts. The people, impoverished by the exactions
of the Government and by the failure of the harvest, were compelled to
have recourse to money lenders. But those who were able to accommodate
the needy were reluctant to do so on account of the imminence of the
Sabbatical year and its legal bar to the recovery of past debts.
Hillel’s keen mind and sympathetic heart found a way out of this
difficulty. He set up the institution of the Prosbul, by which a
creditor received the right, when making a loan, to register the debt
in court. In this way the great jurist anticipated in a remarkable
manner a principle accepted so many centuries later in the common law
of England and America, namely, that the Statute of Limitations does
not apply to recorded judgments. Such judgments can always be sued on
and recovered. And so the new ordinance established by Hillel removed
the hardship of the Biblical enactment, the purpose of which was
humanitarian. By Hillel’s innovation, the true spirit of that law was
maintained, and applied in accordance with its real intent in an age
when the economic conditions were vastly different from the time when
the law itself was established. Our modern lawyers and reformers in
this country may well take a leaf out of this progressive conservatism
of our great democratic teacher Hillel.
Other decisions of Hillel equally significant could be cited. To
lawyers especially, the study of them is fascinating; they are full of
startling relevancy in the present time of unrest and agitation for
legal reform in this country. And not without reason. What we are keen
for now is a greater measure of social justice in a democratic
community. A study of Hillel’s jurisprudence—both the theory and the
decisions affecting the workaday life of the people—will give one an
appreciation not only of the beautiful spirituality of the master, his
erudition and his imagination, but the characteristic coalition of
letter and spirit, the emphatic sense of social justice, which has
prevailed in the whole system of Jewish law.
the founder of a school in another sense—a school of interpretation
of the Torah. This school, as already indicated, was marked by a
leniency and elasticity of interpretation of the traditional law quite
in contrast to the harshness and rigidity of the contemporary school
of Shammai; it is the school of Hillel, leaning to the spiritual and
the humane, that has prevailed ever since in Jewish law. Hillel made
the people realize the truth of the famous text about the Torah: “It
is a tree of life to them that grasp it, and of them that uphold it,
everyone is rendered happy. Its paths are paths of pleasantness and
all its ways are peace.” Those who have mistakenly conceived the
Jewish law as something dour and rigid, unlovable,[94] unspiritual,
should study the decisions and dicta of this great master.
Hillel’s character is illustrated by a number of pregnant sayings of
his that have been recorded in the Talmud. “Do not separate yourself
from the community,” was one of his characteristic sayings which
genuinely expressed his public spirit. His sense of individual and
social responsibility is summed up in his three famous questions: “If
I am not for myself, who will be for me? But if I am for myself alone,
what am I? And if not now, when?” His peace-loving nature and humanity
found voice in his counsel: “Be of the disciples of Aaron, loving
peace, pursuing peace, loving God’s creatures and bringing them near
to the knowledge of the Law.” His disinterestedness, his liberal
pursuit of the Law, that is, of knowledge, made him confidently say:
“He who aggrandizes his name, his name shall perish. He who does not
add to his store of learning and good deeds will suffer diminution. He
who does not teach deserves death. He who uses the crown of the Law
for selfish needs and personal advancement will be destroyed.” Who had
a better right than Hillel, graduate of poverty, to warn his
contemporaries: “Do not say I shall learn when I will have leisure;
perhaps you never will have leisure.” And in every case, even when the
conduct of a man seems most reprehensible, as when one of his
colleagues Menahem left the Synhedrion to take service under the
tyrant Herod, Hillel holds to this advice: “Judge not thy neighbor
until thou art in his place.”
Many a tale is narrated of Hillel’s patience, unfailing courtesy and
tact, tolerance and humility, even under the greatest provocation. The
man who bet 400 Zuz that he would break Hillel’s patience by silly and
far-fetched questions lost his own temper at the consideration with
which he was treated. And so the proverb became current, “Patience is
worth 400 Zuz.” And other tales are told of Hillel’s considerate
dealing with heathens who wished to embrace Judaism, in contrast to
the harsh treatment meted out to them by his contemporary Shammai.
quixotic. When a man came to him for assistance, he was wont to help
him according to his previous position in life. Thus, in one instance
where a man had formerly enjoyed great wealth but had suffered
reverses, Hillel not only provided for him according to his previous
standard of living but, it is related, even hired a horse for the man
to ride on and a footman to run before him. It is added that on one
occasion, when Hillel could not obtain a runner, he himself served in
that capacity.
His wife, we learn, was a fit helpmeet to the sage and saint. Their
domestic life was a perfect harmony. Once on returning from a journey[95]
Hillel heard a sound of quarreling in the neighborhood of his house.
“I am certain,” said he, “that this noise does not proceed from my
home.” On another occasion Hillel sent his wife a message to prepare a
sumptuous meal for an honored guest. At the appointed hour Hillel and
his guest arrived. But the meal was not ready. “Why so late?” asked
Hillel. “I prepared a banquet,” the wife replied, “according to your
desire. But I learned that a couple were to be wedded to-day and they
were too poor to provide a marriage feast, so I gave them our meal for
their wedding banquet.” “Ah, my dear wife, I guessed as much.”
But the greatest and most constant hospitality was shown by Hillel to
a guest who was always with him and uppermost in his thoughts. Every
day it was his habit to withdraw for a while for private meditation.
“Whither art thou going?” asked his colleagues and disciples. “I have
a guest to whom I must show attention.” “Who is this guest?” “My
soul,” was the solemn reply; “to-day it is with me, to-morrow the
heavenly visitant may be departed and returned home.”
Is it any wonder that, after forty years of activity in the
Patriarchate, when Hillel died (in the year 10 of the common era), men
said of him: “Meek and humble-minded, a saint has departed from among
us, a disciple of Ezra the Scribe.” The title fitted his career, for
he came like Ezra from Babylon to Palestine and like Ezra he restored
the Law when it was threatened with destruction. Great as a student,
he was great also as an inspirer of other students. He left eighty
distinguished disciples, of whom the youngest was that famous Jochanan
ben Zakkai who became the savior of Judaism at the destruction of the
second Temple.
Editors’ Note—Dr. Hyamson’s portrait of Hillel is the
first in a series of character sketches of Jewish
Worthies to appear in The Menorah Journal. The second
paper will be on Hillel’s disciple, Jochanan ben
Zakkai.
The Quality of Mercy
A Sixth Act to “The Merchant of Venice”
By William M. Blatt

William M. Blatt (born in Orange, N.J., in 1876)
was educated in the public schools of Boston, and received his degree
of LL.B. from Boston University Law School in 1897. Besides being
engaged with the law in Boston and contributing to a number of legal
periodicals, Mr. Blatt is also devoted to letters and has published a
number of plays, including “Husbands on Approval,” and many one-act
playlets, including “The Danger of Ideals,” which have been given
professional performance.
Characters: Shylock, Jessica, Antonio, Gratiano, Portia, Isaac, a
servant of Shylock.
Scene: A street in Venice.
Time: An afternoon, two years after the last act of “The Merchant of
Venice.”
As curtain rises, Portia and Gratiano discovered standing and looking
down the street, Gratiano pointing.
| Gratiano | Now Lady Portia look a long way off And see if you can recognize a friend. |
| Portia | A friend? One person only do I see— A man, quite old, who hobbles with a staff. |
| Gratiano | He is the one I mean. Now look again And try to recognize his face, his beard. |
| Portia | Why, is it not old Shylock? Sure it is. And met most opportunely, on my word. Now, dear Gratiano, with this icy heart We must needs waste a score or two of words. |
| Gratiano | To make him help his daughter Jessica? |
| Portia | That is the task. |
| Gratiano | Too much for Hercules. |
| (Enter Shylock.) | |
| Portia | A moment, Shylock, of your precious time. You must remember meeting me before. |
| Shylock | Remember, nay then, how could I forget The noble judge who spoke so clean and fair And took away on quibbles all I owned. |
| Portia | Not all, good Shylock, half of it remained. |
| Shylock | Oh, true, I thank you for the half you left. I thank that kindly merchant, him that begged The Duke to quite remit the City’s fine Which never would have done him any good— I thank him for accepting what was all He could have claimed, the half of my estate. |
| Portia | In trust—— |
| Shylock | I know. In trust until I die. And trust Antonio to eat it up. Is it not known that when he takes a risk [97]Of more than common danger and doth lose, He makes a record that he did invest A part of my belongings in the venture? Belike by now there’s not a ducat left. For that however I have naught but joy Because it means that she who was my daughter And that Lorenzo who’s her paramour Will, when I die, inherit penury. |
| Gratiano | But if Antonio’s trust should disappear They still would come by all you leave yourself; ‘Twas thus the Duke decreed. |
| Shylock | I know a thing Or two that I could tell and make the face Of son Lorenzo somewhat longer grow. |
| Gratiano | Faith, often did Lorenzo say to us “The Jew will find a way to cheat me yet.” |
| Shylock | To cheat him out of what? The gold he earned By robbing me, debauching my—my child? |
| Portia | Nay, let us not be quarreling, old man, I have a message that I want to give. |
| Shylock | No message from my daughter—none to me. |
| Portia | I meant not message, what I have is news. Poor Jessica has come to sorry straits. Her husband, having heard of what you spoke, The loss of what Antonio received, The tricks you have been playing with your own, Fell out with Jessica; they came to words; From words, they say, to blows. And so it seems He left her in a pitiable state. |
| Shylock | (laughing wildly) Good, good, good, good. I prithee tell me more. |
| Gratiano | The fiends fly off with thee. Hast thou a heart And canst thou hear the sorrows of thy child In laughter and with joy? |
| Shylock | She is no child Of mine. She is a wench who lied and stole Repaid my love with treason. Broke my heart And left me weakened for mine enemies To ruin and to taunt. Tell me the rest, Leave not a portion out. Describe her pain, Her hunger, her remorse. I would know all. |
| Portia | The font has failed to change thy cruel soul; Thou art a Christian, Shylock, but in name. |
| Shylock | Well, blame thy sacred water. Blame not me. |
| Gratiano | And so poor Jessica must starve and die? |
| Shylock | Why, no. For you and she (pointing to Portia) should be her friends. [98]You Christians will not let a Christian fall. |
| Gratiano | Now there we cut the venom from thy tongue For Jessica will not accept our aid. |
| Portia | Indeed, old man, we know not where she is. We told you, that you might go search for her. Bassanio did offer her employment But she refused, belike because her shame Would not permit that we should see her shame. And so she fled. |
| Gratiano | And may yet be alive. |
| Shylock | These circumstances you should tell unto Lorenzo. ‘Twas he took her upon himself For better or for worse. Fare you well. I have affairs that interest me more. |
| Gratiano | Come, Lady Portia. ‘Tis a waste of time. The Bible says that God did choose the Jews But says not what it was He chose them for. Our ancient friend hath made it clear to me That they were chosen by our gracious Lord To be a kind of warning and example Of what a misbeliever may become. |
| Portia | Thou wilt not save thy daughter? |
| Shylock | Lady fair, In this peculiar and imperfect world The virtues are divided into parts: For instance, mercy. Some do practice it, And some do merely preach. A third there are Whose only contribution is to be The text from which the second sermons preach; They neither preach nor practice. Such am I. Farewell. |
| Gratiano | We but insult ourselves to stay. (Exit Portia and Gratiano. Shylock looks after them. Enter Antonio, sees Shylock, walks over to him and touches him with his stick. Shylock turns.) |
| Antonio | Hebrew, have I found thee out at last? Once more thy promises are broken, eh? |
| Shylock | Yes, yes. I pray you—— |
| Antonio | Pray me nothing more. |
| Shylock | Signor Antonio, wait another day. |
| Antonio | Another day. For what? Until you hide A bag of ducats or a jewel case? Your bonds are by a fortnight overdue And day by day your fortune dwindles down. If I should sell the roof above your head And all your land and chattels, they would bring Less than enough to pay me what you owe. |
| [99]Shylock | I prithee not so loud. But you alone Are cognizant of my disastrous state. My name is good. Perchance I may obtain A temporary loan to tide me through. But if my losses come to other ears Before my kinsmen and my ship arrive A bankrupt’s ending stares me in the face. Wait, wait Antonio, surely he will come, My cousin Issachar who sailed away. |
| Antonio | Thy cousin Issachar will come no more. He promised to return three weeks ago. |
| Shylock | But think, remember, good Antonio, The vessel could not founder. ‘Twas my best, Held in reserve, the last one of my fleet. Issachar swore he knew the very spot Where dusky natives mined the laughing gold And that if I would furnish men and ships The moiety of the cargo would be mine. Perhaps he is a little while delayed. |
| Antonio | Perhaps another theory will fit. Perhaps your kinsman filled the ship with gold And then did point his helm another way. Perhaps in England now he lives at ease And deems the whole is better than a half. Consider, sir, your kinsman is a Jew. |
| Shylock | He will not fail me, for he is my friend. Patience, good sir, patience a day or two. Deal with me kindly as so oft before You treated many an unfortunate. |
| Antonio | Let’s have no whining. See you pay my bills No later than to-day. Expect no further time. I have done more than doth in truth become A Christian to oblige a Jew withal. Think not to share the leniency I give To men of Venice of my faith and blood. This case is different. |
| Shylock | But did thy Lord Not preach a creed of brotherhood and love And bid thee treat thy neighbor as thyself? |
| Antonio | He meant our Christian neighbors who reside By right of law and ancient heritage Within the land, but not the tribe who do Usurp the places of their betters. No! |
| Shylock | I am a Christian, made so by your Church. Your own priest said so and it must be true. |
| Antonio | ‘Twas but a form to bend thy haughty will. In heart and manner thou art still a Jew. [100]They should be glad that they can here remain To practice sacrilege, and cheat, and fawn. I marvel we can be so tolerant. |
| Shylock | The God who made this land and you and me Mocks at your selfish, mean, philosophy. When you or yours can build a mountain peak Or add a grain unto the universe Then talk of this fair ground as your domain. The earth is one and rests within His hand; The great and small His erring children are, But we who from Yisrael claim descent Are now the eldest of the family. The God of Justice never slumbereth. Jehovah is His name; His will be done. |
| Antonio | Mumble thy prayers if that affords relief, But if by sundown I am not repaid Another Moses must thou be and bring Another set of miracles from heaven Or lose the very coat from off thy back. By sundown—but a few short minutes hence. (Exit Antonio) |
| Shylock | Finished—almost finished—almost done. I see the wave that soon above my hopes, My fears, my sorrows, and my broken heart, Will roll in cruel triumph. I’m content. A long and troubled record I shall leave Of struggles in the dark ‘gainst many foes. I begged for light to see my duty clear To see the purpose of my suffering To see the end that my Creator served In heaping hills of torment on my head. The light has never come. But now ere long I must be called where all shall be made clear. Till then a few weeks more of faith in Him A few weeks more with an unfalt’ring tongue To praise His wisdom though its end be hid. A few weeks more to walk within His law. |
| (Starts to walk off. Enter Jessica in disordered dress and manner.) | |
| Jessica | Father! |
| Shylock | Back! Away! Dare not to touch me. |
| Jessica | A word, a single word and I will go. |
| Shylock | (trying to wrest his arm from her grasp) Let be I say. |
| Jessica | Nay, but I cannot leave. I know not how much time I have to live. I marvel that this body thin and frail [101]Has so long stood th’ innumerable shocks Which in my married life it hath endured. Death must be near, it stretcheth out its arms, And I in answer have extended mine. |
| Shylock | Come not to me for money. Had I all The wealth of Sheba’s mines I would not pay A mite to save thy fallen soul from hell. The potter’s field may have thy rotten bones And owls and jackals pray for thy repose. |
| Jessica | ‘Tis not for gold I beg but for thy love. I threw it from me like an orange sucked And turned to grasp the shining fruit that he, Lorenzo, pictured to mine eyes. Ah me, How bitter, hard and worthless to the taste Hath been that substitute. The marriage moon Had scarce grown full before my body bore The marks of coward blows. |
| Shylock | Ha! Ha! That’s well. |
| Jessica | I have not known a single kindly word, I scarce have heard him call me by my name Since less than four weeks after we were wed. |
| Shylock | (gloatingly rubbing his hands) Hm! |
| Jessica | Oh father, why was I not told before That we and all our people are accurst; That those to whom we give our love and trust Curse us and loathe us with a dreadful hate, A hate that neither reason can assuage Nor conduct make amends for. Awful fate, That makes the very children of the street With circle eyes point at us in contempt, And people who have never heard our names Thirst for our blood and menace us with death! |
| Shylock | So thou didst think a priestly comedy Could make Lorenzo love his Jewish wife? |
| Jessica | I could have died for him. For him I fled And stole your wealth and helped your enemies. Why could he not have been a little kind? |
| Shylock | (chuckling) Come tell me how he beat you. Tell me that. |
| Jessica | Have pity, father. |
| Shylock | Tell me how he swore. |
| Jessica | Oh, torture me no further. Take me back. Love me not now, but let me win your love A little at a time. No day shall pass But in it I shall do some tiny act That will in time make up a wealth of deeds, And if we both are living long enough The balance will be as it was before. |
| [102]Shylock | Thy pleadings are but wasted, Jessica, Thou canst not gain the end that thou dost seek. For even if I have the foolish will (And I assure thee that I have it not) To bring thee back to all the luxury, The silken clothes, the soft and perfumed beds, The shining jewels of thy girlhood days, I could not. I am almost penniless. |
| Jessica | Poor, and alone, and old! Nay, father dear, Thou couldst not drive me from thee after this Hadst thou the strength of ten. Let us go forth And find a little corner of the earth Where I may work and you may live at peace. |
| Shylock | I need no aid. I want no help from thee. |
| Jessica | Then give me thine. I starve for sympathy. I shall go mad. I saw my baby die And all around me were my husband’s friends Who spoke in terms of polished elegance. With formal platitudes and commonplace Regarding me as something curious, A vulgar, noisy creature, lacking taste And proper self-control. While on its bier Lay all the joy that life in promise held. Dead, and my heart within it.(Weeps) |
| (Shylock turns to go, looks back after a step or two, and returns) | |
| Shylock | I did not know the little one was dead. Was it a pretty child? |
| Jessica | A pretty child! A cherub could not be more beautiful. Blue eyes and golden hair. A tiny mouth A dimple in her chin. (Shylock puts his arm around Jessica) |
| Shylock | Thy mother’s face belike. So did she look. And how old when it—died? |
| Jessica | A year, a year. |
| (Enter Antonio and Gratiano. Antonio touches Shylock on the shoulder) | |
| Antonio | Well, let us have an end. The time is up. I now demand the payment of my bonds. |
| Shylock | I have not moved since last you spoke to me. |
| Antonio | All’s one for that. You had no move to make. Your whole estate is in the bailiff’s hands And you yourself may come along with me. |
| Shylock | Where would you take me? |
| Antonio | Why, before the Duke. |
| Shylock | What need of trials? Freely I confess The debts I owe you. Take what you can find. [103]Take ev’ry rag and counter. Take them all. Myself and Jessica must go away. |
| Antonio | Not quite so fast. The law expressly states That I may put you in the debtor’s gaol And so I mean to do. |
| Shylock | But good Signor— |
| Antonio | No protest will avail. I know you Jews. You hang together in calamity And help each other while the Christians starve. Let them redeem you and repay my loss. |
| Shylock | Good sir, my kin are very far away And poor as I. |
| Antonio | ‘Twill do no good to lie. Write letters. I will see them promptly sent. |
| Shylock | I swear to you Antonio— |
| Gratiano | Wait a while. First tell us if the oath thou art to make Is sworn as Christian or in Hebrew style; Though truly which to give the preference Is matter to discuss. A Jewish oath Thou canst not take for thou hast been baptised, And sooth to say I have a sort of doubt About thy reverence for Christian forms. |
| Shylock | By that great Power who can humble both Hebrew and Christian, I do swear to you That not in all this universe’s span Have I a claim on friends or relatives As large as this. Much more have I the right To claim assistance from Antonio Who though he found me keen for my revenge And steadfast in assertion of my rights Can bring no accusation on my head Of underhanded trickery or crime. |
| Gratiano | Because we watch you pretty carefully. |
| Shylock | What say you, sir? You will not keep us here? |
| Antonio | I warned thee once cajoling will not serve. Write out the letters. That’s the only way. I’ll see that while you tarry in the gaol Your comfort shall not be too much disturbed. Your food shall be according to your wish And other things in reason you may have. |
| Jessica | Good sir, I think you know me, do you not? |
| Antonio | Why, are you not my friend Lorenzo’s wife? |
| Jessica | I am the Jessica who married him, But not his wife if wifehood is a state That presupposes more than legal rights. I and Lorenzo are as strangers now [104]And less than strangers, less than enemies. |
| Antonio | I grieve to hear it. |
| Jessica | I would have your grief Not for myself but for my father here. He speaks the truth. He has no more to give. |
| Antonio | Then let him call upon his wealthy friends, The other Jews will trust him if he asks. |
| Jessica | You heard him say he knows not where to sue. |
| Antonio | O, that was but the cunning of his race. |
| Jessica | Unfeeling man! If his deserts are dumb What of your obligation due to me? The Court’s decree as you no doubt recall Was that the half of his estate should go To you to hold in trust for me and mine. I charge you now upon your Christian faith To give my father all the residue That will be mine when he shall pass away Or take it for yourself and let him go. |
| Antonio | Three obstacles prevent your sacrifice. The first is that though my intent was fair By bad investments more than half the fund Has disappeared, and all that doth remain Would not suffice to satisfy the bonds. The second, that the sum is payable Upon your father’s death, which is not yet. But third and most of all the money goes To you and to your husband, not to you. The gift is joint and neither can alone Claim all himself or any several part. Indeed, I own it frankly, my desire In asking that the Duke should so decree Was not to benefit Lorenzo’s wife, A Jewess, who was never aught to me, But solely to befriend Lorenzo’s self My coreligionist and distant kin. To give you anything of Shylock’s gold Without Lorenzo’s will would be a wrong, A breach of trust, a patent injury. And if your separation from his love, As shrewdly I suspect, be fault of yours And growing from thy Jewish wilfulness, It would be most unfaithful and untrue That I should thus reward inconstancy. You see, in honor and before the law I must refuse to do as you request. |
| Jessica | I see that Jesus died in vain for you. His Jewish heart, with pity for the low [105]And meek and humble broke upon the cross And for a time the magic of his words Restrained the beast in Gentile followers, But soon the kindly Stoic lost his sway And cruel bigots in his Jewish name, By his offenceless, mild authority Took fire and sword and hatred for their flag. |
| Antonio | My girl, there is a law ‘gainst blasphemy. |
| Gratiano | Why stand we here and listen to her spleen? Away with Shylock. Take him to the gaol. |
| Antonio | Come on. |
| Jessica | No! No! |
| Shylock | Resist no more, my child. |
| Jessica | Oh, father, we may never meet again; Your age and suffering cannot endure The shock of this disgrace. |
| Shylock | ‘Tis better so. I pray for death. It cannot come too soon. Farewell. |
| Jessica | Farewell. (Throws her arms around him) Yet not a long farewell, I shall not far survive. It is no sin To end a life of misery and shame. |
| Isaac | (behind scenes) Where is my master? Where has Shylock gone? (Enter Isaac.) |
| Gratiano | Here fellow, here he is. With Jessica He poses like a model for the arts. |
| Isaac | Great news and wonderful. His ship is here And laden full of gold. The mine is found And Issachar and he are princely rich. This cargo is the greatest that has come To Venice since the city first began. |
| Antonio | I do rejoice to hear it. Truly Jew I have no wish to do thy body harm But thou and thy relations are well known To be so deep in craft and villainy That to recover what is justly due We Christians must resort to rigid means. Go freely with thy daughter. Later on When ev’rything’s in order I’ll return And you may pay me what the balance is. |
| (Exit Antonio and Gratiano, followed by Isaac. Shylock still stands expressionless with Jessica’s arms around him.) | |
Jewish Students in European Universities
By Harry Wolfson
original French Jews never amounted to much; and the Alsatian
immigrants, while still supplying rabbis for the pulpits, have of late
begun to disappear from the pews. You may state it is an axiom that
the synagogue will have to go a-begging for a quorum wherever
church-going is unpopular. But French Judaism has recently been
gaining reinforcement by the influx of newcomers from Eastern Europe.
Paris might be considered next to London the greatest centre of Jewish
immigration in Europe. In fact, Paris as well as some large cities in
the Low Countries, and to some extent even London, have since the
beginning of the Jewish movement towards the United States, become the
refuge of a considerable number who straggled behind the migratory
columns and were unable to reach their final destination. Free from
any official molestations and rather welcomed by the native Jews, the
foreign Jewish community in Paris has flourished in its own way. It
numbers by this time about twenty-five thousand souls, a large
proportion of whom were born and brought up in the French capital.
It is these young French Jews of immigrant parentage, students and
professional men, who organized themselves, about two years ago, in an
“Association des Jeunes Juifs,” known by its initials as A. J. J. The
aim of that organization, which is non-partisan in Jewish affairs, is
both cultural and practical. It publishes a monthly by the name of
“Les Pionniers,” and occasionally holds debates and lectures on
various Jewish topics. It also carries on a program of social work
among the immigrant Jews. I might perhaps give a clearer idea of the
object of the A. J. J. by reproducing their following declaration:
“Notre But.—Nous voulons nous affirmer ‘Juifs’ sans forfanterie, mais
avec fermeté; cultiver, développer parmis nous, faire connaître au
dehors, l’âme juive; nous éduquer mutuellement; demander, par les
voies légales, le respect, la justice pour tous,—fussent-ils juifs;
aider nos frères émigrés à l’aquérir la qualité de citoyen; inculquer
à nos membres les principes de solidarité et de mutualité.” In the
summer of 1913, Dr. Nahum Slouszch of the Sorbonne submitted to the
society a scheme for more extensive activities, both Jewish[107] and
patriotic in their scope, namely, the participation in educational and
social work among the indigenous Jews of the French possessions in
Africa.
Jewish masses in Italy. The fame of the Nathans and Luzzattis has led
us to believe that in Italy Jews form the class of society from which
mayors and statesmen are recruited. But in Italy the majority of Jews
still live in social and economic conditions not far advanced above
those of their ancestors in centuries past. Italy is the only country
in Europe outside those in the Eastern part where the so-called
ghettoes are populated by native Jews. Their political emancipation
has not raised them from the bottom of the social structure over the
heads of their Gentile neighbors. Nowhere is the average Jew so much
like the non-Jew in appearance, language, manners, and vocation than
the inhabitant of the Roman Ghetto on the bank of the Tiber. He is
engaged there in the petty trades of selling his olives, peaches, and
figs, and hires out as a journeyman in and outside his country. He
hawks with “cartiloni” and “ricordi di Roma” in front of the café
terraces, and his street waifs accost the foreigners for a “soldi.”
Even at the door of his old-clothes shop you can hardly recognize in
him the Jew. It is this, more than the paucity of the number of Jews
in Italy, that explains the absence of anti-Jewish feeling there. For
the name Sacerdote by which Italian Cohens call themselves does not
suggest affluence, and the cognomen Levi does not necessarily
designate one’s business.
In his religious life the Jew of the Roman Ghetto resembles the
Lithuanian rather than the Western European. His religious activity,
to be sure, is restricted to the prayer services of the Temple, but
his Temple is more like a Beth Midrash than a symphony hall and
lyceum. Living within a Catholic environment, his religion has been
preserved as something positive, tangible, and powerful; and if it is
no longer an inspiring influence within him, it exists at least as a
reality outside of him. The religious institutions and
instrumentalities are looked upon by him as something hallowed and
consecrate. The synagogue is spoken of as the “sacro tempio” and the
rabbi, referred to by the Hebrew words “Morenu Harav,” is looked up to
in matters religious as if he were the incumbent of the throne of
Moses. The place of worship is opened three times a day for the
traditional number of the daily public prayers, and young men as well
as old, unwashed and in their working garments, repair there directly
from their work to hear the “sacra messa,” as the services are
sometimes termed by them. Most of the younger Jews are unable to read
the Hebrew prayers, some read without understanding them; but they all
know a few selected prayers by heart which they recite aloud with many
interesting gesticulations[108] and genuflections, while in the pulpit the
Chasan reads the services from a prayer-book printed in Livorno,
chanting them in a monotonous sing-song not unlike what one often
hears in the chapels of St. Peter.
They are to themselves, in common parlance, “Ibrim” or “Yahudim,”
which they utter not without pride, and the Gentile is looked down
upon as a mere “goi,” while the passing priest is pointed out as a
“komer.” If you ever happen to be in Rome, I should advise you take
one afternoon off, and ordering a “café noro” at some café house on
the Piazza Venezia, sit down quietly at a table on the terrace and try
to look Jewish. You will soon be assailed by a number of postal-card
venders coming one after another, until one importunate youth,
discovering your identity, will of a sudden change his attitude, and,
his obsequiousness gone, will enter with you into an intimate
conversation. He will tell you his name, his pedigree, and of the
“tempio,” and of the street where many Jews live. He will no longer
entreat you to buy his goods; and if you do so, he will mumble out his
“grazie” rather perfunctorily. For are not all Israel of the same
descent?—and if they are not all princes, at least none of them is
better than a postal-card vender in Rome.
It is therefore not surprising that among the native Italian Jews
there should arise on the part of the young educated elements a desire
to convert that latent Jewish sentiment into some form of practical
and useful activity. A society of Jewish youth in Italy has already
existed for about three years during which time two conventions were
held. A number of commendable resolutions were passed about the
improvement of Jewish education among the Italian Jews and especially
the advancement of the study of the Hebrew language among them.
Zionism was warmly endorsed, though the society as a whole did not
commit itself officially to the cause. Like the A. J. J. of Paris, the
Italian organization also purports to act as intermediaries between
the Italian government and the native Jewish population of Tripoli. In
Rome there is a local organization of Jewish students, devoted to the
study of Hebrew literature, and is rather of cosmopolitan complexion,
being composed of Italian, Greek, German, and Russian Jews. The moving
spirit of that circle was a brilliant Russian Jew, who had graduated
in law from the University of Rome.
and as groups, leads one to the realization of a growing consciousness
among them of national unity, and of an increasing belief on their
part of[109] the imperishability of the Jews as a race. That morbid
feeling of national decay and the imminent disappearance of the race,
which had preyed upon the minds of Jewish men in the past generation,
and which is reflected in the literature of that time, has been
everywhere displaced by one of confidence and hope. Desertion from
Judaism, to be sure, may sporadically make its appearance here and
there as a convenient escape from material disadvantages; indifference
towards it may likewise in some quarters still survive as a relic of
the past,—but these are rather unusual and isolated phenomena,
emphasizing all the more the universal fidelity and attachment to all
things Jewish.
The enthusiasm for Judaism, everywhere in a process of growth,
manifests itself in its early stages in study and self-cultivation; it
assumes a more concrete form, in its later stages, of some communal or
social activity; and if that development keeps on uninterruptedly it
finally consummates in Zionism. This development, it must be admitted,
is not a spontaneous and self-directive movement. In no small measure,
it is everywhere stimulated by the growing tendency on the part of
non-Jews in almost every country to appraise the Jew according to his
racial origin, an appraisal which results in a feeling not necessarily
hostile, but in most cases neutral and sometimes even favoring the
racial and cultural peculiarity, indestructible and impermiscible, of
the Jewish element. It is this external stimulus, rather than any
internal impulse, that is responsible for the unfolding of the
national spirit among Jewish students and the assertion of their
selfhood.
None the less, their self-assertion has nowhere reached the extreme of
spiritual alienation from their environment. There is nothing more
remarkable in the character of Jewish youth of the present day, even
among those who were born and raised in East European ghettos, than
the spiritual and intellectual snugness in which they find themselves,
in what should have been expected to remain to them a foreign
environment. The residual estrangement of the Jewish soul from
everything that is non-Jewish, which our forefathers in the past had
figuratively designated with what Jewish mysticism called the
“Captivity of the Shekinah,” has totally disappeared. The individual
Jew of to-day, while sharing in the sublimated consciousness of the
race as a whole, does not in any conscious or subliminal way feel
himself to be personally identified with it; whence the hesitation on
the part of the majority of Jewish students to participate actively in
Zionism even though they would all admit it to be the logical sequel
of Jewish history.
For Zionism to them can never become a personal ideal, something
requisite for the salvation of their souls. It can at its best appeal
to them, in so far as they are consciously Jewish, as the cause of the
nation as a whole; and consequently the mere suspicion that their
affiliation with[110] the movement might be held up against them as an
impugnment of their loyalty to the land of their birth and abode is
sufficient to keep them aloof from it. It was very interesting for me
to notice how everywhere, after a long manœuvre of Zionist discussions
with good Jewish young men, they would finally halt at their
unshakable position that Zionists might arouse the suspicion of their
Gentile neighbors as to the loyalty and patriotism of the Jews. Where
people are obsessed by the fear of being misunderstood in doing what
they otherwise think to be good and impeccable, no arguments, of
course, can avail. They are in this respect characteristically Jewish.
In their Brand-like racial frame of mind, the Jews could never stop
midway between the two antipodes of roving world-citizenry and
hidebound mono-patriotism. It is probable that their attitude will
change as soon as it is generally realized that personal devotion and
loyalty to two causes are not psychologically a self-deception, and
that the serving of two masters is not a moral anomaly unless, as in
the original adage, one of the masters be Satanic.
President of the Hebrew Congregation and the Adler
Society, Oxford University, England, commenting on the
section devoted to England in Mr. Wolfson’s article in
our January number: “The remarks of Mr. Wolfson, whom
we remember very well, concerning Oxford, were very
apt for the time; but in Oxford, one particular type
of Judaism never remains for long; Judaism here is in
a state of perpetual flux, and to seize upon any one
moment and represent that view as a type of Oxford’s
Judaism is very erroneous. I am sure that if Mr.
Wolfson were here now, he would not recognize the
services or the attitude now prevalent. I doubt if he
would now hear Liberal Judaism apostrophised ‘as the
safeguard of modern Jews from the attractiveness of
the superior teachings of Christ.'”
Zionism: A Menorah Prize Essay
By Marvin M. Lowenthal

MARVIN M. LOWENTHAL (born in Bradford, Pa., in 1890)
is at present a Senior in the University of Wisconsin. He has won the
Wisconsin Menorah Society Prize twice—in 1912 for an essay on “The
Jew in the American Revolution,” and in 1914 for the essay on
“Zionism” here published for the first time. Mr. Lowenthal is now the
President of the Wisconsin Zionist Society.
Haram-esh-Sherif, in Jerusalem, a long wall built in rough-hewn
courses lifts itself above the squalor of the Moghrebin quarter to an
eastern sky from which a sun that seldom sleeps bakes the grey stones,
bares every detail of a crumbling ruin, and intensifies the wistful
odor of decay. This, the remnant of Solomon’s glory, is the Wailing
Wall of the Jews. Clad in sackcloth and covered with ashes,
patriarchal figures sway to and fro, press their lips to the hot
granite, beat now their chests and now the wall, and today, as every
day for eighteen hundreds of years, wail in the words of the Psalmist:
| “Oh God, the heathen are come into Thine inheritance; |
| Thy holy Temple have they defiled; |
| They have laid Jerusalem in heaps.”[1] |
This picture reveals the typical and traditional attitude of the Jew
toward the land of his forefathers. Taught as children in the Cheder
to turn their thoughts and desires toward Palestine; devoting
themselves as men to the study of the Law and the Prophets and to the
building upon this study of the vast Talmudic structure, until a
spiritual Land of the Book may be said to have been created wherein
they continually dwelt; crystallizing and adopting the Restoration as
a dogma of the faith; commemorating with solemn fasts the Ninth of Ab
as the anniversary of the destruction of the Temple by Titus; and
repeating at each Passover with the pitiful hope of a child, “Next
year in Jerusalem,” the Jews have bound the memory of Palestine as a
sign upon their hands and as frontlets between their eyes. They have
indeed written it upon the door-posts of their houses and upon their
gates, to the end—that they have wept and prayed. The vision of the
prophets, which created and sustained this passionate ideal, itself
inhibited the realization by emphasizing the redemption[112] as
miraculous, as a consummation to come in its own time without man’s
effort, and indeed in spite of man’s will. And so, except for the
sporadic and meteoric fiascos of mock-Messiahs, the Jews—this most
practical of people—continued in hope and prayer to watch the
centuries creep by. Frequently the hope flowered into the songs of a
Judah Halevi or Ibn Gabirol, songs as sweet as have blossomed in the
medieval garden; and the prayer found expression in a poignancy
attributable only to the racial genius which created the Psalms; but
until the nineteenth century the dream preserved all the qualities of
a dream.
comparable in Jewry to the Council of Clermont; for in this congress
two hundred and four Jews, acting as delegates of their people from
half the countries in the world, assembled at the call of Theodor
Herzl to go crusading for the recovery of Palestine. This difference,
among others, may be apparent—the Christians sought the recovery of a
grave; the Jews, of a cradle. Palestine was to be a cradle in two
senses; this Congress, the first body representative of all Jewry to
be convened in the Diaspora, claimed the land of Israel not by virtue
of a death, but as a birthright, and furthermore hoped to find its
recovery the opportunity for the rejuvenation of a people.
Quoting from his book, “The Jewish State”[2]—a book journalistic in
style, but trumpet-toned in the note it sounded for political
Zionism—Theodor Herzl offered the following definition of Zionism
after the first Zionist Congress (1897): “Zionism has for its object
the creation of a home, secured by public rights, for those Jews who
either cannot or will not be assimilated in the country of their
adoption.”[3] Zionism, in a word, is not the last truism in a weary
debate, nor a new verse to an old song; it is, on the contrary, a
definite answer to a perplexing and imperative question. What are
these Jews who cannot or will not be assimilated, and why cannot or
will not they be assimilated? This question constitutes what is known
as the Jewish problem, or, for those who deny or dislike the term,
the Jewish position; and this question must first be fully stated
before the Zionist or any other answer can be intelligible.
friends, and their many enemies, as a twice separated nation—a people
separated from those among whom they dwelt and separated from[113] the
land in which they originated. They were governed by their own
law—the Lex Judæorum—which was recognized by the authorities of the
land in which they lived as peculiar and proper to them;[4] they dwelt
in communal groups which were bound together by common interests; they
observed their own customs and nourished their own culture; they were
held to be foreigners, and in a comparison of their own with the
Christian civilization, they readily acknowledged this status. The
force of persecution without and the religious conviction of
superiority, separateness, and nationality within, preserved and
constantly increased this solidarity.[5]
That the existence of a separate, recalcitrant, and even obnoxious
nation within a nation did not constitute a problem for the medievals
may be attributable to two reasons: (1) the medieval theory of life
accentuated a hierarchical order of existence—a theory that found
expression in feudalism, in Church organization, and in guild and
craft life; in pursuance of this theory, the Jews were accorded a
recognized and distinct status; (2) furthermore, the Jews were an
economic necessity in the times when a ban was laid on money-lending,
and they constituted an important economic facility at a little later
period when capital could indeed be worked but when rivalry and
hatreds rendered communication uncertain.[6] To the maintenance of
Jewish solidarity and the preservation of things Jewish qua Jewish,
sacrifices culminating in the surrender of life bequeathed to the race
a comprehensive martyrology.[7]
Ernest Renan defines a nation as “a great solidarity constituted by
the sentiment of the sacrifices that its citizens have made and those
they feel prepared to make once more. It implies a past, but is summed
up in the present by a tangible fact—the clearly expressed desire to
live a common life.” In sum, the Jews throughout the Middle Ages,
which was prolonged for them until a little less than two hundred
years ago, comprised a nation as virtual in point of their own claim
and its recognition by other nations as in the days when they were
established in Palestine. Renaissance, Reformation, and the
rediscovery of the world by science failed to make an impression on
the thick ghetto walls; and Jewish isolation, even as late as the
eighteenth century, may be vividly realized by thinking of Rousseau
and Voltaire in contrast with the contemporary lights of Jewry—Elijah
Gaon and Israel Besht,[8] men as medieval as a gargoyle.
The French Revolution with its early philosophy of naturalism and
humanism and its later political expression in liberty, equality, and
fraternity, razed the physical and spiritual walls of the ghetto and
set up[114] the “Jewish problem.” Following the Revolution, four currents
of thought and action, working both simultaneously and successively,
causing, reacting upon, and intermingling with one another, affecting
the Jews now favorably and now unfavorably, went into the making of
this problem. To deal with Emancipation, Enlightenment, Nationalism,
and Anti-Semitism in detail would consume a volume, but an outline of
their bearing on the present situation is essential.
from the Jews, following the acceptance of liberal principles by the
European governments. The process was a gradual one. In 1791 the
French Assembly passed the vote for the complete emancipation of the
Jews, which procedure was ratified and firmly established by the
Napoleonic regime. Belgium (1830), England (1846), Sweden (1848),
Denmark and Greece (1849), Prussia (1850), Austria (1867), Spain
(1868), Italy (1870), and Switzerland (1874) followed the lead of
France. The Balkan States in the treaty of Berlin (1878), upon
pressure from Disraeli, agreed to the emancipation of the Jews as one
of the conditions for securing their own freedom; Roumania has been
notoriously delinquent, however, in adhering to the terms nominated in
the bond.[9] The removal of civil disabilities brought the Jew into a
wide contact with the Christian. This resulted for the Jews in
liberalization of outlook and liberation of capacities and talents, in
an abandonment of the “jargon” for the national tongues, in a
precipitation into the Haskalah movement (to be described in the next
paragraph), and in a restatement of their leading religious doctrines,
which amounted to a surrender in theory of their nationality and their
destiny as a Chosen People to be restored to Palestine. For the
Christians the removal of Jewish disabilities resulted in the
necessity of either accepting or rejecting the Jew’s claim to be an
equal and a fellow-countryman.
The Enlightenment, or Haskalah movement, broadly speaking, comprises
the Jewish absorption of secular learning, particularly in literature
and science, the abandonment of the study of the Talmud for modern
subjects, and the adoption of farm and craft life.[10] Moses
Mendelssohn in Germany and Lilienthal in Russia were the first great
protagonists of these radical departures; and the movement, which in
part led to the demand for Emancipation and in part resulted from it,
further removed the differences between Jew and non-Jew, at least from
the standpoint of the former, and further removed him from his
religious and historical[115] past, perceptibly weakening and in many
cases practically destroying the medieval sense of solidarity. Each
Jew adopted the culture of his native country, and so one Jew became
virtually a foreigner to another. Haskalah, in a word, is a looking
outward on the part of the Jew; for all its virtues this movement had
the consequence of blunting racial consciousness and blurring racial
identity.
conflicting element. While the Jew became infected with the
universalism of the Revolutionary spirit, the majority of Europeans
were absorbing and developing the particularistic implications of ’89.
Nationalism is the self-consciousness of a people, and it found its
European expression in the creation of the modern States of Germany,
Italy, Hungary, Greece, and the small Balkans. It is a race’s
recognition of itself, a looking inward, and it leads to the pursuit
of racial ideals and development of racial qualities—an inward
expansion which, indifferent to the charge of chauvinism, can only be
secured by an outward discrimination. The Jew and the Christian had
changed places since medieval times: the Jew now stood for a universal
society and a universal church, and the Christian for exclusion and
separation upon racial bases. Emancipation thus brought the conflict
directly to the attention of the strong majority, namely, the
Christians, and anti-Semitism was their answer.
In its restricted sense, anti-Semitism is a scientific stick used to
beat the Jewish dog with. After impartial, impersonal scientific
investigation, French and German scholars[11] demonstrated the racial
inferiority of the Semite to the Aryan, enumerated the inherent
Semitic qualities as greed, special aptitude for money-making,
aversion to hard work, clannishness, obstrusiveness, lack of social
tact and of patriotism, the tendency to exploit and not to be overly
honest. Ernest Renan adequately sums up the anti-Semite position when
he claims for the Aryans all the great military, political, and
intellectual movements of history.[12] The Semites never had a
comprehension of civilization in the sense in which the Aryan
understands the word; they were at no time public-spirited.[13] In
fact, intolerance was the natural consequence of Semitic
monotheism.[14]
In the wider sense,[15] anti-Semitism is the modern word for the old
and apparently ineradicable hatred of the Jew, partly dependent, as G.
F.[116] Abbott well shows,[16] not only upon Christian faith, but upon the
Christian frame of mind and feeling—a hatred to which the Nationalism
of the nineteenth century furnished a reasonable fuel, which found a
social expression in ostracism and rioting[17] and a political
expression in the formation of the Christian Socialist Party in
Germany (1878), and similar parties in Austria and Hungary (1882-99),
seeking the suppression of equal rights for Jews, the Dreyfus affair
in France (1895), and the open, violent persecutions in Roumania—all
aimed at annulling the privileges granted by the Emancipation.
Clerical, economic, and social opposition to the Jews combined to
support the nationalistic contention summed up in the words of
Heinrich von Treitschke (Professor of History, University of Berlin):
“Die Juden sind unser Unglück.”[18] This essay is not concerned with
the truth of the contention; suffice that it is advanced, supported,
and acted upon.
presenting this review, a definition of two words which will be
frequently used may not be irrelevant. The Jewish problem is taken
to mean an immediate concrete maladjustment where life and property
are imperiled, much as we speak of the Mexican problem. The Jewish
position, on the other hand, is taken to mean a social, cultural, or
spiritual disharmony or repression, much as we speak of the position
of the Poles in Galicia and Russia.
The Jewish situation falls naturally into four geographical zones. The
first, which contains the problem in its most serious aspect, is
Eastern Europe, including Russia, Poland, and Roumania, where are
settled six of the twelve million Jews of the world.[19] In this zone,
the Jews are for the most part maintaining medieval solidarity and
separation, are suffering from medieval repression and persecution;
but on the other hand, (and this appears to be the determining factor
in the gravity of the problem), the Russian Jew is by no means a
necessity to the Russian in any way similar to that in which the
medieval Jew was a necessity to the medieval Christian. The eastern
Jew is beginning to expand with the leaven of the Haskalah, and is
simultaneously strangling for lack of the release and exercise of his
powers afforded by Emancipation. The Russian and Roumanian, in what
they believe to be the preservation of Nationalism, are determined on
crippling or destroying the inimical and[117] unassimilative factor in
their population; and although the Russian is politically medieval, he
is economically modern and considers himself restrained by no need of
Jewish money.[20] The outcome for the Jews is economic impoverishment,
social persecution, political enslavement, and spiritual
degeneration.[21]
The second zone includes Austria, Germany, and to a minor degree
France, where are settled approximately three millions of Jews. Save
in Galicia, where political and racial turmoil is constantly giving
the Jewish situation the sombre tinge of a problem, the Jews are
finding themselves, for the most part, in a precarious position.
Nationalism demands that they surrender their racial identity and
proclivities; anti-Semitism declares upon the verdict of science that
such surrender is impossible, and substitutes repression,
assimilation, or extinction. The Jews in attempting to satisfy the
conditions by entering fully into all the activities of national life
arouse through their success only greater hostility; and the situation
becomes converted into a vicious circle.
France to a large degree and England comprise the third zone, where
the Jewish position is identical with that of the fourth zone, the
United States, save in one important detail. The Jews in these two
zones, numbering only one-and-a-half million, have entered freely into
the national life about them, and, except for minor social
disabilities which can only make the judicious smile, have been
accorded equality, with the result that the Jew qua Jew is exposed
to complete assimilation. The distinction between the third and fourth
zone is that in England and France, anti-Semitism based on Nationalism
is a potentiality (though the recent Aliens Bill and Chesterton trial
would suggest that it might be more than this), whereas the open-door
theory of settlement which created the United States militates
basically against race-discrimination. The Jew of England and America
does not face persecution nor repression, but a gradual and apparently
pleasant extinction.
The medieval Jew found himself a necessary, well-paying, if not
honored, guest in the households of Europe; but the day when the Jew
resolved on adopting the life and manners of his host, the host
resolved on drawing tightly the family lines. The modern Jew has
discovered it necessary either to convince the obdurate host, who
points to a scientifically certified chart of the family-tree, that he
too is of blood germane, or take himself to lodgings in the cellarage.
And yet—a third possibility here insinuates itself—why may not the
Jew set up housekeeping for himself?
predicament; the modern Jew, nerved with a distillation of the
Revolutionary “rights of men” and confident that he was not combating
the implacability of a religious hatred, adopted expedient and
remedial measures, the chief of which, since they form the opposition
to Zionism, will be outlined.
To justify Emancipation before and after it was secured, assimilative
doctrines of a peculiar type, known as Reform Judaism,[22] whereby the
essentials of Jewish life were to be separated and saved, constituted
the main attempt of the Jew to demonstrate that he was a member of the
households of Europe and not an intruder. Reform Judaism began as a
result of the Haskalah by simplifying and beautifying, according to
European standards, the Orthodox religious service (Germany 1810-20),
and ended by abandoning the Messianic Restoration, the doctrine that
Israel is in exile and that the prophecies are literally to be
fulfilled. The expediency of these measures is apparent. To refute the
anti-Semitic charge of racial inferiority, the existence of the race
as a separate entity was denied, and the necessary scientific backing
has lately been secured.[23] To meet the Nationalists, Israel’s
national hopes were declared void, and it was strongly urged that the
basis of a modern nation is citizenship and not race.
The Reformers proceeded further and maintained that the Jewish people
were themselves the Messiah, whose mission was “to spread by its
fortitude and loyalty the monotheistic truth all over the earth, and
to be an example of rectitude to all others,”[24] whose goal was “not
a national Messianic State, but the realization in society of the
principles of righteousness as enunciated by the prophets;”[25]
wherefore, it was not only just that they receive citizenship, but
religious duty compelled the Jew to demand it.
The Jewish religion was considered the essential possession of the
Jewish people—so essential that it was to be maintained at the
sacrifice of assimilation; but nowhere is it made apparent how a
religion can be maintained without a people, how a people can be
maintained without separation, and how separation can be maintained
without abandoning the no-race, no-nation propositions. If these are
abandoned, the Jews are precisely where they began—another circle
whose viciousness is becoming obvious and is resulting in the constant
discarding of Jewish rite and form, until the religion which was to be
prized and saved is fast becoming a watery[119] Unitarianism, and its
adherents are allowing themselves, where permitted, to become
completely assimilated. Reform Judaism which began as a compromise is
ending as a surrender. The final and unanswerable objection to Reform
Judaism as a solution is that the majority of Jews will not even in
theory accept it. The devotion to race, religion, and separation is
too strong. The Gentile in asking the Jew to assimilate is undoubtedly
right; the refusal of the Jew undoubtedly is not wrong; and the ring
of true tragedy becomes audible.
position in western Europe, palliative measures were undertaken to
solve the problem in eastern Europe. In 1860 the Alliance Israelite
Universelle was founded at Paris with the following purposes in
chief:[26]
1. To work everywhere for the emancipation and moral
progress of the Jew.
2. To give effectual support to those who are
suffering persecution because they are Jews.
The Alliance began by distributing pamphlets and calling the attention
of western governments to eastern injustice; it gradually, however,
undertook practical work. Influenced by Rabbi Kalischer, religious
enthusiast, a farm school (Mikveh Israel) was established at Jaffa;
and after the Russian persecutions of 1880-82, active colonization for
the relief of refugees became the chief work, in which the Alliance
received substantial aid from Baron de Rothschild. Meanwhile Baron de
Hirsch, another philanthropist of international proportions, dedicated
millions to the foundation of colonies in Argentine and Palestine. In
the latter place the Hirsch activities were incorporated under the
title of the Jewish Colonization Association (“IKA”, 1891), working in
harmony of aim with the Alliance and with still a third movement—one
more of the people—styled Chovevei-Zion (Lovers of Zion). The only
activities of the Chovevei-Zion, a general term attached to small and
ardent semi-affiliated societies throughout Europe and America, with
which we are here concerned are the philanthropic; and their services
in this respect were haphazard and negligible.[27]
To cast up briefly the sum of practical work accomplished by 1898: 94
schools in Asia and Africa,[28] and 25 colonies in Palestine
supporting[120] 5,000 Jews.[29] Such philanthropy is to be considered an
attempt, however valiant and noble, to empty the sea with a pail—with
a leaking pail.
Thus, upon a review of the situation, three alternatives present
themselves: (1) Maintenance of the status quo with its dull round of
persecution and degradation on one hand, and the soul-destroying life
in the Fool’s Paradise of Reform Judaism on the other; (2)
Amalgamation with the surrounding peoples—a grim race-suicide; (3)
Re-establishment of a national center where, perhaps not the entire
people, but a remnant can be saved.
order, so Judaea stands for morality, and so it
occupies an exalted position in history. The Menorah
Society comes to the University with a challenge and
defies us to ignore at our peril that which Judaism
has contributed to civilization and which we have
derived from it. We have derived our own religion from
it, and that spirit of Puritanism which was so closely
connected with the settlement of the new
world.—From an Address before the Cornell Menorah
Society by President Jacob Gould Schurman of Cornell
University.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Psalm 79.
[2] Der Judenstaat (Vienna, 1906); English translation,
edited by J. de Haas.
[3] Theodor Herzl, “The Zionist Congress,” Contemporary
Review, v. 27, p. 587.
[4] I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages
(Philadelphia, 1897), p. 49.
[5] Jacob S. Raisin, The Haskalah Movement (Philadelphia,
1913), p. 33.
[6] James H. Robinson, History of Western Europe (Boston,
1904, 2 vols.), vol. 1, p. 246. Addison & Steele, The Spectator
(London, 1823), No. 495, p. 710.
[7] L. Zunz, The Sufferings of the Jews During the Middle
Ages (New York, 1907).
[8] S. M. Dubnow, Jewish History (Philadelphia, 1903), p.
156.
[9] Lady Magnus, Outlines of Jewish History (London, 1888),
p. 301 et seq.
[10] Raisin, The Haskalah Movement, Chap. III.
[11] S. Phillippson, Weltbegerende Fragen (Leipsic, 1868)
Edouard Drumont, La France Juive (Paris, 1886).
[12] Ernest Renan, Études d’Histoire Religieuse (Paris,
1862), p. 85.
[13] Idem, p. 88.
[14] Idem, p. 87.
[15] H. Graetz, History of the Jews (Philadelphia, 1891), 5
vols., vol. V., p. 318 et seq.
[16] G. F. Abbott, “The Jewish Problem,” Fortnightly
Review, vol. 93, p. 742.
[17] The Jewish Encyclopedia (New York, 1901, 10 vols.),
under “Anti-Semitism.”
[18] Idem. and ibid., quoting from Preussiche Jahrbücher,
1879.
[19] American Jewish Year Book (Philadelphia, 1913-14), p.
215.
[20] Arnold White, “Europe and the Jews,” Contemporary
Review, vol. 72, p. 738.
[21] American Jewish Year Book, 1906-07, p. 24-90. Tables
showing, for period of 3 years in Russia (1903-06), 254 pogroms, in
which 3,973 Jews were killed and 14,034 wounded. C. R. Conder,
“Zionists,” Blackwood, vol. 163, p. 598, states on authority of Dr.
Farbstein that 70 per cent. of Galician Jews are beggars and 50 per
cent. of Russian Jews are paupers.
[22] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Reform Judaism.”
[23] Maurice Fishberg, “The Jews” (New York, 1911).
[24] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Reform Judaism.”
[25] Idem.
[26] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Alliance Israelite
Universelle.”
[27] Cohen, Zionist Work in Palestine, p. 157.
[28] Idem.
[29] Idem, under “Agricultural Colonies in Palestine.”
The Third Annual Convention of the Menorah Societies
I. The Public Meeting
Association was held at the University of Cincinnati, in the city of
Cincinnati, on Wednesday and Thursday, December 23 and 24, 1914. The
third session, on Wednesday evening, was a public meeting in the
University auditorium. Abraham J. Feldman, President of the University
of Cincinnati Menorah Society, formally welcomed the convention, and
introduced Chancellor Henry Hurwitz as the Chairman of the evening.
Mayor F. S. Spiegel brought the greetings and welcome of the city of
Cincinnati. Dean Joseph E. Harry extended a welcome in behalf of the
University, and Dr. Kaufman Kohler, President of Hebrew Union College,
welcomed the convention in behalf of his institution and of the Jewish
community. Professor I. Leo Sharfman of the University of Michigan,
President of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, spoke on “The
Menorah Movement,” and Dr. H. M. Kallen of the University of Wisconsin
delivered an address on “The Jews and the War.” For the substance of
Dr. Kallen’s address see his article on page 79. The other speakers
spoke in part as follows:
confess that I can agree with the statement made in your declaration
of the nature and purpose of the Menorah Societies, that modern
civilization is chiefly a product of three ancient cultures, or to be
more exact, I should prefer to say two, since the Roman is but a
continuation of the Greek, and we cannot understand ourselves without
understanding and having direct reference to the character and work of
both the Greek and the Hebrew minds.
Two principal elements have entered into the spiritual life of the
modern world. The past and the present are one and inseparable, and
you cannot destroy the former without doing positive damage to the
latter. The roots of our civilization lie in the soil of antiquity,
and you cannot destroy and disentangle the fibers of the growing tree
of civilization from the far-off centuries that are gone, without
injuring the whole organism. “If we were to wipe out all the records
of the past, what a series of inexplicable riddles would our own
history present, and if we were to blot out entirely every reference
to ancient writers, or were to blow away all the perfume that has been
shaken down from the vestments of those writers, how blurred and how
scentless would the fairest and most fragrant pages of our own great
poets and historians appear!”
What we need to-day, what our country needs more than anything else,
is thorough, really liberally educated men, and not merely men who are
supposed by the general public to be educated, simply because they
have passed through a college, because in some quarters the business
of education has, alas, fallen into the hands of men who are not
themselves liberally educated; and so as an ardent advocate of the
humanities, with hope that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
will contribute to the laying of greater stress upon the value of the
study of the humanities in our college curriculum,[122] I bid you
God-speed, and again extend to you the cordial greetings of the
University of Cincinnati.
akin to the city of Rome as well as to the holy city of Jerusalem—it
is a city with many hills. On this hill here, facing one another for
friendly and harmonious coöperation, the two institutions of learning
in which we especially, the Jewish community, take particular
pride—the University of Cincinnati, which so prominently and in ever
expanding proportion stands for the humanities, for classical culture,
for the professional and scientific branches of secular knowledge, and
on the other hand, the Hebrew Union College, which stands for the
mother religion of civilized humanity and for the progressive spirit
of Judaism and of Americanism. In this rather insignificant incident
the Jewish community may well find a great principle expressed. With
his face towards the East from which issues the light of day, where
was cradled the faith of Israel, the Jew, ever beholding in classical
wisdom and knowledge the sister of his faith, proceeded with the
westward march of civilization in order to make religion, by the
reason and research of the ages, a great, progressive power, ever
regenerating his spiritual heritage and rejuvenating that religion of
his own as it goes on through the centuries.
This fact, however, of a continual intellectual and spiritual progress
of Judaism, is altogether too rarely recognized by the surrounding
Christian world, even by its men of light and leading or by its seats
of learning, because the New Testament is looked upon by altogether
too many as the death warrant of the Old Testament, as if the sun of
civilization had stood still over Israel ever since its seers and
singers and sages of yore voiced the Divine message. Nor does the
Jewish man of culture and college training as a rule appreciate the
wondrous achievements of the Jewish genius since the very dawn of
history until our day, in the whole domain of learning and science, or
of ethical and religious culture.
It is therefore a highly laudable endeavor undertaken by the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association to arouse the dormant spirit of
self-respect in the academic Jewish youth, to stir in him the ambition
to study and know this matchless history and literature, and to kindle
in his soul anew that idealism which made the Jew throughout all the
ages endure and brave the onslaughts of the empires and churches and
the persecuting mobs, so that even to-day he is as young and as
vigorous as any of the youngest races and nations in the world.
whether Christian or Jew, and your study of it will certainly meet
with our warmest support and encouragement. Only, in my opinion, one
thing you need, young as your association is, young in years and young
in experience, and that is, a full comprehension and keen realization
of the subject you have in view and a wise and right direction towards
it. No one doubts or questions the sincerity of your motives or the
praiseworthiness of your aims and purposes when you place on your
program the study of Jewish history, culture and problems, and the
advancement of Jewish ideals, but you omit that which is most
essential, which is the all-encompassing force and factor of Jewish
life, the real, peculiar and genuine product of the Jewish
genius—religion. We have got a religion which, as has been put by
Matthew Arnold, has fashioned four-fifths of the world’s civilization.
In omitting the idea, as expressed by Matthew Arnold, of the power
that maketh for righteousness, in declaring your movement as being
altogether non-religious, you run the risk of making of your endeavor
an inevitable and certain failure.[G] Let me quote to you from an
address delivered recently before a Jewish society[123] in London on
“Israel and Medicine” by Professor Osler, sentences that are
remarkable and worth repeating. He says:
“In estimating the position of Israel in the human values, one must
remember that the quest for righteousness is Oriental, the quest for
knowledge, Occidental. With the great prophets of the East—Moses,
Isaiah, Mahomet [he might have included Jesus of Nazareth], the word
was ‘Thus saith the Lord.’ With the seers of the West, from Aristotle
to Darwin, it was ‘What says nature?’ Modern civilization is the
outcome of the two great movements of the mind of man, who is to-day
ruled in heart and head by Israel and by Greece. From the one he has
learned responsibility to a Supreme Being and love for his neighbor,
in which are embraced the law and the prophets. From the other he has
gathered the promise of Eden, to have dominion over the earth in which
he lives.”
Now let me add to this that whatever the Jew claims or possesses of
culture he has borrowed from the nations and civilizations around him,
whether it be architecture, the art or the mode of writing, philosophy
and science, the modes of social and industrial life, all of which he
has taken and assimilated into his own life.
Not so with his religious truth. This is all his own, his peculiar and
genuine contribution to humanity. Thereby he has given human life its
eternal value, its purpose, its goal and hope for all time.
Now it seems to me that you may as well expect of the blind to depict
for you his impressions of the prismatic glories of the rainbow, or of
the deaf to orate on the beauties of a Beethoven symphony, as to
expect of one who lacks the sense of religion, the spirit of faith, to
expound, or even to understand, the ideals of the Jew, whose history
throughout the past was but one continuous glorification of the only
one God, by the master works of its hundreds and thousands of men of
learning and the unparalleled martyrdom of the whole people, and whose
future is humanity made one by the belief in the only one God and
Father. Therefore, let me give you, delegates and members of the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association, the advice to continue as you
started, as an academic, cosmopolitan association, yet at the same
time let it be linked to the synagogue of each city as the center of
the faith. Let your watch-word be true to the symbol of קומי אורי
“arise and shine,” and give light to all the nations. Let your
inspiration and your power of enlightening the world ever come fresh
from the sanctuary of faith, as of yore, and you will not only be all
the more honored for this loyalty to the spirit of the past and the
spirit of the American people which is religious, but the sweetest
delight that comes from the classic world of beauty will reflect only
the brighter light of the holiness, the beauty of holiness, that comes
from Israel’s one God.
force in the American life of the present. You men and women who are
students at our universities cannot perform your full duty to your
universities unless you add to the richness of the university life, to
the variety of its content, to its genuineness and versatility. And in
the larger American community we Jews cannot perform our full duty
unless we place at the disposal of our country the best fruits of the
Jewish spirit. Our Menorah allegiance, then, rests on the foundation
of Americanism. And insofar as, through the Menorah movement, we are
succeeding in uniting by a common bond men and women who have been
brought up under a great variety of circumstances and conditions, we
are increasing the democratic spirit of our universities and of the
larger life beyond the academic gates. Within the universities, too,
the broadening effect of the Menorah idea is not limited to the
student body. I can bear witness from personal experience that the
university authorities, both faculty members and administrative
officers, are not merely tolerating, or even mildly accepting, the
work of our Menorah Societies in their midst, but are themselves being
led to a better understanding of the place which the Jewish problem
occupies[124] in the larger problem of their universities and of the
American community for whose service they are training the youth of
the land.
advancement of Hebraic culture and ideals. The culture of a people is
but the permanent expression of its ideals in the various activities
of life. Religion constitutes one of the most important of human
activities, and we in the Menorah Societies are fully cognizant of its
fundamental importance. Indeed, we recognize that the ideals of the
Jewish people are perhaps expressed more truly, more profoundly, more
eloquently in our religious literature than in any other manifestation
of the Jewish genius. We should not be charged with excluding
religion, merely because we aim to include more than religion in our
purposes and activities.
I happen at the present time to be teaching at the University of
Michigan, at Ann Arbor. We have there a Menorah Society, devoted to
the general object to which all our Menorah Societies are devoted. We
listen to speakers and engage in discussions on Jewish history, Jewish
literature, Jewish religion, and current Jewish social, economic and
political problems. Side by side with the Menorah Society there exists
a Jewish Student Congregation, a body of men and women of which I feel
it a privilege to have been one of the organizers and to be a member
at the present time, which devotes itself entirely to religious
activity, to regular weekly worship. The two organizations do not
conflict in any way. It is significant that about ninety-five per
cent, if not more, of the members of the Michigan Menorah Society
attend regularly the services of the Jewish Student Congregation.
Unfortunately, not so large a percentage of the members of the
congregation attend the meetings or are members of the Michigan
Menorah Society. In the course of time, the relationship between the
two organizations will doubtless be adjusted more satisfactorily. But
in the experience at Michigan we have a concrete illustration of the
spur to religion which Menorah men derive from their participation in
Menorah work.
The ideal of the Menorah Societies is a non-partisan ideal. We do not
stand for Zionism or anti-Zionism; we do not urge the acceptance of
reform Judaism or conservative Judaism or orthodox Judaism; we do not
favor the German Jew as against the Russian Jew, or vice versa, nor do
we appeal to one social class as against another. We want the Menorah
ideal to be broad enough to include every Jew. We do not exclude
religion as such from the scope of our interests; we but exclude any
insistence upon a particular sect or branch or kind of Judaism. We
avoid all partisan activity which may tend to disorganize our Jewish
students, which may tend to divide them. That is all.
Jewish community, is more insistence upon Judaism and more light upon
the inspiration which Judaism can bring us, and less insistence upon
the particular kind of Judaism which you or I or some one else may
consider the acme of truth. Indifference to religion and not error in
religion is the great danger of these modern times. If we really want
religion, if we want to stir again the Jew’s traditional passion for
religion, if we want to inspire once more the Jew’s genius for
religion, let us try to understand all aspects and all manifestations
of it, let us bend our efforts to a renaissance of religious
influence. The future of the Jew in this country will not be
determined by the theories or the practices of any one group or sect
of Jews. The result will be a composite result, to which the reform
Jew and the Zionist, the orthodox Jew and the anti-Zionist, will alike
contribute. Let us leave it to the growing generation to determine for
itself the content of the theory of life best suited to the future
destiny of the Jew. At least, within our university walls let us be
tolerant, let us be liberal-minded, let us listen to and understand
every man’s point of view.
to-night, this, indeed, has been a characteristic Menorah meeting. It
may fittingly be closed by a word from one of our staunchest friends,
one of our staunchest friends because he is an ardent and
public-spirited Jew and a patriotic American, Justice Irving Lehman of
the Supreme Court of the State of New York, the Chairman of the
Graduate Menorah Committee. He addresses this word to the convention:
“I am very sorry that I am unable to attend the
convention of the Association this year. I feel that
during the past year we have made some progress upon
which you have reason to congratulate yourselves, but
we must remember that our movement is still far from
having the force and power which I think it deserves.
We have a great and difficult task to perform if we
are to succeed in bringing back to the Jewish youth a
pride in their Jewish heritage and a knowledge of
their Jewish past, and I know that such work is worthy
of all effort. I trust that your convention may
possess the spirit and the wisdom necessary to further
the work, and I wish to renew to you my assurance of
willing co-operation.”
II. The Luncheon
Gibson, attended by the delegates, university students and graduates
in Cincinnati, and members of the Faculties of the University of
Cincinnati and the Hebrew Union College. Prof. I. Leo Sharfman,
President of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, was the
Toastmaster. Chancellor Hurwitz spoke for five minutes upon the
purposes and progress of the Menorah movement. President Abraham J.
Feldman of the University of Cincinnati Menorah Society expressed
gratification at the honor accorded to his Menorah Society by the
Convention and appealed to the graduates and prominent members of the
community present for support in the work of the Cincinnati Menorah
Society. The other speakers were Dean Joseph E. Harry of the
University of Cincinnati, Dr. Moses Barron, Representative from the
University of Minnesota, Dr. Louis Grossmann of Hebrew Union College,
Dr. Samuel Iglauer, graduate of the University of Cincinnati, Walter
M. Shohl, graduate of Harvard University, Dr. Kaufman Kohler,
President of Hebrew Union College, Prof. Julian Morgenstern of Hebrew
Union College, Dr. H. M. Kallen of the University of Wisconsin, and
Dr. David Philipson of Hebrew Union College. Following are somewhat
abridged reports of the speeches:
certainly have tried to fortify myself, as the old darky in Virginia
said when his master sent him down to another part of the plantation
to see if the rebels were fortifying the place: “Massa, they am not
only fortyfying it; they am fiftyfying it!”
I am glad that our Chancellor here to my right said that the speeches
were to be brief. I think that an after-dinner speaker who makes a
long speech ought to have about the same punishment that the member of
parliament mentioned when he introduced a bill, “The only way to stop
suicide is to make it a capital offense, punishable by death.”
But I have always tried to avoid redundancy of expression. I would
never say a “wealthy plumber,” nor a “poor poet,” nor for that matter
a “poor professor.”
| “Vessels of wrath, we pedagogues; |
| Better we were dead, |
| Who, by the wrath of Peleus’ son, |
| Must earn our daily bread.” |
Nor would I say an “interesting Menorah Association meeting.” That
they[126] are interesting goes without saying, if we can judge from the
one we had last night.
I am exceedingly interested in real culture, and being an American,
and knowing, as I do, what the Jews in America can do for the
advancement of learning, of knowledge and of the humanities, I am
interested in the Menorah movement, which will tend to bring this
about; and it is when we reflect upon the war in Europe today, with
all its sickening horrors and what that means to culture (we can
hardly comprehend it yet), what an obstacle to learning, that we may
exclaim with that old bibliophile, Richard de Bury:
“O pacis auctor et amator altissime! dissipa gentes bella volentes quæ
super omnes pestilentias libris nocent.”
And by “libris” he meant culture.
Association as one of the very earliest Menorah Societies. It was
really originated in 1903, when a handful of students in the
University found it desirable to satisfy certain longings by taking up
the study of Jewish history and literature. Some of us had found that
it was of little avail to cry over the ashes of the past, and we
thought that it would be much more proper to try and study the
history, the literature, the ideals of the past for the inspiration to
be found there, which might better fit us to cope with the problems of
the present and the future. Our Society has grown from a mere handful
to an enthusiastic company, so that we have from fifty to
seventy-five, and even a hundred, attending our regular meetings. I
give this fact simply to show what a profound influence the work of
the Menorah has been, what an influence it necessarily must have in
the future, in promulgating Jewish culture, Jewish thought and ideals.
at Harvard, in the earliest days of the Menorah movement, when I
addressed the Menorah Society there. It was in the room of the
Chancellor, unless I am mistaken, and there were a number of students.
They were grouped about, some in chairs, some sitting on the floor,
some perched on window sills, while others improvised seats on the
furniture. I felt myself patriarchal in the midst of these young men.
It was a remarkable scene and it was a remarkably helpful evening,
helpful and refreshing to me. The pulses of youth always beat high and
I caught the elation of it. Who would not have been touched by it?
Some of these young men have since become leaders in thought and
action, and I am not surprised.
Let me make a confession as to that evening. I not only felt a thrill
but made also some observations. These young men had their ideals, but
they had also their difficulties. And they spoke of them. We had an
exchange of thought and of candor such as comes to a man in the
ministry and to a teacher of students but rarely. They told me of
their doubts. Young men, serious young minds, always will have their
doubts. They want to earn their convictions. I hope the day will never
come when young men will not insist on seeing things. These young men
were quick-witted and ready with repartee and counter-argument, and I
saw in each eye a glint of an ideal. The debate was strong, but the
ideals were stronger.
the soul; it is more than a definition or an argument. An ideal is
always very certain and nobody wants to disprove it, nor can.
I notice the Menorah Association has for its aim the cultivation of
ideals. It is natural that young men, with red blood in them, should
hold dear the precious dreams of what might and should be. As I look
upon ideals now, through the perspective of years, I see they have
both strength as well as limitations. But I know that, however much
life and experience challenges them, they are the best force in us. I
respect and value them so much that I deplore the waste of the[127] least
of them. An ideal is a moral ambition, a great wish of a true, even if
a bit naive, soul. And it should have the right of way.
Every work in life implies stern necessity and a fine wish. I am
reminded of a bridge in Berlin which the Germans have built with
inimitable art and truth. There are four groups, each at a corner. On
one an elderly man stands erect and writing. It is History, stern and
real. At his side stands a boy, lithe and graceful. There are ideals
just as much as Law in the affairs of men. On the other side of the
bridge stands another symbol of the two forces in Life: a man carrying
a bundle, a bent man, who has borne the brunt of the pioneer days, and
next to him also a youth. Commerce, however sordid, still implies
morality and the generous side of man. On the third side stands the
solemn figure of Religion, sober and haggard, the symbol of Faith and
martyrdom. And the young man, next to it, seems sprightly and strong.
Why must Religion be interpreted as dispensing comfort alone? Should
it not also give strength and joy? In the last corner stands
Pestalozzi, the teacher, and a boy looks up into his kind face. We
crave for action and capability more than for knowledge and facts. And
we crave for love more than for truth, and the real truth brings
affections and enthusiasm.
In the meetings of your Association you speak often of ideals, you
speak of them fervently. But ideals are not merely academic. They are
personal. An ideal becomes yourself, if it is yours at all. It is a
dynamic force within you. It pervades your whole being. It is an
unseen but a very telling strength. It directs you, and it sends you
on your errand of life. You cannot rest satisfied merely to know your
ideal and to speculate about it. It is the engine of warfare in your
career. Study ideals, not to contemplate and analyze, but to emulate
them and to fill yourself with them. You have work to do. And work is
more insistent than philosophy. You have work to do which no one else
can do for you, or may do for you. An ideal is your Self at the
highest power.
You with fresh energies, you with the clear eye of healthy youth, you
with unoppressed hearts, you at the beginning of life, you should go
at your work splendidly, directly, forcefully. The real idealist is a
man of action, of untiring activity. Do things and you verify what you
plan. You have the privilege of youth. Have also the pride of youth.
Keep it sweet, but keep it also strong.
many of its positive virtues but also for some of its negative merits.
It is not in any sense a social organization, and above all it is not
a secret society. Now I have my own peculiar views about secret
societies in universities, and I do not believe that they tend to
promote college spirit and college unity. It has been well said that
in these societies those who are in any particular societies are
brothers, while every one else who belongs to another society, or to
no society whatever, is just a step-brother. To my mind that is not a
good spirit in an American institution.
It seems to me that, having in this city a Hebrew Union College with a
gifted faculty, we should establish at our University a Department of
Semitics. Since the University is a public school, an institution
supported by public taxation, it certainly could not affiliate
directly with a sectarian institution, but I see no reason why the
professors in the Hebrew College, if they are not already overworked
like the students, should not be able to conduct courses at the
University itself, and I believe such courses would promote the
Menorah movement more than anything else you could do. I think you
would attract students from far and wide to the University of
Cincinnati, and you would thereby achieve one of the ends for which
you are working.
as the Chairman has said, I heard the flapping[128] of the wings of the
stork at its birth. I recall very well the preliminary meetings that
we had when the organization of the Menorah Society at Cambridge was
first spoken of. At that time I was one of the doubters; I held back.
There were in Cambridge a number of societies, social primarily, that
did not desire members of our faith among their number. I felt that a
movement which was composed entirely of Jewish men would be mistaken
for an effort at a Jewish fraternity that was to take the place of the
fraternities in which we were not welcome. The other men, however,
felt that we could have a society the purposes of which had nothing to
do with social matters, and that we could bring out all that was good
in Jewish matters of culture and develop a society to promote those
interests. So at first somewhat reluctantly, I joined in with the
movement, and the result has justified their farsightedness, and I am
sorry now that I was only a “trailer” in the beginning.
The position of the Menorah movement and what it stands for calls to
mind a story that was told in Montreal a couple of years ago by Lord
Haldane, who came to America to attend a meeting of the American Bar
Association. A part of the story was recited in verse (which I do not
recall exactly) and had to do with an Englishman who was taken
prisoner in one of the countries of the Far East, and was offered his
choice between conversion to the religion of his captors or death. He
was a man who had no particular religious feelings; he was not
religious when at home. However, he felt that first and foremost he
was an Englishman and that if he were to do anything base it would
reflect upon all those ideals which were so dear to him, and therefore
he cast in his lot and chose against the change of religion. So, too,
with some of us who perhaps are not religious in a formal way; the
realization of the great things that have been accomplished in the
past by Jews, the Jewish historical background, is in itself a shield
to us, and the realization of what Judaism is and stands for must act
to prevent us from doing something that would be unworthy of
ourselves and of the religion of which we are a part.
that, while I listened to the very interesting and suggestive remarks
that were made all along this table, and also on recalling what we
heard last night, I feel glad, after all, from the point of view of
the Hebrew Union College, that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
has come here to make propaganda for its work, at the same time
receiving perhaps new direction and new ideas about the work they have
so nobly begun. The fact that the work—started, as we heard, at
Harvard in 1906—has made such progress shows that at least there was
something in the young Jewish student at the colleges that called for
the creation of such an association and such kind of work. Perhaps I
may say that those who had their misgivings as to the tendencies of
the Menorah Association are now at least informed that some of these
misgivings or suspicions were not well founded. I personally will say
that I had the impression that there was too much of nationalism or
Zionism behind the movement, and that the movement was not, from the
point of view of the Hebrew Union College or my humble self, one
deserving encouragement and support. I have learned to change some of
my views and some of my impressions as to the purpose and intention of
this movement. There is a well-known quotation, for those who know a
little German:
| “Das sind die Weisen, |
| Die vom Irrtum zur Wahrheit reisen; |
| Das sind die Narren, |
| Die beim Irrtum beharren.” |
I am not one of those who insist on views once maintained though later
found faulty. I am rather ready to change my views, especially after
what I heard today from my honored neighbor (Prof. I. L. Sharfman) and
from what he said last night that the religious idea of Judaism is not
ignored but is held in view.
All Jews who are Jews must believe that Judaism stands for an
uncompromising[129] monotheistic truth, while the world around us has
compromised the same. Therefore we, as Jews, must always insist upon
the maintenance of the pure monotheistic idea for which we suffered
and struggled, and for which our fathers died. We must maintain this
as the mainstay and vital principle of Judaism. For this very reason,
and for no other, we insist, especially from the point of view of a
Jewish theological college, that this idea of a pure Jewish religion,
the pure monotheistic idea, must be held unshakenly and without any
change or any concession. And for that very reason we could not and
will not say that race is everything. We cannot admit that a pure race
is the best, and that a pure Jew is he who has maintained solely
everything Jewish and not allowed the Greek culture to be assimilated
in order to sublimate and spiritualize and idealize the truth
inherited. For Ruppin and the Nationalists who follow him, the poor
Jews, the ghetto Jews, of Russia who speak Yiddish and live only an
exclusive narrow life, are five-fifths Jews, while the Jews in free
and civilized lands are only half Jews. Now against this, we of the
Hebrew Union College, we who represent progressive or reformed
Judaism, must protest. We must insist that the Jewish race, the Jewish
people or nation, if you want to call it so, can form only the body;
Judaism, the Jewish religion, is the soul. And we will always stand
not merely for the body, not merely for the material side, not merely
for race, which is the lowest kind of life, but for the spirit, the
soul of Judaism, and that is its religious truth.
to recognize the Jewish side of much that enters, or should enter,
into our daily life, to develop our full consciousness of all that is
essentially and fundamentally Jewish, and thus enable us to live
positive and constructive Jewish lives. It is a noble aim, to which I
unrestrictedly subscribe. Whenever I hear public speakers or writers
pat Jews and Judaism on the back, and patronizingly tell us, “Oh, you
Jews are all right,” I am, as no doubt most of us are, deeply
chagrined, to use a mild expression. What we want is not that others
should appreciate us and tell us that we are all right. What we want,
and what we need, is that we should appreciate ourselves and that we
should take ourselves seriously and at our full value. Not that we
should over-appreciate ourselves and think ourselves alone the salt of
the earth. There is such a thing as over-appreciation that must in the
end lead to futility and vanity. But equally, there is such a thing as
self-depreciation, and to a certain extent I cannot but feel that we
Jews have been more or less guilty of that in the past, have more or
less, particularly in our college and university life, assumed a
deprecating attitude, apologizing as it were for our existence as
Jews, and, probably unconsciously, have kept the fact of our Judaism
in the background, and suffered our education and our culture to
influence almost everything but our Jewish knowledge and our Jewish
life.
For right appreciation, which shall be neither over-appreciation nor
under-appreciation, but true appreciation, based upon a correct
estimation of all essentials, the first requisite is knowledge,
thorough knowledge of all conditions, forces and influences. And the
second requisite is pride, pride in this knowledge and in the object
of this knowledge. And this, translated into the Menorah language,
means, as I understand it, correct knowledge of Judaism, of our Jewish
history, our Jewish past, our Jewish heritage, our Jewish religion,
and pride in all this Judaism—a knowledge and pride that alone can
enable us to know what Judaism truly is, and what its work and its
mission for the present and the future must be, that alone can enable
us to live positively and constructively as Jews and perpetuate our
Judaism for the blessing of ourselves, our children, and all mankind.
So I interpret the Menorah movement. And I heartily welcome such a
movement, whose aim is the awakening of our Jewish college young men
and women to a wholesome and genuine appreciation[130] of themselves, of
the Jewish side of their lives, of their Jewish consciousness and
Jewish obligations, of the full meaning and responsibility imposed
upon them by their subscribing to the name Jew, and their adherence to
the religion of our fathers. We must look to our college-bred Jewish
men and women to become the guiding spirits in our Judaism of
to-morrow and of all the future. And I say, “Thank God for any
movement that must surely lead to this goal.”
the liberty of recalling for you an episode of the formation of the
Menorah Society at Harvard. It turned on the question of the right
form of stating the object of the Society and you will remember
perhaps that the object is stated in these terms: “The Harvard Menorah
Society for the study and advancement of Hebraic culture and
ideals”—not Jewish, not Judaistic, but Hebraic. The persons who
agitated the use of the term Hebraic had certain very definite
literary and historic and social relationships in mind.
To begin with, the word Judaism, in the English language, stands
exclusively for a religion. It is co-ordinate with the word
Christianity, the word Buddhism, the word Zoroastrianism, with any
word that stands exclusively for a religion. Now in the history of the
Jewish people, there was a time when Judaism did not exist, and if I
understand the gentlemen who represent the Reform sect correctly—I
speak under correction—the intention of the Reform movement is a
reversion in fact to the religious attitude of the pre-Judaistic
period in the history of the religion of the Jewish people. It is
“prophetic” or “progressive Judaism” for which they stand, I gather,
in contrast with the “Talmudical Judaism,” of the larger orthodox
sect. But the period of the great prophets is not the period of
Judaism, and strictly speaking, the term Judaism excludes the
prophetic element as an active force in Jewish life. This is
significant, and to me the significance seems tremendous, for so far
as my personal sympathies are concerned they go entirely with the
prophetic aspects of Judaism, or better, of Hebraism.
usage is determined for us entirely by the writers who become
authoritative either by their style or through the weight of their
opinion, and this usage has given the term Hebraism a meaning such
that it stands for the entire spirit of the Jew, not only in religion
but in all that is Jewish; in English the term Hebraism covers the
total biography of the Jewish soul, while the term Judaism stands only
for a portion of it. Now the Jewish soul is the important thing, but
no one has ever met a soul without a body (at least the people who
claim they have met it are still required, for belief, to show
evidence more than they have thus far shown); generally speaking, soul
and body are co-ordinate and mutually imply each other. You cannot
have one without the other. This is even more the case when you are
dealing not with an individual but with a people. Hence it is the
history of the Jewish body-politic with which Hebraism and its
components, including Judaism, co-ordinate.
For this reason the gentlemen who stated the object of the Society in
the constitution of the Harvard Menorah Society were compelled to take
into consideration the following historic fact: There was a time in
the history of mankind when religion and life were coincident. You
know that the prophets were reformers. The orthodox religion which
they fought was the religion of the land. They were progressive
religionists, just as the gentlemen who are in the Reform sect to-day
claim to be progressive religionists. When they established their
religion, it became the religion of the whole nationality, for all
ancient religion is national religion. Religion for the Greeks, and
religion for the Jews, and religion for the Syrians, and for the
Babylonians, and the Romans, was essentially[131] national and political,
and the political nationalism of religion in the time of the Roman
Empire was the immediate basis for the persecution of the Jews by the
Romans. The latter persecuted the Jews not primarily because they
disliked the Jews, but because the Jews were a political danger in
their refusal to worship the representative of the State in the shape
of the Emperor. But in the development of civilization, religion
became detached from the totality of civilized living. In the
progressive division of labor religion became specialized. The
priestly group learned to confine itself more and more to the “things
of the spirit”—cult, ritual, dogma, while the other elements in
civilization loomed larger and larger. Religion remained social, but
society was no longer religious. Life was secularized. I think that
the representatives of the Reform sect, in one of their conferences,
declared that America is not a Christian country. In so doing they
acknowledged this fact.
spirit which is very different from the continuity of form that
attends both the secular and the religious developments of Jewish
life. This is the same in both these aspects of Jewish life—in the
secular Jewish poetry and thought of the middle ages and up to the
present day. Even a Bergson, ostensibly a Frenchman, expresses in his
philosophy what is essentially the Hebraic conception of the nature of
reality and the destiny of man. From Amos through Job, through the
philosophers of the middle ages, to Ahad Ha-‘Am there is a clear and
accountable continuity. Finally, there is the development of the whole
of the secular life of modern Jewry, in Yiddish and in Hebrew. Yiddish
may be unpleasant, but Yiddish is no less the speech of the Jews than
English, no less the speech of the Jews than Aramaic, and Arabic and
Ladino, and all of these have acquired literary and qualitative
characteristics which are identical as expressions of the spirit of
the Jew, of the Hebraic spirit.
This may be seen generally in the case of Yiddish alone. Yiddish, as
you know, is a German dialect; it is middle high German in its base,
and German is an inflected language; its rhythms are essentially long,
periodic, indeterminate, radically different from the rhythms of
Hebrew, involving a different kind of co-ordination and mode. But
compare Yiddish with German, and you find quite an antagonistic
literary quality. Yiddish reads like the Psalms, and the Bible, and
the Talmud; it doesn’t read like German until it is Germanized. The
whole genius of the tongue has been altered by Jewish use so that its
spiritual quality has taken on the quality of the race that uses the
tongue, and its literary kinship has become Hebraic.
Again, there is this whole mass of neo-English, neo-Russian,
neo-German literatures which, written by Jews, deal with the life of
the Jews, with their interests and character. This is not religious.
What is its relation to Jewry? Yet again, there is any number of
Jewish individuals, among whom I must count myself, who find it
impossible to adjust their consciences with any official type of
theological doctrine, who are interested in discovering the truth, and
are compelled to acknowledge that no truth has been discovered
finally, once and for all; there are hundreds and thousands such. What
is to be their relation to their people if Jews are to be considered
members merely of Judaistic sects? Yet Jews they are, and if they do
not contribute directly to Judaism, they do contribute to Hebraism.
Hebraism stands not for that particular expression of the Jewish mind,
religion, but for all that has appeared in Jewish history, both
religious and secular. The term Judaism stands for that partial
expression of the Jewish genius which is religious.
do not think that that is historically a demonstrable proposition. For
the dominant motive even in Judaism is not[132] a religious motive. It is
an ethical motive. Judaism does not conceive its God as requiring man
to be damned for his glory. It conceives its God as an instrument by
the worship of whom “thy days may be lengthened in the land.”
Righteousness and not salvation is the aim even of the Jewish
religion. Hebraism is the name for this living spirit which demands
righteousness, expressed in all the different interests in which Jews,
as Jews, have a share—in art, science, philosophy and social
organization and in religion. Hebraism, hence, is a wider term than
religion and its continuity embraces, but is not embraced by, the
continuity of religion.
Now the Harvard Menorah Society, taking this fact into consideration,
made use, because of the tradition of English usage, of the term
“Hebraic.” It recognized that since Hebraism is more comprehensive
than Judaism, many people might be Hebraists who are not and need not
be Judaists. It refused to exclude them from a share in Jewish life
and an opportunity for Jewish service. The organization goes on the
principle—both the Intercollegiate and the constituent
Societies—that nothing Jewish is alien to it. For this reason the
Menorah takes no sides; for this reason it is Hebraic and not
Judaistic. For this reason it welcomes everything Jewish without
exception—theological and secular, Russian, German, French, English.
It requires only that a thing shall be Jewish, that it shall be a
possible part of the organic total we call Hebraism.
Hebraism is the flower and fruit of the whole of Jewish life. Its
root is the ethnic nationality of the Jewish people, and with this
also the secularizing reformers agree when they prohibit and
discourage the marriage of Jew with Gentile.
Many of us, however, are not content with merely the status quo.
Throughout the nineteenth century it has thrown us into a series of
dishonorable compromises. We want a condition—I speak now for myself
and not for the Menorah—we want a condition in which the genius of
the Jew, the Hebraic spirit, may express itself without any need of
compromise. The orthodox Jew, at least, retains his integrity with his
darkness. But we are in danger of losing our integrity. We concede to
our environment point after point. But we are not liberated in spirit
by these concessions; we are merely turned into amateur Gentiles. The
orthodox sectary makes no concession to environment, and tends to
petrify and die. The reformed sectary makes too many, and tends to
dissolve and die. This is the penalty for the status quo.
Life, to be sure, consists of compromise and concession. But for
integral living we must make them as masters, not serfs. There must be
one place where the ancestral spirit of the Jew will not need to adapt
itself to the world, but will, like the English or French spirit,
adapt the world to itself. That place is determined nationally, just
as the places of all European culture are determined nationally and
racially.
race, and pride of ancestry is not pride merely of background, but
pride in the obligations that ancestry sets. All aristocrats have one
motto—it is noblesse oblige. This must be the motto of the Jew. We
must hence carry our obligation in the spirit of the prophets, which
is not primarily a theological spirit, but a purely humane spirit, for
which the necessity of man determines the invocation of God; in which
the ideal of a free and happy humanity, in a just and democratic
society, is the dominating ideal; in which a righteous Jewish state is
a persistent aspiration. This is the Hebraism which must underly all
the activities of the Menorah Association.
This Hebraism, academically realized through study, must be realized
in the lives of individuals through work, as Dr. Grossmann has well
said, and in the life of the great Jewish mass in a free Jewish state.
Every ideal we acquire from the past must be turned into a fact of the
present. Noblesse oblige![133]
signing of the Treaty of Ghent—one hundred years of peace between
English-speaking peoples. I need to be reminded of this after the
speech that has just been made, because much that was said has quite
fired my fighting spirit—but this is a day of peace and it might not
be quite in the spirit of this anniversary day to say all I might
otherwise say in answer to the points that have been made and with
which I differ radically.
There are some things in Dr. Kallen’s eloquent address that I do
believe, but there are many more things with which I do not agree. But
let that be as it may, I was very much interested in his remark, that
the “Reform sect,” as he is pleased to call us, harks back to the
prophets. This has been claimed frequently by the reformers
themselves, but he puts a new interpretation upon it; he says the
prophets were pre-Judaistic. This is the Christian point of view. They
claim that Judaism was the growth of the post-exilic period, but we
reformers interpret the term Judaism altogether differently.
the Reform movement in its beginnings went back to prophetism it was
simply for this reason—that the pioneers of the Reform movement
recognized that the Jews had fallen into the very condition that Dr.
Kallen deprecates, namely, they had gotten away from life inasmuch as
they had been confined to the ghetto where they had been excluded from
the currents of contemporary life. Judaism had become a ghetto
religion, and because of this divorce between life and religion the
Reform movement arose. The Reform movement is not simply a matter of
creed. It affects the whole life of the Jew. One of its basic
principles is that the religion of the Jew must square with his life;
the needs of the Jew in the modern environment must be taken into
consideration by Jewish leaders; Reform Judaism, far from making a
separation and raising a barrier between the Jew and life, as those
who call us reformed sectarians like to say—quite to the contrary,
reconciles the Jew to the civilization in which he is living and
wherein his children are growing up. This, to my mind, is the great
significance of the Reform movement, and I believe that all those who
truly understand it look upon it in that way.
The Reform movement, as the movement for religious emancipation, was
the accompaniment of similar emancipatory movements affecting the Jews
at the close of the eighteenth century. First there was the linguistic
emancipation when under the leadership of Moses Mendelssohn the Jews
of Germany discarded the use of the German-Jewish jargon or Yiddish,
the language of the Jew’s degradation, (for there would have been no
such thing as Yiddish had the Jew not been degraded and excluded as he
was in the countries of Europe) and began the employment of pure
German. Secondly, there was the educational emancipation. The Jews had
been educated in chedarim where they received instruction only in
Hebrew branches and no so-called secular education whatsoever. This
separated the Jew from the culture of the world. At the close of the
eighteenth century German Jews began to attend schools and
universities. Gradually this took place also in other countries.
Thirdly, there was the civil or political emancipation, when after the
French Revolution the countries of western Europe, one after the
other, accorded the Jews the rights of men. The Reform movement or, in
other words, the religious emancipation, is simply the result of great
world forces, as embodied in these various aspects of emancipation,
and for this reason the Reform movement, far from being simply a
matter of creed or theological belief, made the Jew a citizen of the
world and fitted him for the modern environment.
feel that I must refer and that is the[134] matter of “body and soul.”
This is a favorite phrase of Zionist writers and speakers as
emphasizing the difference between Zionists and reformers. We
reformers also believe that the body Jewish is necessary, but in a
sense different from the Zionistic claim that the Jewish nation must
be re-established. I as a reformer and a non-Zionist also use the term
“the Jewish people,” but in the sense of a “religious people,” not a
“political people.” This involves a vital distinction—the distinction
between religionism and nationalism. Yes, I also believe that the
body, the religious community, is necessary. The reform rabbinical
conference declared against intermarriage for the very reason that it
is all important that the Jewish people, the mamleket kohanim, the
goy kadosh, be the vessel embodying the religious idea, the spirit.
But let it be understood clearly that nationally we are poles apart
from the Zionists. Nationally I am an American. I also feel that we
ought not to have hyphenated Americans, but Americans pure and simple.
In that sense I am nationally an American without a hyphen.
Religiously I am a Jew, and religiously I am part and parcel of the
Jewish people with whom my religious fortunes are intertwined.
Further, I feel very much as Dr. Kallen does in regard to our duty
towards the Jews made destitute by the murderous European war. They
have none else to look to and we must help them; for whatever may be
our differences, we must stand united in this pressing duty of the
hour, this work of mercy. But may God speed the day when the Jews in
Poland, Russia and Roumania will receive full rights so that
nationally they may be considered Poles, Russians or Roumanians as are
all others in those lands, as is the case here in free America. To my
mind this is the only effective solution to the so-called Jewish
problem in those countries.
Freedom is the Messiah that is still to come to the Jews in the lands
where they are oppressed, so that everywhere they may be at one in the
rights of citizenship with their fellow countrymen, differing from
them in their religion alone. This is the great distinction I desired
to draw between the Jew nationally and the Jew as a member of a
religious people; this “religious people” is the body of which Judaism
is the soul.
that made by our Chancellor at the conclusion of the public meeting
last evening. This was a typical Menorah discussion. We are an open
forum for all points of view. We are glad to hear Dr. Kallen’s
opinions; we are glad to hear Dr. Philipson’s opinions. I am sure that
out of this clash of views will come a better understanding of the
Menorah idea, a truer and deeper realization of the strivings of our
Menorah movement.
III. The Business Sessions
President I. Leo Sharfman. N. M. Lyon, of the University of
Cincinnati, was appointed Secretary pro tem.
Upon the presentation of credentials, the following were seated as the
Representatives of their respective Menorah Societies in the
Administrative Council: College of the City of New York, George J.
Horowitz; Columbia University, M. David Hoffman; University of
Illinois, Sidney Casner; University of Michigan, Jacob Levin;
University of Minnesota, Dr. Moses Barron; Ohio State University,
Herman Lebeson; University of Wisconsin, Dr. Horace M. Kallen. And the
following were seated as Deputies: Clark University, Philip
Wascerwitz; Harvard University, George A. Dreyfous; Johns Hopkins
University, Jerome Mark; New York University, S. Felix Mendelson;
University of North Carolina, N. M. Lyon; University of Pennsylvania,
Joseph Salesky; Penn State College, H. L. Lavender; University of
Texas, Jacob Marcus; Western Reserve University, Sol Landman.
The applications for admission into the Association of the Menorah
Societies at Brown University, University of Cincinnati, Hunter
College, University of Maine, the Universities in the City of Omaha,
Radcliffe College, Valparaiso University, and University of Washington
were presented. After due consideration of the facts in each case and
the statements of the University authorities, all of the applications
were accepted and the Menorah Societies named were formally admitted
into the Association by the unanimous vote of the Administrative
Council.
Upon the presentation of their credentials, the following were seated
as Representatives: University of Cincinnati, Abraham J. Feldman; the
Universities in the City of Omaha, Jacques Rieur; Valparaiso
University, Florence Turner. And the following were seated as
Deputies: Radcliffe College, S. Marie Pichel; Hunter College, Naomi
Rasinsky.
The role of Representatives and Deputies was read by the Secretary,
and the dues of the several Menorah Societies to the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association for 1915 were paid.
Chancellor Henry Hurwitz read a letter of greeting to the Convention
from Justice Irving Lehman of New York, Chairman of the Graduate
Advisory Menorah Committee. (See page 125.)
Called to order by President Sharfman at 3 P.M. in the Faculty Room,
McMicken Hall. Chancellor Hurwitz delivered the report of the Officers
for 1914.
In his report in behalf of the Officers, the Chancellor referred to
the organization in the past year of the eight Menorah Societies which
were admitted into the Intercollegiate Menorah Association at the
previous session of the Convention, making in all thirty-five
constituent Societies, every one having arisen spontaneously at its
college or university, with the full approval and encouragement of the
authorities. Additional Societies are in the process of formation at
several other universities.
With reference to the organization of Graduate Menorah Societies, the
time was deemed inopportune to proceed definitely in the matter, the
war situation absorbing the attention and energies of so many of those
who would otherwise be interested in the idea of Graduate Menorah
organization, and it was recommended that detailed consideration of
the question be laid over another year. But[136] a beginning of Graduate
organization has already been made in Scranton, Pa., where a Graduate
Menorah Society has been formed.
The Intercollegiate Menorah Association has been very cordially
invited to join the Corda Fratres International Federation of
Students, whose objects are: “To unite student movements and
organizations throughout the world, to study student problems of every
nature, and to promote among students closer international relations,
mutual understandings and friendship; to encourage the study of
international relations and problems; to stimulate a sympathetic
appreciation of the character, problems and intellectual currents of
other nations; to facilitate foreign study, and to increase its value
and fruitfulness. The movement is neutral in all special religious,
political and economic principles.” (From the official declaration of
principles.) The Corda Fratres at present comprises the following
national organizations as its constituents: Consulates of Corda
Fratres in Italy, Holland, Hungary and Greece; the Association
Generale des Etudiants de Paris, and the Union Nationale des
Associations des Etudiants de France; the Verband der Internationalen
Studentenverein in Germany; the Liga de Estudiantes Americanos,
including student organizations in the Argentine Republic, Brazil,
Chile, Paraguay, Peru and other countries in South America; and the
Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs in North America. Thus, at present,
the sole United States constituent is the Association of Cosmopolitan
Clubs. It was recommended that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
accept the invitation to join Corda Fratres as a unit co-ordinate with
the Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs, it being understood that the
Menorah Association, while thus expressing its approval of the
purposes and spirit of Corda Fratres and desiring to aid in its
influence and to contribute the element of Jewish culture and ideals
to its spiritual constituency, would not be qualified in any way as to
its autonomy, purposes, and activities.
During the past year the Association continued its lecture system, and
genuine thanks are due to all the speakers, members of the Menorah
College of Lecturers, who have so generously given of their time and
effort to the Menorah Societies.
Similarly, the Association has been enabled to continue sending
Menorah Libraries to its constituent Societies. In most cases these
books have been placed at the disposal of all the members of the
university no less than of the members of the Menorah Societies, and
the authorities have expressed their warmest gratitude for these
contributions to their library facilities, even though the books
remained the property of the Jewish Publication Society of America.
The presence of the books has done a great deal to stimulate actual
reading and study on the part of Menorah members, and the work of the
study groups has notably increased during the past year. This is a
most gratifying evidence of the seriousness with which the students
are taking hold of the Menorah idea. They are still hampered by lack
of suitable syllabi, the preparation of which has been unfortunately
delayed on account of the impaired health of the scholar who had
undertaken to prepare them, but it was hoped that the syllabi would be
made available before long.
The chief visible product of the administration the past year was the
180-page booklet entitled “The Menorah Movement,” which contains a
full and official exposition of the nature and purposes of the Menorah
movement, a detailed history of the several Societies as well as of
the Intercollegiate organization, including reports of the conferences
and conventions, besides other material illustrating the attitude of
the university authorities and the general community towards the
Menorah movement. Its preparation took several months of labor on the
part of the Officers of the Association (special credit being due to
the Secretary, Mr. Isador Becker), assisted by the various Societies.
An edition of five thousand, of which only a comparatively small
number of copies remain, was distributed all over the country among
the members of the Societies, other students, university authorities,
alumni, and the interested public. It served to arouse both the
academic and lay interest in the movement and to spread[137] authoritative
information about the nature and purposes of the Menorah Societies.
This publication also prepared the way for the issue of the permanent
and periodical Journal of the Menorah Association, the desirability of
which has been felt almost from the beginning of the Intercollegiate
organization and reaffirmed at the last Convention. It had been hoped
that the first number of The Menorah Journal would appear in time for
this Convention, but the demands of an initial number that should in
every way be worthy of the Menorah ideal of the Journal required a
little more time, and the first issue could not appear before January,
1915.
The Menorah Journal, it was hoped, would not only spread interesting
and authoritative information about the activities of the Menorah
Societies and stimulate their work further in the future, but would
itself be a potent means of promoting Jewish knowledge and literature.
The Journal was meant to appeal not to Menorah members alone nor to
students only, but to all within and without the universities who were
interested in the literary treatment of Jewish life and aspiration.
The Journal was extremely fortunate in having the counsel and literary
co-operation of many leaders of Jewish thought and action of all
parties (for list of Consulting Editors see Contents Page), the
Journal itself, like the Menorah Societies, being non-partisan, a
forum for the free expression of variant views.
Upon the success of the Journal will largely depend the future
progress of the Menorah movement and its other literary enterprises
contemplated, e. g., pamphlet essays and Menorah Classics, which for
the present should be postponed, all energies having to be devoted to
the Journal.
The gratifying encouragement given to the Journal enterprise by many
men in the community is but a specific application of the co-operation
of the Graduate Menorah Committee, headed by Justice Irving Lehman,
which has continued during the past year to assist the Association
generously and in the most admirable spirit, the committee reposing
absolutely perfect confidence in the officers of the Association. To
that co-operation and spirit of confidence the Association owes a
great deal which it can repay only by continued effective devotion to
the cause which is equally dear to the students and the graduates. It
was deemed advisable that for the present the Graduate Menorah
Committee should continue as an informal body.
A gratifying evidence of the mutual co-operation of the Menorah
Societies in a material way during the past year was shown in the
appropriation of fifty dollars by the Harvard Menorah Society for the
Association.
All in all, the Association during the past year may be said to have
advanced satisfactorily, though the Officers are conscious of the
great opportunities which still remain before the organization.
Indeed, the Menorah work is still in its beginnings. With the loyal
co-operation of the students and the graduates, the Association looks
forward confidently to a bright and big future.
After due consideration and discussion, the following resolutions were
unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, organized for
the promotion in American Colleges and Universities of the study of
Jewish history, culture and problems, and the advancement of Jewish
ideals, affiliate with the “Corda Fratres” International Federation of
Students. Note: This resolution was adopted upon the conditions (1)
that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association be received into the
International Federation of Students as a unit co-ordinate with the
Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs, and (2) that the autonomy, purposes
and activities of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association shall nowise
be qualified by such affiliation.[H]
Resolved, That the fifty dollars contributed by the Harvard Menorah
Society to the Intercollegiate Menorah Association be devoted to The
Menorah Journal.[138]
Resolved, That the Officers be constituted a committee to investigate
the nature and work of student organizations analogous to the Menorah
in other parts of the world and to submit a report thereon at the next
Intercollegiate Menorah Convention. (Readopted from the last
Convention.)
Resolved, That the Officers be constituted a committee to consider
and draw up definite plans for “Menorah insignia and distinctions.“
The third session was a public meeting held at 8.15 P.M. in McMicken
Auditorium, University of Cincinnati. (For report see page 121.)
Called to order on Thursday, December 24th, at 9.15 A.M., in the
Faculty Room, McMicken Hall, by President Sharfman.
After due consideration and discussion the following resolutions were
unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That the incoming Officers investigate the problem of the
organization of Graduate Menorah Societies and prepare a report with
recommendations for submission to the constituent Societies at the
beginning of the next academic year(1915-16).
The Administrative Council, in session assembled, hereby expresses
its hearty approval of the relationship that has arisen and has been
maintained between the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, through
its Officers, and a body of representative Jewish citizens of public
spirit, known as a Graduate Advisory Committee, and gratefully records
its deep appreciation of the wise counsel and generous assistance of
this Graduate Advisory Committee in the prosecution of the Menorah
purposes, and
Resolves, First, that these informal relations between the
Intercollegiate Menorah Association and the Graduate Advisory
Committee be permitted to continue as heretofore, and second, that
the incoming Officers of the Association present plans looking to the
permanent organization of this Graduate Advisory Committee, at the
next mid-winter meeting of the Administrative Council. (Readopted
from the last Convention.)
The Intercollegiate Menorah Convention extends its cordial greetings
to Justice Irving Lehman and acknowledges with warm appreciation his
welcome message and his generous assurance of willing co-operation.
The Association is encouraged to carry forward with renewed vigor and
inspiration its work of promoting the study of Jewish history and
culture at American Colleges and Universities and of advancing Jewish
ideals; to merit the confidence and support of the Graduate Advisory
Committee.
Resolved, That each constituent Menorah Society should be bound to
seek the advice and consent of the Officers of the Association before
soliciting assistance from any source. (Readopted from the last
Convention.)
Resolved, That the Administrative Council of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, in annual meeting assembled, hereby
enthusiastically expresses its entire confidence and trust in the work
done by the Officers of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association and
its appreciation of the able and efficient manner in which they
conducted and supervised the work of the organization during the past
year.
The oral reports of the several Menorah Societies, in amplification of
their written reports, were presented and discussed.
The fifth session was an informal luncheon held in the Banquet Hall of
the Hotel Gibson, Cincinnati, at 1 P.M. (For a report of the
addresses, see page 125.)
Immediately following the luncheon, at 4 P.M., the sixth session was
convened in the private auditorium of the Hotel Gibson.
The following resolution was unanimously adopted:[139]
Resolved, That the Officers of the Association take steps to provide
Menorah Societies with syllabi of courses in Jewish history, Jewish
literature, and contemporaneous Jewish problems. (Readopted from the
last Convention.)
Upon proceeding to the choice of Officers of the Association for 1915,
the following were elected: Chancellor, Henry Hurwitz of Boston, Mass.
(re-elected by acclamation); President, I. Leo Sharfman of the
University of Michigan (re-elected by acclamation); First
Vice-President, Isadore Levin, of Harvard University; Second
Vice-President, Milton D. Sapiro of the University of California;
Third Vice-President, Abraham J. Feldman of the University of
Cincinnati; Treasurer, N. Morais Lyon of the University of Cincinnati;
and Secretary, Charles K. Feinberg of New York University.
After some discussion as to the advisability of deciding immediately
upon the place of the next Annual Convention, it was
Resolved, That the place of meeting for the next Annual Convention be
left to the judgment of the Officers of the Association.
After passing unanimously a Resolution thanking the University of
Cincinnati, the Hebrew Union College, the Cincinnati Menorah Society,
and the city of Cincinnati for the cordial reception accorded to the
Convention, adjournment was had at 5.45 P.M.
N. M. Lyon, Secretary pro tem.
Note: In the course of the convention, several amendments to the
Constitution of the Association were proposed and adopted. The
Constitution as amended follows:
The name of this organization shall be the Intercollegiate Menorah
Association.
The object of this Association shall be the promotion, in American
colleges and universities, of the study of Jewish history, culture,
and problems, and the advancement of Jewish ideals.
Sec. 1.—Menorah Societies in American colleges and universities,
having the object defined in Article II, shall be eligible for
membership in this Association, provided that membership in such
Societies is open to all members of their respective colleges or
universities so far as the efficient pursuit of the object may permit.
Sec. 2.—The Administrative Council (provided for in Article IV) shall
have power to elect such honorary members as it may deem fit.
Sec. 3.—One constituent Society may be composed of members of two or
more neighboring colleges or universities.
Sec. 4.—All eligible Societies which adopt this constitution by
January 3, 1913, shall constitute the charter members of this
Association.
Sec. 5.—Other Societies which are formed and eligible, or may be
formed and become eligible, for membership in this Association, shall
be admitted into this Association by the Administrative Council, and
shall become members upon adopting this Constitution.
Sec. 6.—By a two-thirds vote of the Administrative Council, that
body, in session, shall have power to deprive of membership any
Society which may not be carrying out the object of the Association,
or may be employing methods prejudicial to its spirit.
Sec. 1.—The administration of this Association shall be in the hands
of the Administrative Council.
Sec. 2.—Every constituent Society shall delegate one member to be
its Representative in the Council who shall, at the time of his
election, be directly connected with the college or the university as
a student or as a member of the Faculty.
Sec. 3.—The Administrative Council shall elect annually at its
mid-winter meeting the following Officers of the Association:
Chancellor, First Vice-President, Second Vice-President, Third
Vice-President, Treasurer, and Secretary.
(a) Officers who are not Representatives shall ex-officio be members
of the Administrative Council.
Sec. 4.—The Administrative Council shall hold a meeting during the
mid-winter recess, when and where it shall please a majority of the
Council. Other meetings of the Council may be called upon the request
of a majority of its members, and held when and where it shall please
a majority. Notice of every meeting shall be sent to each member at
least four weeks beforehand. A copy of the minutes of each meeting
shall be duly sent by the Secretary to each constituent Society.
Sec. 5.—In case the Representative of a Society is unable to attend a
meeting of the Council, his Society may send a duly accredited and
instructed Deputy[I] who is not already the Representative or Deputy
of another Society.
Sec. 6.—A quorum of the Administrative Council shall consist of the
Representatives or Deputies from two-thirds of the constituent
Societies.
(Note:—It is understood that a term of office of a Representative or
Officer shall be one year, from one mid-winter meeting to the next).
Sec. 1.—The annual dues from each constituent Society shall be five
dollars, which shall be paid to the Treasurer before the first meeting
of the Administrative Council.
Sec. 2.—If a Society be admitted into membership after such date, its
dues shall be paid upon admission.
Sec. 3.—Societies whose dues remain unpaid after the time set shall
lose their vote in the Administrative Council until payment is made.
Neglect to pay for two years may be a cause for dismissal from the
Association by the Administrative Council.
This Constitution shall take effect January 2, 1913.
An amendment to this Constitution may be adopted by a two-thirds vote
of the Administrative Council.
FOOTNOTES:
[G] See Prof. Sharfman’s address, page 124, and Dr. Kohler’s
remarks at the Convention luncheon, page 128.
[H] The Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs, at its Convention
at Ohio State University on Dec. 26-30, 1914, passed a resolution of
greeting and welcome to the Intercollegiate Menorah Association.
[I] How, and to what extent, a Deputy shall be instructed,
depends upon the will of the Society which accredits him. (This was
the sense of the Constituent Convention.)
Notes
Of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
The Brown Menorah Society held its dedication exercises in the
auditorium of the Brown Union on January 16, 1915. The Chairman was
Maurice J. Siff, ’15, President of the Society. Morris J. Wessel, ’11,
spoke of the need of the Menorah from the graduate’s point of view.
Chancellor Henry Hurwitz brought the greetings of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association and explained the purposes of the Menorah
movement. President W. H. P. Faunce of the University, in his
response, welcomed the Menorah Society to Brown. Rabbi Nathan Stern,
of Providence, spoke upon the significance of the Menorah, and
unveiled and lit a brass Menorah which he presented to the Society.
Dean Otis E. Randall spoke upon “The Educational Value of College
Organizations,” and expressed the hope that the new Menorah Society
would contribute to the uplift of the student body.
President Faunce said, in part: “This Society must justify itself by
making better Brown men than ever before. Most especially among its
duties it must strive for a type of Brown man that cultivates the best
there is in himself, a man who respects himself, soul, body and
spirit, the type of man who flings himself gladly into whatever he
believes in. And so I hope to-night that every member of this Society
will cherish the finest things in the history of his own people if he
is a member of the Jewish nation—that he will cultivate everything
that is worthy and noble and try to help his brethren throughout the
world.”
A Menorah Society has recently been organized at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, in Boston. The meeting preliminary to
definite organization was held in the Technology Union on March 9.
Isadore Levin of the Harvard Menorah Society, First Vice-President of
the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, brought the greetings of the
Association and explained the Menorah purposes and procedure. Leo I.
Dana, ’16, was elected President.
In a communication to the Chancellor of the Menorah Association, Dean
Alfred E. Burton of the Institute writes: “I take pleasure in stating
that we shall be glad to have a branch of the Menorah Society formed
among our undergraduates, and I can endorse the names of the officers
who have been chosen. They are all earnest students in good standing
at the Institute and I am sure they will be able to establish a branch
of the Menorah Society that will be a credit to the general
intercollegiate organization.”
The first lecture before the Society was delivered on April 5 by Dr.
H. M. Kallen of the University of Wisconsin. The subject was “Hebraism
and Nationality.”
The Menorah Society of Clark University held its “First Annual
Banquet” on December 17, 1914. President Max Smelensky, ’15,
introduced the toastmaster, Samuel Resnick, ’13. The speakers were
President G. Stanley Hall of the University, President Edmund C.
Sanford of the College, Dean James P. Porter, Rabbi H. H. Rubenovitz
of Boston, A. W. Hillman, ’07, Joseph Talamo, ’14, and Chancellor
Hurwitz. (For the substance of President Hall’s address see page 87.)
The Ohio State Menorah Society held its Annual Banquet on February 21.
The toastmaster was Harry M. Udovitch, ’14. (Mr. Udovitch was last
year President of the Corda Fratres Association of Cosmopolitan
Clubs). The speakers were Professor Joseph A. Leighton, Professor
Ludwig Lewisohn, President Henry Greenberger, ’15, of the Society,
Herman Lebeson, ’15, Ohio State Representative to the Intercollegiate
Administrative Council, Rabbi Morris N. Taxon of Columbus, Dr.
Sylvester Goodman, ’06, and Helman Rosenthal, ’12.
The Harvard Menorah Society will hold its seventh annual dinner on May
3.
The MENORAH JOURNAL
The Intercollegiate Menorah Association
“For the Study and Advancement of Jewish Culture and Ideals”
600 Madison Avenue, New York
| Editor-in-Chief Henry Hurwitz | Associate Editor I. Leo Sharfman | Managing Editor H. Askowith | Business Manager B. S. Pouzzner |
| Board of Consulting Editors | ||
| Dr. Cyrus Adler Louis D. Brandeis Dr. Lee K. Frankel Prof. Felix Frankfurter Prof. Israel Friedlaender Prof. Richard Gottheil Dr. Max Heller Dr. Joseph Jacobs | Dr. Kaufman Kohler Justice Irving Lehman Judge Julian W. Mack Dr. J. L. Magnes Prof. Max L. Margolis Dr. H. Pereira Mendes Dr. Martin A. Meyer Dr. David Philipson | Dr. Solomon Schechter Hon. Oscar S. Straus Samuel Strauss Judge Mayer Sulzberger Miss Henrietta Szold Felix M. Warburg Dr. Stephen S. Wise |
CONTENTS
| THE POTENCY OF THE JEWISH RACE | Charles W. Eliot | 141 |
| ISRAEL AND MEDICINE | Sir William Osler | 145 |
| THE WAR FROM A JEWISH STANDPOINT | Richard Gottheil | 150 |
| O SWEET ANEMONES: A Song | Jessie E. Sampler | 158 |
| “PATHS OF PLEASANTNESS” | David Werner Amram | 159 |
| THE JEWISH GENIUS IN LITERATURE | Edward Chauncey Baldwin | 164 |
| JEWISH WORTHIES: JOCHANAN BEN ZAKKAI | Abraham M. Simon | 173 |
| ZIONISM: A MENORAH PRIZE ESSAY | Marvin M. Lowenthal | 179 |
| FROM COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY: Activities of Menorah Societies | 194 | |
| NOTES of The Intercollegiate Menorah Association | 200 | |
Copyright, 1915, by The Intercollegiate Menorah Association. All rights reserved
Entered as second class matter January 6, 1915, at the New York Post Office, under the Act of March 3, 1879
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Special discount from these prices to
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MANAGEMENT, CIRCULATION, ETC.,
REQUIRED BY THE ACT OF
AUGUST 24, 1912
of The Menorah Journal
published bi-monthly at New York, N.Y.
for April 1, 1915
City; Associate Editor, I. Leo Sharfman, 1607 S. University
Ave., Ann Arbor, Mich.; Managing Editor, Hyman Askowith,
North Pelham, N. Y.; Business Manager, Benjamin S. Pouzzner,
52 Vanderbilt Ave., New York City. Publisher, Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, 600 Madison Ave., New
York City. Owners: (If a corporation, give its name and
the names and addresses of stockholders holding 1 per cent
or more of total amount of stock. If not a corporation, give
names and addresses of individual owners.) Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, 600 Madison Ave., New York City.
An organization composed of thirty-five societies in as many
colleges and universities in the country, having a total membership
of about 3000, “For the Study and Advancement of
Jewish Culture and Ideals.” The officers of the Association
are: Chancellor, Henry Hurwitz, 600 Madison Ave., New
York City; President, I. Leo Sharfman, Ann Arbor, Mich.;
First Vice-President, Isadore Levin, Cambridge, Mass.; Second
Vice-President, Milton D. Sapiro, Berkeley, Cal.; Third Vice-President,
Abraham J. Feldman, Cincinnati, O.; Treasurer,
N. M. Lyon, Cincinnati, O.; Secretary, Chas. K. Feinberg,
New York University, University Heights, New York City;
Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders,
holding one per cent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages,
or other securities: (If there are none, so state.) None.
Average number of copies of each issue of this publication
sold or distributed, through the mails or otherwise, to paid
subscribers during the six months preceding the date shown
above. (This information is required from daily newspapers
only.)
(Signed) Benjamin S. Pouzzner. Sworn to and subscribed
before me this 21st day of April, 1915. (Signed) Margaret M.
Murphy. (My commission expires March 30, 1916.)
BLOCH PUBLISHING CO.
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JEWISH CLASSICS. Three volumes I. Sufferings of the Jews in the Middle Ages, by L. Zunz; II. Hebrew Tales, by H. Hurwitz; III. Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (Pirke Aboth) by J.I. Gorfinkle. Per volume | .50 |
JEWISH QUESTIONS. By Dr. Ignatz | .25 |
THE CRUCIFIXION. From a Jewish standpoint, by Dr. Emil G. Hirsch. | .25 |
LIBERAL JUDAISM AND SOCIAL SERVICE. By Harry S. Lewis. Six lectures | $1.00 |
OUTLINES OF LIBERAL JUDAISM. By Claude G. Montefiore. (Special) | .65 |
WHAT IS JUDAISM? A survey of Jewish Life, Thought and Achievement. By Dr. Abram S. Isaacs. | .75 |
JUSTICE TO THE JEW. By Madison C. Peters. New edition | $1.00 |
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will contain articles by
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Hon. Oscar S. Straus
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Dr. George Alexander Kohut—“Some Curiosities of Jewish Literature”
Dr. Solomon Solis Cohen—“The Poetry of Jehudah Ha-Levi”
“Phases of Jewish Thinking in American Universities”—A Menorah Prize Essay
Maurice Wertheim—“Americanism and Judaism”
Louis Weinberg—“The Jew in The Industrial and Fine Arts”
Dr. I. L. Kandel of the Carnegie Foundation—“The Development of Jewish Education”
“Jewish Worthies”—A series of portrait sketches of the most notable personalities in the
history of Jewish life and thought
“Jewish Women of the Eighteenth Century Salons”
“The Jew in Modern Drama and Acting”
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the
Menorah Journal

The Potency of the Jewish Race
By Charles W. Eliot

CHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT (born
in Boston, 1834), preëminent as
educator and publicist; for forty
years President of Harvard University;
revered not only by Harvard men
but by all Americans as a great leader
of thought and opinion. Dr. Eliot
warmly welcomed the organization of
the first Menorah Society at Harvard,
in 1906; and to his encouragement is
due in large measure the growth of the
Menorah movement. At a time when
the problems and lessons of the war are
absorbing his attention, Dr. Eliot has
generously shown his continued sympathy
with the Menorah aims and his interest
in the Menorah Journal by preparing
this article.
no country of their own or even national
headquarters. They have been
scattered among many nations, all more or
less unfriendly, and some cruelly oppressive;
yet they have retained, under the most adverse
circumstances, the capacity to earn their
livelihood, to bring up families, and to maintain
the great traditions of their race. The
main reason for the indestructibility of the
Jews is that they early embraced certain invaluable
ideals, and have struggled towards
them indomitably for thousands of years.
is difference of ideals. Whenever several
distinct races come to live side by side on
the same territory in the bonds of a peaceful
and coöperative fellowship for all common
public purposes, it will be found that they
have all reached common political and social
ideals, although in regard to many racial
attributes and even in regard to religious
beliefs they remain distinct.
The assimilation of different races can be
brought about only by a gradual acceptance of the same ideals and aspirations.
For several centuries this process of assimilation has been going on[142]
in many parts of the earth, and is now going on at an accelerated pace,
resulting in larger conceptions of nationality and larger political or governmental
units.
human stock of lofty ideals, persistently held wherever on the face
of the earth a fragment of the race has planted itself. In all generations
and in all environments the Jews have succeeded in competition with other
races to a remarkable degree. Among a poor population they are less
poor than their neighbors; among a free and prosperous population the
Jews become richer and more prosperous than the average. Confined in
unwholesome Ghettos, they retain to an astonishing degree their health
and vitality, helped doubtless by the dietary and sanitary directions given
in their ancient Scriptures. Deprived of the right to bear arms in many
countries, and, therefore, unable to resist savage attack, they remain inextinguishable.
Wherever they become prosperous they develop an extraordinary
community feeling, and take care of their own poor or unfortunate.
In short, in all generations and in all their various environments they have
exhibited, and still exhibit, a remarkable racial tenacity and vigor. It is
manifest that this normal success of the race is not due to any especially
favorable material conditions, but to the rare strength and significance of
its ideals.
The first of the Jewish ideals has been that of one God—the
noblest of all human ideals—early attained, and persistently clung to by
the whole race. Mohammedan monotheism is noble, and is the main source
of the strength of those races which have embraced the religion of Mahomet;
but the Mohammedan doctrine of One God arrived thousands of
years after the Jewish, and never was so pure. The most significant sentence
in the English speech is the first sentence of the Hebrew Bible—”In
the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.” That is the first of
the Jewish ideals, to which the race has been true in all environments, in
weal and in woe; and that belief has delivered it from many sorts of enfeebling
and degrading terrors and superstitions.
race is the ideal of the family—pure, honorable, and sacred. The
veneration of ancestors, which has been an important part of the religion of[143]
China and Japan, is only an undue exaggeration of the Hebrew commandment,
“Honor thy father and thy mother.” The Jewish race has seen
fulfilled the promise which is the last phrase of that commandment, “that
thy days may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee,”
although in many lands and not in any land of their own. The organized
human society most likely to prove durable or permanent is that which
possesses and maintains in theory and practise a lofty ideal of the family.
The reverence shown by children toward their parents and the devotion of
parents to their children, which prevail in Jewish families, are both more
intense than is usual in Christian families. These sentiments yield infinite
good in any human society; they produce, and pass on from generation
to generation, purity of life, family honor, and a real consecration of the
best human affections. That is the second potent Jewish ideal.
Commandments, the most compact and yet comprehensive code of
morals ever written. These ethical principles have been held before the
Jewish race for thousands of years wherever it has lived, in good times
and bad, an ideal toward which the race has always struggled, though with
frequent lapses. This code contains the institution of the Sabbath Day,
which by itself accounts for much of the extraordinary endurance of the
race.
The Jews have always been distinguished for their respect for learning
and their zeal for education. In the Ghettos of Europe, under the
most discouraging conditions, their Rabbis kept alive the ancient learning,
and through many centuries gave the elite of the rising generation
some mental training, when no instruction was to be had by the masses of
mankind. A persecuted race, provided it retains its vitality and elasticity,
receives admirable training in loyalty to its ideals. In the case of the Jews
this was a loyalty not only to race, but to religion; and religious loyalty
is the finest and most sustaining of all loyalties. The religion of the Jews
emphasizes an ideal to which the Jewish mind and heart have responded
ardently from the earliest times—the ideal of righteousness. Loyalty to
this ideal includes loyalty to race, family, religion, and all righteous persons.
The Jews believe that righteousness alone exalteth a nation, a family,
or a man.
to bodily harm, injustice, and all sorts of disaster, and under
such grievous trials have preserved their ideals. The race is now to be
put to another and severer test. In the free countries of Europe and[144]
America the Jews enjoy complete political and industrial liberty. They
were for centuries excluded from most professions, arts, and industries,
and were driven into trade and money-lending. Now all callings are open
to them. In the Middle Ages there were only a few directions in which a
successful Jew could safely spend his money. Now he can spend it in any
direction—wisely and beneficently, or foolishly and ostentatiously. Will
the race bear liberty as well as it has borne oppression? The liberty,
which is the only atmosphere in which the strongest men and women can
develop, often causes the downfall of weak-willed human beings. Rich
Jews, like other rich people, are in danger of becoming luxurious—the
more so because the race has been cut off from military service, and has
not been addicted to out-of-door sports. The worst destroyer of sound
family and national life is luxury. If the race is to meet successfully the
test of liberty, it will get over its apparent tendency of the moment towards
materialism and reliance on the power of money, hold fast to its social and
artistic idealism, and press steadily towards its intellectual and religious
ideals.
Israel and Medicine
By Sir William Osler

SIR WILLIAM OSLER
(born in Ontario, Canada,
in 1849) Regius Professor of
Medicine at Oxford and one of
the world’s leading medical
authorities; distinguished not
merely as investigator, teacher,
and practitioner, but also as
essayist and ethical teacher of
singular grace and humanity,
as shown in the volumes entitled
“Aequanimitas” and
“Counsels and Ideals.” The
present address, delivered in
London at the twenty-fifth anniversary
of the Jewish Historical
Society of England, is here
given its first publication in
this country, with Sir William’s
special authorization.
values we must remember that the quest for
righteousness is Oriental, the quest for knowledge
Occidental. With the great prophets of the
East—Moses, Isaiah, Mahomet—the word was,
“Thus saith the Lord”; with the great seers of the
West, from Thales and Aristotle to Archimedes and
Lucretius, it was “What says Nature?” They illustrate
two opposite views of man and his destiny—in
the one he is an “angelus sepultus” in a
muddy vesture of decay; in the other, he is the
“young light-hearted master” of the world, in it to
know it, and by knowing to conquer. Modern civilization
is the outcome of these two great movements
of the mind of man, who to-day is ruled in heart and
head by Israel and by Greece. From the one he has
learned responsibility to a Supreme Being, and the
love of his neighbor, in which are embraced both the
Law and the Prophets; from the other he has gathered
the promise of Eden to have dominion over the
earth on which he lives. Not that Israel is all heart,
nor Greece all head, for in estimating the human
value of the two races, intellect and science are found
in Jerusalem and beauty and truth at Athens, but in
different proportions.
one to be put in the same class with Aristotle, with Hippocrates, or
with a score of Grecians. We do not go to the Bible for science, though
we may go to Moses for instruction in some of the best methods in hygiene.
Nor is the Talmud a fountain-head in which men seek inspiration to-day
as in the works of Aristotle. I do not forget the saying:
| “In uns’rem Talmud kann man Jedes lesen, |
| Und Alles ist schon einmal dagewesen.” |
sayings about the value of science, there is not in it the spirit of Aristotle
or of Galen. It is true we find there one of the earliest instances in literature
of an accurate diagnosis confirmed post mortem. A sheep of the
Rabbi Chabiba had paralysis of the hind legs. Rabbi Jemar diagnosed
ischias, or arthritis, but Rabbina, who was called in, said that the disease
was in the spinal marrow. To settle the dispute the sheep was killed, and
Rabbina’s diagnosis was confirmed.
importance as preservers and transmitters of ancient knowledge. With
the fall of Rome the broad stream of Greek science in western Europe
entered the sud of mediævalism. It filtered through in three streams—one
in South Italy, the other in Byzantium, and a third through Islam.
At the great school of Salernum in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries,
we find important Jewish teachers; Copho II wrote the Anatomia
Porci, and Rebecca wrote on fevers and the fœtus. Jews were valued councillors
at the court of the great Emperor Frederick. With the Byzantine
stream the Jews seem to have had little to do, but the broad, clear stream
which ran through Islam is dotted thickly with Hebrew names. In the
eastern and western Caliphates and in North Africa were men who to-day
are the glory of Israel, and bright stars in the medical firmament. Three
of these stand out preëminent. The writings of Isaac Judæus, known in
the Middle Ages as Monarcha Medicorum, were prized for more than four
centuries. He had a Hippocratic belief in the powers of nature and in the
superiority of prevention to cure. He was an optimist and held strongly
to the Talmudic precept that the physician who takes nothing is worth
nothing. Rabbi ben Ezra was a universal genius and wanderer, whose
travels brought him as far as England. His philosophy of life Browning
has depicted in the well-known poem, whose beauty of diction and clarity
of thought atone for countless muddy folios.
overshadowed by his reputation as a Talmudist and philosopher, is
the Doctor Perplexorum—dux, director, demonstrator, neutrorum dubitantium
et errantium!—Moses Maimonides. Cordova boasts of three of
the greatest names in the history of Arabian medicine: Avenzoar, Albucasis,
and Averroes (Avenzoar is indeed claimed to be a Jew). Great as is the
fame of Averroes as the commentator and transmitter of Aristotle to[147]
scholastic Europe, his fame is enhanced as the teacher and inspirer of
Moses ben Maimon. Exiled from Spain, this great teacher became in
Egypt the Thomas Aquinas of Jewry, the conciliator of the Bible and the
Talmud with the philosophy of Aristotle. He remains one of Israel’s great
prophets, and while devoted to theology and philosophy, he was a distinguished
and successful practitioner of medicine and the author of many
works highly prized for nearly five centuries, some of which are still
reprinted. He says pathetically, “Although from my youth Torah was
betrothed to me and continues to live by me as the wife of my youth, in
whose love I find a constant delight, strange women, whom I took at first
into my house as her handmaids, have become her rivals and absorbed part
of my time.” The spirit of the man is manifest in his famous prayer, one
of the precious documents of our profession, worthy to be placed beside
the Hippocratic oath. It ends with: “In suffering let me always see only
my fellow creature.”[A]
of so many of the universities, Hebrew physicians took a prominent
part, particularly in the great schools of Montpelier and of Paris;
and for the next two or three centuries in Italy, in France, and in Germany,
Hebrew physicians were greatly prized. But too often the tribulations
of Israel were their lot. As one reads of the grievous persecutions they
suffered, there comes to mind the truth of Zunz’ words: “Wenn es eine
Stufenleiter von Leiden giebt, so hat Israel die hochste Staffel erstiegen.”
Their checkered career is well illustrated by the relations with the Popes,
some of whom uttered official bulls and fulminations against them, others
seem to have had a special fondness for them as body physicians. Paul III
was for years in charge of Jacob Montino, a distinguished Jewish physician,
who translated extensively from the Arabic and Hebrew into Latin,
and his edition of Averroes is dedicated to Pope Leo X. In my library
there is a copy of the letter of Pope Gregory XIII, dated March 30th,
1581, and printed in 1584, confirming the decrees of Paul IV and Pius V,
which he regrets were by no means held in observance, “but that there are
still many among Christian persons who desiring the infirmities of their
bodies be cured by illicit means, and especially by the service of Jews and
other infidels. . . .” It was at Mantua that a Jewish physician, Abraham
Conath, established a printing press, from which the first Hebrew
works were issued.
France, Germany, and Italy we meet many distinguished names in
the profession, and in his Geschichte der Jüdischen Aertz Landau pays a
very just tribute to their work. Only a few are met with in England.
Isaac Abendana, a Spaniard, practised in Oxford and lectured on Hebrew
at Magdalen College. We have at the Bodleian Jewish almanacs which lie
issued at the end of the seventeenth century, and a great Latin translation
of Mishnah. He afterwards migrated to Cambridge. A more important
author was Jacob de Castro Sarmento, a Portuguese Jew, who became
licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians in 1725, and Fellow of the
Royal Society in 1730. There is in the Bodleian an interesting broadsheet
from the Register of the London Synagogues respecting charges made
when his name was proposed at the Royal Society. He contributed many
papers to the Philosophical Transactions, and was the author of several
works. In the eighteenth century Jean Baptiste de Silva, of a Portuguese
Jewish family, became one of the leading physicians of Paris, consulting
physician to Louis XV, and the friend of Voltaire, who remarks, “C’était
un de ces médecins que Moliere n’eut ni pu ni osé rendre ridicules.” One of
the special treasures of my library is a volume of the Henriade superbly
bound by Padeloup, and a presentation copy from Voltaire to de Silva,
given me when I left Baltimore by my messmates in “The Ship of Fools”
(a dining club). Voltaire’s inscription reads as follows:
“A Monsieur Silva, Esculape François. Recevez cet hommage de votre
frère en Apollon. Ce Dieu vous a laissé son plus bel héritage, tous les
Dons de l’esprit, tous ceux de la raison, et je n’eus que des Vers, hélas, pour
mon partage.“
the Jew had a chance of reaching his full development, and he has
taken a position in the medical profession comparable to that occupied in
the palmy Arabian days of Cordova and Bagdad. In Germany particularly,
the last half of the century witnessed a remarkable outburst of
scientific activity. Traube, who may well be called the father of experimental
pathology; Henle, the distinguished anatomist and pathologist;
Valentin, the physiologist; Lebert, Remak, Romberg, Ebstein, Henoch,
have been among the clinical physicians of the very first rank. Cohnheim
was the most brilliant pathologist of his day; to Weigert pathological histology
owes an enormous debt, and, to crown all, the man whose ideas have
revolutionized modern pathology, Paul Ehrlich, is a Jew. In America[149]
Hebrew members of our profession for many years occupied a very prominent
position. The father of the profession to-day, a man universally
beloved, is Abraham Jacobi, full of years and honors; and the two most
brilliant representatives in physiology and pathology, Simon Flexner and
Jacques Loeb, carry out the splendid traditions of Traube and Henle.
I have always had a warm affection for my Jewish students, and the
friendships I have made with them have been among the special pleasures
of my life. Their success has always been a great gratification, as it has
been the just reward of earnestness and tenacity of purpose and devotion
to high ideals in science; and, I may add, a dedication of themselves as
practitioners to everything that could promote the welfare of their
patients. In the medical profession the Jews had a long and honorable
record, and among no people is all that is best in our science and art more
warmly appreciated; none in the community take more to heart the admonition
of the son of Sirach, “Give place to the physician, let him not go
from thee, for thou hast need of him.”
FOOTNOTE:
[A] I am told by authorities that the attribution of this prayer to Maimonides is doubtful.
Where is the original?
The War from a Jewish Standpoint
By Richard Gottheil

RICHARD GOTTHEIL
(born in Manchester, England,
in 1862; came to New
York in 1873), educated at
Columbia and at German Universities;
since 1887 Professor
of Semitic Languages and
Rabbinical Literature at Columbia.
Apart from his scholarly
labors, Professor Gottheil
has devoted himself body and
soul to many Jewish causes,
notably Zionism, in which he
has been a leader in America
from the beginning. He was
among the first to extend an
encouraging hand to the Menorah
movement and has responded
generously to repeated
calls to lecture before Menorah
Societies. The present article is
based upon an address recently
delivered before the Cornell
Menorah Society.
the Jews which must be faced no matter
what the consequences may be. These
problems are of two kinds, due to the fact that we
are members of a race that is scattered over the
whole earth, and the units of which are to be found
in the four corners of the globe. In this way a
double set of duties is entailed upon us. On the
one hand, we have to take our rightful place as citizens
of the different countries in which we live: to
accept all the burdens that go with such citizenship,
and to partake of the joys and sorrows that
are its inevitable accompaniment—in a word, to
take the advice of the Rabbis of old and “seek the
welfare” of the country in which we live. But this
obligation is so self-evident, and the problems
raised by it solve themselves so naturally, that they
need no further thought. In point of fact, the
patriotism of the Jews for the lands in which they
live has been demonstrated on so many occasions
that only blind ignorance or wilful misrepresentation
can call it into question. At the present moment,
in all the armies that are at the front, our
brethren are doing service even beyond their numerical
proportion.
to call attention—those Jewish problems
that concern ourselves in particular, that deal with our relations
to and with our fellow Jews—problems which I am afraid are not
always present in our minds. For one reason or another, they are apt
to be forgotten, to slip into the background through sheer negligence. Indeed,
in many cases we are fain to put them intentionally into a corner[151]
and remove them discreetly from sight. It has needed a great world event
at this time, as it has in the past, to bring many of us to reason and to a
realization of our duty. The titanic struggle in which so many of the
nations of the world are engaged has come to remind us also of our position
as Jews and to recall to us our relations with the past, our connections with
the present, and our hopes for the future. It is indeed true that none of
the great political movements that have affected the world have passed by
without in some special manner affecting the Jewish people. As we look
back through history and allow our thoughts to run down the highway of
the ages, we perceive the effects such struggles have had upon the Jew. We
think of the time when ancient Babylonia stretched out its arm from the
East to gain a foothold on the Mediterranean and to grasp the power of the
world. What was the effect upon the Jews? The Babylonian captivity.
Many hundreds of years after, Rome—the Babylonia of the West—lunged
out toward the East in the same search for universal dominion; and we still
observe the Ninth of Ab in commemoration of the destruction of the Temple
at Jerusalem. Again some centuries passed us by, and we come to the inevitable
conflict between Christianity and the rising power of Islam. Who
was it but our own Jews who suffered most as the crusading hordes moved
through Europe—our own Jews who were driven before them from the
Rhine into what at a later time became the great national Ghetto in Poland?
And now in this twentieth century, as a people, and in proportion to its
numbers, which body of men, women and children is paying the most exacting
toll to the forces of destiny? Again it is the Jew.
for the Belgian land. Yet how much greater has been the suffering
of the Jewish people—the Belgians not of a day but of all history? In
Eastern Europe, in Poland, in Galicia and in parts of Russia, at least two
or three millions of Jews have suffered from the ravages of a war waged
with a bitterness that exceeds all bounds. Invading armies have passed and
re-passed over their homes—miserable as they were even in times of peace.
False accusations have been launched against them so that they have been
regarded as enemies by both sides and treated as such. Thousands have
been driven from their homes to congest villages already filled to overflowing
or to increase the want and suffering indigenous to towns and cities.
An amount of anguish and pain has been caused such as the Jews have
never known in all their long tramp through the ages. What have we done,
we Jews in America, to assuage even a part of this pain? What measures
have we in view, when once the war shall be over, to regain for these people
the possibility of living, to bring back for them a little of that which they
have lost through no fault of their own and in no cause which is theirs? In[152]
most cases the only right permitted to them is the right to suffer, and they
must in addition pay the price of that suffering. As we think of all these
circumstances, is it not proper and meet that we should ponder the whole
situation in which we Jews find ourselves today?
I believe that it is eminently the moment to do so. We refuse to believe
that the great waste of human life and energy now going on in Europe
is a waste pure and simple. We refuse to believe that some purification is
not to result from the fire through which mankind is passing, and that some
sanity in handling human affairs is not to follow the evident insanity with
which we are now confronted. Something a little more stable because a
little more reasonable must appear at the end to replace the inconstancy
and unrest which have up to now characterized the relations of peoples to
each other. And as we hope this for the world at large, we are hopeful too
that full attention will be given to those problems which concern the Jews
specifically. I wish then to indicate the chief among these problems, in
order that we may ourselves see clearly the road that must be taken.
Jews in Russia. Quite apart from any consideration of the general
problems affecting that country, the case of the Jews in Russia and Poland
demands a settlement that shall make existence bearable for them, and
which at the same time shall not run counter to the real and vital interests
of the Russian people. Nay more; such existence must not only be bearable.
It must be of a kind that will place the Jews upon a level with the
other inhabitants of the Empire and will give them the necessary opportunity
to develop whatever talents or capabilities they possess. It is not
for us to prescribe in what manner and by what means this shall be accomplished;
and I use the word “must” not in the sense that any compulsion
is to be applied to Russia in this respect, but rather as an expression of
the certainty that the trial through which the Czar’s land is now passing is
of such a kind as to purge her necessarily of all traces of national and
religious intolerance. This feeling cannot be expressed in better words than
those used by M. Bourtzeff, the well-known reactionary, when he said, “We
are convinced that after this war there will no longer be any room for
political reaction and Russia will be associated with the existing group of
cultured and civilized countries.”
Proof that such feelings are making their way among the most intelligent
portion of the Russian population is shown by the remarkable
document put forth some weeks ago over the signatures of noted Christian
professors, litterateurs, and members of the Duma, in which the plea is made
for the removal of all restrictions that at present shackle the Jews. “Let[153]
us understand,” they say, “that the welfare and the power of Russia are
inseparably bound up with the welfare and liberties of all the nationalities
that constitute the whole Empire. Let us then conceive this truth. Let
us act in accordance with our intelligence and our conscience, and then we
are sure that the disappearance of all kinds of persecution of the Jews and
their complete emancipation, so as to be our equals in all rights of citizenship,
will form one of the conditions of a real constructive imperial policy.”
And we are the more persuaded that these views will prevail when we remember
that Russia has been brought into closer contact with just those
nations of Europe where Jewish emancipation has been most perfect and
has brought forth the best fruits. It is unthinkable that these nations
should fail to put their influence on the side of Jewish freedom in Russia
when European accounts are finally balanced.[B]
of necessity include Roumania. The injustice of the Government’s
attitude in that country is even more pronounced than it is in Russia. For
Roumania is bound to a certain course by a “scrap of paper.” At the Berlin
Congress of 1878, one of the conditions upon which statehood was granted
to Roumania was that the rights of free citizenship should be conferred
upon the Jewish inhabitants in the principality—who, it may be remarked
in passing, were among the oldest residents there. Roumania gave her solemn
promise to carry out this condition; but by political subterfuge of the
most brazen kind she has circumvented the whole spirit of the demand. The
Roumanian Chamber passed a law to the effect that only Jews who had been
naturalized by it were entitled to citizenship; and as the Chamber refused[154]
to naturalize more than a handful each year, the provisions of the Berlin
Treaty have been as good as void. When quite recently—in 1913—during
the progress of the last Balkan War and prior to the intervention of Roumania,
the Roumanian Jews volunteered to serve in large numbers, the proposal
was brought forward to grant the rights of citizenship to all Jews
who had entered the army. Yet this proposal was voted down; and the
condition of the Jews has remained as it was prior to 1878. They are inhabitants
in a country, subject to its laws, liable to all duties placed upon
citizens—but they are themselves prohibited from becoming citizens. It is
intolerable that such a condition should be allowed to continue; and if right
is to take the place of might in the inevitable re-arrangement of the community
of European nations, the status of the Roumanian Jews must be
one of the Jewish problems to be solved.
even transcends the two just mentioned; transcends because of the
interest that attaches to it and because of its vital import to every Jew the
world over. I refer to the problem of Palestine, which is wrapt up with
the very existence of the Jews and which symbolizes the hopes that have
been nurtured throughout the centuries. We know that the Jew in his inevitable
march westward has kept his face turned towards the East; that in
prayer and in meditation his gaze has rested upon that country which
enshrined at one and the same time his origin and his future aspirations.
It is true that up to within some forty years that aspiration remained in
large part a pious wish; and that though it was cherished as coming to
realization “quickly and in our day,” very few attempts were put through
to arm the Almighty with human effort. At best, God-fearing and pious
Jews removed to Palestine, either to immerse themselves there in study and
contemplation, or to end their days in the odor of sanctity.
But the last twenty-five years have witnessed a conscious effort to
make of Palestine a rallying point for the Jewish people, a place where
Jewish life may be lived to its fullest extent and which may serve as a
beacon light to all parts of the Diaspora. Many a waste place has been
made to blossom again; and much of the culture and learning acquired by
the Jews in the long centuries of toil and effort has been made available
to revivify the Land of Promise. With infinite pains and untold sacrifices
the Jewish pioneers went forward in their peaceful effort to regain the soil
of their forefathers. Colonies have been founded there; primary schools,
high schools and technical institutions have been established, and many of
the forces have been started that make the foundation for a permanent
settlement. This conscious effort can not have been put forth in vain.
Palestine represents the goal of our endeavor. And any settlement after[155]
the war that has in view the general problems involved will be forced to
take cognizance of the just hopes that we Jews place in the future of that
country and the just rights that the Jewish people believe they possess and
have acquired there. The form in which such rights shall be expressed is
not a matter for discussion at present. The fact alone is of importance.
In the past the world has applauded the fight made by the Poles for their
national existence; it has followed with interest the Greek War of Independence,
the Italian striving for unity, the Irish endeavors for racial
autonomy, and the Alsatian effort after independent expression. It must
and will appreciate and esteem the attempt made by the Jews to re-fashion
their anomalous status and to re-create the statehood that they lost nearly
two thousand years ago.
our own immediate affairs, and meets those interests which we have
in common with the rest of humankind. Much as we deplore the wanton
destruction of property, much as we bewail the reckless loss of life, we
mourn especially the diminution of ethical standards and the perversion of
our whole outlook on life. For this means the lapse of much for which our
own teachers have stood, the forfeit of many a principle which has been
dear to the Jewish heart. Let me touch lightly upon three points out of
the many that come to mind.
First of all, what we must deplore most is the defiance to law and to
its reign which has become so marked a characteristic during the present
war. The agreements arrived at in conventions, the bases of treaties, the
binding character of compacts, and the sanctity of engagements—all seem
to have been thrown into one melting pot. The mere fact that the expression
“a scrap of paper” has become a household word, bandied about by
orators and scribblers, shows the distance we have descended into the abyss.
The whole structure of our international relations seems to have fallen to
the ground and the labored work of centuries to have been undone in a few
months. Now, the Jews have been from the earliest times a people that
have laid the greatest possible stress upon the rule of law; so much so,
that their own laws were supposed to have divine sanction. In olden Jewish
times everything was regulated by law—man’s relation to his fellow men,
to the state, and to God; to such a degree that we have been blamed often
for being a law-ridden people. We cannot, therefore, remain oblivious to
the fact that the sanctity of law has now been rudely called into question
and its authority greatly weakened. As Jews we must be deeply concerned
in assisting the European world back to a full consciousness of the majesty
and eminence of the rule of law.
But more than that, it was part of our earliest teaching that “thou[156]
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.” What clouds of hatred have not been
blown from one line of trenches to the other! What volumes of spleen
have not been sent from one country to the other! In countless speeches,
in newspapers and in books, the doctrines of dislike, of animosity, of deepest
malice have been preached. Men have been taught to look upon certain
neighbors as born enemies, to see in those who do not speak their own
tongue not only a stranger but an enemy. Back of the soldiers under arms,
back of the cannons with their deadly missiles, stand millions of loathing
men and women shooting darts of odium that reach further than any shell
and that are more poisonous than any gas. When shall we be able once
again to preach the beautiful teaching of the prophet, “Have we not all
one Father; hath not one God created us all?”
And lastly, we must bear in mind that the Jews have been opposed
from of old to the rule and reign of might as represented by the God of
War. In a syllabus on the history of the Peace Movement just published
by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, it is passing strange
to find that the Old Testament is entirely overlooked and that from the
first point, “The Cosmopolitan Ideal among the Greek Philosophers,” the
jump is made at once to the second, “Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace.”
And yet we know that in the outlook of our greatest teachers and philosophers
the vision of peace loomed large and powerful. “Ye shall not
teach war any more,” said one of our greatest. And for another the true
sign of his prophetic mission is that he preached peace. How sadly these
teachings have been belied in the present war we know only too well.
human race only with the concomitance of war. What wonder—when
modern teachers have preached just such a necessity? Even so great a
religious leader as Luther said, “War is a business divine in itself, and is
as necessary as eating or drinking or any other work.” Should we then
wonder that a historian such as von Treitschke has added, “War is the
last revealer of power. God will see to it that war always recurs as a
drastic medicine for the human race,”—or that another historian, Delbrueck,
should have said, “What beauty was to the Greek, holiness to the
Hebrew, government to the Romans; what liberty is to the Englishman, war
is to the Prussian.” Nietzsche, one of the greatest of modern apostles,
has based many of his theories upon “a violent repudiation of any faith or
tradition which recognizes a power of right and justice lying beyond our
impulsive nature; an identification of self-restraint with degeneracy and
of self-assertion with health; a search for happiness in the conquest of
others rather than in self-conquest; a substitution of the Will to Power for
the Darwinian Will to Live, with the consequent intensification of the unconscious[157]
and instinctive struggle for existence into a battle for conscious
mastery; and a sharpening of the competition of life, with its self-observed
rules of fair play or its traditionally imposed limitations, into a glorification
of war as the supreme test of strength, obtaining its justification in
success.”
In a very remarkable article which appeared in the Nineteenth Century
for last September, written by a man evidently most religiously minded,
appears the following: “Is the heart of England still strong to bear and
to resolve and to endure? How shall we know? By the test? What test?
That which God has given for the trial of people—the test of war. The real
court, the only court in which this case can and will be tried, is the court of
God. This twentieth century will see that trial, and whichever people shall
have in it the greater soul of righteousness will be the victor. The discovery
that Christianity is incompatible with the military spirit is made only among
decaying people. While the nation is still vigorous, while its population is
expanding, while the blood in its veins is strong, then on this hope no
scruples are felt. But when its energies begin to wither, when self-indulgence
takes the place of self-sacrifice, when its sons and daughters become
degenerate, then it is that a spurious and bastard humanitarianism masquerading
as religion declares war to be an anachronism and a barbaric sin.”
can be dealt with in a very few words. These words have already been
given to us in the twentieth chapter of Exodus: “If thou wilt make an altar,
thou shalt not wave thy sword over it; for if thou wavest thy sword over it
thou hast polluted it.” It has been emphasized by the prophet Jeremiah
when he said, “Let not the wise man glory in his wisdom, neither let the
mighty man glory in his might. Let not the rich man glory in his riches; but
let him that glorieth, glory in this, that he understandeth and knoweth Me,
that I am the Lord who exerciseth loving kindness, judgment and righteousness
on the earth.” To this I will add only one single word of the Rabbis:
“The whole Torah exists solely for the sake of the ways of peace.” This
ideal of peace has been the guiding star of Israel for which the Jew has
prayed morning, noon and night, and I trust that the young men of the
Menorah will be true to that which the Menorah typifies, and will assist in
the spreading of its light by upholding the reign of law, the reign of love,
and the reign of peace.
FOOTNOTE:
[B] In the last number of The Menorah Journal, Mr. Jacob H. Schiff ventured to suggest
the reverse influence, and to intimate that the association of England with Russia
was having an adverse effect upon the Jews in England. While Mr. Schiff does not tell
us upon what evidence he bases his views, I venture to guess that it consists largely of the
mistrust and ill-will caused in England by a small coterie of German-born bankers and
their following. But Mr. Schiff must know that this ill-will is in no way connected with
the fact that the men referred to are members of the Jewish race. Most of them have
never taken the least interest in Jewish affairs, some even have ostentatiously kept themselves
quite apart from any connection with them. And what is more, the feeling against
them is shared by Jews as well as by non-Jews in England.
Perhaps more serious still is Mr. Schiff’s presentment concerning German anti-Semitism.
To speak simply of “a certain anti-Semitic tendency in Germany” is to coat the
truth with so much honey as almost to reverse its meaning. Anti-Semitism in Germany,
and especially in Prussia, has kept the Jews far from any positions of importance in
university life, on the bench, and in all state and military affairs. And to add that the
war “will crush out most of this anti-Semitic tendency” is to fly in the very face of well-ascertained
and authenticated facts of very recent occurrence. In Harper’s Weekly for
February 6th of this year (p. 122), a series of such facts is adduced. Nor can Mr. Schiff
forget that forced conversion away from the Jewish faith and communion has nowhere
taken on the dangerous proportions it has in the Fatherland. Russia, it is true, has martyred
many Jewish bodies; German “Kultur” has quenched too many Jewish souls. History
will have to decide which has done the greater hurt to the Jewish cause.
O Sweet Anemones
By Jessie E. Sampter
This Song is one of a series put into the mouth of a nationalist
Pharisee of Jerusalem living through the times of the coming of Jesus to
Jerusalem and the later development or perversion of Jesus’ ideals by Paul.
| O sweet anemones on Sharon’s plain, |
| Light dancing seraphim of sun and rain, |
| Was he not one of us, was he not ours? |
| And yet he saved not us, O crimson flowers! |
| As stars that bloom in heaven, full-bloom and still, |
| As native stags that leap from hill to hill, |
| As you, dear blossom-stars, on native plains, |
| So planted here, with God, our home remains. |
| I, too, would perish here, where he has died, |
| But felled by horse and spear, not crucified; |
| I, man of peace, would pour, O Rock of God, |
| My freedom or my blood on Zion’s sod. |
| When pagans sweep thy fields with withering blast, |
| My heart is sanctified to death at last; |
| Its taste is honey-sweet within my mouth, |
| For we that drink with God can dread no drouth. |
| O sweet anemones on Sharon’s plain, |
| A spring shall come for us, to bloom again,— |
| To God a day, to us a thousand years,— |
| Who still remembers, lives, refreshed with tears. |
“Paths of Pleasantness”
The Study of the Jewish Law
By David Werner Amram
“Her paths are paths of pleasantness, and all her
ways are peace. She is a tree of life to those that lay
fast hold on her, and happy is every one that retaineth
her.”—Prov. 3:17, 18.

DAVID WERNER AMRAM (born in Philadelphia,
1866), educated at the
University of Pennsylvania,
has been Lecturer and since
1912 Professor of Law in the
University of Pennsylvania
Law School. Professor Amram
has published books and
articles not only on common
law topics but on interesting
subjects in Jewish legal lore
and belles-lettres, among his
books being: “The Jewish Law
of Divorce,” “Leading Cases in
the Bible,” and “The Makers
of Hebrew Books in Italy.”
managed to survive endless misery
and persecution during eighteen centuries
of dispersion and protect themselves from the continuous
bombardment of their social and moral
citadels was by taking refuge in the study of the
law. The study and observance of the law, both
civil and religious, saved the Jews from degeneration
and vulgarization, and preserved for them the
humanizing memories of the thoughts and deeds of
their forebears. Through their common interest
in the law and its study they kept in touch with one
another throughout the lands of their dispersion,
they kept alive their feeling of brotherhood and the
memory of their ancient independence, and translated
this memory into a hope for the re-establishment
of the State, a hope which has never died.
in the opprobrious sense that they are a people who deal according
to hard and strict rules, untouched by the qualities of love and mercy.
Properly understood, however, the term “the people of the law” is
a title of honor, one of which we may well be proud. As used in our
literature and by our people, “law” signifies something more than civil
and criminal jurisprudence. It is our word “Torah,” meaning doctrine,
teaching, including not only what is generally known as law but also what
is known as ethics. The people of the law is the people that studies the[160]
great thoughts of its great men of all times, and adopts them as rules of
life which it becomes a duty and a pleasure to obey. The people of the law
is the people that in the midst of a world of chaos in which nation fought
nation with the weapons of death, sat in communion with a past world from
which came such messages as this: “Attend to me, O my people: and give
ear unto me, O my nation: for a law shall go forth from me, and I will make
my judgment to rest for a light to the peoples. . . . . Hearken unto
me, ye that know righteousness, the people in whose heart is my law; fear
ye not the reproach of men, neither be ye dismayed at their revilings. For
the moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat them
like wool: but my righteousness shall be forever and my salvation unto all
generations.” Righteousness was the aspect of Deity that appealed to
the second Isaiah, and it was he that spoke words of comfort to our people
in all the days of their endless tribulations. The certain faith in the
ultimate success of right sustained them throughout the centuries and constitutes
their strength to-day. This is the law that was handed down to
them from of old, the law of right, which though often broken, often forgotten,
was always found again and cherished as the one thing worth while
in a world torn by the brutal instincts in man—instincts which the law had
chained and sought to make harmless.
So we may well cling to our title of the people of the law, remembering
that it does not mean merely Nomos, as the Hellenized Jews mistranslated
Torah, but legal and ethical doctrine and knowledge in its broadest sense,
and that it is the people of the law that have always shown their love of
knowledge and found it “a tree of life to those that lay fast hold on it.”
Some ancient Jewish mystic said that the sword and the book came out of
heaven together and Israel had to choose. Israel did choose and thereafter
dreamed of days when swords would be beaten into ploughshares.
part of the synagogue service, thus educating the people to know
their law, the very phrases of which by constant reference and repetition
became part of their daily vocabulary. The origin of this custom of
reading the law in the synagogue may probably be found in the Biblical
references to the great convocations when King and scribe read the law
to the assembled people.
The effect of the dispersion of the Jews was to give a peculiar sacredness
to the law as the sole heritage of their earlier and happier days. In
most of the lands of their dispersion, the Jews dwelt a race apart, separated
from the rest of the community by mutual prejudices and antagonisms.
The soil on which they dwelt was so far as ultimate overlordship was concerned
the land of the stranger, but nevertheless in a very definite and[161]
special sense it was the Jews’ own land. For it was a land in which the law
of the stranger was not the law. The law of the land of their dispersion
was not the law of the owner of the soil but the law of the Jews. In this
sense the Ghettos of Italy and the Gassen of Germany were not so much
Italian and German soil as they were Jewish. As by the modern fiction
of extraterritoriality the home of an Ambassador is considered part of his
own national territory, so these exclusively Jewish settlements were colonies
of Judæa planted on foreign soil. They were separated from the
rest of the land by visible or invisible walls, and within these walls, hardly
touched by the influences that were at work shaping the life around them,
the ancient law of the Jews was preserved and handed down from generation
to generation. Hence during the Middle Ages the student of the law
became the most important member of the community, and all the energy
of the community that was not required to outwit the constant menace of
brutal force and religious persecution was devoted to the cultivation of
the law and of the literature that it gave rise to.
It should be noted, however, that since the beginning of the Talmudic
period, the civil law developed in certain directions only, because after all
the Jewish people had no land of their own in the usual sense and no central
authority and were constantly moving from place to place, always
subject to persecution. Some branches of their law were entirely neglected
and others abnormally developed.
professors of the law schools, received a long professional training.
The course of study lasted seven years, at the end of which, having passed
their examination successfully, the graduates were eligible to assignment
as judges in the lower courts, from which they were promoted to act as
associate judges in the great Synhedrion and eventually might hope to
attain the dignity of full synhedrial membership. These judicial dignitaries
were obliged to be well versed in the languages, law and customs of
the contemporary peoples, especially in the laws of the Greeks and Romans.
Great academies of the law flourished in Palestine and still greater ones in
Babylonia, the latter eventually supplanting the former. These academies
called for the enthusiastic encomium of one Talmudist who said, “God
created these academies in order that the promise might be fulfilled that
the word of God should not depart from Israel’s mouth.”
The law students met twice a year in assembly for examination. Their
studies were pursued at home, except in the months of Elul and Adar when
they went up to the Assembly. Here they were arranged in classes and
under the direction of their masters heard lectures and discussed the subject
matter presented to them topically. At these Assemblies actual questions[162]
of law were submitted from Jewish communities all over the Jewish
world, and the solutions to these problems were prepared and forwarded
by the great masters. In addition to these professional schools there were
everywhere general schools or, as we might say, high schools connected
with the synagogues. It is a tribute to the importance that was ascribed
to the high schools in later generations that their origin was projected
back to the days of the Flood when Shem and Eber established a law school
in which subsequently Isaac, Jacob, and Rebecca heard lectures. It will
be noted that according to this bit of folklore Rebecca was the first woman
law student. The same fancy which invented this most ancient of the
schools, also invented the law school which Judah built for Jacob in Egypt,
and the school established by Moses in which he and Aaron were the professors
and Joshua was the janitor.
study of the law. The entire tribe of Issachar was said to have
devoted itself to the study of the law, the merchant tribe of Zebulon furnishing
the means of support. God himself, according to another mystic,
was a professor in the celestial law school in which He taught the law to the
souls of all the righteous, in that heaven which they conceived of as a place
where the law might be perpetually studied; and even while the Temple was
still standing and sacrifices were being offered, the Jewish teachers used to
say that God does not require burnt offerings but the study of His law.
From all of these traditions it will be seen that to the ancients the
study of the law was the chief end of man. The Jew never considered
ignorance to be bliss and has little sympathy with the religious ideal of
many non-Jewish people that religion is more important than knowledge.
One of the great masters even went so far as to say that the ignorant man
cannot be pious. It was Simon the Just, one of the survivors of the Men
of the Great Synagogue, who said that the world stands upon three things,
the law, the service of God, and charity, and he put the law first, for the
first duty of a man is to observe the law. He must be just before he can be
charitable.
At one time it was sought to place some limitations upon the right
to become a student of law, and herein the schools of Hillel and Shammai
differed. Hillel was the democrat who held that all persons, without
exception, should enjoy the privilege of studying law; Shammai was
the intellectual aristocrat who sought to limit this privilege to those who
were wise, modest, of ample means and of goodly parentage, thereby establishing
rules similar to those that obtain in the best modern law schools,
which require a collegiate education as a preliminary to admission; but
Shammai went further in that he required the students to be wise and[163]
modest as well as persons of good breeding and of ample fortune. Just
how many of our modern law students could meet these requirements is a
question upon which I have no statistics. On this very matter of the
proper qualifications for admission to the privilege of studying law, we
have heard much in our time. Perhaps a contribution to the subject from
the old and somewhat neglected Code of the Mishnah would not be inappropriate.
The Mishnah says:
by thirty qualifications, priesthood by four and twenty,
but the law by eight and forty, and they are as follows: Study, attention,
utterance, understanding, reverence, veneration, modesty, cheerfulness and
purity, service of the wise, choice of associates, debate with fellow students,
deliberation in study of Bible and Mishnah, a minimum of business, a minimum
of worldly pursuits, a minimum of pleasure, a minimum of sleep,
a minimum of talk, a minimum of jesting, forbearance, kindliness, faith in
the wise, resignation in suffering, knowing one’s place, satisfaction with
one’s lot, bridling one’s words, refraining from self-complacency, amiability,
loving the Creator, loving His creatures, loving righteousness, loving
equity, loving reproof, eschewing worldly honor, not being puffed up by
learning nor delighting in laying down the law, helping one’s neighbor bear
the yoke, inclining toward a favorable judgment of others, steadfast in the
truth, steadfast for peace, concentration in study, asking, answering, listening,
enlarging, learning with a view to teach, learning with a view to act, enabling
one’s teacher to become wiser, thoroughly understanding what one
hears, and repeating every dictum in the name of him who uttered it.”
I recommend this list of qualifications to the consideration of modern
teachers and students as well as to those who are concerned with the preparation
of a code of legal ethics for the profession.
The Jews loved the law and respected it and they honored its expounders
and administrators. They do not believe that the world can be made
over or made better by any man or by any preaching. They are by instinct
conservative, holding on with tenacity to the ideas and institutions
that have grown up in past times and that are expressions of the needs of
society and of its adjustment to the forces that play upon it. This is why
the law, which is the embodiment of these conservative forces, meets with
their respect and allegiance, why its study was cultivated with such zeal
in the past, and why in our own day it still finds so large a percentage of
votaries among the sons of our people.
The Jewish Genius in Literature
A Study of Three Modern Men of Letters
By Edward Chauncey Baldwin

EDWARD CHAUNCEY BALDWIN (born in Cornwall,
Conn., 1870), Assistant
Professor of English in the
University of Illinois, has
taken a special and scholarly
interest in the contributions of
the Jews to civilization, on
which subject he has written a
notable book entitled “Our
Modern Debt to Israel,” besides
articles in various periodicals.
He is an honorary member
of the Illinois Menorah
Society, evincing a warm sympathy
with the Menorah aims
and actively coöperating in the
Menorah work.
has impressed me with the fact that
every Jewish man of letters has attained
his fame by virtue of qualities that are essentially
Jewish. In other words, we cannot fully understand
the work of even modern Jewish literary men unless
we know the fundamental qualities of Jewish genius.
To illustrate what is meant by this assertion,
we may consider briefly the work of three
nineteenth century Jewish authors—Heine, Beaconsfield,
and Zangwill. These men are apparently
wholly different; and yet they attained literary eminence
through qualities or mind and heart which
we have learned to associate with the race from
which they sprang.
first rank that Germany can boast between
the death of Goethe in 1832 and the advent of
the younger generation of dramatists, Sudermann,
Hauptmann, and the rest, sixty years later. To
free himself from such a limitation as his Jewish
birth seemed to him to be, and with the more specific object, it is said, of
securing a government position in Prussia, Heine allowed himself to become
a convert to Christianity. “Judaism,” he said, “is not a religion; it is a
misfortune.” His conversion, however, failed to profit him. He lost the
fellowship of his own people, and was contemptuously called “the Jew”
by his enemies. In a sense, the designation was entirely just. A Jew at
heart Heine remained to the day of his death. On his death bed, speaking
of the Jews he said: “Queer people this! Downtrodden for thousands of
years, weeping always, suffering always, abandoned always by its God, yet[165]
clinging to him tenaciously, loyally, as no other under the sun. Oh, if
martyrdom, patience, and faith in spite of trial can confer a patent of
nobility, then this people is noble beyond any other. It would have been
absurd and petty if, as people accuse me, I had been ashamed of being a
Jew.”
Not only was Heine a Jew in his instinctive racial sympathies, but
his work bears the indelible impress of Judaism. It is a distinctively Jewish
product. In it appear the buoyancy of spirit which sustained him
under suffering that would have crushed a less resilient temper; the intellectual
arrogance; the proneness to censure rather than to commend; and
especially the excessive self-consciousness;—all these distinctively Jewish
traits were in him exaggerated and helped to make his work what it was.
It is his self-consciousness, in particular, that made his Buch der Lieder his
best production. In that remarkable collection of lyrics Heine appears at
his best, because the ability to compose songs that are the spontaneous
utterance of emotion, at one and the same time personal and representative,
is a Hebrew heritage. The Hebrew genius was essentially lyric, rather than
epic or dramatic; and in consequence, the lyrics of ancient Hebrew literature
are its chief glory. In proof of this, we have but to recall the dirges
and triumph songs, the reflective lyrics, and the liturgical hymns that compose
the collection we know as the Psalms. The excellence of both the old
Hebrew lyrics and of Heine’s Lieder is to be found in the extraordinary
subjectivity of the Hebrew temper—the racial fondness for impassioned,
yet artistic, self-expression.
Yet Heine’s Jewish traits are evident not only in the subjectivity of
his lyrics, but in the new and richer character that he gave to the German
Lied. This, hitherto vague and dreamy, became in his hands startlingly
concrete and definite. And this is true even when he expresses the most
subtle feelings. Always the most evanescent Stimmung, not less than
moods more primitively simple, find expression in metaphors so sensuously
material as to recall Solomon’s Song. Compare a typical lyric of Heine,
such as the following:
| Die Rose, die Lilie, die Taube, die Sonne |
| Die liebt’ ich alle in Liebeswonne, |
| Ich lieb’ sie nicht mehr, ich liebe allein |
| Die Kleine, die Feine, die Reine, die Eine; |
| Sie selber, aller Liebe Bronne, |
| Ist Rose und Lilie und Taube und Sonne |
| Behold thou art fair, my love; |
| Behold thou art fair; |
| Thine eyes are as doves. |
| Behold thou art fair, my beloved |
| [166]Yea, thou art pleasant: |
| And our couch is green. |
| The beams of our house are cedars, |
| And our rafters are firs. |
| I am a rose of Sharon, |
| A lily of the valleys. |
| As a lily among thorns, |
| So is my love among the daughters.[C] |
for the ultimate source of Heine’s Oriental exuberance and materialization,
so new to German literature, we must look in Jewish not in European
culture.
have known exactly what to make of him. Professor Francke says
(History of German Literature, p. 526) that Heine “produced hardly a
single poem which fathoms the depths of life.” This assertion seems
scarcely defensible in view of such poems as the following:
| Wo wird einst des Wandermüden |
| Letzte Ruhestatte sein? |
| Unter Palmen in dem Süden? |
| Unter Linden an dem Rhein? |
| Werd’ ich wo in einer Wüste |
| Eingescharrt von fremder Hand? |
| Oder ruh’ ich an der Küste |
| Eines Meeres in dem Sand? |
| Immerhin! Mich wird umgeben |
| Gotteshimmel, dort wie hier, |
| Und als Todtenlampen schweben |
| Nachts die Sterne über mir. |
To find an equally beautiful expression of faith in God as a universal
spiritual presence that transcends all space relations, we must go back to
the anonymous Jewish poet who wrote the psalm in which occur the lines:
| “Whither shall I go from thy spirit? |
| And whither shall I flee from thy presence? |
| If I ascend up into heaven, thou art there: |
| If I make my bed in Sheol, behold thou art there. |
| If I take the wings of the morning |
| And dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea; |
| Even there shall thy hand lead me, |
| And thy right hand shall hold me. |
| [167]If I say, Surely the darkness shall cover me, |
| And the light about me shall be night; |
| Even the darkness hideth me not from thee; |
| But the night shineth as the day. |
| For the darkness and the light are both alike to thee.” |
product of a rarely gifted people—a people with a unique genius for
religion.[D]
fifteenth century to avoid the horrors of the Inquisition. Upon their
escape, in gratitude to the God of Jacob who had sustained them through
unheard of trials, they adopted the name Disraeli, in order that their race
might be forever recognized. Of such a family Benjamin Disraeli was a
worthy representative. He never was ashamed of his race. On the contrary,
he gloried in it, and lost no opportunity to put forth the claim of
his people to be the true aristocracy of the earth. “Has not the Jew the
oldest blood and the finest genius of the world?” he asks. And again, in
one of his books (Tancred, 1847), he says, “The Jews are of the purest
race; the chosen people; they are the aristocracy of nature.”
It is Disraeli’s Jewish characteristics that have bewildered and sometimes
offended his critics. He has been charged with insincerity because
he was so clever, and because he wrote with a kind of Oriental exuberance
that was to him entirely natural and a part of his Jewish heritage. Gilfillan
is the only critic, so far as I know, who has recognized that Disraeli’s
excellences, and his defects as well, were racial rather than individual.
Speaking of his Oriental fancy and cleverness, Gilfillan says: “Disraeli
has a fine fancy, soaring up at intervals into high imagination, and making
him a genuine child of that nation from whom came forth the loftiest, richest,
and most impassioned songs the earth has ever witnessed—the nation of
Isaiah, Ezekiel, Solomon, and Job. He has little humor, but a vast deal
of diamond-pointed wit.”[E]
product. It is satiric. Now satire was the form taken by Jewish
wit in the Middle Ages as a result of the hard conditions under which the
Jews lived. As one modern Jew has said, “The Jews seized the weapon of
wit, since they were interdicted the use of every other weapon.” With[168]
every door closed in hostility against them, there was little they could do
but laugh with bitter irony at their fate, and with savage satire at their
oppressors. With such an ancestry as this behind him, it is not to be wondered
at that Disraeli’s wit is scornful, and that he excelled in personal
satire and invective. It was never, however, unprovoked. Disraeli never
indulged in personal satire or invective except in his own defence. For
example, his mockingly ironical reply to the attack of a member of the
House of Commons named Roebuck, which was one of the most effective
rejoinders Disraeli ever made, was in answer to a most virulent arraignment
of his political motives. “I have always felt,” he said, “that in this world
you must bear a great deal, and that even in this indulgent, though dignified,
assembly, where we endeavor so far as possible to carry on public
affairs without any unnecessary acerbity—still we must occasionally submit
to some things which the rules of this house do not permit. I could,
no doubt, have vindicated my character; but that would only have made
the honorable member from Bath speak once or twice more, and really
I have never any wish to hear him. I have had the most corrupt motives
imputed to me. But I know how true it is that a tree must produce its
fruit—that a crab-tree will bring forth crab apples, and that a man of
meagre and acid mind, who writes a pamphlet or makes a speech, must make
a meagre and acid pamphlet or a poor and sour speech. Let things, then,
take their course.”
allusion. Nearly all of his most popular novels—and this was one
of the main reasons for their phenomenal popularity—were thinly veiled
representations of Disraeli’s own contemporaries, who were easily recognizable
by the reading public. Take, for instance, the admirable burlesque
entitled Ixion in Heaven, where the author tells how Ixion, king of Thessaly,
having fallen into disrepute on earth, was taken up into heaven by
Jupiter and feasted by the gods. Here Jupiter is really George the
Fourth and Apollo is the poet Byron. The latter’s pose of gloomy misanthropy,
as well as his habit of fasting to keep from growing fat, are admirably
satirized in the following dialogue:
“You eat nothing, Apollo,” said Ceres.
“Nor drink,” said Neptune.
“To eat, to drink, what is it but to live; and what is life but death. . . .
I refresh myself now only with soda-water and biscuits. Ganymede,
bring some.”
Now this fondness for veiled allusion is distinctly a Hebrew characteristic.
The Arabs today have a saying, “as fond of a veiled allusion as
a Hebrew.” This has always been a Hebrew trait. I suppose no literature[169]
of any people consists so largely of allegory, in proportion to its bulk, as
does the Hebrew. In proof of this assertion, one needs but to allude to the
vogue in post-exilic Judaism of the Apocalypse, in which contemporary history
was presented in the form of allegory, and to the Rabbinical fondness
for the allegorical interpretation of the Scriptures. So it would not be difficult
to show that not only these qualities I have mentioned, but all the
qualities that made Disraeli admired or feared were his by virtue of his
Jewish inheritance.
a process of philosophic induction, but at first hand, because he is a
Jew by birth and breeding. He, unlike Heine, has never tried to conceal
the fact that he is a Jew. In Israel Zangwill all the tenderness and sympathy,
all the tenacity, the suppleness and adaptability, and it may be added,
the baffling inconsistencies of his race appear.
Inconsistent he certainly is. He has been an ardent Zionist, and in his
story “Transitional” (from They That Walk in Darkness) he seems to
hold that assimilation will never solve the Jewish problem; yet in The Melting
Pot he obviously regards assimilation as the inevitable and desirable
end of Judaism.
In spite of his inconsistencies, Zangwill is one in whom the ancient
ideals of Israel live again. It is in the spirit of the prophets that he wrote
The War God (1912). This play, with all its faults as an acting drama,
is nevertheless a remarkable document, voicing, as it does, on the very eve
of the breaking down of European civilization, the old prophetic protest
against the brutality and waste of war.
This protest dates back to at least the ninth century b.c. It may
not be generally known that it was a Hebrew prophet who first advocated
the humane treatment of prisoners of war. The story is told in the Second
Book of Kings that when a band of marauding Syrians were corralled
in Samaria, the “king of Israel said unto Elisha, when he saw them,
‘My father, shall I smite them? Shall I smite them?’ And he answered,
‘Thou shalt not smite them: wouldst thou smite those whom thou has taken
captive with thy sword and with thy bow? Set bread and water before
them, that they may eat and drink, and go to their master.’ And he prepared
great provision for them: and when they had eaten and drunk, he
sent them away, and they went to their master. So the bands of Syria came
no more into the land of Israel” (2 Kings 6:1-23). Again, Amos, in the
eighth century, in his arraignment of the sins of the nations, pronounces
God’s severest judgments upon Damascus, Edom, Ammon, and Moab for
their cruelty in war. The charge against Edom, for example, is that “he
did pursue his brother with the sword, and did cast off all pity, and his[170]
anger did tear perpetually, and he kept his wrath forever.” And the later
prophets’ visions of the Messianic age include as the brightest feature of
that wished-for time the prediction that then “the nations shall not learn
war any more.”
Of such a spirit Mr. Zangwill’s play The War God is an expression.
It is a satire upon militarism, but a satire without exaggeration. The arguments
employed to justify the maintenance of a huge army and navy are
not a whit more absurd than the fallacies which have been put forth for a
generation by those who would justify the maintenance of armaments.
These so-called arguments are presented by “the Chancellor” who represents
Bismarck, and by the king of Gothia, in whom we may easily recognize
the Russian Czar. “Dominance,” roars the Chancellor,—
| “There rings the password of the universe. |
| Who knows it, he is free of every camp. |
| Equality, your level, endless cornfield, |
| However fat and fair and golden-stalked, |
| Would set us pining for the snow-topped peaks |
| And barren glaciers. Life is fight, thank God! |
| Take war away and men would sink to molluscs, |
| Limpets that wait the tide to wash them food. |
| The nations would grow foul with lazy feeling. |
| What heaven loves is breeds with life a-tingle, |
| Swift-gliding, flashing, darting death at rivals, |
| Men fearing God and with no other fear. |
| Thus were the Albans, now the turn is ours |
| To be the chosen people of Jehovah.” |
In opposition to such militarists stands Count Frithiof, in whom we
may easily see the lineaments of Tolstoi. His motto is, “Resist not evil,
but reform yourself.” In answer to the Chancellor’s declaration, “To safeguard
peace, we must prepare for war,” he replies,
| “I know that maxim; it was forged in hell. |
| This wealth of ships and guns inflames the vulgar |
| And makes the very war it guards against. |
| How often, as the mighty master said, the sight |
| Of means to do ill deeds makes ill deeds done.” |
the Chancellor’s secretary. Through his astuteness in managing the
Chancellor, he has hitherto moulded public policy according to his own will.
Finally, near the end of the play, he denounces Christian civilization in a
passage worthy of quotation:
| “Man wins the realm of air and might have been |
| An eagle with a soul; you make him harpy, |
| More murderous than dragons of the ooze. |
| I tell you, we outsiders see the game, |
| We Jews, who bidden rise beyond the code |
| Of eye for eye, must rub both eyes to see |
| Not e’en eye-justice done in Christendom, |
| Whose cannon thunder ‘gainst both God and Christ.” |
So might have spoken one of the ancient prophets of his race. Indeed
Amos, amid the orgies of the autumn festival at Bethel, did speak in the
same spirit when he denounced the formal service of worshippers who
ignored the claims of social justice. “Seek good and not evil,” cries Amos,
“that ye may live; and so the Lord, the God of hosts, shall be with you,
as ye say. Hate the evil, and love the good, and establish judgment
(justice) in the gate. It may be that the Lord God of hosts will be gracious
unto the remnant of Joseph.”
So it is evident that even the literary work of modern Jews can be
understood and appreciated only as an expression of the characteristics of
the Jewish race. In this modern Jewish literature appears the exuberance,
the emotional intensity, and the love of social justice that were characteristic
also of ancient Hebrew literature as written by prophet, priest, and
sage.
indeed, than Israel’s literature as a whole, of which they are a part,
is the life of this people, of which their literature is the record. We speak
of a nation’s literature as great if it possesses three or four tragedies that
are classics. Hamlet, Othello, Macbeth and King Lear would, for example,
be sufficient to justify the title “great” as applied to English literature.
What shall we say, then, as some one has suggested, of this people who for
more than twenty centuries have lived a tragedy more pathetic than any
the world’s literature can show? Job has always seemed to me a type of
the Jewish race. We recall that majestic picture in the thirty-first chapter,
where Job stands up on his ash-mound, robbed of his wealth, bereaved
of his children, deserted by his wife, suffering the agonies of a loathsome
and incurable disease, and cast off, as it seems to him, by the very God in
whom he trusted, and yet, in the face of poverty, and bereavement, and
mortal pain, and bewildered isolation, asserts his own unchanged and unalterable
belief that righteousness is salvation.
Similarly Israel, through the long centuries of its tragic history, has
stood on the ash-mound of its national humiliation. Plundered, vilified,
and persecuted, a nation of sorrows, and acquainted with grief, from whom
men have hid their faces in aversion not concealed, Israel has yet clung with[172]
a grip that nothing could weaken nor dislodge to the fundamental idea that
religion—the right relation of man to God—was not creed nor ritual, but
simply doing justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly with God.
We have been looking backward at the literary accomplishment of
three Jewish men of genius. It is, I believe, a fault of modern Judaism to
look backward instead of forward, as if the glory of Israel had indeed departed,
and as if nothing were left but to look back with pride and regret
upon what has passed like a dream away. But I believe Jews may look forward
now with confident hope toward the years that are to be. That Israel
has completely played its role—that it has finished its service to the world—cannot
for a moment entertain. Surely no one who believes in a philosophy
of history, who sees in human history more than a meaningless and
unrelated succession of events, can think that Israel has been preserved
through centuries of discipline for no end whatever. On the contrary, we
must believe that Israel has still a mission. What that mission is to be we
cannot now foretell. We of this generation are looking upon the breaking
down of European civilization. Some of us hope and expect that when the
smoke of battle has cleared away there will gradually be built up a new and
better social order. In this constructive work of rebuilding, who is better
fitted to take a prominent part than the Jew, with his noble heritage of
ideals, his passion for social justice? Jews may well rejoice as they
reflect upon what individual members of their race have through literature
contributed to the emancipation of the human spirit. And they may rejoice
also in the hope of what Israel may yet accomplish in the years that
are to be.
FOOTNOTES:
[C] Song of Songs, 1:15-2:2.
[D] An adequate and sympathetic treatment of Heine’s work as a Jewish poet may be
found in Heinrich Heine als Dichter Judentums von Georg J. Plotke (Dresden, 1913).
[E] George Gilfillan, Third Gallery of Literary Portraits, p. 360.
Jochanan ben Zakkai
By Abraham M. Simon

ABRAHAM M. SIMON
(born in Kalvaria, Russian-Poland,
in 1886; came to
America in 1904) received his
A.B. with honors from Harvard
College in 1910, and his
M.A. from the University of
Pennsylvania in 1911. During
1910-11 he was a Fellow in the
Dropsie College for Hebrew
and Cognate Learning of Philadelphia,
and he spent the summer
of 1911 at the Bodleian
Library at Oxford and the Bibliothèque
Nationale in Paris,
reading and copying Arabic
manuscripts. In 1913 he won
his Ph.D. in Semitics at the
University of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Simon was one of the original
members of the Harvard
Menorah Society, and read a
Hebrew poem Ner Yisrael
(“The Light of Israel”) at the
dedicatory exercises of the
Society.
Jewish nation disrupted. Jerusalem was
taken; the Temple had become a ruin.
The last vestige of independence seemed to have been
wiped out. All who had taken up arms were either
dead, or enslaved, or banished. The infuriated Roman
conquerors had spared neither the women nor
the children. It seemed as if Judaism had breathed
her last in that terrible year 70. Sadduceeism
was annihilated; the Zealots were exterminated; the
austere sentiment of the Pharisees, continually looking
back to ancient customs and institutions, tried
to assert itself. It is no longer permitted, they announced,
to eat meat or drink wine, now that the
Temple has fallen, because animals can no longer be
sacrificed on the holy altars, nor wine offered there
as a drink-offering. By such asceticism, these Pharisees
of the strict school would have caused the destruction
of Judaism. But there was a Hillelite still
alive—a man who had inherited the spirit of Hillel,
who rated conviction higher than ceremony, and
consulted the times more than the ancient forms. It
was he who kept the remnants together in close
union, and did not permit the spirit to vanish, although
the material bond was broken. This Hillelite
was Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai.
Hillel to continue his policy, Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai was especially
distinguished. Before his death, Hillel is said to have designated
Jochanan as “the father of wisdom,” and “the father of the coming generation.”
Tradition divides Jochanan’s life, like Hillel’s, into three periods[174]
of forty years each. The first forty years were spent in mercantile
pursuits; in the second he studied; and in the third he taught and managed
the affairs of the Jewish spiritual community.
Even before the destruction of Jerusalem, Jochanan’s fame had
spread far and wide. He was a member of the Synhedrion and taught
the holy law within the shadow of the Temple. His school was called the
“Great House,” and was the scene of many incidents which formed the subjects
for anecdote and legend. He was the first man who successfully combatted
the Sadducees, and who knew how to refute their arguments, which
were partly religious and partly juridical. But Jochanan’s great fame was
chiefly due to the influence which he afterwards exercised at Jabneh.
party of peace when the Romans laid siege to Jerusalem, and on
several occasions urged the nation, and in particular his nephew, ben Betiach,
the leader of the Zealots, to surrender the city. “Why do you desire
to destroy the city, and give up the Temple to the flames?” said he
to the leaders of the revolution. But his well meant admonitions were disregarded
by the “war party.” When he saw the end approaching, and
recognized that all was lost, he determined to leave the doomed city. He
counselled with his foremost disciples, Eliezer ben Hyrkanos, Joshua ben
Chananja and others. It was decided that Rabbi Jochanan should leave
the city, go to the Roman general, and plead for those people who had no
share in the rebellion. But to depart from the city was extremely dangerous,
as the Zealots kept up a constant watch and slew all who attempted
to leave. Rabbi Jochanan, therefore, caused a rumor to be spread of his
sudden sickness and later of his death. Having been placed in a coffin he
was carried to the city gates, at the hour of sunset, by his pupils Eliezer
and Joshua. When the funeral procession approached, it was stopped at
the gate within.
“Whose body do you carry here?” asked the Hebrew guard.
“We are carrying the crown of Israel, the body of our master, Rabbi
Jochanan ben Zakkai,” they answered in tears.
The captain of the guards was affected.
“Open the gates, men, and let them pass,” the captain ordered.
“Are you sure, captain, that Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai is dead?”
exclaimed one of the soldiers. “Maybe they are taking away a living
traitor. I will make sure that he is dead.”
He raised his dagger to strike at the shrouded form of the Rabbi.
“Hold, soldier!” cried the captain; “to dishonor the body of the
saint would be a sin for which all Israel would have to atone. Open the
gates and let them pass in peace.”[175]
The fanatic reluctantly desisted; the gate was opened and the procession
passed through.
Vespasian received the fugitive in a friendly manner, the more since,
like Josephus, Jochanan prophesied imperial honors for the general.
Asked to name the favor he desired, Rabbi Jochanan, instead of seeking
personal gain, requested permission to establish a school at Jabneh (or,
as the place is sometimes called, Jamnia), where he could continue to give
his lectures to his disciples. The request was granted, and thereupon
Jochanan settled with his disciples in Jabneh, there to await the issue of
events.
What could Vespasian have thought of Rabbi Jochanan when he made
his request? Any one else bearing such prophecies might have asked for
gold, honor, great political preferments, while this Hebrew sage asked
simply for a corner where he could study undisturbed. How could the
Hebrew nation exist when the leaders, their great men, lacked ambition?
Little did Vespasian dream that his granting of the Rabbi’s modest request
would undo the whole work of the Roman conquest.
news of the fall of Jerusalem and the burning of the Temple.
Although he had foreseen the calamity, yet the news crushed the soul of the
great master. He and his disciples tore their garments and for seven days
wept and mourned in sackcloth and ashes. Jochanan, however, did not
despair, for he recognized the truth that Judaism was not indissolubly
bound with its Temple and its altar. He saw a new spiritual Temple emerge
from the ruins and smoke of the old one; he beheld Judaism rising to a
higher plane, offering faith, love, truth and happiness to all humanity.
He comforted his colleagues and disciples by reminding them that Judaism
still existed. “My children,” he said, “weep not, and dry your tears;
the Romans have destroyed the material Temple, but the true altar of
God, the true place of forgiveness, they could not destroy, and it is with
us yet. Would you know where? Behold, in the homes of the poor, there
is the altar; love, charity, mercy, and justice are the offerings, the sweet
incense which pleases the Lord more than any sacrifice, as it is written:
For I take pleasure in mercy and not in burnt offerings.” The next step
taken by Rabbi Jochanan and his friends was to convoke a Synhedrion at
Jabneh, of which he was at once chosen president. With no opposition,
Jabneh took the place of Jerusalem, and became the religious national center
for the dispersed community. It enjoyed the same religious privileges
as Jerusalem. All the important functions of the Synhedrion, by which it
exercised a judicial and uniting power over the distant congregations, proceeded
from Jabneh.[176]
Rabbi Jochanan’s motto was: “If thou hast learnt much Torah,
ascribe not any merit to thyself, for thereunto wast thou created.”
He found his real calling in the study of the Law. His knowledge was
spoken of reverently as though it included the whole cycle of Jewish learning.
And not only the Law but many languages of the Gentiles occupied
the active mind of Rabbi Jochanan. The following description of him is
handed down to us by tradition: “He had never been known to engage
in any profane conversation. He had always been the first to enter the
Academy. He never allowed himself, wittingly or unwittingly, to be overtaken
by sleep while in the Academy. He had never gone a distance of four
cubits without meditating on the Torah and without phylacteries. No one
ever found him engaged in anything but study. He always lectured in
person to his pupils. He never taught anything which he did not hear from
his masters. He had never been heard to say that it was time to leave the
Academy.” He advised a certain family in Jerusalem, the members of
which died young, to occupy itself with the study of the Torah, so as to
mitigate the curse of dying in the prime of life.
of Halachic Judaism, founded by the great master Hillel, rather
than as an originator or independent thinker. Hillel, the most respected
of all the teachers of the Law, had given to Judaism a special garb
and form. He had drawn the Law from the midst of contending sects into
the quiet precincts of the Beth-Hamidrash, and labored to bring into harmony
those precepts which were apparently opposed to one another in the
Law. Rabbi Jochanan employed and developed Hillel’s method. Like
Hillel, he was also liberal in his general views. Thus he seems to have frequently
engaged in discussions with heathens. And such was his general
affability and courtesy to all that no man was ever known to have anticipated
his salutations. The Haggadic tradition connects numerous and
various sayings with the name of Rabbi Jochanan. The Haggadah was a
peculiarly fascinating branch of study. Abounding in brilliant sallies,
displays of ingenuity, and wonderful stories, it gave special scope for the
cleverness and the rich imagination of the lecturers. By it a Halachah
might be illustrated, or a passage of Scripture commented upon in a novel
fashion. Without binding himself to any strict exegetical principles, the
Haggadist would bring almost anything out of the text, and interweave his
comment with legends. At the same time, the Haggadah remained only
the personal saying of the individual teacher, and its value depended upon
his learning and reputation, or upon the names which he could quote in
support of his statements.
In this manner Rabbi Jochanan explained many laws and rendered[177]
them comprehensible, when they seemed obscure or extraordinary. Rabbi
Jochanan’s view of piety corresponded with his teaching that Job’s piety
was not based on the love of God, but on the fear of God. To love God;
to serve Him out of love and not out of fear; to study the law continually,
and to have a good heart—these were the essentials of a pious man. He
once saw the daughter of Nakdimon ben Gurion picking up a scanty nourishment
of barley-corn from among the hoofs of the horses of the enemy.
When he recognized the woman, he broke out in tears and told his companion
how he had signed her marriage contract as a witness when her
father gave her one million golden dinars, besides the wealth she received
from her father-in-law. Then the old sage exclaimed: “Unhappy nation,
you would not serve God, therefore you must serve your enemies; you
would not offer half a shekel for the Temple, therefore you must pay thirty
times as much to the institutions of your conquerors; you refused to keep
the woods and paths in order for the pilgrims, therefore you must build
roads and bridges for the Roman soldiers; and in you is fulfilled the
prophecy: Because thou servest not the Lord with joyfulness, and with
gladness of heart, by reason of abundance of all things, therefore shalt thou
serve thy enemies, which the Lord shall send against thee, in hunger and in
thirst and in nakedness and in want of all things.”
beloved son was taken from him by death, and the soul of the
father was filled with grief. His five famous scholars came to offer sympathy
and consolation. One recalled the sorrow that Adam had endured
when he looked at the body of his murdered son. Another one urged the
example of Job; a third, that of Aaron, the brother of Moses; a fourth,
that of David, King of Israel.
“My sons,” said the stricken father, “how can the sufferings of others
alleviate my sorrow?” But Eliezer ben Aroch, the most famous of his
scholars, then spoke to him and said:
“A certain man had a priceless jewel entrusted to him. He watched
it by day and by night for its safe keeping, but was always troubled by the
thought that he might lose it. When, therefore, the owner of the jewel
came to take it back, the man was happy, because he no longer had to fear
for the safety of the precious jewel. Even so, dear master, thou shouldst
rejoice when thou hast given thy son to God, who trusted thee with him,
since thou hast returned him in his innocence as thou didst first receive
him.”
“My son,” said the master, “thou hast truly comforted me.”
When Rabbi Jochanan was nigh to death, his colleagues and disciples
gathered round him in sorrow and trembling.[178]
“Master, Light of Israel!” they exclaimed. “Why weepest thou?”
And the master answered: “If they were about to lead me before a
king of flesh and blood, who today is and tomorrow is in the grave—if he
were wroth with me, his wrath were not eternal; if he should put me in
chains, his chains were not eternal; if he should put me to death, that death
would not be eternal; I might appease him with words or bribe him with
gifts. But now they are about to lead me before the King of kings, the
Holy One, blessed be He, who lives and remains through all eternity. If
He is wroth with me, His wrath is eternal; if He casts me into chains, His
chains are eternal; if He puts me to death, it is eternal death; Him no
words can appease, no gifts soften. And further, there are two ways—one
to hell, one to Paradise; and I know not which way they will lead me. Is
there not cause for tears?”
Asked to give his disciples a last blessing, he told them:
“Fear God even as ye fear men.”
His disciples seemed disappointed, whereupon he added:
“He who would commit a sin first looks around to discover whether
any man sees him; so take ye heed that God’s all seeing eye see not the sinful
thought in your heart.”
His death occurred only a few years after the destruction of the Temple.
But in that short time he saved Judaism, and the impress he left upon
Israel is evident from the famous dictum of the Talmud: “With the death
of Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai the light of wisdom was quenched.” And
many still believe that none like him—scholar and diplomat—has since
arisen in Israel.
Editors’ Note.—The first sketch in this series
on Jewish Worthies, Dr. Moses Hyamson’s study of
“Golden-Rule Hillel,” appeared in our April number.
The third in the series will be on Rabbi Akiba.
Zionism: A Menorah Prize Essay
By Marvin M. Lowenthal
Menorah Prize at the University
of Wisconsin last year. In the
first part, printed in our April issue,
the author reviews the status of the
Jews in medieval Europe and describes
the effects upon the Jews of
the razing of the Ghetto walls and the
play of the modern forces of Emancipation,
Enlightenment, Nationalism,
and Anti-Semitism. In the
situation resulting, the author distinguishes
between the “Jewish problem”
(“an immediate concrete maladjustment
where life and property
are imperiled”), existing chiefly in
Eastern Europe, and the “Jewish
position” (“a social, cultural, or
spiritual disharmony or repression”),
prevailing in Western Europe
and America. After rejecting Reform
Judaism and the “palliative
measures” of philanthropy as answers
to the situation, the author proceeds
in this concluding instalment to
a consideration of the third alternative,
namely, “re-establishment of a
national center where, perhaps not
the entire people, but a remnant can
be saved.”
through charity, and the effort to
assimilate and yet keep the essentials
apart, are ineffectual has been shown. There remains
the third possibility—Zionism. To a
consideration of its theoretic background this
section will be devoted. Although a natural commingling
is unavoidable, Zionism presents three
distinguishable aspects—as (1) a creative vision,
(2) a solution, (3) a fulfillment.
the proverbial goose to the proverbial gander.
Nationalism is the partial cause, or at least
the excuse, for making the modern position of the
Jew in Europe untenable; nationalism for the
Jew becomes a means of evacuating the position.
Europe has intimated to the Jew that it can get
along without him; the Jew now proposes to
show that he can get along without Europe.
Nationalism is nothing new to the Jew; from the final dispersion in 70
C. E., through the universalism of the Roman Empire and later of the
Roman Church, the national ideal, as indicated in our introduction,
was religiously preserved; but its modern practical form first arose
among the leaders of the Chovevei Zion movement in the middle of
the last century. The “Rom und Jerusalem” of Moses Hess (1862),
“Die Verjüngen des Jüdischen Stammes” of Graetz, the Jewish historian
[180](1864), the “Hashachar” of Smolenskin (1869), the “Auto-Emancipation”
of Dr. Leo Pinsker (1882) clearly foreshadowed the final and effective
expression of political Zionism—namely, “The Jewish State,” published
by Herzl in 1896.
that polity was indispensable for effecting the true mission of Israel—for
the realization of the religious, social, or ethical ideal; conceiving Israel,
as did Reform Judaism, to be its own Messiah, not fated, however, to
remain a minutely scattered leaven among nations who condemned or destroyed
it, but destined according to the prophetic promise to re-establish
itself upon Zion;[2] convinced that a true assimilating of the fruits of
emancipation in contradistinction to an imitating of Gentile culture could
only be effected by an emancipation from within, by an auto-emancipation;[3]
the vision of a Jewish State grew into outline. To the consummation
of the picture, a wealth of economic, scientific, and cultural inspiration
has been devoted. Herzl and his predecessors selected the stone which
had been rejected by the philanthropists and the earnest, but mistaken,
builders of Reform Judaism in their efforts to create a fit habitation for
the European Jew; and lo! it has become the chief corner-stone.
To assure the foundation, to justify the conception of a Jewish State,
a number of powerful arguments other than above indicated have been
brought to bear. The problem of race was attacked,[4] and a consequent
demolition of the basis of Reform Judaism undertaken, whereby the racial
identity of the Jew became demonstrated and a comparative racial purity
established. In turn, the claim of the anti-Semites that the Jewish race
indeed existed, but to the peril of Western civilization, received scientific
annihilation. At the most, the Aryan race was proclaimed a myth and
Teutonic superiority a lie;[5] at the least, a justification of the Jewish race
was achieved upon its contribution to civilization: in metaphysics, of the
vision of reality in flux; in morals, the conception of the value of the individual;
in religion, the conception of Jehovah as a moral-arbiter; in culture,
a literature of basic inspiration for the western world.[6]
either crushed by force or dissipated by freedom, raises on one
hand the next question for creative Zionism, and constitutes on the other
the problem which Zionism in its aspect as a “solution” assails. The
question: Has this race, facing destruction, a moral right to survival?
is in the instinctive, Darwinian sense unnecessary. Every race has a right
to survive if it can prove its right by surviving; however, like most evolutionary
thinking, this is tautological. Nevertheless, an affirmative answer[7]
has been advanced, based on the conception of values recognized since Aristotle;
whereby was demonstrated the intrinsic value of the Jews as witnessed
by their virility and capacity for an intelligent enjoyment of life,
which their social customs, religious ideals, and cultural ethos have created
for them, and which have won for them the title “Am Olam,” the perpetual
people; and their instrumental value in the preservation and enrichment of
life for the Western world at large, as witnessed by their contributions to
civilization outlined above.
To the final question: How may the destruction facing a race, worth
the saving, be averted? the Zionists, as already shown, answer: Let us establish
a Jewish State. It now remains to explain how this answer can be
made effective.
of the State, Palestine was decided upon at the First Zionist
Congress for the following practical reasons:[8]
1. Palestine is, of inhabitable and sufficiently uninhabited lands, the
nearest to Russia and Roumania, where the greatest number of Jews are
undergoing physical suffering.
2. It is not ruled by Christians, and penal discriminatory laws against
Jews are not there in force.
3. Conditions of Oriental life are in accord with the stage and condition
of life reached by Jews in Eastern Europe.
4. The country is already somewhat of a Jewish center.
5. Jews are more familiar with the language spoken there than with
any West European language.
6. Palestine for sentimental reasons has a power of attraction that
would operate practically upon Jews wishing to emigrate, and a power
of inspiration which would flower in equally practical works when once
Jews were established there.
Zionism, as a “solution,” sets forth, in the program of this Congress,
four ways to achieve its object:[9]
1. To promote the settlement of Jewish agriculturalists, handicraftsmen,
industrialists, and professional men. This would offer an asylum
for the persecuted Jew and assure him of an independent livelihood, and
so simultaneously relieve suffering, starving Jewry—the immediate phase
of the problem—and afford a substantial basis for the prosperity and ensuing
civilization of the State.
2. To centralize the Jewish people by means of general institutions
agreeable to the laws of the land. By institutions are meant banking-houses,
schools, etc., which would promote the welfare of the people and
render the growth of a culture more unconstrained.
3. To strengthen Jewish national self-consciousness and national sentiment;—this
to be accomplished by the establishment of newspapers and
societies throughout the world, so as to secure the aid or interest of the
Jew who does not want to assimilate in behalf of a national center, and
offer a road of return to the Jew who has become assimilated at the cost of
his spiritual happiness.
4. To obtain the sanctions of Governments necessary for carrying
out the objects of Zionism. This demand for legal assurances, for a charter
if possible, distinguishes political Zionism in the matter of means from
the mere small-scale colonizing efforts of the philanthropists and the
Chovevei Zion societies, precisely as the very conception of a State distinguishes
it in the matter of ends. In the words of Herzl, “We do not
wish to smuggle in any settlers, and above all, we do not wish to bring about
any ‘accomplished facts’ without preliminary agreement. We have absolutely
no interest in bringing about an economic strengthening of Turkey
without a corresponding compensation. The whole thing is to be accomplished
according to the simplest usage in the world: ‘do ut des.’ We
Zionists think it more foolish than noble to settle colonists without any
legal and political guarantees.”[10]
Opportunist Zionists, the chief representative of whom is Israel
Zangwill,[11] who in his eagerness to relieve the Jewish problem has become
impatient with the slow and seemingly fruitless political progress, and who
desires to lead his people to any vacant, habitable territory rather than
wait for a charter in Zion. Other leaders in the movement, such as Ussischkin,
contend that until the charter is granted, colonization in Palestine[183]
should continue, both to satisfy the Jewish demand for emigration
and to give weight to the justice and necessity for autonomy.
In sum, the establishing of Zion, while in process, will rescue the sorely
oppressed, magnetize and concentrate the interests of Jewry at large, and
force the issue of suicide or salvation upon the race; and the establishment
of the State, once accomplished, will rejuvenate a people. “They
shall revive as the grain and blossom as the vine; the scent thereof shall
be as the wine of Lebanon.” (Hosea 14.7). In the Zionist vision, assured
not by the prophecies, but by the achievements of a glorious past, this new
wine, ripening and enriching its flavor in a cup that had long been bitter,
will be partaken of by the nations, Jew and Gentile. Jewish culture in
its widest sense, embracing the realization of ethical, social, and artistic
ideals, nourished by a people living again a homogeneous, autonomous,
national life free as it has not been for eighteen centuries from outward
pressure—a life imperative for the production of culture—will go forth
as a pure vintage, taking its place with the vintages of other nations, to
satisfy the soul in dry places and make strong the bones; and over this
new wine a new Kiddush may perhaps be spoken. The Reform Jew, the
“assimilated” Jew, who finds himself to-day in what we have nominated
a position, in a conscious or unconscious inspiration and pride induced
by the resurrection of a motherland, as the German in America is inspired
by his national unity in Europe, will indeed find his soul satisfied in dry
places, and can more generously and effectively contribute to the welfare
of the fatherland of which he is a citizen. The Jew who walks in the darkness
of a Russia, where his situation is a problem and where existence itself
is threatened, will discover in this reawakened motherland a hope and
possibly a material aid which will make strong his bones that he may endure
until emancipation.
otherwise, have brought their own tints to add to the rosy prospect,
and these we have designated to be Zionism as a “fulfillment.” Just prior
to the birth of these United States, Thomas Paine, who in a few respects
was the Herzl of the new republic, rapturously exclaimed in his pamphlet
Commonsense: “We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A
situation similar to the present hath not happened since the days of
Noah!” Stimulated by the potentialities of an empty country and a great
race eager to reoccupy it, modern theorists have likewise, and with some
reason, discovered in Palestine a land of promise.
Basing their faith in the inherent demand for social justice which
racial genius, as witnessed in the Deuteronomic experiment and the whole
social trend of the prophetic writings, has created as a permanent characteristic[184]
of the Jew and which the injustice of centuries has accentuated,
a group of Jewish socialists have entered the Zionist cause in the hope of
establishing a form of the communistic principle as a foundation for the
new society. The communistic ownership of land is particularly urged.
Past experiments of this nature—the Brook Farm and the French Commune
as a small and a large example—have failed partly for lack of scientific
guidance and sufficient exact knowledge of actual conditions, and
partly because of the social unfitness of the participants. Social Zionism,
however, has secured for its director an acknowledged authority in communistic
economics, Dr. Franz Oppenheimer of the University of Berlin;
and it is counting on the Jewish heritage of social instinct to furnish the
proper human material for its purpose. Amos, the herdsman of Tekoa,
who came down from his mountain in 750 B. C. to storm at the capitalistic
greed of Israel, raised the first plea in history for social justice. The successful
consummation of the prophet’s ideal in the new Israel would be a
contribution to the world distinctly Hebraic and possibly the most valuable
of the modern Jew.
revival” should be the desideratum of the Zionists. Spiritual is of
course not used in the restricted religious sense, but as the opposite of
material. Although Ahad Ha-‘Am concedes the establishment of a center
in Palestine to be a necessity, he considers it only a means to the end of
an “awakening” of spiritual forces in art, morals, and national consciousness
among Jewry at large; and, to hasten this end, he urges the establishment
of a University, an art-school, and bands of workers in the spirit—poets,
painters, and all manner of creators—for he conceives the Jews not
to be a young race who must climb from satisfying the needs of the belly to
the needs of the brain, but an old people who can and must satisfy both
demands together.[13]
Finally, the great mass of European Jewry, who weep on the Ninth of
Ab, who send their pittance to the Jews of the Holy City in order that
they may devote their days to lamenting at the old Wall, who pray each
Passover “next year at Jerusalem,” and who treasure their little casket
of Palestinian earth, which some day will be placed over their shroud, look
to Zionism as a “fulfillment” in its literal, Biblical meaning. Although
the yearning for such a fulfillment may never be satisfied, it constitutes
the impelling force, the prime motive, behind the people who are to settle
once again in Canaan, and who are the stuff of which the philosophers’
dreams are to be made.
The opportunists who work for the day when the plowman shall overtake
the reaper, the politicals who plan that the house of Jacob may possess
its possessions, the culturals who behold upon the mountain the feet
of him who bringeth glad tidings, the socialists who strive to draw righteousness
and peace within kissing distance, and the devout who pray that
out of Zion shall go forth the Law, are all intermingling composites of the
Zionist dream. That the dream is not in vain, there is no positive assurance;
but somewhere it is written that Palestine is the Land of Promise.
practical people, such as the Jews, surrounded by an equally
sophisticated world, have not marched upon Jerusalem with the flag-flying
alacrity of the Crusaders. However, their sophistication has substituted
for speed a broad measure of surety; and a summary of the organization
of the movement and the work accomplished within and without Palestine
gives promise that, if the will behind Zionism be sustained, the Jews who
wail at the Wall may profitably direct their energies elsewhere.
The Zionist organization comprises all Jews who subscribe to the Zionist
program and pay the annual contribution, known as a shekel, varying
from 15 cents to 25 cents in different countries. The program is that
formulated at the First Zionist Congress (Basel, 1897): “to obtain for
the Jewish people a publicly recognized and legally assured home in Palestine.”
The members are grouped in local societies which, in turn, are
organized into national federations, to be found at present in Argentina,
Belgium, Bukowina, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia-Slavonia-Herzegovina,
Egypt, England, France, Galicia, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy,
Roumania, Russia, South Africa, Switzerland, Turkey, and the United
States. Unfederated societies exist in Palestine, Morocco, Servia, Sweden,
Denmark, Greece, China, Brazil, Australia, and New Zealand.[14] In
short, the atlas is practically exhausted. With a representation proportional
to the number of shekel-payers, a Congress convenes bi-annually in
a central European city (usually Basel), resolves, and prosecutes all work
incumbent upon the furtherance of Zionist purpose. The executive power,
although formerly invested in a president, is now exercised, since the death
of Herzl (1904) and the resignation of Wolffsohn, by a commission of
five, acting as the head of a committee of twenty-five, who constitute a
permanent body meeting at intervals between the sessions of Congress.[15]
The Congress itself is divided into party-groups, based on policy, and
representative of the different theoretic elements that guide the movement.
The original Government party, which stood shoulder to Herzl in his[186]
brilliant but unsuccessful diplomatic schemes to secure a charter from the
Sultan, upon the overthrow of the autocracy in Turkey (1908), has
abandoned purely political Zionism, for the expedient reason that the
Young Turk government has naturally been reticent in the granting of
broad concessions. Political Zionism, of which Max Nordau and David
Wolffsohn[F] are the leading protagonists, has through the accidents of
Turkish politics been rendered ineffective; and the actual work of Zionism
rests now upon the policies of the Opportunist wing, although the creation
of a State, autonomous in as great a degree as possible, is the cardinal
aim of the Zionists, and must be, in order to distinguish the movement from
a large-scale philanthropy.[16]
Zangwill who urged immediate colonization anywhere, and the
Ziyyone Zionists (Zionists toward Zion) who favored immediate settlement
in Palestine. The first party broke from the Zionist movement at the
Seventh Congress, instituted the Jewish Territorial Organization (ITO),
and have vainly devoted their energies toward securing lands in North,
East, and West Africa, Mesapotamia, and Australia.[17] The Ziyyone
Zionists, however, possess the controlling vote, and in the last Congress
(1913) annulled the Basel program, temporarily at least, by securing from
the Congress a recognition of the work of settlement in Palestine as the
primary task.[18]
Socialistic Zionism is represented by the Po’ale Zion, a small but vigorous
group, who are endeavoring to secure at least the adoption of the
communistic ownership of land in the pursuance of the Opportunist program.
Dr. Franz Oppenheimer, lecturer in economics at the University of
Berlin, has recently issued a pamphlet disclosing the success of the Merchavia
Colony, a co-operative settlement near Nazareth, and demonstrating
that the only practical method of achieving large-scale colonization is by
this means.[19]
Strong in numbers and in influence, the Mizrachi party represents the
orthodox wing of Jewry, who “believe a faithful adherence to the Torah
and Tradition in all matters pertaining to Jewish life constitute the duty
of the Jewish people.”[20] In the assemblage of futurists, the Mizrachi[187]
stands as the spirit of the past, to whom all plans must be justified, and
whose power has its source in the religious fervor of the majority of eastern
Jews.
Finally, the Cultural Zionists may be said to find representation in all
parties, for the furtherance of spirituality is inseparably bound up in the
aims of every Zionist.
seeking accomplishment are (1) the Jewish Colonial Trust,[21]
incorporated as a limited company in London (1899) with a capital stock
of $20,000,000 and a paid-up capital of $1,324,000; (2) the Anglo-Palestine
Company,[22] an offshoot of the Colonial Trust, with a paid-up capital
of $500,000, which finances Zionist undertakings in Palestine, and
declares annual dividends of 4 1-6 per cent.; (3) the Anglo-Levantine
Banking Company,[23] the financial institution of the Zionists devoted to
their undertakings in the remainder of Turkey, with a capital of $125,000
declaring 6 per cent. returns; (4) the Jewish National Fund,[24] whose
object is to acquire land in Palestine as the inalienable property of the
entire Jewish people, with a capital of $650,000 raised by individual contributions;
(5) the Palestine Land Development Company,[25] with a registered
capital of $87,500, organized for the purpose of (a) acquiring,
improving, and dividing into small holdings large Palestinian estates, (b)
laying out and cultivating intensive crops, (c) systematically settling and
training agricultural laborers in Palestine.
Of late the Jewish Colonization Association, which is backed by the
forty-million dollar fund of Baron de Hirsch, is co-operating with the
Zionists in the purchase of Palestinian land to be administered by the Palestine
Land Development Company.[26]
The actual achievements, which these instruments have been the means
of effecting, may be summarized in two classes—Palestinian and non-Palestinian.
In both fields, the several branches of Zionist aims have borne
fruit.
wailed at the Wall, and lived miserably on the alms (the Chalukah)
of pious Jewry at large. In 1911 the Jews comprised 100,000 out of a[188]
total population of 700,000. In Jerusalem are 50,000 Jews, 7,000 at
Tiberias, 8,000 at Safed, and 10,000 at Jaffa. A large proportion, it is
true, are settlers of the Ghetto type, but the young generation is rapidly
being changed by the growing school-system.[27]
Numbering about fifty, Jewish agricultural colonies extend the length
of the Holy Land and support some 5,000 Jews in their yield of olives,
dates, wine, sugar, cotton, grain, and cattle. Broad streets, clean homes
with gardens, and orchard land characterize the standard of living in the
colonies, as machinery and agricultural school students characterize their
modern standard of gaining their livelihood.[28] A constantly increasing
number of emigrants are streaming into the Holy Land, although the
Zionists are devoting their main endeavors toward firmly establishing the
resident inhabitants and bettering their condition. On April 3, 1914, the
London Jewish Chronicle reported the emigration from the single port of
Odessa as numbering 250 persons a week.[29]
In 1886, $1,800,000 of trade passed out through Jaffa, the port of
Palestine; in 1909, the value of the exports rose to $7,500,000.[30] Rischon-le-Zion,
the oldest colony and containing 500 inhabitants, annually produces,
alone, more than a million gallons of wine.[31]
The schools of the older class—Talmud Torah and Yeshibah—still
dominate; but, following the example of the Alliance Israelite, a modern
type of school with a modern curriculum taught in Hebrew has been established
in every colony, and culminates in a Gymnasium at Jaffa as the
principal national educational institution. The attendance of the colonial
schools number about 1,500, and in the Talmudic schools number several
thousands. The Mikveh Israel Agricultural School, near Jaffa, is the
center of vocational instruction in Palestine, and aids materially the work
of the colonists. Funds for a Hygienic and Technical Institute have likewise
been started to further practical education.[32]
work of the Bezalel,[33] the school of arts and crafts in Jerusalem,
named after the builder of the first tabernacle in the wilderness, where are
devised carpentry, copperware, wood-carving, basketry, painting, and
sculpture “of cunning workmanship” and of distinctly Hebraic design.[189]
Another sign of great hope springs from the widespread revival of ancient
Hebrew as a living tongue, which has become an awkward necessity among
the older Jews gathered from many different nations, and the free and
natural expression of the children. Several weeklies and monthlies are
published in Hebrew.[34] A National Jewish Library, soon to be housed in
a fireproof building at Jerusalem, was founded by Dr. Joseph Chazanowicz,
a Zionist leader in Russia, who devoted his entire income to it. In
1910 the Library contained something over 15,000 volumes.[35] Finally,
the Eleventh Congress (1913), convened on the 2,500th anniversary of the
destruction of the old temple on Mount Moriah, witnessed the pledging of
$100,000 to the building of a Jewish National University at Jerusalem—a
new temple of culture and science.[36]
Precisely as the roots are more important than the blossoms in the
growth of a plant, the accomplishments without Palestine are more significant
than within. To-day the Golus (Diaspora) is the root, and Palestine
the stalk; some day the Zionists hope to reverse the simile—this, in
short, is the essence of the entire movement.
consciousness, (2) Relief of the persecuted. In regard to
the second, the Zionist organization, constantly working to shift emigration
from West to East, has in a measure focused it upon Palestine; and more
important, it is rapidly perfecting adequate machinery, which once securing
the motive power of money in such quantities as is now devoted to
the Jewish Colonization Association, will appreciably lessen the gravity of
the Jewish problem.
In regard to the awakening of the national consciousness, the Zionist
societies, which number in the thousands, constitute centers for the dissemination
of propaganda and the stimulation of study in all things Jewish;
and the Zionist press, comprising one hundred newspapers and periodicals,
the official of which is Die Welt, and the leading American representative,
The Maccabaean, materially aid this preaching of Zion gospel.
Under the stimulus of the movement, numerous student societies have
sprung up abroad, promoting and crystallizing a national sentiment and
a race interest, while older societies of this order, such as the Kadimah,
have received a renewed impetus. Women’s societies of a literary, educational,
and social character—the Benoth Zion (Sofia and New York)
and the Hadassah (Vienna and New York) for example—have taken a
place in the general revival.[37]
The effect of Zionism in large centers of population is ably shown by
Charles S. Bernheimer in his study of the Russian Jew in the United States,
and his findings may be taken as typical. In general, the Zionist societies
have formed the chief social centers of the ghetto,[38] have opened religious
schools[39] and libraries,[40] have brought the radicals in religion under the
influence of the national idea,[41] and so prevented the loss of religion from
being followed by a loss of race-consciousness, and have “enlisted the sympathies
of the older people. The young people have grasped the great
significance of Zionism, and have taken a renewed interest in religion, education,
and culture.”[42]
A renaissance of art is following that of culture; in painting Ephraim
Lilien, Lesser Ury, Judah Epstein, and Hermann Struck, and in marble
and bronze Boris Schatz (the founder and director of Bezalel), Frederick
Beer, and Alfred Nossig are receiving their inspiration from Zionism.
The primary enthusiasm for the movement has long ago been expended;
and the present interest is deep, healthy, and likely to abide. However,
the sustainment of this interest appears to be the primary duty and
task of Zionism; in a movement that is a long, dull, slow pull, every moment
is a critical moment.
undertaking must be determined by a consideration not only of the
force propelling the movement, but of the opposition confronting it. A
consideration of this opposition will afford an opportunity, moreover, for
a clear and summarizing definition of what the movement is, and, equally
important, of what it is not. Opposition to Zionism divides itself into
three categories—ignorant; theoretic; practical. One is reminded of
Sanballat the Horonite, Tobiah the servant, and Geshem the Arabian, who
mocked and threatened Nehemiah when he undertook to rebuild the walls
of Jerusalem.
Ignorant opposition assails Zionism with arguments that are incontrovertible,
but totally irrelevant; it busies itself with destroying claims
which the Zionists have never made. A trio may be taken as representative.
It is pointed out with cogency that Palestine is not capable of supporting
the twelve million of Jews who inhabit our world; and more conclusively,
the twelve million of Jews do not wish to go to Palestine. Briefly, the
Zionists in seeking a home for the Jew in Canaan no more expect all the[191]
Jews to congregate within its bounds than a man who builds himself a
house expects that all his posterity will live in it. As a matter of history,
more Jews after the fall of the first Temple have lived without Palestine
than within. Only a remnant returned after the captivity; and Babylon,
Alexandria, and Rome contained a larger Jewish population than Jerusalem.
Throughout the dispersion, the majority of the Jews lived apart
from the nation center—whether that center was the Mesapotamia of Talmudic
times, the Spain of the Middle Ages, or the Poland of the early
modern period. The Zionist object is only to secure such a national center
(free from outward pressure) as a ganglion radiating Hebraic culture,
which can preserve Jewish unity and identity and inspire Jewish culture
elsewhere, precisely as the Judæa of old rendered similar service;[43] and the
modern Palestine with a soil capable of supporting a million inhabitants
without extensive irrigation amply satisfies the Zionist purpose.
an abandonment by the European Jew of his hard-earned Emancipation,
and a traitorous retreat from the position of brother and fellow-countryman
which he is now claiming in the several nations. In sum, renationalization
in the East spells de-nationalization in the West, and the return
of the Jew to the status of alien. Such a conclusion follows as
inevitably as it follows that the unification of Germany in 1870 rendered
alien the Germans of America who emigrated here in the ’40s, that the
French Revolution denationalized the refugee Huguenot population of
Prussia, that the unification of Italy disfranchised the Italian Swiss, or
that the Irish Home Rule Bill will transform the populace of Boston into
undesirable citizens. On the contrary, the Zionists are convinced that the
re-establishment of a Jewish nation will strengthen, for example, the claim
of the German Jew that he is a German by distinctly separating the
national from the universal Jew—the sheep from the goats, if you will—and
will render his status less precarious because it will be more definable.
Moreover, such a national center will increase Jewish self-respect with the
consequence of increasing Christian respect. Jewish “aloofness” need no
longer be a reproach, because it may safely be abandoned; with Zion itself
preserving Hebraism in the East, the Jew in the West may throw himself
unreservedly into the life about him; and a flourishing of Jewish culture
will make his contribution the more valuable.
Finally, the third objection is formulated in the question, “What is
the use?” Whether it be grounded in self-satisfied indifference, hostility,
or a sense of hopelessness, it forms the most insidious opposition, because[192]
it betrays a lack of racial consciousness that cannot be supplied by argument,
and exposes a weakness that cannot be remedied by emotional appeal.
It is a weakness amounting to an absence, a literal lack, of the very
functions through which a cure could be effected. An Englishman asking,
“Why preserve the English?” a Scandinavian asking, “Of what use are
the Scandinavians?” a Swiss asking, “Why maintain Switzerland?” is
inconceivable. Answers indeed can be found, but the point is that to put
the question indicates that the interrogator is beyond a comprehension
of the reply. He is like a congenital blindman, who asks: “Of what
use is seeing?” The question was, indeed, propounded in the third section
of this paper, but only as the hypothetical question of an outsider, much
as an Englishman might ask, “Of what value are the Chinese?” to secure
an external, historical justification of their existence. However, if the
great majority of Jews ever seriously question the need of preserving their
own race, the answer becomes immediate and conclusive; there is no need,
for there is no longer a race.
and on the other by religious dogmas. That the Jews are
no longer a race, that their preservation need not be undertaken because
they do not exist, is, laying aside the scientific disputations, in one sense
begging the question. Whether the Jews are a racial unit, and whether
their preservation will result in a distinct racial culture, is precisely what
a successful consummation of the Zionist object will prove or disprove
with finality; and until such consummation, even scientific theorizing on
the subject will expose itself to the unscientific process of working without
the check of laboratory experiment. To the scientist, Zionism offers Palestine
as such a laboratory. The religious opposition offered by Reform
Judaism has been previously discussed; however, it may be summed up in
three statements. An appeal to the implied meaning of the Scriptures can
only be authoritatively settled by the author. Granting, nevertheless, that
a suffering Israel and a missionary Israel are essentials in a Divine plan,
the establishment of a national center does not dogmatically preclude
Israel from continuing to suffer elsewhere, nor forbid Israel from pursuing
her missionary project of acting as a model example and shining light to
the nations. Quite the reverse; inasmuch as the Dispersion is fast becoming
a Destruction, which Zionism is attempting to avert, the preservation
of Reform Judaism itself demands the success of Zionism.
Practical opposition is indeed ponderous, but not necessarily insuperable.
The majority of Palestinian obstacles, such as the difficulties which
the confusion of national tongues, culture, and habits will impose on unification,
the precarious chance of ultimately securing legal recognition[193]
from Turkey, the possible obstructions amounting even to conflict to be
offered by the native Arabian population, are distant bridges which the far-seeing
may fear, but which, the wise will not attempt to cross until reached.
However, three urgent perplexities and impediments are imminent in the
danger of securing only a low class of settlers, of suffering from insufficient
means, and of failing from diminution of interest. At bottom, the
three are one, and amount to the necessity of keeping up the old heart and
inspiring new hearts.
With a sufficiency of interest, the necessary money and the proper men
will find their way to Palestine; in a word, only a people can save themselves,
and, failing to do so, aside from scientific argument and religious
dogma, they remain no more a people. That this people may not so perish,
the Zionists are not only furnishing the vision; but with back and arm, they
are working to rebuild the Wall where men have wailed the centuries by.
To the captious, the hostile, and the persistently heedless, their cue is to
say with Nehemiah of old: “I am doing a great work, so that I cannot
come down.”
element in the life of all our colleges that their self-expression
should serve a valuable purpose. Through
becoming articulate in such a publication as The Menorah
Journal, the first issue of which is full of promise, they may
well bring to pass not only a fuller realization of the part they
are to play in American society, but also a better understanding
of that part by the entire community to which they belong.
Without such better understandings there is small hope for
the community as a whole.—From an Editorial in the Harvard
Alumni Bulletin, March 17, 1915.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] I. Friedlaender, The Political Ideals of the Prophets (pamphlet) (Baltimore, 1910),
p. 10.
[2] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Graetz.”
[3] Ahad Ha-‘Am, “Pinsker and His Brochure” (pamphlet) (New York, 1911), p. 5.
[4] Ignaz Zollschan, Das Rassenproblem (Leipsic, 1911). G. Pollack, “Jewish Race,”
The Nation, vol. 94, p. 609, in review of the above book. A. S. Waldstein, “A Study
of the Jews,” The Maccabaean, vol. 21, p. 41. M. Waxman, “The Ethnic Character of
the Jews” (New York, 1910). The American Hebrew, “The Jewish Race Problem,” vol.
90, p. 435.
[5] Zollschan, Das Rassenproblem, p. 140.
[6] H. M. Kallen, “Judaism, Hebraism and Zionism,” The American Hebrew, vol. 87,
p. 181.
[7] Idem, p. 182.
[8] R. C. Conder, “Zionists,” Blackwood’s, vol. 163, p. 598.
[9] Max Nordau, Zionism (New York, 1911), p. 11.
[10] The Maccabaean, “Theodor Herzl in His Writings,” vol. 23, p. 229.
[11] Zangwill, “Zionism and Territorialism,” Living Age, vol. 265, p. 663.
[12] Ahad Ha-‘Am, Selected Essays (Philadelphia, 1912), p. 253 et seq.
[13] Idem, p. 290.
[14] Cohen, Zionist Work in Palestine, p. 198.
[15] The Survey, “The Tenth Zionist Congress,” vol. 25, p. 845.
[F] This Essay was written before Mr. Wolffsohn’s death.
[16] The American Hebrew, “Dr. Max Nordau on Herzl’s Policies,” vol. 93, p. 403.
[17] American Jewish Year Book, 1910-11, “Events of the Year.” I. Zangwill, “Zionism
and Territorialism,” Living Age, vol. 265, p. 668.
[18] L. Lipsky, “Results of the Eleventh Congress,” The Maccabaean, vol. 23, p. 250.
[19] Franz Oppenheimer, Merchavia (New York, 1914), p. 1-13. “Life Work of Franz
Oppenheimer,” The Maccabaean, vol. 24, p. 12.
[20] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Zionism—Party Organization.”
[21] Idem, under “Jewish Colonial Trust.” Cohen, Zionist Work in Palestine, p. 198.
[22] Idem, p. 127.
[23] Idem, p. 199.
[24] Idem, p. 203.
[25] Idem, p. 199.
[26] American Jewish Year Book, 1913-14, p. 203.
[27] H. Bentwich, “The Jewish Renaissance in Palestine,” Fortnightly Review, vol. 96,
p. 136.
[28] Cohen, Zionist Work in Palestine, p. 195.
[29] Jewish Chronicle (London), No. 2348, p. 34.
[30] Bentwich, “The Jewish Renaissance in Palestine,” Fortnightly Review, vol. 96, p. 136.
[31] H. F. Ward, “Palestine for the Jews,” The World Today, vol. 17, p. 1062.
[32] Cohen, Zionist Work in Palestine, p. 86.
[33] Bentwich, “The Jewish Renaissance in Palestine,” Fortnightly Review, vol. 96, p. 136.
[34] Idem.
[35] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Arbanel Library.”
[36] The Maccabaean, vol. 23, p. 263.
[37] Jewish Encyclopedia under “Zionism.”
[38] C. S. Bernheimer, “The Russian Jew in the United States.” (Philadelphia, 1905), p.
232.
[39] Idem, p. 180.
[40] Idem, p. 168.
[41] Idem, p. 155.
[42] Idem, p. 181.
[43] M. Waxman, “The Importance of Palestine for the Jews in the Diaspora,” The
Maccabaean, vol. 23, p. 232. A succinct detailing of this service.
From College and University
Activities of Menorah Societies
The need of some organization based
on ideals that would tend to promote
a closer relationship among
the Jewish students at Brown University
had long been felt on the campus. To
meet this need there has even been an
attempt at uniting the Jewish men by ties
not necessarily Jewish in spirit; happily
this attempt failed. Early in this college
year the Menorah movement was brought
to the attention of the Jewish students
and its aims at once appealed as very
worthy of the serious consideration of
Brown men.
An informal meeting was held and almost
unanimous favor was exhibited for
the establishment of a Menorah Society
at Brown. Whereupon a committee was
elected to interview the authorities of the
University concerning this matter, and
their attitude was found to be all that
could be desired. Steps were then taken
for formal organization, and on the evening
of January 6, 1915, a dedicatory meeting
was held, and the Brown Menorah
Society was launched on its career. (For
an account of this meeting, see the April
Menorah Journal, page 140.)
Shortly afterwards the Executive Council
formulated a program of activities
for the rest of the year, a program
which has now been successfully carried
through. On February 17, Prof. Richard
Gottheil of Columbia University gave a
very interesting lecture on Zionism. Several
members of the Faculty were present
and took part in the general discussion
that followed the lecture. At the meeting
of March 17, Prof. A. T. Fowler of
the Biblical Department of the University
and a member of the Advisory Board of
the Society, spoke on “The Bible as a
Literary Document.” On April 21, Prof.
David G. Lyon of Harvard University
gave an illustrated lecture on “The
Samarian Excavations.” This lecture
was given in one of the largest halls of
the University and was open to the public.
The other meetings of the year were
either business meetings or study councils.
At the study councils topics of Jewish interest
were discussed. An informal supper
on the evening of May 20, with election
of officers for the following year,
completed the activities of this year.
about one and one-half years, the
Menorah Society at Chicago has
awakened during this last year.
The first meeting of the year was held
October 26, 1914, at which officers for
the quarter were elected. Then at varying
intervals there were addresses by Dr.
H. M. Kallen of the University of Wisconsin,
Dr. A. A. Neuman of the Dropsie
College, Dr. Emil G. Hirsch of Sinai
Temple of Chicago (who gave a series
of two lectures on Jewish history), and
Mr. Louis D. Brandeis of Boston. The
inspiring address of Mr. Brandeis, held
November 19, 1914, was the biggest event
of the year, the meeting being largely attended
by Jews and non-Jews alike.
Rabbis Stolz and Cohon, representing the
Chicago Rabbinical Society, also delivered
short talks.
Hitherto, the Menorah Society has been
unknown to have other than quite formal
lectures. No attempt has been made to
make the members feel at home and more
sociable at the meetings. An innovation[195]
was tried when, at the meeting on May
10, there was an informal talk by Dr.
Joseph Stolz, of the Isaiah Temple of
Chicago, on Hillel, which was followed
not only by discussion but also by refreshments.
This meeting was a complete success.
It was followed by another informal
meeting on Maimonides.
The last meeting was a “get-together”
meeting of the Society to discuss plans for
the next year. Suggestions were accepted
to interest incoming freshmen by personal
letters and visits and “get-acquainted”
and “enthusiasm” gatherings. It is reasonable
to hope from the increasing membership
and the suggestions for future action
that the Menorah will become more
and more powerful on the campus, especially
with the encouragement and the aid
of the alumni in Chicago, who are planning
to have also a graduate Menorah
organization.
The second year, just closed, of the
Clark Menorah Society has been
most successful. At the weekly
meetings, papers were given by various
members on such subjects as Reform
Judaism, Orthodoxy, Zionism, Assimilation,
which were followed by entertaining
and instructive discussions. Reports were
also given by members on current books
of Jewish interest, among them being:
Fishberg’s “The Jews,” Ruppin’s “The
Jews of Today,” and Israel Cohen’s
“Jewish Life in Modern Times.” Current
magazine articles of Jewish interest
were also reviewed and discussed.
Members of the Faculty and outside
speakers, including Rabbi M. M. Eichler
and Jacob de Haas of Boston, gave addresses
at various times and Rabbi H. H.
Rubenovitz of Boston delivered a series
of lectures on “The Maccabees.”
The first banquet of the Society, held
December 17, 1914, was a great success
and helped stir up much interest among
the students in the Menorah. (For a
note on this dinner see the April Menorah
Journal, page 140; for the after-dinner
address of President G. Stanley
Hall see the April Journal, page 87).
A program for the next year has already
been made and the forecast for the
future is most promising.
auspiciously for the University of
Colorado Menorah Society. The
old men returned with new and greater
enthusiasm, and the new men quickly
caught the same spirit. Our first meeting
was a get-together affair where acquaintances
were renewed and new acquaintances
made.
The meetings of the first semester were
addressed entirely by the members of the
Society who chose their material from the
excellent Menorah Library. Those of
the second semester were addressed in
part by outside men and in part by members.
During the year two meetings were
held in Denver in conjunction with the
University of Denver Menorah. These
were well attended and the principal addresses
given by the heads of the two
universities.
steady progress for the Columbia
Menorah Society and of increasing
interest in its activities. At the first meeting
of the year the members were greatly
stimulated by an address by Dr. H.
G. Enelow on the work of Menorah Societies.
At other meetings held during the
year, Mr. Samuel Strauss spoke on “Some
Delusions Now in the Testing,” Professor
Talcott Williams, dean of the School of
Journalism, on “The War and Race
Prejudice,” Rabbi Rudolph I. Coffee, of
Pittsburg, Pa., on “The College Graduate
in Jewish Affairs,” Professor Israel
Friedlaender, on “Jewry, East and
West.” At a smoker given in February,
Rev. Dr. Jacob Kohn spoke on “Jewish
Ceremonialism,” Mr. Henry Hurwitz
spoke on the work of other Menorah Societies,[196]
and Mr. M. David Hoffman, the
Representative of the Columbia Society in
the Administrative Council of the Intercollegiate
Association, presented an interesting
report of the Menorah Convention
of Cincinnati.
Although the Society is not satisfied
with the number of its members, that
number is one which would probably be
deemed large at many another university.
The Society is becoming more and more
active and acquiring ever greater prestige
among the Jewish students, as well as in
the University in general. It has aroused
interest on the part of not a few who have
heretofore been indifferent to Jewish affairs.
were somewhat abnormal
for the Illinois Menorah Society.
The preceding graduating class had taken
an extraordinarily heavy toll from our
members and, as the number of Juniors
left was small, we had few veterans remaining.
But, to offset our loss, we were
compensated by an unusually large number
of promising freshmen.
We started the year with a reception
to the new students at which over one
hundred were present. Our customary
smoker was dispensed with on account of
the increased number of Jewish co-eds,
there being about fifteen at present. At
our next meeting, at which we formally
welcomed the new students to our Society,
Dr. David S. Blondheim of our Faculty
explained the nature of the work we are
doing and gave some practical advice, and
Dr. Jacob Zeitlin of our Faculty spoke
on the Jewish problems of the present.
Since then we have had many regular
meetings, every other Sunday, student
programs alternating with outside speakers.
Among the latter have been Professor
I. Leo Sharfman of Michigan, who
spoke on “Jewish Ideals,” Rabbi A. A.
Neuman of the Dropsie College, who
talked on “Life Among Medieval Spanish
Jews,” and Dr. H. M. Kallen of Wisconsin
on “The Meaning of Hebraism.”
Mrs. E. F. Nickoley, who has traveled
extensively in Palestine, gave an interesting
talk on the Jews in the Holy Land.
Professor Simon Litman of our Faculty
spoke on “Jews and Modern Capitalism.”
Professor E. C. Baldwin of our English
department, in speaking on “Prayer,”
roused a lively interest in the question as
to whether prayer is decadent among the
Jews. Professor Albert H. Lybyer lectured
on “Jews as the Transmitters of
Culture from the Moslems to the Christians”;
Professor Boyd H. Bode discussed
“What the Jew Contributes to
American Ideals,” and Dr. A. R. Vail
spoke on “The Influence of the Hebrew
Prophets as the Teachers of Moral Law.”
Nor have we had a dearth of student
talks and readings, among them the following:
Herbert B. Rosenberg on the
Falashas, Louis Ribback on the Chinese
Jews, Jesse Block on the Spanish Jews,
S. J. Lurie on Maimonides, Julius Cohen
on “The Jewish Messianic Idea,” L. J.
Greengard on “Prophecy,” Karl Epstein
on Jewish Nationalism. Current events
were given during the year by Bertha
Bing, Julius Cohen, and William A.
Grossman.
Early in February a study circle was
formed, under the leadership of Mrs.
Simon Litman, for the study of post-Biblical
Jewish history. Ten members of the
Society enrolled and met weekly at the
home of Professor and Mrs. Litman.
Portions of Vol. II of Graetz and of
Riggs’ “History of the Jews” were read
and amplified by the excellent lectures of
the leader. The discussions also furnished
very valuable instruction.
on the campus were such that it
made all of the Jewish students
feel the necessity of the right kind of
Jewish organization. Clubs had been
formed time after time, each of a different
nature; yet none of them could fulfill
the need and they all sooner or later broke
up. Thus things dragged along, each one
feeling that something ought to be done,[197]
yet no one knowing what remedy was
needed, until a report came of the Menorah
movement. After a hastily gathered
meeting one Saturday night, the matter
was presented to the Jewish students
for discussion. Great enthusiasm was displayed
and everybody was heartily in favor
of organizing a Menorah Society.
With the aid of the Menorah catalogue
(“The Menorah Movement”), and Mr.
Joseph Spear, of our Faculty, a former
member of the Harvard Menorah Society,
a constitution was drawn up and presented
at the next meeting, when it was accepted.
It was also submitted to President
Aley, who approved it and congratulated
us most heartily upon the formation
of the Society.
Our first task was to place the Society
in the right light on the campus by emphasizing
the absolutely unsectarian,
academic, cultural nature of the Menorah
Society and the fact that membership is
invitingly open to all members of the University.
In this we were greatly helped
by the visit of Chancellor Henry Hurwitz
who addressed the whole student
body in Chapel on the morning of May
5th, after being introduced by President
Aley, upon the nature and purposes of the
Menorah movement; and he addressed a
public meeting of the Society in the evening,
which was also attended by President
Aley, on “Jewish Ideals.”
During the course of the year we have
succeeded in holding several other enthusiastic
meetings besides. We have had
frank and inspiring talks by President
Aley and Professor Huddleston. At other
meetings our own members gave talks
and discussions. Thus, Samuel Rudman
gave a splendid talk on “The Attitude of
Jewish Young Men towards Jewish Religion”,
which was warmly discussed. Another
paper was delivered by A. I. Schwey
on “Hebrew Literature.”
Through the kindness of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, into which we
were admitted at the Cincinnati Convention,
we have secured a Menorah Library,
which has been put in a conspicuous
place in the reading room of the University
library, for the benefit of all the students.
But the Menorah members especially
intend to make good use of the books
in the preparation of papers and in regular
study. We have also been fortunate
in securing a set of the Jewish Encyclopedia
from Mr. Cyrus L. Sulzberger of
New York for presentation to the University
library. The coming of the Encyclopedia
and the Menorah Library has
been greatly appreciated by the authorities,
and the Maine Menorah Society is happy
to have been able already to be of concrete
service to the University. All of our activities
have caused favorable interest on
the part of both the student body and the
college authorities, and a great change has
come about in the attitude towards the
Jewish men. We look forward to even
greater progress as well as hard work in
the future.
done at least two things. First, it
has definitely held to a program
of work; secondly, it has become accredited
as representative of the Jewish students
to the Jewish students themselves, and even
more to the non-Jews. The opposition that
some of the students manifested in other
years has not been so active, and the Society
drew a large proportion of them,
sometimes all of them, to its meetings.
The non-Jews, especially among the Faculty,
have exhibited an actively interested
and helpful attitude. In this connection,
our thanks are due Prof. J. E. Wrench,
of the History department, whose presence
at all of our meetings greatly stimulated
profitable discussion.
Of the Jewish faculty men, Dr. Henry
M. Sheffer, of the Philosophy department,
one of the founders of the Harvard Menorah
Society, took a particularly active
interest in the work, especially in the preparation
of our programs. The program
for the second semester was on “Typical
Hebraic Ideals”, as follows:
| I. | Transitional: | |
| 1. Hellenism | J. Sholtz | |
| [198] | 2. Emancipation | J. L. Ellman |
| II. | Contemporary: | |
| (a) Religious | ||
| 1. Orthodoxy | Wm. Stone | |
| 2. Reform | Robert Burnett | |
| (b) National | ||
| 1. Assimilationism | A. Hertzmark | |
| 2. Zionism | D. A. Glushek | |
| (c) Literary | ||
| 1. Yiddish | M. Glazer | |
| 2. Neo-Hebrew | C. Goldberg | |
| III. | Prospective: | |
| The New Hebraism | Dr. H. M. Sheffer |
This program was devised with the
idea of creating a definite reaction to
Hebraism. So, the papers on Hellenism
and Emancipation tried by the contrast
of transitional periods to make Hebraic
ideals as a whole stand out. The meeting
on Reform and Orthodoxy was devoted
to an historical analysis of the forces underlying
the present situation in Judaism.
The papers on Zionism and Assimilation,
again, summed up from another angle the
characteristics of Hebraic aspiration. And
at the two last meetings, present Jewish
life and ideals were discussed in terms of
their literary and philosophical expression.
Along with these meetings we had several
lectures by Dr. H. M. Sheffer, Rabbi
A. A. Neuman of the Dropsie College, and
Dr. H. M. Kallen of Wisconsin. These
meetings were in every case productive of
great enthusiasm. Prof. J. E. Wrench
addressed a meeting composed in numbers
equally of Jews and non-Jews on “The
Jew and Christian in the Middle Ages”,
and we also had an address by Dr. A. T.
Olmstead, Professor of Ancient History,
on the “Book of Kings”.
is in a unique position. The
number of Jews in North Carolina
is the smallest of any in the Southern
States. Only in a few places is there any
organized Jewish life. The Jewish students
come chiefly from such places where
the number of Jews is very small. Under
these circumstances, it can readily be seen
how difficult it was at first to implant the
idea of a Jewish society for the purpose
of the study of Jewish subjects of which
the majority of the students were greatly
ignorant. The Society, however, has now
passed far beyond the experimental stage.
All the Jewish students at North Carolina
now show a great deal of interest and enthusiasm
in the Menorah work.
From the fact that our Society can look
to very little in the way of help from any
Jewish community in the State, and that
it is far from any Jewish cultural center
in the South, it can be perceived how hard
it was at first to carry on our work in
comparison with our sister Societies located
in more favorable localities. A review
of our work of the last term will
show, however, gratifying results. Our
method was similar to that of the class
room. A text book on Jewish history was
taken as the basis for study, supplemented
by additional information from the Jewish
Encyclopedia and other books on Judaica
from the University Library and the
Menorah Library. The value of our
study of Jewish history may be educed
from the fact that most of us had but the
faintest knowledge of our glorious past.
When a thorough knowledge of the text
was acquired, discussions and studies of
different phases and movements in Judaism
were taken up. In this work the Menorah
Library proved an especially valuable aid.
While our Society is not a religious organization,
it endeavors to surround our
work with ethical and religious aims. The
Society tries to be here for the Jewish
students what the Y. M. C. A. is in a
measure for our Christian fellow-students,
and we can say that it has succeeded in
its endeavor. The relation of the Menorah
Society here with the Y. M. C. A.
is one of heartiest co-operation.
both the University of
Omaha and Creighton University,
was founded in September, 1914. At the
organization meeting, Rabbi Frederic
Cohn spoke on the Menorah movement,
and letters of endorsement from President[199]
D. E. Jenkins of the University of
Omaha and from President E. A. Magevney
of Creighton University were read.
A discussion of principles of the Menorah
movement followed.
Among the speakers of the year were
Dr. I. Dansky, Dr. A. Greenberg, Dr. R.
Farber of S. Joseph, Professor Nathan
Bernstein, Mr. Isador Rees of the Omaha
High School, Professor F. P. Ramsay,
and Professor Walter Halsey. In addition
to their valuable addresses, discussions
on important Jewish topics were held
by the members of the Society—a phase of
Menorah work which is being steadily
accentuated.
The largest meeting of the year took
place in Jacobs Memorial Hall, on the
evening of May 11th, at which over 300
people were present. The speakers on
this occasion were President D. E. Jenkins
of the University of Omaha on
“Idealism in Education” and Rabbi
Samuel Cohen of Kansas City, who spoke
on “The Functions and Genesis of Ceremonials”.
1914, the Radcliffe Menorah Society
was organized with a membership
of twenty. On January 7, 1915,
the purposes of the Society were outlined
to the members by Mr. Henry Hurwitz;
and Mr. Ralph A. Newman, President of
the Harvard Menorah, extended greetings
and welcome from that Society. Dean
Bertha Boody showed her interest and
approval by her presence.
Since the Radcliffe Menorah was not
organized until well after the college
calendar had been arranged, it was difficult
to formulate definite plans for the
time which remained. Lectures, however,
have been given at open meetings
by Dr. H. M. Kallen of the University
of Wisconsin and Mr. Maurice Wertheim
of New York; and plans are now under
way for the formation of a study circle
devoted to the study of the Hebrew language.
The interest and enthusiasm of the
members—more than half of whom are
first year students—gives promise for
work of greater scope in the future.
Journal it was reported that because
of the division of New York
University into uptown and downtown
colleges, it was found necessary to organize
an additional Menorah Society at
Washington Square, the downtown section.
This Washington Square Society
has for its sphere the professional schools
of New York University, whereas the
University Heights Society has the Schools
of Art and Applied Science.
Organized in October, 1914, the Washington
Square Society can already boast
of a membership of 160. Over eighty percent
of the members are young men and
women who work during the day and devote
five evenings a week to school.
The Society has conducted under its
auspices in the past year about ten lectures,
at which the attendance averaged
seventy-five members. The lectures covered
many phases of Jewish culture and
were greatly appreciated. It is expected
that study circles will be held during the
next academic year, even though it may
be necessary in most instances to hold them
after 9:30 p. m.
Among the lectures during the past
year were the following: Dr. H. M. Kallen
of the University of Wisconsin, Dr.
H. G. Enelow of Temple Emanu-El, Mr.
Samuel Strauss of The New York Times,
and Chief Justice Isaac Franklin Russell
of the New York Court of Special Sessions.
To celebrate the completion of one
year’s active work, a dinner was held on
the evening of April 30th at the Broadway
Central Hotel, at which there were
present about 100 members. The Toastmaster
was E. Schwartz, and the speakers
of the evening included Dr. Bernard
Drachman, Israel N. Thurman, Hyman
Askowith, Louis Weinstein, the outgoing
President, and Chancellor Henry Hurwitz.
Notes
Of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
The Harvard Menorah Prize of $100 has
this year been divided into two equal parts
and awarded to Benjamin I. Goldberg,
’16, for an essay on “Maimonides as a
Scientist”, and Leonard L. Levy, ’17, for
an essay on “The Modern Jewish National
Movement”. (This essay also won
the second undergraduate Bowdoin Prize
at Harvard.) Honorable mention was
given to Henry Epstein, ’16. The judges
were Prof. David Gordon Lyon, chairman,
and Prof. J. R. Jewett of Harvard
University, and President Solomon Schechter
of the Jewish Theological Seminary.
The Wisconsin Menorah Prize of $100
has this year been awarded to Percy B.
Shoshtac, ’15, for an essay on Scholom
Asch, the Yiddish novelist and dramatist.
The judges were Prof. R. E. N. Dodge,
chairman, Prof. E. B. McGilvary, and
Prof. M. S. Slaughter of the University
of Wisconsin.
Of the three prizes of $25 each, offered
by the Cornell Menorah Society this year,
only one was awarded (“for the best essay
on any subject relating to the status and
problems of the Jews in any one country”).
The winning essay was by Morris
J. Escoll, ’16 (College of Agriculture)
upon “Phases of Jewish Thinking in American
Universities.” For the prize in
Hebrew there was no competition; for the
prize “on any subject relating to Jewish
literature in English”, no essay was
deemed of sufficient merit. The judges
were Prof. Nathaniel Schmidt of Cornell,
chairman, Prof. I. Leo Sharfman of the
University of Michigan, and Prof. M. M.
Kaplan of the Jewish Theological Seminary.
The Menorah Journal has received
a gift of $50 from the Cornell Menorah
Society.
The seventh annual Dinner of the Harvard
Menorah Society was held on May
3, 1915, in the Hotel Lenox, Boston. It
was the largest and most successful dinner
in the history of the Society, some 200
men, including a number of graduate members,
being present. The toastmaster was
President Ralph A. Newman, and toasts
were responded to by Prof. D. G. Lyon,
Prof. G. F. Moore, Prof. Felix Frankfurter,
Dr. Stephen S. Wise, Mr. Felix M.
Warburg, Mr. Maurice Wertheim, Mr.
Joseph L. Cohen (of Cambridge University,
England), Mr. Hyman Askowith,
and Chancellor Henry Hurwitz. The
winners of the Harvard Menorah Prizes,
announced by Prof. Lyon, gave summaries
of their essays.
The fourth annual Banquet of the Wisconsin
Menorah Society was held on May
22, 1915, in the Women’s Building of the
University. President Harry Hersh was
toastmaster, and toasts were responded
to by Judge Julian W. Mack, Prof. I. Leo
Sharfman, Mrs. Joseph Jastrow, Dr. H.
M. Kallen, and Dr. C. S. Levi of Milwaukee.
The elections of the following presidents
of Menorah Societies for next year have
been reported: Brown, Abraham J. Burt;
California, Stanley M. Arndt (re-elected);
Clark, Abraham J. Levensohn; Cincinnati,
Philip L. Wascerwitz; College of
the City of New York, Moses H. Gitelson;
Cornell, Aaron Bodanski; Harvard,
Fred F. Greenman; Hunter, Sarah Berenson;
Johns Hopkins, Jonas Friedenwald;
Illinois, Karl Epstein; Maine, Lewis H.
Kriger (re-elected); Michigan, A. J.
Levin; North Carolina, Alfred M.
Lindau; New York University, Michael
Stavitsky (University Heights) and Bernard
J. Reis (Washington Square); Pennsylvania,
Jacob Rubinoff (re-elected);
Radcliffe, Hannah R. London; Wisconsin,
Charles Lebowsky.
the
Menorah Journal

The Arch of Titus
| Crumbling, age-worn, in Rome the eternal |
| Stands the arch of Titus’ triumph, |
| With its carven Jewish captives |
| Stooped before the holy Menorah. |
| And each nightfall, when the turmoil |
| Of the Petrine clangor ceaseth, |
| Seven flames the arch illumine, |
| Mystic burnings, glowing strangely. |
| Then cast off their graven shackles |
| Judah’s sons of beaten marble; |
| Living step they from the ruin |
| Living stride they to the Jordan. |
| They are healèd in its waters, |
| Till the freshness of each dawning; |
| Then resume their ancient sorrow, |
| Perfect marble, whole and holy. |
| Dust of dust the wheeling seasons, |
| Grind that mighty archèd splendor, |
| Raze the Gaul and raze the Roman, |
| Grind away their fame and glory, |
| The shackled Jews alone withstand them, |
| Stooped before the holy Menorah. |

author, and publicist, a Nestor among Jewish leaders, and since
Herzl’s death the President of the International Zionist Congresses. His
books on “Degeneration,” “Paradoxes,” and other volumes of social studies,
have evoked world-wide discussion. In sending the present article to The
Menorah Journal from Madrid, where he is now sojourning on account
of the War, Dr. Nordau writes: “I wish my words may not be dropped
into deaf ears. You can do much to bring them home to the consciousness
and the conscience of leading American Jews.”
The Duty of the Hour
By Max Nordau
In all situations of life, and particularly in the
critical ones, we hope for a miraculous event which will
fulfill all our yearnings, and in this hope we feel delivered of the
manly duty to work for the realization of our ideals, to prepare
our salvation by our own efforts.
At this moment a large portion of Israel dreams once more a
particularly lively Messianic dream. Hundreds of thousands,
millions of Jews, indeed, have abandoned themselves to the expectation
that at the conclusion of the peace which will put a
stop to the world’s war, the destiny of the Jewish people must
take a miraculous turn. The plenipotentiaries of the belligerent
[203]powers will assemble in a conference or a congress to treat of the
conditions of peace. The conquerors will exact of the vanquished
the price of their sacrifices and return home with their booty in
the shape of territorial acquisitions and indemnities. And in the
course of these transactions the miracle will happen that a share
will be apportioned to the Jewish people too. Palestine will be
offered them, either as an area for colonization or, still better, as
a full property under the protectorate of a great power. They will
be accorded also entire equality of rights in Russia and Roumania.
Utterances of leading personalities of the big nations which
will necessarily be represented at the peace conference have become
publicly known which permit the conclusion, without intentional
self-beguiling, that some governments at least, if not all of
them, are occupying themselves earnestly with the Jewish problem
and examining the question whether it might not be worth
trying to settle the Jews in search of a homestead in Palestine,
under international and local legal conditions vouchsafing them
full freedom of economic, intellectual, and moral development.
On the other hand, there is no doubt that the situation of the
six millions of Russian Jews occupies a certain place in the
thoughts and cares of the governments. Several countries have
an interest in turning away from their frontiers the ever more
violently swelling stream of Jewish emigration, and doing so
otherwise than with the brutal method of locking up their boundaries
and posting a police watch before them. Others have the
well-being of Russia at heart; they understand that the sufferings
and the despair of her six millions of Jews are a source of dire evils
and that the emancipation of this hard-working and highly gifted
population will bring about the material prosperity, the general
progress, and the powerful strengthening of Russia. Other
countries again, the statesmen of which are more farseeing than
the average and have been able to rise to the conception of a
political world hygiene, are aware that the systematic crushing of
six millions of intellectual and strong-feeling people driven to
despair must create a hotbed of the most dangerous anarchistic[204]
and revolutionary epidemics, the spreading of which cannot easily
be limited to the spot of their origin. Lastly, even the most
irreclaimable pessimist will admit at least the possibility that
governments may not be entirely inaccessible to purely humane
sentiments of pity and justice, and may regard the treatment of
the Jews of Russia and Roumania as an indictment against the
civilization and the ruling religion of white mankind.
for the Jewish people, moreover, can evoke an historical
precedent. The Berlin Congress of 1878 which brought
the Russo-Turkish war to an end, created the Bulgarian state,
raised Roumania to the rank of an independent kingdom, and
gave Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austria-Hungary, found time to
occupy itself with a Jewish matter and to introduce into the
treaty condensing its decisions the well known article obliging the
new kingdom of Roumania to bestow on her Jews equality of civil
franchises. It is not the fault of the Berlin Congress that this
article has remained to this day a dead letter. The case, at any
rate, is of a nature to encourage Jewish optimism against those
sceptics who sneer: “A diplomatic conference distributes no
presents; complacency and liberality play no part there; there
are only such interests enforced which are backed by a victorious
army or at least by an army which still inspires some fears.”
Well, in 1878, too, the Jewish people had no country, no army,
no government, no accredited ambassador, and yet two of the
most influential members of the Berlin Congress, the representative
of Great Britain, Earl Beaconsfield, and that of France,
Waddington, were ready to step forward as advocates of the
Jewish cause, and the president of the Congress, Prince Bismarck,
evidently favored their action.
with which many Jews look forward to the future peace
congress. But I do not notice that the Jewish people keep in[205]
view the lessons taught by the historic example of 1878. Beaconsfield
and Waddington did not plead for the Roumanian Jews at
the Berlin Congress from impulses of their own or in consequence
of a sudden inspiration from on high. The Paris Alliance Israelite
Universelle, the London Anglo-Jewish Association, the Berlin
Verband der deutschen Juden, had done serious and efficient
preparatory work, memorialized their several governments, informed
them of the facts, solicited their intervention. It was due
to their efforts that the position of the Roumanian Jews came up
for consideration at the Berlin Congress. They showed the way
the Jewish people must follow if they wish to obtain anything of
governments in congress. What are the Jewish people waiting
for in order to act now as their fathers acted thirty-seven years
ago?
The war is raging, in a hundred battlefields uncounted brave
men shed their blood for the future of their nation, Jewish soldiers
fight and fall side by side with their non-Jewish countrymen and
comrades, but their heroic sacrifices are utterly useless for their
own people. In every country, even in Russia, the military excellence,
the patriotism, the contempt of danger and death of the
Jewish soldiers, will be rewarded more or less lavishly and liberally
with distinctions and preferment, but experience teaches us
that their glorious conduct is forgotten very soon after the war by
everybody but themselves and their brethren, and that it certainly
does not change in the least the status of the Jewish people
among the nations. At any rate the consideration of the merits
and military virtues of the Jewish soldiers will not by itself stimulate
to action the diplomatists at the peace congress, unless they
are insistently recalled to their memory. All this requires preparation
and arrangements, of which as yet there is scarcely any
trace to be seen.
Let us admit the most favorable case: the congress will
really open up Palestine to the Jewish people for colonization with
self-government and autonomous local institutions. To whom[206]
will it be in a position to make such a concession? To whom will
it deliver Palestine? The Jewish people is a concept, but it is not
a political and administrative individuality, it is not a body with
a head and vital organs. There is actually not one man who could
present himself to the governments assembled in congress, receive
Palestine from their hands, and offer them the guarantee that he
will lead into the land of their ancestors those Jews that yearn
for a new home and national life on an historic soil, and that he
will undertake the implanting of modern culture, the maintaining
of order, and the economic development of the country. An offer
of the congress would fall flat, nobody having the moral right and
the material capacity to accept it in the name and in behalf of
the Jewish people.
coming events. The Messianic dream does not suffice. Mere
wishes and hopes are vain. We must work. We must organize
ourselves without further loss of time. We must create a body
with men of authority at its head, and the living forces of the
Jewish people, or at least a considerable portion of them, at its
back. The forces and the men do exist. They have only to be
gathered, united and grouped.
Who is to do this organizing work? My reply is unhesitating:
American Jewry. I should be happy to say: here is a task for
the Zionists’ organization which exists, which lives, which is prepared
for work of this kind, and which has to consider its carrying
out as its natural function; but I shrink back from giving this
near-lying answer. Many pre-eminent and influential Jews whose
good Jewish sentiments no one has a right to doubt, persist in
considering Zionism as a party tendency against which they raise
objections. Now the representations of the Jewish people before
the governments must not be a party affair, but ought to be the
cause of the entire people and must embrace all its parts. The
invitation must therefore be issued by personalities who repel
nobody at the outset by their pronounced party color. Moreover,
these personalities must necessarily belong to a neutral country,[207]
so as to leave no room for the argument that according to the
political definition of the hour they are enemies and to co-operate
with them would mean disloyalty to one’s own country. Only in
the case, which I hope will not be realized, of the United States
also precipitating itself into the whirlpool of the war, would they
be bound to transfer their initiative to the Swiss or the Dutch
Jewry. The first labor of the initiators should consist in inviting
the existing Jewish organizations of all countries to have themselves
represented by a delegation on a permanent board or committee.
It would be a matter of regret if they refused, but this
ought by no means to be a reason for discouragement nor for discontinuing
further endeavors. In this case the initiators would
simply have to do fundamental work and try to fall back on elements
that at present stand outside, or intentionally keep aloof
from, existing organizations. It would be the business of the permanent
board to secure financial co-operation that could be called
upon under given circumstances, and to cause Jews of standing in
every great country to approach their government, to submit to
it in time the aspirations of the Jewish people, and to procure its
approval and sympathy for them.
a new Europe, a new world will be born. It depends on us
whether in this new world there is to be a place, “a place in the
sun,” for the Jewish people. We have not an instant to lose if
we wish to prepare for the grand opportunity. Should we miss
this occasion we should have to resign all our national hopes, I
am afraid, for a very long time, if not for ever. We may, of course,
continue to dream our Messianic dream, but this will then ever
remain a dream till the dreamer disappears and his dream with
him.
FOOTNOTE:
[A] Original and translation read at a dinner of the Harvard Menorah Society.
What Judaism Is Not
By Mordecai M. Kaplan
nothing is so useless as a general maxim.”
Macaulay, in Essay on “Machiavelli.”

MORDECAI M. KAPLAN (born in Russia in
1881, came to America in
1889), studied at College of
the City of New York (A. B.
1900), Columbia (M. A. 1902)
and Jewish Theological Seminary
(Rabbi, 1902); held Rabbinical
position in New York,
1903-1909; Principal since
1909 of the Teachers’ Institute,
and Professor of Homiletics
since 1910 in the Jewish Theological
Seminary. Fearless and
original in thought, and exceptionally
stimulating as a Menorah
lecturer, Professor Kaplan
has won the deep respect and
friendship of Menorah students
at the various universities where
he has lectured on Jewish Religion
and Education.
comes with the increase of knowledge,
is in the unlearning of the old rather than
in the learning of the new. Once an idea has become
imbedded in the mind, it cannot be removed without
causing a mental upheaval. Blessed are the young
to whom unlearning is easy, or who have not much
to unlearn. Whether our Jewish young men know
much or little about Judaism, they are certain, as
a rule, to have formed notions about it of which
they must be disabused, if Judaism is to constitute
an important factor in their lives. Strange to say,
they have obtained these notions not from sources
hostile to Judaism, but on the contrary from sources
distinctly intended to inculcate both a love and an
understanding of the Jewish religion,—such as catechisms
and text-books used in our religious schools,
and articles in encyclopedias meant for the enlightenment
of the general public. The view of Judaism
that one gets in this manner is not only a distorted
one, but it has the effect of bringing all further
reflection to a standstill. It lands one in a
blind alley. The conclusion which a person generally
arrives at when he consults these sources for
information about the Jewish religion is that, whatever
else Judaism might be, it certainly offers no
field for the exercise of deep insight or broad vision.
This largely accounts for the manifest sterility and
uncreativeness of present-day Judaism. To give new
impetus to fruitful and creative thinking in Jewish life, it is necessary, in
the first place, to counteract the paralyzing spell of these routine and conventional
interpretations of Judaism.
To be concrete, let us take a typical instance of the kind of instruction
that has been in vogue for more than a century. Here are a few
sentences from the article on Judaism in Hastings’ Encyclopedia of Religion
and Ethics: “Judaism may be defined as the strictest form of[209]
monotheistic belief; but it is something more than a bare mental belief.
It is the effect which such a belief, with all its logical consequences, exerts
on life, that is to say, on thought and conduct. . . . . A formal and
precise definition of Judaism is a matter of some difficulty, because it
raises the question, What is the absolute and irreducible minimum of conformity? . . . .
Judaism denounces idolatry and polytheism. It believes
in a universal God, but it is not exclusive. It believes that this
world is good, and that man is capable of perfection. He possesses free
will, and is responsible for his actions. Judaism rejects any mediator and
any cosmic force for evil. Man is free. He is not subject to Satan; nor
are his material gifts of life inherently bad. Wealth might be a blessing
as well as a curse,” etc., etc.
In an encyclopedia we do not expect to find original or striking views.
It is not the particular article from which this excerpt is taken that fault
is found with. That article is selected simply as representative of the
kind of information that is expected to help one grasp the meaning of
Judaism. It is typical of the baffling glibness with which Jewish teachers
and preachers usually talk about the Jewish religion. One who reads or
listens to such statements finds that somehow or other little has been added
to his stock of knowledge about Judaism. He experiences how irritating
words can be when they either hide thought or betray its absence.
author’s vacillating description of Judaism. At first Judaism is a form
of belief. Then it becomes the effect of that belief upon thought and
conduct. From that it evolves into some irreducible minimum of conformity,
if we can only get hold of it. This being difficult, it gets to be a
series of colorless platitudes. Such a definition calls up the image of a
streamlet, now leaping over rocks and boulders, now meandering upon
level ground, and finally losing itself in the marshes. The fitfulness and
inconsistency of the formulation, the picking up of the different threads
of thought without following out any one of them to its conclusion, are
characteristic of this type of definitions. They are as devoid of vitality as
a long drawn-out yawn, and their want of logic is exasperating. The
merest tyro can see that one can profess the principles they embody
without being a Jew. There are many sects that would heartily subscribe
to all of them. Universalists, Deists, Theists, Unitarians, and
even Ethical Culturists hold these doctrines. As matters stand at present,
these sects engage more actively in spreading them than we do.
What is fundamentally wrong with the above definition and with
the entire class of formulations of which it is an instance? The[210]
tendency to mistake the shadow of a thing for the thing itself. The main
cause for misapprehending the true character of Judaism is the proneness
to regard it merely as a form of truth, or, at best, as the effect of a truth
upon thought and conduct, and to overlook entirely the fact that it is a
living reality, a very strand of the primal moving forces of the world.
“Judaism is the truest form of truth,” says one writer. “Judaism gives,
to truth the most truthful shape,” says another. Now and then they
speak of it as a “form” of life, but it turns out to be only a lip service,
or a homiletical phrase. They fail to follow up the clue which is more
than once suggested to them by the difficulty of expounding Judaism as
a form of truth. That being a Jew has always involved conforming to
certain principles and modes of life is a truism. But these principles
or observances by themselves constitute only the outward expression of
Judaism. The mathematical formula which states the law of gravitation
is not the same as the force of gravitation itself. It is conceivable that
further experimentation might make it necessary to qualify the mathematical
formula. But the force of gravitation will ever be the same
as it has been. The change from looking upon Judaism as a form of
truth to that of regarding it as of the very substance of reality calls for
a complete transformation in our mode of thinking, or what has been
termed “a psychological change of front.” We must break completely
with the habit of identifying the whole of the Jewish religion with merely
certain beliefs and duties, while ignoring completely the living energy
which has operated to produce them. They are only the static residue
of something that is essentially dynamic.
from all that has gone before in Jewish life. If it were that,
Judaism could not possibly survive under it. The fact is that we are only
bringing to the fore and translating into modern phraseology an attitude
that in one form or another has always asserted itself in Judaism. Simultaneously
with the tendency to compress Judaism within certain formulas,
there has always shown itself a strong aversion to gathering Judaism
within creeds and minima of conformity. To-day that aversion, which
has hitherto remained a matter of feeling and intuition, can make itself
articulate by availing itself of the results of recent research in the fields
of religion. It need no longer entertain the fear of being charged with
spiritual anarchy. Discountenancing dogmas in Judaism is not synonymous
with intellectual libertinism. It is rather a protest against shallowness
and superficiality, much like the chagrin of the artist at having his
knowledge of drawing praised and the soul of the picture missed.
[211]
We can give in this connection a few cursory examples of the anti-summarizing
tendency. The Torah itself, in one instance, seems to set
out with a view of reducing Judaism to a minimum, but scarcely finds
itself able to do so. “And now, Israel, what doth the Lord thy God
require of thee, but to fear the Lord thy God, and to walk in all His ways,
and to love Him, and to serve the Lord thy God with all thy heart and
with all thy soul, to keep the commandments of thy Lord and the statutes,
which I command thee this day, for thine own good?” “Is this a small
matter?” asks the Talmud, in evident surprise at the hugeness of the
program. When the would-be proselyte came to Shammai and requested
him to sum up the entire Torah in one principle, he received no
better treatment than he deserved, when he was made to take to his heels.
That Hillel did not rebuff him and gave him the principle, “What is hateful
to thee do not do unto thy neighbor,” proves that Hillel knew how
to be patient and tactful, but not that the Talmud looks upon that summary,
or any other, as expressive of the essence of Judaism. The same
applies to religious practices, concerning which the Mishnah announces
the maxim that it is not for us to estimate which are more important than
others. We are told that the custom obtained at one time of having the
Ten Commandments read as part of the daily service; but that as soon
as it gave rise to the impression that the Ten Commandments were more
essential than the rest of the Torah, it was discontinued. It is true that
Philo reduces the teachings of Judaism to five essential doctrines, but that
was because Judaism to Philo was Platonism divinely revealed.
first gained headway at the beginning of the eleventh century with
the Karaites, whose entire conception of Judaism was such as to render
their sect hopelessly stagnant and doomed to dwindle. Still, even they would
never have thought of emphasizing certain dogmas as indispensable, had
they not discerned in the teachings of Mohammedanism a dangerous challenge
to Judaism. Thus the dogma-making tendency in Judaism arose during
the Middle Ages not as an indigenous product but as a retort to the
dominant religions of the time. What might be called the application of the
synoptic method to the Jewish religion remained confined mostly to the
part of Jewry which came, directly or indirectly, under the influence of
Aristotelian intellectualism.
To this trend Judah Ha-Levi (1085-1140) stands out as a notable
exception. In him the disapproval of having Judaism subsumed under
formulas of a philosophic stamp comes again to the surface. His being
a poet even more than a philosopher enabled him to get a better insight[212]
into the inwardness of Judaism than that obtained by the intellectualists
with their analytic scalpels. This is apparent in his well-known “Al-Khazari.”
The story goes that the Khazar king, after consulting a philosopher,
a Mohammedan, and a Christian as to what he should believe and
do, finally turned to a Jewish rabbi. When the king asked him about the
Jewish religion, the rabbi replied, “I believe in the God of Abraham, Isaac
and Jacob, who led the Children of Israel out of Egypt, who fed them in
the desert, and gave them the land. . . . . Our belief is comprised in
the Torah, a very large domain.” Upon hearing this, the king grew indignant,
and said to the rabbi, “Shouldst thou, O Jew, not have said that
thou believest in the Creator of the world, its Governor and Guide, and in
Him who created and keeps thee, and such attributes which serve as evidence
for every believer?” But the rabbi persists in his mode of stating
Judaism. He parries successfully the king’s efforts to draw out of him
some definition of Judaism in terms of speculative theology. The king in
time becomes a convert to Judaism, and it is only then, according to Judah
Ha-Levi, that he succeeds in getting the rabbi to teach him concerning the
attributes of God, as if to imply that one has first to be a Jew before indulging
in any abstract or philosophic study of Judaism. The keynote
of Ha-Levi’s thought is that the essence of Judaism is not merely to give
assent to any general belief, but to belong to Israel and share in its experiences.
chief sponsor of the systematizing and speculative tendency in
Judaism, is far from having attached as much significance to the Creed he
formulated as the fact of its presence in the prayer book might indicate.
He himself strongly deprecates attaching more importance to one part
of the Torah than to another. “The Ten Commandments and the Shema
in the Torah,” he says in the very same chapter of his commentary on the
Mishnah which contains the Creed, “are no holier than any of the genealogies
that are found in it.” Albo (1380-1444) reduces the essence of
Judaism to three, yet inconsistently declares that he who denies other
articles of faith which are of minor importance is no less a heretic than
he who denies any of the essential ones. In fact, he admits that there are
as many articles of faith as commandments in the Torah.
Abravanel (1437-1508), though an admirer of scholasticism, and
practically the last of the line of Jewish Aristotelians, considers the
thirteen Articles of Maimonides’ Creed gratuitous, and as not representative
of the maturer views of Maimonides. His opinion is that they
properly belonged to the commentary on the Mishnah, which was the work
of his youth; and that as he ripened intellectually, he changed his mind[213]
about their value. We miss them in the Code and in the “Guide to the
Perplexed,” where we should most of all have expected to find them. In
the same connection, Abravanel adds that the fashion of laying down
creeds as fundamental in Judaism owes its origin to the method employed
in the secular studies which always started with certain indisputable
axioms.
The same resistance to the effort to extract Judaism from a few
source principles is encountered in Jewish mysticism. Whatever we may
think of the particular form which mysticism took on in the Jewish religion,
we cannot but regard it as the outbreak of a longing that forms a
part of all vital religion. We have good reason, therefore, to treat with
respect its opinion of the intellectualizing process of Jewish philosophy.
Although it was also addicted to speculative categories and developed a
theosophy instead of a theology, it approached Judaism from an entirely
different angle. Being impressionistic in its trend, it was bound to look
elsewhere than to abstract concepts for the core of Judaism. To put
Judaism into the form of a creed appeared to the mystics like combining
pure gold with a baser metal, in order to mint it for circulation.
in Mendelssohn. Yet, somehow or other, he has been singled
out for attack, as though he had advocated a dry formalism, unredeemed
by any inner principle or inspiration. He is charged with having been
under the influence of the shallow deism of the English philosophers. The
truth is that Mendelssohn only repeats in his way what Judah Ha-Levi had
taught before him. He distinctly emphasizes the belief in the existence of
God, in providence and in retribution as the sine qua non of Judaism, but
he is clear-minded enough to realize that they constitute what he calls “the
universal religion of mankind,” and not Judaism.
Mendelssohn did not succeed in developing a constructive view of
Judaism, whereby it might be enabled to withstand the shock of modernism;
nevertheless, he does not deserve the treatment accorded him because
of his alleged attitude towards creeds. His position as to the relation of
creeds to Judaism is the only tenable one. He maintains that creeds can
only be of two kinds; either they oppose reason, and should therefore
find no place in Judaism, or are so self-evident that they are not confined
to Judaism. This does not mean that to be a Jew one can believe whatever
he likes, or not believe at all. It does not mean that Judaism only demands
outward conformity. Mendelssohn was aware that certain “Hobot ha-Lebabot,”
Duties of the Heart, are indispensable to Judaism. But he refused
to make of Judaism a mutilated philosophy.[214]
principles, particularly so exalted a sphere as religion. Who
counts upon any art attaining a high degree of development by mere rule
of thumb? Is anything so characteristic of modern life as emphasis upon
the mutual interrelation of theory and practice? All our strivings to
rehabilitate Judaism are bound to prove futile unless they are made to
center about some definite conception of its aims and methods. We need
principles, yea dogmas, in Judaism as we need working hypotheses in any
great undertaking. But dogmas, in the sense of abstract principles, regarded
as immutable, are both superfluous and dangerous. If such dogmas
are nothing more than the common denominator of all that has been identified
with Judaism in the course of its history, they are sure to be banal
and colorless. If they are to be fixed and unalterable, they are bound in
time to clash with reason and experience, and to sap the religion of its
vitality. Judaism needs principles that can help it to withstand danger,
that can give it a lease upon life. This is the criterion to be applied to
any articulate conception of Judaism. Can the principles which the text-books
on Judaism declare to be fundamental render this service? The
reply is an unequivocal No. Hence they are worse than useless.
But we cannot afford to stop at this point. Knowing what Judaism
is not, is only half-knowledge, and therefore quite dangerous. We must
apply ourselves anew to the task of pondering over the problem of Judaism.
We may indulge to our heart’s content in lauding the past when one
could be a Jew without troubling his head about the question, “What is
Judaism?” We may sigh in regret for those days when a Jew upon being
asked about his religion was able to reply, “I have no religion; I am a
Jew.” The danger of the entire economy of the Jewish soul going to pieces
is too imminent to permit us to lull ourselves into that blissful unconsciousness,
the praises of which Carlyle sang quite consciously. We are treading
the narrow ledge of a precipice. Men like Zollschan, Ruppin, and Theilhaber
have pointed out the awful chasm that threatens to engulf us. It
requires not a little courage to maintain our nerve and avoid being seized
with the vertigo. But courage alone is not enough. We must take into
account the narrowness of the path and tread over it warily.
have not been called upon to do before. That task dare not be
shirked. We must not give in to that tendency which breaks out whenever
we have something very difficult to do, of turning to anything except that[215]
which we know demands peremptory attention. A task that is thus
neglected revenges itself by haunting us and upsetting whatever we undertake.
Instead of giving to the problem of Judaism the careful deliberation
that it requires, we get busy with a thousand and one things, whereby
we hope to escape the need of concentrated attention. We have become
fussy and fidgety. We are divided into committees and sub-committees.
In place of clearness of thought we have a confusion of tongues. Our case
illustrates the truth which Pascal enunciated, that most of the evils in the
world can be traced to the inability of a person to sit in his room and
think.
Without deprecating any of the undertakings to bring order out of
the social chaos in Jewish life, we must place at the present time chief
emphasis upon the serious consideration of our inner problem, the problem
of the Jewish soul and of the Jewish spirit, the problem of Judaism. We
may well envy the thousands of soldiers on the battlefields of Europe to
whom it is a joy to meet death for the sake of their respective flags. Each
of them has a cause to die for. Most of us, by reason of our Jewish descent,
find life, particularly in the higher sense of the word, to be a keener
struggle for existence than our neighbors do. Yet it would not be half so
wearing if our difficulties were consecrated by an inspiring cause or by a
thrilling loyalty. Why need we be poverty-stricken in spirit, bereft of
everything that makes struggle sweet and suffering endurable? We must
put the very question, What is Judaism? in a new way and in a different
spirit. We must have the definite purpose in mind, of so understanding it
as to know what to do next, and to strive for that vigorously, so as not
to drift like helpless flotsam and jetsam. We need strong beliefs which,
as Bagehot puts it, win strong men, and then make them stronger.
the style of language that men were wont to use. A condition indispensable
to a religion being an active force in human life is that it speak
to men in terms of their own experience. Judaism, to be significant to modern
man or woman, can no longer afford to speak in the language of theology.
Psychology and social science, history and human experience, have
revealed new worlds in the domain of the spirit. The language of theology
might have a certain quaintness and charm to the ears of those to whom
religion is a kind of dreamy romanticism. But to those who want to find
in Judaism a way of life and a higher ambition, it must address itself in
the language of concrete and verifiable experience.
The ideas in which Judaism was wont to spell itself out in the past
are no longer at home in the Weltanschauung of the modern man. What[216]
prevented the Reform movement from becoming a real reformation and a
vitalization of Judaism was that it sought to adjust Judaism to a Weltanschauung
which had already begun to grow obsolete. We have to reckon
with all that has been learned in the meantime concerning human society
and the place of religion in it. When one comes to a strange land, and has
with him only the coin of his native country, he must calculate in terms of
the currency of the land he is in, if he wants to know whether or not he
has enough to live on. Can we Jews afford to live spiritually upon our
heritage? That can only be answered if we learn what that heritage is
equivalent to in the current mental coin of the modern man. If we do not
wish to be cut off from the stream of living thought, if we do not want to
be spiritually starved, we Jews must know not so much what Judaism meant
twenty centuries ago, nor even a century ago, but what it is to mean to
us of today.
Editors’ Note.—In articles to follow, Professor
Kaplan will give his conception of “What Judaism
Is.”
The Jewish Student in Our Universities
A Menorah Prize Essay
By Morris J. Escoll

MORRIS J. ESCOLL (born
in Russia, 1893, came to
America in 1896), graduate of
Stuyvesant High School, New
York (1910), student at Columbia
(1910-’12) where he won
the Peithologian Medal for a
Freshman Essay; worked as
farm hand; and since 1914 a
student in the Cornell College of
Agriculture. The present paper
is a somewhat revised version
of the Essay with which he won
the Cornell Menorah Prize last
June.
his environment has been at once his
strength and his weakness. His strength,
in that it provided a variable cloak to shelter him in
storm on the one hand,—on the other, to deck him
seasonably, as it were, for the onward journey,
when days were fair; his weakness, in that it has
often led him to forget that the cloak was but raiment;—”and
is not the body more than raiment?”
Of strength in storm we have had example enough
for twenty centuries—such example as is unique in
history; of what is more rare, strength in days of
fair weather, we are to expect a supreme example
today, and in America, in the American Universities
let us say, where the cloak of adaptability is most
free and seasonable—a supreme example of strength,
or of weakness.
from his fellows at college. He seems in no
manner different from them. He studies with them,
eats with them, plays ball with them. He writes editorials
for the college paper; he competes in the
oratorical contests. One, for example, is a member
of the school orchestra; another, perhaps the son or the grandson of an
immigrant from Germany, leads the cheers at the track meet; another, himself
an immigrant from Russia, plays on the chess team and is one of the
brilliant scholars in his class. This last does, at present, have something of
the stranger about him, but before long, no doubt, his speech will have become
more smooth, his trousers will have begun to show a crease; he will
have become quite an interesting and regular figure at the various reform
and ethical club meetings at the university, and he will begin to be seen quite[218]
frequently in the company of his gentile classmates—even in the company
of his German-Jewish cousin. Wonderful, indeed, the country that can so
readily attire its adopted children, and, as the saying goes, make them feel
at home; wonderful, perhaps, the race that, through centuries of degradation,
has kept alive, though often latent indeed, the potentialities of equal
partnership with the most enlightened peoples of a twentieth century civilization.
What though it has no long past, America is the great land of
the future. Here let the Jew lay aside his burden of the time that has
gone and build anew into the time to come. Shall we regret, then, that the
Jewish student has taken on the polite address, the proud carriage, the
heartiness and the chuckle of his Yankee comrade? Should he now keep
the gabardine of his forefathers, yes, and the credulities and ceremonies of
a circumscribed and persecuted people? Why not absorb that wholesome
ruddiness, denied him so long, that breathes of open American prairies, fair
play, and the Declaration of Independence?
man hath not where to lay his head.” Of whom did the great prophet
speak more fittingly than of the children of his own race? Homeless for
two thousand years, persecuted, ostracized, their backs have become bent
and in the eyes of many they have become a nation of religious fanatics
and usurers, wily, unkempt. The Jewish youth of to-day cannot look back
upon his history of exile and say, as did Æneas of old after seven long
years of wandering: “It will be pleasant to remember”—”forsan et
haec olim meminisse juvabit”; his trials have been but too real and he has
not recovered sufficiently to have any desire to recall them. Blame him not
then, if, when others from obscure and semi-civilized quarters of the globe
hail with pride their ancestry, he alone, with the proudest traditions in
history, will sometimes seek to hide his descent. He still feels, moreover,
some of the old “wiliness” and “unkemptness” within himself; he thinks
they are of the Jews and of none others—and he wants to get rid of them.
He still feels some of the old usury in his bones, the clannishness, the distrust
of the world, which the squalid ghetto walls the Middle Ages had built
around his fathers have bequeathed to him, and he wants to get rid of
those. Shall we look askance at him then, if when the American University
welcomes him to her hearth—Ithaca, for example, with her kindly professors
and laughing girl students, her ball games, her neat cottages and
rolling hills that drink Cayuga’s stream beside—in the excess of eagerness
he should sometimes break with, yes, even forget his past, and dream new
things? (Hills, cottages, home and country; superfluous concepts were[219]
these to other men, elementary satisfactions which they are born into and
take for granted as their inevitable heritage.) Eagerly, therefore, greedily,
perhaps, he sees new things; the goal of twenty centuries of wandering
stands revealed before him. The Irish have found a home in America, the
Germans, the Italians, the Poles, and why not the neediest of all, the Jews?
The American University typifies the ideals of the great democracy where
“race, creed and previous conditions” are forgotten. Here all men forget
their prejudices. All men become brothers.
look into our own hearts, and strife and jealousy and racial antagonism
are still there. Can we expect that man who has but lately begun
to think of brotherhood can already feel it in his blood; that the age-long
superstition against the Jew can be obliterated with a new geographical
boundary—though that boundary be indeed serene as the all-washing, all-embracing
Atlantic? Oh, that “reality does not correspond to our conceptions,”
exclaims Wilhelm Meister.
For centuries the Jews had a respected and comfortable home in
Spain, but then came the fearful Inquisition, and the ninth day of Ab 1492
saw 300,000 of them exiled out of the country they had helped grow to
culture and wealth. There was the Declaration of the Rights of Man during
the French Revolution, but then came the Dreyfus affair a century
later. There was science and enlightenment in United Germany, but never
was anti-Semitism more pronounced, more scientific than there between
1875 and ’80. In 1881 the May Laws were passed in Russia. In 1882
there was a ritual murder trial in Hungary. Our statutes and sciences,
after all, are but ways and means, improved ways and means, to what?—often
to unimproved ends, it seems. Our learning and knowledge are what?—but
channels to educate, to lead out (e-duco) the noble qualities in man?
yes; perhaps also his jealousies and hatreds. And thus there comes a time
of doubt. The courtesies and learning of this university life, reflects the
Jewish student, perhaps but cover up these jealousies and hatreds, make
them more polite, and all the more painful therefore. However much he
will not, he sees cliques and denominational clubs all about him: Catholic
clubs, Lutheran clubs, Jewish clubs; in the lecture room the gentiles form
their groups and the Jews form theirs; in the election of class officers the
Jews have been slighted; at the class dinner a Jew was insulted; one fellow
was refused accommodations at a student rooming-house because he was a
Jew; and the sensitive young man begins to feel as though there were but
two divisions of people at the University after all: Jews and everybody
else.[220]
All superstition and prejudice may not have disappeared
here; enough it is that they tend to disappear so rapidly. But what of
the large country outside the university? What of the growing Jewries
in our cities? What of the Jew in the little hamlet carrying his pack of
tinware from door to door; he is so eager to earn an honest dollar for a
wife, a daughter, perhaps for a son at college; so eager to find him a home
like that of the earlier non-Jewish immigrants who buy his wares; yet why
must he overstrain his virtues before them, break through the ice, as the
saying goes, and clear himself—why? for being a Jew. Evidently, others
are taken as good until they prove themselves bad; the Jew is bad until he
proves himself good. Should some other Jewish trader come to the same
locality and commit some wrong, overcharge a shilling on the price of a
kettle, for example, the first Jew must be made to feel ashamed of it, for
it was not the other man who did the wrong, but the “Jew in him.” Evidently,
again, the Jewish problem is not of the individual, but of the race.
Must the Wandering Jew bear a perennial burden?
But even if this problem were solved (it is possible for all the Jews in
America to be in time regarded on equal terms with their neighbors or even
to be assimilated altogether with them), what of the Jews in Russia, in
Roumania, in Galicia? How long must we wait for them to assimilate or
to become free and equal sons of a fatherland? Surely we shall not suggest
that it is well for them to continue forever an alien people in those
lands. And even if this problem too were solved, if the Jews of Russia,
Roumania, and Galicia were to become free and equal sons of a fatherland,
if the Jews all over the world were to be taken in as brothers by their neighbors,
is it enough? Are we to be satisfied with this alone? “Hills, cottages,
home and country”—is not all this but raiment? What of the body,
what of the Jewish soul?
Shall he consider body and raiment equally, shall he put body
above raiment, or shall he put raiment above body and forget the body?
To put it crudely into other words, shall his ready adaptation to American
University life tend to make him less of a Jew, more of a Jew, or no Jew at
all, and thus tending, to repeat our original thought, wherein will it be for
weakness, wherein for strength? Each Jewish student, no doubt, in varying
measure, responds to all three of these tendencies; yet, insofar as the
response towards one or another of these is more marked in certain individuals[221]
than in others, let us group the individuals together accordingly,
and for the convenience of our discussion divide them into three separate
types.
The no-Jew type is common on the campus. His presence pleases us,
perhaps even flatters us. He is carefree, boyish. He makes heroes of
the gridiron athletes; he delights in the comedy shows that come to town;
he joins his non-Jewish friends in outdoor play in that easy laughter of
theirs that bubbles over at a trifle;—and we were beginning to think the
Jew had forgotten to play and laugh. We saw him after sundown once,
single in a canoe, paddling across the wide unruffled lake and far where
purple sky and purple water seem to commingle, and we thought we saw
the primitive Indian again, the wholesome child of nature plying those
waters as of old. Sail on, brave youth, we are glad to see thee still a lover
of the wild, the simple, the calm; we are glad there is still in the Jew something
of the wholesome child, the adventurer, the savage, shall we call it?
We are almost tempted to say we are glad to have him forget his past,
to sail thus away, as it were, from his troubled brethren, away across the
unruffled lake where purple wave and purple cloud in peace commingle,—so
long have we waited for the mind of the Jewish youth to be youthful, for
the moist gleam in the eye of a sorrowful children to disappear.
another individual in this type in whom it appears very much strained.
The first merges within the American tradition, the second obtrudes into
it; the first unconsciously, the second painfully aware of his effort; the
first because he has so much of the tradition within him, the second, we are
afraid, because he has so little. The second individual is generally of more
recent arrival to this country than the first; he considers his Jewishness
a misfortune which must be gotten rid of. Both are, indeed, self-centred,
unmindful of their people, but the first is more boyish—and a boy should
be self-centred. Both put the raiment above the body, and in this there
is weakness; but in the first there is not much of body, the roots of Jewish
growth have found no depth or proper sap in him, and if in him there is
not strength of body, there is at least grace of raiment; in the second there
is neither grace nor strength,—he may acquire the superstructure of American
character, but where the foundation to build it on? Where is there
strength when it is ever a getting and never a giving?
Judaism weighs most heavily upon this latter individual. He will
often deny his race, we regret to say, and play for the affection of members
of other races. But they somehow will discover his “misfortune”
and despise him all the more for hiding it. All this prejudice, he explains,[222]
is due to “those other Jews.” If they would only learn modesty from the
gentile,—not talk so, not walk so, and not keep hanging around the professor’s
desk after the lecture with all sorts of fool questions,—why then,
there would be no more of “this prejudice thing” and he could devote
his time to more important problems. (We half suspect those problems
would be superficial ones. We would also perhaps give more heed to his
urging us to modesty, if only the urging were more modest.) He may even
become eloquent and tell us that the Jews do not appreciate the generosities
and liberties of American life, that they ought to forget their old religious
superstitions and realize that in free America we don’t need any religions,
for all men are brothers. (Here again we would perhaps give more heed
to his sentiment for its boundless idealism, were we not afraid it was but a
cover for boundless egotism.)
And which brotherly organization, which fraternity do you belong to
up here? We ask, not to criticize those boyish aristocracies but rather to
embarrass him, we confess, for we know he must name a Jewish fraternity
or none at all. The other fraternities are indeed fraternal—but not to
Jews, not even to those who would get away from Judaism. We speak without
malice of this individual; we regret only that he gets so little out of the
great American tradition. The raiment becomes him badly. Speaking in
slang and following the baseball scores does not make an American. If he
sells his birthright let it be for something more than a mess of pottage.
Even if he should succeed in assimilating himself with the other races,
whether it be by the accumulation of wealth or baptism or successful denial
of his origin, yet we doubt whether he can become really happy—for he is
neither fish nor flesh nor fowl. Again, what can he receive when he has
nothing to give? And thus we must leave him, perhaps even now laughing
in the company of his non-Jewish acquaintances at some caricature of the
Jew presented for their entertainment—that is of one of “those other
Jews”—a type for which we are sorry, a coin that is spurious and does not
ring true.
will make them as one. He will become less of a Jew and more of
an American, a better American for being a Jew. Unlike the first type, he
sees a little beyond himself. Americanism is good enough for him, but
there are other Jews not in America, he realizes, and there are Jews within
America who have not reached, perhaps never can reach, his position of comfortable
participation in American life, and what of them? There may be
more pressing, more important problems in the world, but who else will
solve that particular one of the Jew if he doesn’t? He therefore will not[223]
run away from Judaism; he will try to modify it, of course, to fit in with
American progress, but, for the sake of his people, he will stay a Jew, or
better an American of Jewish ancestry. This type is the son of the big-hearted
givers among Israel. His father subscribes generously to charitable
organizations, is a member of a Reform Temple, and owes much indeed
to the opportunities of the American republic. The son, therefore,
is an American patriot, and what though it seem at times overtaxed, his
patriotism, unlike that of the individual under our first type, is genuine,
for it is not primarily self-seeking. When he speaks of ideals, it is not to
say we have no need of religions at all, but rather that we all in America
have more or less the same belief only that we choose to express it differently,
each according to his ancestral traditions. The three rings, says
Nathan der Weise, may all be true or all be false according to the conduct
of those that wear them. “But are there no peculiar values of conduct,”
we ask him, “bequeathed by the peculiar traditions of the Jew?” “Yes,”
he answers, “but those values may now be found in the cosmopolitan civilization
of America.” “We are getting away from peculiar things,” he
further adds; “we must learn to break down barriers and distinctions and
work all together, not as Jews or Americans or anything else, but simply
as men. Our only problem is to get the Jews treated everywhere as men.”
“But aside from that,” we go on to ask, “isn’t there a something that
binds together certain groups of people that have had a common history,
a common religion or any such thing in common?” “Yes,” he replies,
“but that something is the common intellect. The accident of birth does
not make us friends; though I must help the Jew in far-off Russia, yet I
am more closely identified with my Anglo-Saxon classmate. For me to co-operate
with the Jew simply because he is a Jew is as logical as for me to co-operate
with a man simply because he has the same shade of brown hair
that I have.” Words that command our thought—but yet it seems to us
the speaker feels better than he knows. Why then did his heart quicken
when one Friday night we passed the window of that Galician Jew, the
erstwhile butt of many a jest between us, our college second-hand clothes
man, and saw the flicker of his Sabbath candles? No flicker within the
home of a brown-haired man would move him so. And even while he is
speaking to us, though the length of our acquaintanceship is short, we
detect an unwonted relaxation in his manner, a confidence that has found
understanding and seeks to lay itself bare. Is it not because both of us
are Jews?
Be that as it may, the words of this type are sincere. If he forgets
his ancestry it is because he thinks of posterity. By blending his thoughts
and aspirations with those of free and generous America, he will bequeath
to his children a happier heritage than was left him by his forefathers.
As for ideals, why call them Jewish rather than American; what though[224]
they originated in Judea, cannot they be distributed from America? His
Zion therefore will be in Washington. The Jewish soul and the American
soul will become as one. He does not deny the soul, then—the raiment
has not been put above the body, the flesh above the spirit; and the adaptation
of this type to the American environment can therefore make for
strength, for a better humanity.
one among his brethren, an extremist, who is not to be satisfied
with the promised strength of his fellows of this last type. There may
be strength among them, he thinks, but strength not enough. Greater
strength is there in becoming not a non-Jew, nor less of a Jew, but simply
more of a Jew. Judaism to him is not a mere peculiar thing, but a peculiar
great thing, and only by keeping it peculiar can he enhance its greatness.
The Jewish genius cannot blend with that of America without loss to its
individuality; however much it may borrow from America in outer accoutrement,
in “wholesome ruddiness,” “fair play,” “polite address,” and so
forth—(and it should borrow what it can to improve its appearance), yet
the accoutrement must remain but raiment,—and the body is more than
raiment. Apparently he is a very narrow-minded person—and he is;
yet he believes with Ahad Ha-‘Am that “greatness is not a matter of
breadth only, but of depth.”
We have found this extremist in the dark-eyed dreamer who came
to us but recently from a Russian university, but also in the glad-eyed
youth who wears his Americanism most gracefully, it being handed down
to him for several generations. Judaism in this case, at any rate, to use
a homely expression, does not vary with the length of the nose. This
type is small in numbers, but the Jews have never made much of numbers,
and even as we observe him we are minded of the words of Joel, “—and in
the remnant shall be deliverance.” Does he shun the American garment
then? No, on the contrary, he evermore seeks it and strives to make it
attire him more gracefully. He loves the American tradition; he has much
to gather from its sunniness—his fathers had been kept in the dark so
long. But, at the breaking of day, when the angel who wrestled with
him through the night would let him go, he will say, as did Jacob of old,
“I will not let thee go, except thou bless me”; America must bless him
so that in the light of modern day his people may once again be called “no
more Jacob but Israel.”
“Many and great are the gifts of the gentile world,” he tells us, “but
that peculiar greatness within the character of the Jews as a people, it
has not. Some have called it religion, some morality; perhaps it is the[225]
devotion they have evolved to the unity of things, the אחד חוחי; perhaps it
is only a certain sadness of suffering, a certain depth of sympathy they
have evolved for all suffering and sorrow, but at any rate it is a racial
momentum which our ancestors for four thousand years have been forging
and refining in the hottest fires;” and whether it be conceit or inspiration,
he adds, “and think not that we, to-day, in the comfortable lassitude of
American life, can destroy it.” The spirit is greater than the man; the Jew
may be lost or be assimilated, but the Jewish race, not yet.
Jews who seem to have lost that old spirit of religion; they pray
in a language they scarce understand as though ‘they shall be heard for
their much speaking’; when you want the Hebrew Bible, moreover, it
seems you must go to the gentiles, and have not these added thereto the
sublime teachings of Christ?”
“Yes,” replies our Jewish friend, with more of grief than of censure
in his voice, “and to-day the Christian world is awarding the Iron Cross
for excellence in killing. And our people it has made to loathe the name
of Christ, because it was his image that was in the hand of the priest who
led the mob to massacre at the Inquisition and at Kishineff; though all
the time it was that very persecuted people that was itself living the principles
and the martyrdom of its greatest prophet.” And he continues,
and tells us brusquely how he went once to church with a Methodist young
lady and how when he was rapt in the music of a Psalm that was being
sung, she whispered giddily to him: “Don’t that remind you somewhat
of the one-step music?” “No,” he tells us he replied, “it reminds me
that I am the only Christian in this audience.”
And we understand in his reply he was not thinking of himself alone
(for extremist though he was, he must have known there was many another
devout listener in that audience) but rather of his race, of those very
Jews of the bended backs, “wily, unkempt,” who were elsewhere chanting
that same Psalm in a language, ’tis true, they scarce understood, yet with
a spiritual zeal and forgetfulness of the “treasures upon earth” which
was the very soul of the teachings of Christ. Could his Methodist friend,
could even he, with all his university training and American ruddiness, but
have the noble spirit of his unlettered grandmother he remembered weeping
so bitterly in the old synagogue on Yom Kippur, as though weeping
for the sins of all humanity,—Rachel weeping for her children. No, it
was not the religion put on and off with the phylacteries that distinguished
his fathers; it was never the raiment, but the body. Even in the darkness
of the Middle Ages it was the Malkuth Shaddai, the kingdom of righteousness,
that the old Jew prayed for on his sacred days.[226]
Narrow-minded, indeed, is this last type of Jew; but yet when rays
are concentrated to a narrow radius, the outlook through the lens may be
wide and far-reaching. We understand that he, too, thinks of posterity
as does his cousin, but only as mistress within its own household does he
believe the Jewish race can bequeath great strength to its posterity and
the posterity of the world,—not as intruder into the home of others, nor
even as their welcome guest. The Bible was the work of a narrow, provincial
Israel; the Talmud their work when scattered among the nations.
likenesses among nations and men; we must promote
their differences, and respect for those differences. That is in the path
of peace; it is war, as you know, that levels distinctions. The harmony
of an autumn sunset is in its many colors. Our own little handful of
people does not wish to make itself great in possessions or strong in arms.
We have ever been the meekest among men; while many a Christian nation
was taking an eye for an eve, it is we that were turning the other cheek.
Yes, we think we have outgrown that boyish fascination for brutal brawn
a little more than they. Today, Israel wishes but to express its pent-up
soul, to make strong the spirit of its prophets and teachers, its Moses, its
Isaiah, its Hillel, so that it may be ‘for a light to the Gentiles, (and bear)
salvation unto the end of the earth.'”
The Romance of Rabbi Akiba
By George J. Horowitz

GEORGE JACOB HOROWITZ (born in New York,
1894), educated in the Public
Schools of New York, College
of the City of New York (A. B.
1915), Talmud Torah, and
Teachers’ Institute of Jewish
Theological Seminary; President
(1915) of Menorah Society
of City College of New
York; now a graduate student
in Romance Languages at
Columbia.
of Rabbinical Judaism, was one of the most
original and the most talented of all the
great galaxy of ancient Rabbis. In him was typified
the great ideal of a Jewish Rabbi—a man of
heart, of hand, and of head. But Akiba is still
more remarkable for the charm and romance of his
life. He is indeed the one Rabbi with a great romance.
The story of his life, stripped of all exaggeration
or literary artifice, reads more like a tale
of “knight and lady” than like the simple facts of
a scholar’s life. His great love, his sudden rise from
the humblest obscurity, his brilliant intellectual and
spiritual achievements, and his glorious death, make
up the successive scenes of one of the most inspiring
chapters in Jewish history.
when the Roman Empire at its height was
about to turn all its mighty forces against his people,
the little state of Judea; and he died a martyr
to his faith, in about the year 132, on the eve of the last great rebellion
against Roman domination. His origin and early years are shrouded in
darkness. We know that he was an unlettered shepherd in his youth and
mistrustful of Rabbis and their learning. His master, Kalba Sabua—so
the story goes—was one of the richest men in Jerusalem, one of the three
wealthy philanthropists who offered to prevent the famine occasioned by
the last great siege of Jerusalem.
While in the service of Kalba Sabua, young Akiba made the acquaintance
of his daughter Rachel. They were immediately drawn to one another,
he attracted by her great beauty, and she by his innate refinement and
superiority. A deep attachment soon sprang up between them. Akiba was
still an illiterate man, however, and Rachel made him promise that if she[228]
were betrothed unto him he would go to the Beth Hamidrash to study. In
those days this was equivalent to acquiring education and culture. To
this Akiba assented and there followed a secret marriage. When her father
learned of what she had done, he became furious. He disinherited her, and
cast her off, leaving her without a roof over her head and absolutely penniless,
and he swore that as long as Akiba remained her husband she would
receive no help from her father. Then set in a period of bitter poverty
for the young pair. Akiba’s heart was rent with pain to see his young
wife, who had been accustomed from earliest youth to a home of luxury,
pass her days in a miserable hovel, with the barest necessities and sometimes
even lacking bread to eat. In winter they slept on a pallet and Akiba
would pick the straws out of her wonderfully long and beautiful hair. She
was beautiful even in her rags and tatters, and once Akiba was moved to
exclaim: “Oh, that I had a fitting ornament for thee: a golden image of
Jerusalem the Holy City!” Both indeed were nearest his heart. Once a
man came to the door of their hut and asked for some straw, saying that
his wife was confined to child-bed and he had no couch for her. “Ah, see,”
said Akiba to his wife, “there are those even poorer than we. This man has
not even straw to lie on.” This seeming poor man, the Rabbis say, was
none other than Elijah, who had come to comfort them in their misery.
not summon enough resolution to go off and study while his wife
remained behind in such abject circumstances. Nor could she insist. But
now her old strength came back to her, and she reminded Akiba of his
promise: “Go thou, and study in the Beth-Hamidrash.” She must have
felt undoubtedly that there were great possibilities in him, and in truth
she was not mistaken. Akiba, however, in his modesty, had no confidence
that he could master the intricate subtleties of Rabbinic law. How could
he, who had now reached forty years of age without once attending even
an elementary school, hope to make any progress at all so late in life? One
day, musing thus, as he stood by the village well, his interest was suddenly
roused by observing that one of the stones had a deep hollow, caused probably
by the drippings of the buckets. “Who hollowed out this stone?” he
asked; and he was answered: “Canst thou not read Scripture, Akiba?
‘The waters wear the stones,’—the water, that falls on it continually day
after day, has hollowed out the stone.” Immediately Akiba argued a
fortiori (Kal Vahomer) with respect to himself. “If what is soft can cut
what is hard, then the words of the Torah, which are as hard as iron, will
surely impress themselves upon my heart, which is only flesh and blood.”
So Akiba repaired forthwith to a Melammed Tinokoth, a teacher of children,[229]
and, seated beside his own little son, he began learning his letters.
Akiba held one end of the A. B. C. board and his son the other.
The elements once mastered, the next step was the Rabbinical academy.
Bitter poverty, however, would not permit Akiba to leave home, and he
would probably have remained in his little village for the rest of his life,
an obscure and unknown man, if it were not for his wife. It was her noble
self-sacrifice that enabled him to become the greatest Rabbi of his time and
perhaps of all time. Unknown to him, she stole out into the market-place
and sold all that beautiful hair of hers, so that he might continue his
studies. Indeed no sacrifice, no self-abnegation, was too great for her.
She sent Akiba away and for twelve long years dwelt alone in sorrow and in
want, a “living widow,” and at the end of that period she crowned it with
a renewal of the same great sacrifice. As Akiba was crossing the threshold,
home again after twelve years of study, he overheard Rachel talking with a
neighbor. “It served thee right,” said the neighbor, “for marrying a man
so far beneath thee. Now he has gone off and forsaken thee.” “If he
hearkened to me,” was Rachel’s reply, “he would stay away another
twelve years.” At these words Akiba exclaimed: “Since she gives me
permission, I will go back to my studies,”—and he went and stayed away
another twelve years. Such was the noble renunciation of Rachel, wife of
Rabbi Akiba, for his sake and for the sake of the Torah.
of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, both renowned teachers, who in their
youth had been favorite pupils of Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai. It is
illuminating to consider Akiba’s general method of study. He had the
habit, the Talmud tells us, of going alone to meditate over every Halakah
(law) that he learned. After this bit of hard thinking, as we would call it,
he usually came back with some very difficult questions. Only when these
questions were answered did he feel satisfied that he knew the Halakah.
That this thorough method of study bore fruitful results Akiba’s subsequent
achievements showed. At first, however, his genius was not evident
and R. Eliezer paid no attention to him. But one day Akiba gave him his
first answer and R. Eliezer was astounded at its profundity. Said R.
Joshua then to R. Eliezer, in a slightly modified Scriptural phrase, “Is not
this he whom thou hast despised? Go thou now and contend with him.”
From that time on Akiba was acknowledged a master of Rabbinic law.
All that confused mass of traditional rules, precepts, laws, discussions
and opinions which composed the Oral Law, and which it usually took a lifetime
to master, Akiba made his own within the space of a few years, and at
an age when the mind is no longer fresh and impressionable. Akiba’s genius[230]
showed itself even more brilliantly in his subsequent labors in the same field,
which were marked by three great achievements. These were his arrangement
of the Oral Law into a systematic code, the Mishnah (substantially
as later edited by R. Judah Ha-Nasi), his establishment of a logical foundation
for each Halakah, and his discovery and formulation of new and
original methods of hermeneutics and exegesis. To appreciate the magnitude
of these achievements, we must remember that up to and for some
time after Akiba’s day, instruction in the rabbinical academies was oral.
Each teacher taught, as well as he could recall, exactly what he had heard
from the lips of his master, and his pupils in their turn did likewise. Every
great Rabbi therefore had his own set of Halakic traditions, his own
Mishnah.
The results of this system or rather lack of system were mainly two:
the reasons for many of the Halakoth were forgotten, and of the laws that
were taught an immense number were uncoordinated, confused and often
contradictory. The greatest fault, however, of these early Mishnayoth
(Mishnayoth Rishonoth) was their general lack of arrangement. The
Halakoth were usually strung together without connection and without
any logical grouping. It was Akiba who first organized them into an
orderly system. He put all the Halakoth dealing with one particular subject
in one group, and then he divided the groups into the six general
divisions that our Mishnah has today. Besides this he introduced number
mneumonics wherever possible, in order to facilitate memorization. The
second work that we owe to Akiba’s influence is the Tosephta or Supplement
to the Mishnah, as later edited by his pupil R. Nehemiah. Akiba’s purpose
in this Supplement was to give explanatory matter on the Halakoth
of the Mishnah in the form of citations of cases, discussions, and opinions.
Here there was more room for originality than in the first work, for when
the reason for any law had been forgotten Akiba discovered it again.
its brilliant originality, and which more than anything else delighted
and astonished his colleagues, was his new system of Biblical, or rather
Pentateuchal, interpretation, his Midrash ha-Torah. The importance of
these new methods cannot be overestimated. The Oral Law is nothing more
than the Jewish interpretation of the Torah, and consequently new methods
of Pentateuchal exegesis meant the further growth and development of the
Oral Law. Akiba thus gave Judaism the capacity for vigorous further development.
He was indeed a firm believer in the principle that the Oral
Law, even as life itself, is always in process of evolution—”immer in Werden,”
as the Germans put it—but never completed. His main exegetical[231]
principle is quite simple. The language of the Torah is not like the language
of an ordinary book. In the Torah every syllable, every letter is
fraught with meaning. It is all essence. Hence every detail in the Torah
must be interpreted. There is absolutely nothing superfluous. It was
these exegetical methods that excited the unbounded admiration of his fellow-rabbis.
They said of him that things that were not even revealed to
Moses were revealed unto Akiba. By his preservation of the old Halakoth
in the Mishnah and by his stimulation of newer developments with his
exegesis, Akiba laid the foundations of Talmudic and Rabbinic learning,
and truly earned for himself the title of third founder of Judaism after
Moses and Ezra.
Akiba’s method of teaching also was extraordinary. The order and
system that he had brought into the Rabbinic curriculum coupled with
his novel methods of exegesis rendered his lectures clear, simple and most
interesting. Multitudes flocked to hear him. With hardly an exception
all the prominent Rabbis of the following generation attended Akiba’s
academy. Notable amongst them was R. Meir, who handed down Akiba’s
Mishnah to R. Judah Ha-Nasi and through him to posterity.
Akiba turned his steps homewards, accompanied by a large band of
disciples, which tradition numbers in the thousands. At the rumor that a
great Rabbi was coming, Rachel’s heart was all aflutter with hope and expectation.
Perhaps it was he at last! The whole village went out to
meet him, she with the rest. When she saw that it was indeed he, she fell
on her knees before him sobbing and began kissing his feet. The pupils
surrounding Akiba wanted to push her aside, but he said, “Let her be.
What knowledge I possess and what knowledge you possess belongs to her.”
When Kalba Sabua heard that a great Rabbi had come to town, not dreaming
that it was his son-in-law, he made up his mind to go to him and have
his vow absolved, for at the sight of his daughter’s misery his heart had
softened, and but for his vow he would long since have taken her back. He
came to the Rabbi and the Rabbi said to him, “If thou hadst known that
her husband would one day be a great scholar, wouldst thou have vowed?”
“If he knew even one chapter or even one Halakah, I would not have
vowed,” was the reply. “I am he,” said Akiba simply. At these words
Kalba Sabua stared in amazement, and then fell at his feet and begged
pardon for all his past unkindness towards both Akiba and Rachel. To
make more substantial amends he gave them half his fortune and they lived
in comfort ever after. The affluence in which Akiba henceforth lived, contrasted
with the poverty of his student days when he used to cut wood for[232]
a living, is thus quaintly described in the Talmud: “When he was a student
Akiba used to fetch a bundle of wood every day. Half he sold for food and
half for clothing. But before Akiba departed from this world, he had
tables of silver and of gold, and he climbed into his bed on golden ladders.”
His wife too had the satisfaction of receiving from him and wearing the
“Golden Jerusalem,” that Akiba had wished he could give her in the days
of their poverty. Indeed the magnificence of Rachel’s jewels called forth
a protest on the part of the students of Akiba’s academy. “Thou hast put
us to shame before our wives,” they said, “for our wives do not possess
any such precious ornaments.” “Ah, yes,” said Akiba, “but she has
suffered much with me in the Torah.”
Halakic activities. Just about this time all sorts of hybrid religions
made up of decadent Greek philosophy and of dying Pagan creeds
were in vogue—the various forms of Gnosticism. Christianity—Jewish
Gnosticism, that is—was only one of the many perversions that Judaism
had to combat. These religions exercised a particular fascination because
they dealt largely in esoteric doctrines and in theosophic speculation.
There was great danger that Jewish minds might be led astray, as in fact
some were. Of the four great Rabbis, who the Talmud says entered upon
theosophic studies, only Akiba came through safely. Upon ben Azzai and
ben Zoma, both brilliant young students, and upon Aher (Elisha ben
Abuya) it had disastrous effects. Ben Azzai died young. Ben Zoma went
mad and Elisha ben Abuyah repudiated Judaism. Wherefore the Rabbis
never mentioned his name but always spoke of him as “Aher” (“the
Other”).
Akiba’s philosophy and ethics are revealed in the following sayings:
“Labor is honorable to man.”
“They err who say I will sin now and repent after. The day of atonement
brings no forgiveness to the insincere.” This saying is strikingly
similar to Dante’s famous line in the Inferno: “No one can repent and
will at once.”
The eternal problem why the righteous suffer and the wicked prosper
is answered by Akiba in this way. The righteous are punished in this world
for their few sins, so that in the next world they may receive only reward.
The wicked on the other hand are rewarded here for what little good they
do, so that in the next world they may receive only punishment.
“Beloved are Israel, for they are called children of the All-present,
as it is said, ‘Ye are children unto the Lord your God.’ Beloved are Israel
for unto them was given the desirable instrument by which the world was[233]
created, as it is written ‘For I give you good doctrine, forsake ye not my
Torah.'” Israel is therefore the Chosen People. Nay more. In another
place Akiba says, “Even the poorest of Israel are looked upon as nobles,”
and even R. Ishmael agreed with him that “Every Jew is a royal prince.”
Our motto to-day of “noblesse oblige” is the same thought in a strange
tongue. “By which the world was created” means that Akiba identified
the Torah with “Wisdom,” which is described in Proverbs, in that famous
chapter beginning “Doth not wisdom cry and understanding put forth
her voice?” as having been “set up from everlasting, from the beginning
before the earth was.” Adapting the opening verse of John, Akiba could
very well have said, “In the beginning was the Torah and the Torah was
with God,” but he certainly would not have said, “and the Torah was God.”
“Everything is foreseen,” Akiba goes on to say, “yet freedom of
choice is given; and the world is judged by grace, yet all is according to
the amount of work.” His doctrine of “grace” and “works” was that
“grace” is acquired through works, or in non-theological language, God’s
favor goes to the man of good deeds. This was in opposition to the
Christian teaching that “grace” came through faith alone. God’s justice
is tempered with mercy; yet even divine mercy is dealt out fairly, says
Akiba. He had such a strong sense of right that he even condemned the
action of the Israelites in despoiling the Egyptians. “It is equally wrong
to deceive a heathen as to deceive an Israelite,” he said. Akiba agreed with
Hillel that the chief commandment of the Torah is, “Thou shalt love thy
neighbor as thyself” (Lev. XIX, 18), which again is nothing more than
an application of the principle of justice in our dealings with our fellow-men.
a student at Jamnia Akiba was noted for his humility. R. Jochanan
ben Nuri told how he had occasion several times to complain of Akiba to
the Patriarch and how each time Akiba took his reprimand meekly. Nay
more. Despite these reproofs Akiba was all the more affectionate towards
R. Jochanan, so that the latter was moved to exclaim in admiration, “Reprove
a wise man and he will love thee!” (Prov. IX, 8.) Another notable
example of Akiba’s modesty is his speech at the funeral of his son, which
was attended by a great gathering of men, women, and children from all
parts of Palestine. “Brethren of Israel,” said Akiba, “listen to me. Not
because I am a learned man have ye appeared here so numerously. There
are those here more learned than I. Nor because I am a rich man. There
are those here far richer than I. The people of the South know Akiba; but
whence should the people of Galilee know him? The men know him; but
whence should the women and children that I see here know him? But I[234]
know full well that ye have not given yourselves the trouble to come but
for the sake of fulfilling a religious precept and to do honor to the Torah,
and your reward will indeed be great.” Practising it as he did, Akiba
did not fail likewise to preach modesty. “He who esteems himself highly
on account of his knowledge,” said he, “is like a corpse lying at the wayside;
the traveler turns his head away in disgust and walks quickly by.”
Again, in words almost identical with Luke (XIV, 8-11), Akiba says:
“Take thou a seat a few places below thy rank until thou art bidden to
take a higher place, for it is better that they should say to thee: ‘Come
up higher’ than that they should bid thee ‘Go down lower.'”
Akiba was likewise famous for his kindness and charity. He was a
man of the people. His heart was full of charity and affection for the
multitude. His interest in their welfare was so deep and genuine that he
ultimately came to be called the “Hand of the Poor.” As overseer of the
poor, Akiba made many long and arduous journeys to collect funds for
their relief. It was his opinion that the funds of charity ought not to be
invested, in order that ready money might always be at hand, should a poor
man present himself. Once Akiba received some money from R. Tarphon,
for the purpose of buying some land. But instead Akiba distributed the
money to the poor. When Tarphon asked him where the property was,
Akiba showed him the verse in Psalms, “He hath scattered, he hath given
to the poor; his righteousness endureth forever; his horn shall be exalted
with honor.” Thereupon Tarphon kissed Akiba on the forehead and exclaimed,
“My master and my guide!”
nationalism. Other Rabbis were men of great intellect, other Rabbis
were learned, modest, and benevolent, other Rabbis lived, worked and died
for Judaism, but no other Rabbi was conspicuously and so zealously a
nationalist. Akiba loved “Eretz Yisrael” passionately, not only with the
visionary fervor of the pious Jew, but with the practical idealism of a
patriot. In all his extended journeys for the collection of alms, he took
care to spread and keep alive in the breast of his fellow-Jews the desire
for the rebuilding of Zion as a practical and immediate reality.
It was Akiba’s spirit that inspired and animated the last great rebellion
against Rome. This “final polemos,” as the Talmud calls it, was preparing
for a number of years. Akiba openly acknowledged Bar Kochba,
who was to be the leader of the revolt, as the promised Messiah, as “the
star that would come out of Jacob.” All the great influence, therefore,
of Akiba’s moral support was behind Bar Kochba’s military preparations.
The Jews had indeed much to complain of. Hadrian had broken faith with[235]
them; he had failed to rebuild their Temple as he had promised, and now
(about the year 130), to make matters worse, he was beginning a systematic
persecution of their religion. He forbade circumcision, the study of the
Torah, the keeping of the Sabbath, the ordination of disciples, in short
everything that went to express the Jewish religion. The Jews determined
upon war. But even before the outbreak of hostilities their greatest loss
occurred. Akiba and several other great Rabbis were captured by the
Romans, imprisoned, condemned to death, and executed. Their crime was
simply that they had continued teaching the Torah in spite of the Imperial
decree.
R. Ishmael and a certain Simon were captured, he was
stirred all the more to persevere in his teaching. “Prepare ye for death,
for terrible days are awaiting us,” said Akiba to his pupils. A certain
Pappos ben Judah met Akiba assembling the people and teaching the
Torah in public. “Dost thou not fear the Government?” said Pappos.
“Thou art considered a wise man, Pappos,” answered Akiba, “but verily
thou art but a fool. I shall give thee a parable to the matter. Once a fox
was walking along the edge of a stream. He saw the fishes in commotion,
hurrying hither and thither. ‘Before what do ye flee?’ said he to them.
‘We are fleeing before the nets of the fishermen that are cast out to catch
us.’ ‘Would ye be willing to come up on dry land and live with me, even
as your fathers and my fathers were wont to live?’ ‘Art thou he who is
called the most discerning among beasts? Verily thou art but a fool. If
even in the element that means life to us, we are fearful of death, how much
more so in the element that means our death.’ Even so are we. If
even in the time that we are occupied with the Torah, of which it is said,
‘For it is thy life and the length of thy days,’ we are fearful of death, how
much more so if even for a moment we cease its study.” Not many days
later Akiba was captured and thrown into prison. Pappos ben Judah also
found himself imprisoned with Akiba. “How camest thou here?” asked
Akiba. “Happy art thou,” replied Pappos, “that thou hast been taken
prisoner for the sake of the Torah; woe is me, Pappos, that I have been
taken prisoner for vain things.”
When they led Akiba out to execution it was the hour of the reading
of the “Shema.” Tinnius Rufus, the governor, caused his skin to be torn
off with hot irons; but Akiba was directing his heart towards accepting
the yoke of God’s kingdom, that he might accept it with love. He recited
the “Shema” with a peaceful smile on his face. Rufus, astounded at his
insensibility to pain, asked him whether he was a sorcerer. “I am no
sorcerer,” replied Akiba. “All the days of my life have I grieved that I[236]
could not carry out the commandment, ‘Thou shalt love thy God with all
thy heart, with all thy soul and with all thy might,’—even unto death. But
now that I am able to fulfill it shall I not rejoice?” And with the last
syllable of the “Shema”—Hear, Oh Israel, the Lord our God the Lord is
One—Akiba expired.
Editors’ Note.—This is the third in a series of
sketches of “Jewish Worthies,” of which the fourth
will have “Judah the Prince” for its subject.
cannot hope to be of much value as Americans. Nor
is the republic interested in suppressing this or any
other valuable legacy from the past. Our “assimilative process”
is far off from being the terrible thing which European
critics sometimes charge against us. We do reshape peoples
who come to us from the old world, but not at the cost of
the things they cherish or of the gifts they bring. Our civilization
is enriched, not impoverished, by these diverse race
traits, loyalty to which helps to make a loyalty worth having.
If the future world order is to be founded on the harmonization
of ethnic differences, there should be place enough for
such differences in our own peace-aspiring republic.—From
an Editorial in The Boston Herald.
Aspects of Jewish Life and Letters
As Revealed in Four Noteworthy Books
I
Jewish subjects with distrust. They are accustomed to find in them
either the misrepresentations of Anti-Semitic hatred or the misrepresentations
of conversionist love. The present book, based upon lectures delivered
at Oxford upon the Hibbert foundation, is a representative of the rare
group of studies belonging to neither class. It embodies an earnest and surprisingly
successful attempt to depict justly the religious life of the Jews in
the time of the Talmud. The writer is well prepared for his task by thirty
years’ devoted study of Rabbinical literature; he is known as the author of a
careful and scholarly work on “Christianity in Talmud and Midrash.”
The book includes a preliminary historical sketch, a study of what the
Rabbis meant by Torah, indicating the true nature of Pharisaic legalism, chapters
on the attitude of Jesus and of Paul toward the Pharisees, and two final
chapters on the Pharisaic theology. The book is valuable as a Christian reply
to Weber, the German author of a learned, widely-used, and thoroughly unfair
presentation of Jewish theology. Mr. Herford frankly confesses that he is an
apologist of the Pharisees, but his book is in no sense an iconoclastic attack upon
the ideas received among Christians as to the character of the Pharisees. He
freely admits, as any fair-minded Jew would, the dangers of the Pharisaic system,
but he is likewise careful to point out that these dangers were by no means
destructive of true spiritual life. It is most refreshing to find a book of this
sort included in the Crown Theological Library, along with the erudite but anti-Jewish
works of Bousset and Harnack.
than to present new ideas or conclusions. Nevertheless, his book
contains here and there new suggestions. His theory that the men of the
Great Synagogue were identical with the Soferim, though it has a certain
plausibility, is hardly supported by any great weight of historical evidence. It
is interesting to learn that the Synagogue represents the oldest form of congregational[238]
worship, and is the oldest human institution that has survived
without interruption. The parallel between the Hassidim and the Saints of
Cromwell’s time (p. 38) is curious. Mr. Herford has the somewhat strange
notion (pp. 44-5) that there is a sign of “mutual distrust” in the weeping of
the High Priest and the representatives of the Beth Din after the former had
taken the oath to observe the regulations concerning the Day of Atonement. To
the ordinary reader of the Mishnah the tears seem a perfectly natural expression
of the emotional strain under which all the people labored on the great day.
It is hard to part from Mr. Herford’s admirable book without quoting a
very fine tribute which he pays to the Jewish people. In speaking of the influence
of Ezra’s ideals, he says (p. 55): “The Talmud is the witness to show
how some of his countrymen, some of the bravest, some of the ablest, some of
the most pious and saintly, and a host of unnamed faithful, were true to those
ideals and clung to those hopes; and how, through good report and ill report,
through shocks of disaster and the ruin of their state, ground down by persecution,
or torn by faction, steadily facing enemies within, they held on to the
religion of the Torah.”
University of Illinois
II
various problems of education. He was an immigrant who had
made his fortune through speculation in real estate, and with his rise in
fortune he had, it was evident, thrown off, one after another, the social habits,
the religious outlook, and the organization of the daily life which were the
heritage he had brought with him from Russia. He was at that time, he told
me, president of a large Jewish congregation, whose pillars of support were
men like himself. He complained bitterly of their backwardness and illiberality.
They would not introduce an organ and refused to change the prayer
book or to secure an “advanced” rabbi. For himself, he did not care whether
they had a synagogue—I mean temple—at all. He retained no longer any of
the superstitions or narrowness of his colleagues, and if it were not for the fact
that he felt himself out of place among members of the radically reformed
temple he would have attended that long ago. He was a member of it, of course.
His wife had made him join some years ago. It was a double expense, to be
sure, but his wife wanted to be active in the Women’s Council, and the children
met other nice children in the Sunday School. He did not think anyhow that
synagogal affiliation made any difference.
“I am,” he said, “a good Jew. I give charity.”
The remark took me aback, yet the logical development to the point of
view that he expressed was inevitable. In an environment where the call of
ambition is generally a call toward de-Judaization, the connection between Jews[239]
who prosper and the great masses of the Jewish people becomes, perforce, an
external and artificial one. It is notorious that the temple has thus far had no
appeal to and no message for the Jewish masses, that its membership is recruited
from the well-to-do and the successful, and that its relation to the great groups
which are destined never to be well-to-do or successful becomes purely a relation
of philanthropy. The elements of brotherhood, of a common consciousness
and a common purpose, fade or get submerged. Where the masses are concerned
the whole corporate essence of reformed Judaism becomes concentrated in the
word “charity.”
The term צדקה (Zedakah) meant originally righteousness, and the
righteousness which the prophets advocated was the substance of social justice.
It was incorporated into the fundamental law of the Jewish state, which differed
from that of other ancient states in the fact that its intention was to
secure freedom and “life” for each individual man. Charity, as we now understand
the word, had no place in the social conceptions of the prophets and was
not acknowledged in the Law. The three codes which are preserved to us in
the Bible from the covenant in Exodus to the extraordinarily profound legislation
of Leviticus express an evolution of the social sense founded on a right
appreciation of social justice and democracy. “Life,” and its sustenance food,
and shelter were regarded as the rights of each and every man and not as gifts
from one man to another. The law concerning the tenure of land is particularly
significant for its insight into the economic basis of social justice, and the
laws concerning indebtedness and slavery only less so. Charity appears only
when the state disintegrates. It is coincident with the decay of the social organization
and the consequent failings of the sense of corporate responsibility, and
consists substantially of the conversion of a right into a gift. This change is
registered in the new meaning which the word “Zedakah” receives. For a state
in which social justice prevails there is no room for charity, while a social
order which involves charity is not one which maintains justice. Thus it may
be said that the prophets, because they operated in terms of the reorganization
of the whole of society and not of the incidental correction of piecemeal evils,
were humanists. Their program was constructive and aimed at the enfranchisement
of manhood. The rabbis, on the other hand, were (relatively only) philanthropists.
Their program was remedial, and they aimed rather at the relief of
suffering than the realization and perfection of human potentialities.
To-day the term “charity” has given way to a new equivalent, with a
somewhat different connotation. This new equivalent is “social service.” That
it should be urged, as Mr. Lewis urges it, upon liberal Judaism is simply another
indication of the evanescing adherence of that sect to the corporate life
of the Jewish people. Although “social service” carries with it more of the
sense of justice than the term charity, it is still, in intention, a charitable thing.
It is not a thing done through the inevitable forms of right social organization,
but through the gracious good will of a kindly individual. It still maintains
the Christian quality of “grace” which is a condescension, a going down, a[240]
philanthropy. It stands in contrast to law, which knows no such qualities, and
the call which Mr. Lewis makes to liberal Judaists for a special kind of social
service is itself a demonstration that “liberal Judaism” thus far has little in
common with the substance of Jewish life. Indeed his whole book is a demonstration
of this fact, for of the six chapters that it contains only one has anything
to say of social service as such in the present day, while four are analyses,
not of charity, but of the law of righteousness as it operated in the Jewish
polity, both in Palestine and in the Diaspora. Even the actual charity of the
Middle Ages carries a quality of obligation and socially ordained necessity which
is derived from the basic law of the Jewish people.
under the basic law and exercise such righteousness as they may in the
division of obligation which the laws of the Galuth lands compel, the classes
are divorced from its rule altogether. The call with which Mr. Lewis closes his
book,—
“We must teach the masses of our people, upon whom the Judaism of
yesterday has lost hold, that their salvation lies in liberal Judaism, which
is beginning to find itself to-day and which will become the Judaism of
to-morrow,”
hearts of the masses. The radicals despise it as a capitalistic system of compromise
with the social environment. To the rest of the working classes, it makes
thus far no appeal whatever. It is only upon the radicals that the “Judaism
of yesterday” has lost its hold, and to them liberal Judaism can have no appeal.
To the rest of the Jewish people it can be significant and really developed into
the “Judaism of to-morrow” only in so far as it can succeed in reincorporating
itself into the common life. I am an old social service person, and I am prepared
to deny categorically that such a reincorporation is possible through social
service. What is needed is sympathetic intelligence, insight into the life
and aspirations of the masses, return of the classes to the masses, participation
in their ideals, their traditions, and their common life. It is not by a cutting
off from the past, but by a development out of it that such a reincorporation
can be consummated.
If liberal Judaism is to be a living and growing force at all, it can become
so only by accepting the inevitable conditions which govern all life. Life is
organic; religion is only one of the many organs of human society, even Jewish
society. Its health and vitality are dependent upon the health and vitality of
the social residuum. The hope of liberal Judaism lies in a reincorporated
national life for the Jews. That alone can preserve the Jewish religion, either
from petrifying as orthodoxy through resistance against environmental pressure,
or from evaporating as reform through submission to environmental pressure.
University of Wisconsin
III
for The Menorah Journal very appropriate. The English language
is extremely poor in popular, yet scholarly and well-written books
and essays on Jewish literature. A great many of those who are thoroughly
versed in Hebrew literature, who regard the study of the original Rabbinic
sources as a work of love if not a profession and a life work, have not a sufficient
command of English or of systematic exposition to be able to present the
spirit of these writings in acceptable form to the lay reader. The few scientific
scholars in our seminaries and colleges who could if they chose write authoritatively
and withal in an interesting manner concerning the course of Jewish
thought during the past two or three millenia, prefer to devote their time and
energy to the more technical aspects of the subject, which are not designed for
the uninitiated reader. And the men of journalistic calibre and inclination,
even if we had them, are not the most desirable purveyors of Jewish knowledge.
The truth of the matter is, in the words of Nietzsche, that ears are still growing
for the intelligent American Jewish people so far as Jewish literature—Hebrew
classical literature—is concerned.
The cause of the paucity of works in English on Jewish literary subjects
is really economic. There is no lack of young men among the people of the
Book whose ideal of a well-spent life is one of complete devotion to a scholarly
career in the service of our ancient and medieval classics. But unfortunately
the very young men who give promise of presenting in a creditable manner our
intellectual heritage for the benefit of the majority otherwise occupied, have
no means of their own, and yet are not ready (as it should not be expected of
them that they should be) to take the vow of poverty and celibacy and form
a Jewish monastic order of St. Haninah. Accordingly not a few of these choose
the Rabbinic career as the most likely profession to enable them to keep in
touch with Jewish learning—more or less a disappointed hope to the real
scholar who has no other fitness for the modern Rabbinate except his scholarship.
Others are completely side-tracked and lost to Jewish scholarship.
Thus the lack of interest in Jewish learning and scholarship keeps promising
young men away from these unpromising studies. The result is that the
field in English remains uncultivated, which reacts again unfavorably in a
diminution of interest, and the vicious circle is complete.
the intelligent lay reader of The Menorah Journal who may be an influential
member of the American Jewish community, pointing out that we are
sorely in need of a great many such books as the present one, treating various
“aspects of the Hebrew Genius”; and they are sure to come just as soon as[242]
there is a real demand for them. The Jewish students in our colleges and
universities whose number is rapidly increasing have in their midst a great
many talented young men who only need encouragement to devote their best
energies to Jewish learning. These will serve as a leaven to raise the entire
Jewish community of America to a more intelligent Jewish level. What we
need is liberal endowments for Jewish chairs in our universities and for the
promotion of Jewish education generally.
And now to proceed to my proper topic: Aspects of Hebrew Genius is
a very creditable volume consisting of eight well-written essays on several topics
of Jewish history and thought. Norman Bentwich contributes an article in
which he gives an interesting sketch of the Jewish Alexandrian period of the
first two centuries B. C., whose thought activities culminated in the works of
Philo, the first man in history who attempted an amalgamation of Hebraism and
Hellenism. It was not a success so far as Judaism is concerned, as is evidenced
by the fact that he was neglected and forgotten by his Jewish successors. He
was made use of, however, by the early Christian writers in the formulation of
the Trinitarian dogma, and by early Christian apologists and theologians in
presenting the doctrines of the new religion in a form likely to appeal to the
Græco-Roman world, which trained as it was in philosophical thought would
have been repelled by the simple narratives of Scripture and the Gospels.
attempt to enrich Jewish literature by infusing into it the spirit of
rationalistic inquiry originally derived from Greece. This time, in the ninth
and tenth centuries, the scene is placed in Babylonia. The place of the Greeks
is now taken by their medieval successors, the Mohammedan Arabs, upon whom
fell a part of the Hellenic mantle, that represented by Greek science and
philosophy. The æsthetic and literary aspects of the Greek genius were left
severely alone by the Arabs. The man about whom this sketch centers is the
famous Gaon of Sura, Saadiah. And Mr. Simon lays great stress upon his
achievements in Biblical exegesis. As the Septuagint was the first Jewish
translation of the Bible, so Saadiah’s Arabic translation was the second, and it
was enriched by introductions and a commentary in which Saadiah leads his
co-religionists, the Rabbanite Jews, from the Talmud back to an appreciation
of the Bible.
The period of systematic and rationalistic effort culminated in the legal
and philosophical works of Maimonides, the greatest Jew of the middle ages.
The Rev. H. S. Lewis gives a readable and sympathetic sketch of this pre-eminent
Jewish systematizer and rationalist. He defends him against the strictures
of Luzzatto and Graetz and points out the great influence his thinking had
on Judaism and Jews of his own and subsequent ages, and even on the Christian
scholastics.
The following four essays are devoted not to representative men but to
brief and interesting sketches of tendencies in Jewish thought and departments
of Jewish literature. The Rabbinic legalistic lore of the Mishnah and Talmud,
which finds no general treatment in the volume, is partly represented by the[243]
article of Dr. S. Daiches, who gives a popular account of the post-Talmudic
attempts to codify the immense legal material scattered in Mishnah and Talmud
and in later additions. Maimonides’ code naturally occupies an important place
in this sketch, and a novel feature is the important place assigned to Jacob ben
Asher (1280-1340), the author of the Turim, who superseded Maimonides and
is popularized by Joseph Caro in his Shulchan Aruch.
versed in philosophy as well as in Jewish literature, sounds novel; and
as the author says, is the first effort of the kind so far made. It is well known
that the philosophic movement in medieval Jewry is characterized with few exceptions
by the more or less faithful adaptation of Aristotelian thought as represented
in the Arabic translations of his works and in the compendia and expositions
made by such ardent disciples of the Stagirite as Al Farabi, Avicenna,
and Averroes. Dr. Wolf undertakes briefly and readably to indicate how much
the Jewish medieval philosophers owed to the Greek sage and what their attitude
to him was, and interestingly summarizes the Aristotelian point of view by
the one word rationalism, as distinguished from dogmatism and mysticism. He
rightly points out that while the specific doctrines borrowed from Aristotle and
read into the Bible by his ardent Jewish disciples are for the most part obsolete,
the spirit of systematic inquiry, the use of the reason in elucidating disputed
problems, “the exalted conception of the place and function of human
thought, the hallowing of intellectual effort,” which was the product of this
philosophical activity, is a gain of inestimable value for all time.
Rationalism and dogmatism, however, do not exhaust the aspects of Jewish
thought and literary endeavor. Parallel with the development of Mishnah and
Talmud and philosophy, there is visible, at first feebly and in the background,
and later, as circumstances favored it, more aggressively and in full view, the
mystic outlook upon life and religion in its various phases. H. Sperling in a
very interesting and sympathetic manner traces this mystic element in Jewish
literature from the Prophets of the Bible, through the “Maase Bereshit” and
“Maase Merkaba” of the Haggadah down to the Sefer Yezira and the Zohar
and its successors.
There is no treatment of Jewish medieval poetry, and the volume closes
with a brief account of the more critical and historical treatment of Jewish
literature created in the nineteenth century by such men as Krochmal, Rapaport,
Luzzatto, Zunz, Geiger and others. Rev. M. H. Segal gives a brief but
illuminating account of this latest phase of Jewish writing, which is not yet
closed, and is likely to stay with us for a long while.
E. M. Adler contributes an eloquent introduction by way of connecting
the necessarily independent essays and emphasizing the unity which the collection
in a great measure possesses.
The volume, as we are told in the Preface, “owes its appearance to the
Union of Jewish Literary Societies” in London, and it does credit to their
earnestness and loyalty to the cause of Jewish learning. Let us hope it may
serve as an example and incentive to the revival of Jewish interests in this[244]
country. It is well that all should read this useful little book and many others
of the kind which we hope will follow. But it is more important that such
reading shall inspire the student with a desire to study at first hand the original
depositories of Jewish thought. For this purpose a serious study of Hebrew is
imperative. And let us cherish the hope that we may witness a revival of, and
a wide-spread interest in, Jewish literature in this country where next to Russia
the greatest number of Jews are found and where, moreover, they enjoy life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
University of Pennsylvania
IV
notable contribution to the literature of Jewish life and thought. In
a single volume of scarce 350 pages of text there is presented a description
and estimate of the Jewish position in the modern world which may
well be considered among the most comprehensive and the most authoritative
now available in the English language.
Taken as a whole, the volume is noteworthy because of three commendable
characteristics. It deals with Jewish life as it appears in modern times, not as
it should be in the light of the literature of the ancient Hebrews. It presents
Jewish life in all its important aspects and complexities, not on the basis of the
theory so widely prevalent that religion, of all human activities, constitutes the
sole binding force and the only distinguishing characteristic of the separate
Jewish existence. Finally, it aims to picture the life of the Jews in all corners
of the Diaspora, and not their problems and activities in a single country or
section of the globe.
clarify a much-beclouded situation. It enables the Jew the better to
know himself; it presents to the outside world a clearer outline of a figure who
must ever, to some extent, remain “strange” and “unknowable.” Moreover, the
reader’s sense of proportion is adjusted by a work which does not make Jewish
life synonymous with Jewish religion. Whether there is sufficient evidence of
a biological and anthropological character to support the claim of those who
look upon the Jews as a separate race, whether the Jewish people in their dispersion
may properly be considered as a distinct national group in spite of the
absence of a government and a territory of their own, it is certainly difficult, in
all intellectual honesty, to maintain that the Jews are merely a religious community.
One of our brilliant young philosophers has strikingly said that a Jew
can change his religion, but that he cannot change his grandfather; nor, he[245]
might have added can he destroy his more general antecedents, that complex
of customs, traditions and ideals which have manifested themselves in the course
of thirty-five centuries of recorded history and which create within him an ineradicable
historic consciousness. Jewish solidarity is not grounded in religion
alone, and the distinctiveness of the Jewish people manifests itself in activities
other than religion.
A work which like the present aims to present the Jew in every important
phase of life, which describes the social, political, economic, and intellectual
aspects of Jewish life, as well as the religious, deserves commendation because
of its mere scope and completeness. But Mr. Cohen has gone further. He has
not fallen into the error of many of the spokesmen for the cultural or historical
unity of Jewry of denying or even minimizing the potency of religion as a factor
in Jewish survival. Indeed, he everywhere recognizes that the primary or
motor force in the organization of the Jewish community, which is the
concrete expression of Jewish solidarity, is religious, springing from the
desire for public worship. But while religion is the underlying factor, it is
not the only factor. There is a sane coordination of the leading aspects of Jewish
life, a clear grasp of the relationship between them.
Finally, the work is significant because it seeks to represent the Jew in all
lands, to paint Jewish life in all its diversity. Mr. Cohen, an Englishman intimately
acquainted with conditions in his own country, travelled extensively
on the continent in preparation for his task. But his knowledge of American
conditions was derived from study of American books and newspapers, and from
correspondence, instead of from personal experience. This accounts for such
minor lapses, with regard to American conditions, as the statement that the
Jews are “excluded from . . . . the principal hotels on the east coast of
the United States” and hence “take their holiday in the well-known resorts
of central and southern Europe” (p. 110). On the whole, however, the attempt
to describe Jewish life in all its diversity, as it is lived by Jews in all lands,
is crowned with marked success, and the author has ample justification for his
claim that he has brought “within the covers of a single book the fullest description
yet attempted of all the main aspects and problems of Jewish life in
the present day.”
given in the author’s own words. “First, a General Survey is presented,
showing the dispersion and distribution of Jewry in its countless manifestations,
its diversity of composition in political and spiritual respects, and the solidarity
that unifies its disparate elements. Then follow five main sections, in each of
which a leading aspect of life is investigated—the social, the political, the economic,
the intellectual, and the religious. Under the Social Aspect are set
forth the growth and constitution of the community, the characteristics and
customs of the home, social life and amenities, morality and philanthropy, and
racial and physical conditions. Under the Political Aspect are related how
one-half of the people acquired civil equality, how the other half is still suffering
in bondage, and what services Israel has rendered to so many countries in both
their government and their defence. Under the Economic Aspect are reviewed[246]
the different spheres of commercial, industrial and professional activity in which
Jews are engaged, the contrasts of material welfare and predominance of poverty,
and the ceaseless currents of migration from the lands of bondage to the
havens of refuge. Under the Intellectual Aspect are considered the advance
made by secular education among the Jews, the nature of their national intellectual
products in modern times, and the contributions they have rendered to the
progress and culture of humanity. Under the Religious Aspect are described
their ecclesiastical organization and administration, their traditional faith and
observance and the growing divergences therefrom, and then the drift and
apostasy that are assuming ever more alarming proportions. Finally, the resultant
tendency of all the foregoing manifestations is examined under the
National Aspect, the strength of the forces of assimilation and absorption is
contrasted with the inherent force of conservation, and the realization of the
Zionist ideal is urged as the most effective means of ensuring the perpetuation
of Israel” (pp. viii-ix).
The purpose of the author is thus seen to be, first, to present the facts of
Jewish life, and secondly, to offer an interpretation of them—”to depict the
variegated life of the Jewish people at the present day in all its intimacy and
intensity, and to trace the evolution that is being produced by modern forces”
(p. viii). He is more successful in the first of these objects than he is in the
second.
His shortcomings in interpretation, however, are negative rather than positive;
they are due to omission rather than to commission. There is inadequate
consideration of the philosophy of Jewish life; external description has crowded
out internal analysis; the point of view is too largely objective. While, for
example, the conclusion is reached that Zionism is the only permanent and adequate
solution of the Jewish problem—with which we do not disagree—insufficient
stress is laid upon the distinctive Jewish obligation in the Diaspora; the
Jewish contributions to general culture and progress which the author enumerates
with such concreteness and detail are not distinctively Jewish contributions.
Even if Zion is the ultimate destiny of the Jew, he must, in the meantime,
justify his separate existence among the nations; if he is to remain a Jew as
well as a citizen of the world, his contribution must be that of a Jewish citizen;
in addition to the general obligation of his citizenship, he must fulfil the special
obligation of his Jewishness. But these deficiencies of interpretation, like the
inadequacies of description arising from the impossibility of treating exhaustively
so large a field within so narrow a compass, but reflect the inherent limitations
of the task set himself by our author.
University of Michigan.
JEWISH STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS
An Excerpt from Israel Cohen’s Book, “Jewish Life in Modern Times,”
pages 105-106:
“It was not until the last quarter of the nineteenth century that the Jewish
students at any of the principal seats of learning were numerous enough to form[247]
a society of their own. The first organization was founded in 1882 in Vienna by
Jewish students from Russia, Rumania, and Galicia, who entitled their society
Kadimah, which means both ‘Eastward’ and ‘Forward,’ as an indication of the
ideal of a resettlement in Palestine which they advocated. Since then, partly
as a result of the advance of Zionism and partly as a result of the anti-Semitic
attitude of the general students’ corps on the Continent, separate societies have
been formed by the Jewish students at almost every university at which they
number at least a dozen, and are now found in Germany, Austria-Hungary,
Russia, Switzerland, France, and Holland. Some of these societies owe their
existence simply to the exclusion of Jews from the general corporation, and
they adopt a passive attitude on Jewish questions, but the majority are animated
by the ideal of Jewish nationalism and actively foster the Zionist cause. The
Jewish nationalist societies in Germany are grouped into two organizations, the
‘Bund Jüdischer Corporationen,’ founded in 1901, with a membership of over
600 (graduates and undergraduates), and the smaller, ‘Kartell Zionistischer
Verbindungen,’ founded five years later, with a membership of 250. The Zionist
students’ societies in Holland were federated in 1908, but those in other Continental
countries pursue an unattached existence. Established to assert and
promote the principle of Jewish nationalism, these corporations have nevertheless
adopted all the methods and conventions of German corporations; they each
have their distinctive colors, and they hold ‘beer evenings’ at which the students
sing spirited songs in swelling chorus around tables which they bang with their
beer-mugs, presided over by officers who are accoutred in a gorgeous uniform
and armed with a sword that does duty alternately as chairman’s hammer and
conductor’s baton. But their songs tell not of Teuton valor but of Jewish hope,
breathing the spirit of a rejuvenated people. Besides these convivial gatherings
the members cultivate the study of Jewish history, literature, and modern problems,
and also practice fencing so as to be prepared for any duel in which they
might be involved in vindication of the Jewish name. The Jewish societies at
the universities in English-speaking countries are not, like the Continental corps,
the inevitable product of an unfriendly environment, but voluntary associations
for the study of Jewish questions and for social intercourse. The Jewish
students in England, and to a less extent in the United States, join the societies
of their university; but their racial sympathies prompt them also to fraternize
with one another. Thus, Oxford has its Adler Society and Cambridge its
Schechter Society, whilst at both universities there is also a Zionist Society.
Moreover, in the United States, ‘Menorah’ societies for the study of Jewish
history and the discussion of Jewish questions have been formed at twenty-five
Universities and organized into an Intercollegiate ‘Menorah’ Association with
over 1000 members.”
FOOTNOTES:
[B] R. Travers Herford: Pharisaism, Its Aim and Method. London, Williams and Norgate;
New York, Putnam. $1.50. (Any of the books reviewed in this article may be ordered
through The Menorah Journal.)
[C] Harry S. Lewis, M.A.: Liberal Judaism and Social Service. New York, Bloch Publishing
Co. (The Lewisohn Lectures.) $1.00.
[D] Leon Simon, Editor: Aspects of the Hebrew Genius. Essays by Elkan Adler, Norman
Bentwich, H. S. Lewis, S. Daiches, A. Wolf, H. Sperling, M. Simon, M. H. Segal.
London, Routledge. $1.00.
[E] Israel Cohen: Jewish Life in Modern Times. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. $3.00.
The Symbolism of the Menorah[F]
By Hyman Askowith
the founders of the first Menorah Society may be permitted to
felicitate themselves on their choice of the name. For it was far
truer of the Menorah than it is of most organizations that the choice of
a name was of vital moment, and the founders were impressed by a number
of considerations which we can all fully appreciate even today. They
were bent upon choosing a name which would not deter any Jewish student
from enrolling under it with avidity; which would not excite opposition
from any source; which would command respect and reverence, increasing
respect and reverence, both from the University public and the general
public; which would be voluntarily adopted by similar societies in other
Universities in preference to any other that might be suggested; and finally,
a name with enough charm and euphony and significant symbolism to stand
constant repetition, to bear living with day by day, and all the while
grow in our imaginations and yield new beauteous meaning through the
years.
From a descriptive standpoint, it would be difficult to find a more
appropriate name for a University society devoted to Hebraic culture
than the name Menorah. For there is hardly another available word in
the entire range of Hebraic history and learning which is so freighted with
sentiment and so symbolic of all that Israel stands for.
candelabrum, being the distinctive lamp or light of the ancient
Hebrews, serves more distinctively than would the classic torch or the
conventional oil lamp to represent Hebrew enlightenment. Our aim being to
spread the light of Hebraic culture, it is clearly fitting that we should
employ the Hebraic lamp. It should be more effective, too, inasmuch as
its light is sevenfold, and our efforts are illuminated with a sevenfold
splendor.
The word Menorah, it is worth noting, is among exclusively Hebrew
words the only one which would be readily understood by any considerable[249]
number of people aside from students or readers of Hebrew. It has
been made familiar to all by the representation of the captured Menorah
on the Arch of Titus (see Frontispiece).
According to the Bible, the original Menorah was of divine pattern.
It was ordained by God in his instructions to Moses for the sacred paraphernalia
of the Holy Tabernacle (Exodus XXV, 31 et seq.). The Menorah
was thus among the first instruments or tokens of the Hebrew religion,
and the only one which in any sense is in our possession today—the
only one which can be perpetuated. The divine pattern is still with us
and we are repeatedly modeling new copies from it. The Menorah is today,
therefore, the most expressive of all concrete symbols of the Hebrew
race and religion.
the Menorah in Hebraic literature and tradition. Both the
single light or candle, and the distinctive combination of seven, are the favorite
objects of metaphor, interpretation, and poetic sentiment. In the
Bible the word “ner” (נר)—candle or light, embodied, of course, in
the word Menorah (מנורה )—is used metaphorically in many significant
senses. God is a light—enlightening, comforting and honoring his people.
The rational understanding and conscience are lights which search, inform,
direct and judge us. A profession of faith is called a lamp, which renders
men shining and useful and instructors of others. The last two interpretations
certainly cast an appropriate reflection on our choice of
Menorah.
For the number 7, as we all know, the ancient Hebrews had a singular
fondness, attributing to it a magic potency. This may have arisen
from the traditional story of the seven days of Creation, and the institution
of the Sabbath—without a doubt the most important of Hebrew institutions.
This certainly enhanced the reverence for the number 7, which
soon became the most sacred Hebrew number, bearing nearly always the
connotation of holiness and sanctity or mystic perfection. The acts of
atonement and purification were accompanied by a sevenfold sprinkling.
There were seven trumpets, seven priests that sounded them seven days
around Jericho, seven lamps, seven seals, etc. The seventh day was the
Sabbath, the seventh year was the Sabbatical (still observed to the well-earned
emolument of our professors in the Universities), and seven times
seven years brought on the Jubilee. The seventh month was the holiest
month of the year (which we appreciate now by regarding September as
an auspicious month in which to return to college studies). The number
seven soon came to be used also conventionally as an indefinite or round[250]
number, indicating abundance, completeness, perfection.[1] Cicero calls
seven the knot and cement of all things, as being that by which the natural
and spiritual world are comprehended in one idea.
of significant meanings in the seven lamps of the Menorah. Generally
it was held to represent the creation of the universe in seven days, the
center light symbolizing the Sabbath. Again, the seven branches are the
seven continents of the earth and the seven heavens, guided by the light
of God. According to Philo and others, the seven lights represent the
seven planets which, regarded as the eyes of God, behold everything.[2] The
light in the center, which is especially distinguished, would signify the sun,
as the chief of the planets. With this was combined the mystic conception
of a celestial tree, with leaves reaching to the sky and fruit typifying
the planets.
There would be little difficulty, of course, in extending this symbolistic
catalogue ad infinitum. We could easily and perhaps profitably select
Seven Wonders of Hebraic history or achievement, seven great epochs in
the development of Hebraic culture, seven great leaders of the race, etc.
We might also say that the seven lights represent the seven chief studies
which make up a liberal education—the Trivium and Quadrivium of the
Middle Ages, substantially the foundation of the university curriculum of
today[3].
The words יהי אור, “Let there be light,” just above the Menorah
on our seal, are not only reminiscent of the first great word of God, pregnant
in meaning for humanity, but stand also for the purpose of this
Society—the relighting of the Menorah in order that it may shed its
ancient lustre and once again illumine the minds of men with the glory and
uplift of Hebraic ideals.

REPRODUCTION (ONE-FOURTH THE SIZE OF THE ORIGINAL) OF THE MEMBERSHIP
SHINGLE OF THE HARVARD MENORAH SOCIETY, ADOPTED IN ITS FIRST YEAR
(1906-07)
illustration of membership shingle) bears two or three
other symbols which deserve a word of interpretation. Below the Menorah
appears the so-called Star of David—lately revived by the Zionist movement
as the only exclusively Jewish figure or geometric symbol of any national
meaning. Entwined below the seal proper are an olive branch and a date
palm, both of which are intimately associated with the history of the race
in Palestine. They are the two most characteristic trees of the promised
land, and provided the chief staple foods of the Hebrews during their occupation
of the country. The olive, moreover, gave the oil with which the
Menorah was lit. There is also much fascinating symbolism in the olive
tree and the palm. Both are evergreens—standing for the persistency of
the Hebrew race. The date palm, we are told, has a slender and very yielding
stem, so that in a storm it sways back and forth but does not break;
and throughout its length it bears scars showing where leaves have fallen
off. Could anything be more beautifully expressive of the career of the
Jewish nation? Finally, the olive branch has always stood for peace—one
of the most cherished and distinctive Hebraic ideals; and the palm has
always stood for intellectual achievement—and who would deny the palm
to the race that gave the world its Bible and all that it stands for?
FOOTNOTES:
[F] This article is based upon a paper delivered at the Seventh Annual Banquet of the
Harvard Menorah Society last May.
[1] Cf. Gen. vii, 2; xxi, 28-30; I Kings xviii, 43; Deut. xvi, 9; Ezek. xl, 22; xli, 3.
[2] Cf. Zech. iv, 10.
[3] In the form in which this paper was read before the Harvard Menorah Society, the
following paragraphs of a more local interest were added at this point:
“And it certainly adds to the eternal fitness of things that there should be just
seven letters in the word MENORAH, just seven letters in the word HARVARD, and
just seven letters in the word SOCIETY;—the whole name of the society thus forming
three times seven, or a majority.
“That there is something much more Hebraic in Harvard than the mere mechanical
coincidence of seven letters in the name, is well known to every one who is at all aware
of the part played by Hebrew ideals in the founding, organization and early history of
Harvard. The fact that Harvard took root in Hebraic culture and traditions is a welcome
and gratifying encouragement to this effort to replant the Hebraic influence on
Harvard ground.”
The Decennial of the Menorah
Movement
of the present academic year, the first Menorah Society having
been organized at Harvard University in 1906.[G] From this Society
with an original membership of sixteen, the Menorah movement has grown
throughout the country so that at the close of the last academic year there
were Societies at thirty-seven colleges and universities with a membership
of some three thousand. Every Society has arisen upon the initiative of
the students themselves, inspired by a desire to pursue the objects embodied
in the Menorah. In January, 1913, the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
was formed for the purpose of mutual encouragement and co-operation
among the several Societies, and also to carry out enterprises beyond the
scope and power of any individual Society—such as the publication of
The Menorah Journal.
On the threshold of the decennial, and especially since the present
number of the Journal will come into the hands of many new students and
readers, it may not be amiss again, in brief terms, to review the purposes
of the movement.
response to their desire first of all to know more about the history,
literature, religion—in a word, the culture and ideals of the Jewish people,
and the conditions and problems which confront the Jews in the world
today. Being thus educational in primary purpose, every Menorah
Society is open to all the members of its university who have an interest in
Jewish life and thought. And inasmuch as the great majority, if not all,
of the students who have such an interest in Jewish knowledge and Jewish
aspirations are themselves Jews, the Menorah organization cherishes the
second purpose of strengthening the Jewish idealism and noblesse oblige
of the Jewish students, so that by understanding and carrying forward
their Jewish inheritance they may become better men and women by becoming
better Jews. And from this moral aim there flows still a third purpose,[254]
that of patriotic service to the Republic; for by enriching the common
treasury of American culture and ideals with the spiritual resources of
the Jewish people, the educated Jews of the country may serve America
to the profoundest degree. Animated thus with the spirit and broad purposes
of our universities, the Menorah Societies have been warmly welcomed
and generously assisted by the university authorities.
by comparison with the objects of other types of Jewish
organization—social, political, religious—that have arisen at our colleges and
universities. The Menorah Societies are all-inclusive, non-partisan, non-sectarian.
Hence they are to be distinguished in the first place from the
exclusive social organizations, such as the Greek letter or Hebrew letter
fraternities. Being rather educational in spirit and purpose, the Menorah
Societies make no social test for membership, nor do they pursue any
convivial activities except such as are deemed desirable for the most agreeable
and efficient pursuit of the Menorah objects. Again, the Menorah
Societies are clearly distinguishable from the Zionist Societies, which were
united last June in the Intercollegiate Zionist Association of America;
whereas the Zionist Societies are devoted to a specific political program in
confronting the so-called Jewish Question, the Menorah Societies, being
non-partisan, are neither Zionist nor anti-Zionist, but perfectly free and
open forums for the discussion of all points of view. The Menorah membership
consists of men and women of divers convictions, as well as of
those who have not yet made up their minds but come to the Menorah
for enlightenment and inspiration. Finally, just because the Menorah
appeals to every student who has a liberal interest in Jewish life and
thought—to every Jewish student particularly, whatever his present beliefs
and ideas—the Menorah Societies are not to be regarded as specifically
religious organizations. Therefore the observance of religious services
and practices is left to those students who desire them, individually or in
appropriate organizations, such as the Jewish Students’ Congregation
organized recently under reform auspices at the University of Michigan.
The Menorah Societies are neither reform, conservative nor orthodox but
broadly inclusive of all elements.
peculiar strength of the Menorah Societies lies in this catholic
spirit which determines the Menorah “open door.” Thereby the Menorah[255]
Societies are enabled to perform more and more an incidental but most important
service apart from the objects to which they are formally dedicated.
With the growth of various Jewish organizations in our universities—which,
whatever the opinion as to their value and propriety, tend to
divide the Jewish students rather than to unite them—a most important
service performed by the all-inclusive Menorah Societies is to bring the
students together, in spite of their various differences, on a common high
plane. As stated over a year ago in the Association’s book on The
Menorah Movement: “Where, as in almost all large universities, there
are Jewish students of diverse antecedents, it is one of the most important
functions of a non-partisan organization like the Menorah Society to
bring all classes and parties together upon an academic plane, in order
that they may learn each other’s points of view, in order that their
prejudices against one another which are founded on misunderstanding and
snobbishness may wither away, and in order that they may pursue in
generous comradeship the knowledge of their common tradition and the
hope of their common future.”
is called for outside of the universities among the graduates and other
educated Jews; and it is hoped that through the graduate phase of the
Menorah movement, this need may be subserved by graduate Menorah
groups in various communities. To quote once more from The Menorah
Movement: “Such graduate Menorah organizations, while academic and
non-partisan in their nature, like the university Menorah Societies, might
yet, if properly constituted and conducted, be of practical as well as of
ideal service to their communities. They could bring together, upon the
lofty basis of Jewish idealism, men of different views in the community,
who approach practical Jewish problems in different, sometimes in
mutually antagonistic, ways. Devoid itself of any sectarian or fraternal
or political bias, a graduate Menorah organization should be ideally fitted
to serve as a kind of intellectual clearing house of the Jewish community,
and thus promote on all sides a deeper understanding of one another, a
clearer vision of the common problems, a greater concord in Jewish life.”
In any event, it is hoped during the present year to bring the graduates
and other public-spirited Jewish citizens into closer touch with the activities
and aspirations of the students. At the fourth annual Convention of
the Intercollegiate Menorah Association to be held during the coming
midwinter recess, the idea of graduate Menorah committees and other
forms of possible graduate association with the Menorah movement will
be carefully considered.[256]
important thus far held by the Menorah Societies, there will also be
given a full review of the activities of the Menorah organization since its
inception and a survey of the present opportunities and demands for
Menorah work throughout the country. More and more emphasis will be
laid upon the quality of accomplishment of every Menorah Society; upon
the active participation by all Menorah members in one phase or another of
Jewish study and labor; and, in general, upon an even greater utilization
of the lectures, libraries, study courses, and other means provided for the
accomplishment of Menorah ends.
In this terrible time for Jewry, amid the general catastrophe, when
hundreds of thousands of Jewish young men are offering their lives
heroically in the contending armies, the members of the Menorah Societies
in this favored country cannot but enter upon the new year with a solemn
sense of added responsibility. More than ever in this decennial year of
the Menorah movement is intellectual and moral consecration to Jewish
ideals demanded of Jewish students in America.
I. Leo Sharfman, President
FOOTNOTE:
[G] It should be noted that in 1903 a Jewish literary society was founded at the University
of Minnesota which was later changed to a Menorah Society and is now one of
the constituents of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association.
Menorah Notes and News
was represented at the International
Students’ Reunion, which was
held in connection with the Panama-Pacific
International Exposition at San Francisco,
the University of California, and Leland
Stanford University, under the auspices
of Corda Fratres Association of Cosmopolitan
Clubs, from August 16th to 21st,
1915. Intercollegiate Vice-President Milton
D. Sapiro read a paper at the session
in the Civic Auditorium, San Francisco,
on “The Purposes of the Menorah Movement,”
submitted by the Chancellor. Dr.
Horace M. Kallen, of the University of
Wisconsin, delivered a discourse at the
session at Stanford University on “The
Hebraic Spirit.” The following is an
abstract of his address:
“A people’s spirit is its character, considered
not as a cluster of qualities, but
as a spring and form of action—action
that expresses itself in social institutions,
in political and economic organization, in
art, in religion and in philosophy; in short,
in all that expressive part of human life
we call culture. A people’s culture is
organic. However varied its form and
media, the varieties springing from a
single source possess an identical and
unique quality which is the quality of that
source. They express and reveal it, as
generative power, a force of creation,
having good or evil bearing upon the
residual civilization. The process of such
revelation is a people’s total history; just
as the process of revelation of an individual’s
character is his total biography. To
find the Hebraic spirit we must seek its
substantial development in the culture and
ideals of the Jewish people—in the unfoldment,
in the history of their common
attitude toward the world and toward
man, in their theory of life.
“The Jewish theory of life involves
three fundamental conceptions, interdependent,
and forming a unit which has no
near parallel in civilization.
“The first of these conceptions defines
the nature of God. What is significant
about it is the fact that it makes no distinction
between God and Nature. God
is Nature and Nature is God. The two
are related to each other as a force and
its operation, and what difference there
exists between them is a difference in completeness
and self-sufficiency, not in kind.
God reveals himself thus in and as the
cause of Nature, the whirlwind, the process
of life and decay, the development of
history. His essence is Change, Force,
Time. There is hence no Hebrew word
for eternal; God’s attitude is everlasting.
That is, that which changes yet
retains its identity, as a man changes from
infancy to manhood, yet retains his identity.
“God is one, all-inclusive, everlastingly
creative. In consequence, there exists a
real distinction between God and man,
such that the one cannot be defined in
analogy with anything human. Neither
wisdom, nor goodness, nor justice apply
to him; yet the goodness, wisdom and justice
of man depend upon him. Man is a
finite speck set over against divine infinitude.
His life is a constant struggle for
survival with forces which have each an
equal claim on divine regard with man.
Man’s salvation, herein, consists in knowing
these facts, in understanding, using
them, and guarding against them. The
fear of the Lord, sings the chorus in Job,
is the beginning of wisdom, and to depart
from evil is understanding.
“To depart from evil is to act as a
social being, to be righteous. Righteousness
is acknowledgment of the value and
integrity of other persons. It is the application[258]
of justice in all fields of human
endeavor, particularly in fundamental
economics. Thus the three historic constitutions
of the Jewish state, the Covenant,
Deuteronomy and the Levitical code,
are all directed toward making impossible
other than natural inequalities within the
state. Their intention is a social democracy;
and all Jewish law, departing from
this fundamental intention, aims, under
various conditions, to realize it. The
prophets, from Amos to Isaiah, preach it;
and men like Ferdinand Lassalle, Karl
Marx, Jean de Bloch, simply enhance their
tradition.
“The Hebraic spirit carries the principle
of democracy beyond the individual to
the group. Men having a common ancestry,
history, culture and ideals, living
a common life, have definite contribution
to make to civilization as a group. They
constitute a nationality and the principles
of justice that apply among individuals
must apply equally among nationalities.
Hence Hebraism, through its prophets,
formulates the conception of an internationalism,
consisting of a co-operative democracy
of nationalities, under conditions
of universal peace. The great Isaiah, who
flourished in the fifth century B. C., is the
first to formulate this national vision. His
people have never departed from it. In
terms of it, they have been the foremost
protagonists of a constructive internationalism,
in every land and at all times.
Recently, as they have begun to find that
their service to civilization as a people
grows more and more impaired by the
Diaspora, they have formulated a program
of national reconcentration in Palestine,
and of the free development there of
Hebraic culture and ideals such as all
European peoples carry out in their own
homelands of their culture and ideals.
This program is called Zionism. It is the
practical and most expressive incarnation
of the Hebraic Spirit.”
on Monday evening, August 30th,
for its first meeting of the college year.
There was an attendance of 125. Mr.
Louis I. Newman gave a short talk on
the aims of the Menorah movement. Milton
D. Sapiro, first President of the
California Menorah and now the second
Vice-President of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, spoke on the history
of the movement, tracing the development
of the Menorah idea and the formation
of the Intercollegiate body; and in closing
he presented Stanley Arndt, now President
of the Society, with a bronze Menorah,
which is to be handed down from President
to President each year. President
Arndt, in accepting the Menorah, said
that it suggested the great problem that
the Jews are now facing. The great question
at the present time is whether this
Menorah will be a mere symbol of the
past glories, the past achievements of the
Jews, whether it is to be a mere monument
of a dying race, or the living emblem
of a living race, the soul of a living
people. As an exponent of the latter doctrine,
he introduced Dr. Horace M. Kallen
of the University of Wisconsin, Intercollegiate
Menorah Lecturer.
Dr. Kallen spoke on “The Jews and
the Great War.” He pointed out that
democracy in its essence was the liberation
of individuality; that by being most
one’s self, a person or a nation does the
most for his neighbors. First of all, therefore,
we should know ourselves. Dr. Kallen
then took up the condition of the Jews
in Russia. He discussed the frightful persecutions
there as the result of a great
anti-Jewish conspiracy to cover up the
graft, the corruption and the inefficiency
of the government. He spoke on the great
drive of the Jews from the Pale by the
military authorities and then the drive
back again by the civil authorities. This,
he pointed out, involved not only a Jewish
problem, but a great international one
besides. The second phase of the Jewish
question was that of a free Jewish life
in Palestine. There the Jewish colonists
have practically an autonomy of their
own; they have established a Jewish
stage, Jewish art, Jewish music; and the
colonies were founded upon a social democratic
basis, upon the same fundamental
conceptions of social democracy that the
Hebrew Prophets had preached. Dr. Kallen[259]
concluded with a plea for the Jew’s
double responsibility. The Jew commits
a crime hot only as a citizen but as a
Jew. The Jews who in length of service
to the world are surely an aristocracy
must carry this responsibility.
In the discussion which followed, Professor
Simon Litman of Illinois, who was
present, took part.
A Menorah prize of $50. was announced
at this meeting. The judges will
be Professor William Popper and Dr.
Martin A. Meyer of the Semitics Department
of the University, and Judge Max
Sloss of the Supreme Court of California.
A musical program, followed by an informal
reception to the new members,
completed the evening.
N. M. Lyon, the Treasurer of the Intercollegiate,
formerly of Cincinnati, is
now a student at California and a member
of the California Menorah.
meeting of the California Menorah
Society and other informal talks with the
students, Dr. Kallen delivered a series
of three addresses at the University of
California, under the auspices of the
Department of Philosophy, on the general
subject: “The Hebraic Tradition in
Europe.” On August 31st, he lectured
upon “The Rise and Significance of the
Hebraic Tradition”; on September 1st,
“Hebraism and Democracy”; and September
2nd, “Hebraism and Art.”
On August 30th, Dr. Kallen met a company
of graduates and other public-spirited
Jewish citizens in San Francisco at luncheon
and explained the purposes and activities
of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association.
Dr. Kallen addressed the Menorah Society
of the University of Washington in
Seattle on August 14th, on “The Jewish
Question and the Great War.” He also
met at a dinner a company of graduates
and other public-spirited Jewish citizens
in Seattle, and explained to them the purposes
and activities of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association.
the author of the articles on “Jewish
Students in European Universities,”
published in the first two numbers of the
Journal, has been appointed Instructor in
Jewish Literature and Philosophy at Harvard
University. He received his Ph.D.
from Harvard last June in the field of
Semitic Philology, his thesis subject being
“Crescas on the Problems of Infinity
and Divine Attributes.”
During the ensuing year he will give
the following courses: Post-Biblical Hebrew,
Jewish Aramaic, Jewish Literature
and Life From the Second to the End of
the Seventeenth Century, and An Introduction
to Medieval Jewish Philosophy.
Menorah Society held a meeting for
the summer students. There was an
attendance of about 50, both Jews and
non-Jews. Rev. Dr. H. P. Mendes, of
New York, gave an address on “Bible
Ideals in Modern Times,” and Professor
Frank Carney of Denison University,
Professor of Industrial Geography in the
Cornell Summer School, spoke on “The
Inorganic Basis of the Hebrew Contribution
to the World.” Professor W.A.
Hurwitz of Cornell spoke briefly on the
scope of the Menorah movement, and Dr.
L. L. Silverman played Kol Nidre on the violin.
College, in New York City, begins
its third year with a marked increase in
the enthusiasm and the number of its
members. A program dealing with various
phases of Hebrew culture has been
planned for the regular monthly meetings,
comprising lectures on the Bible, the Talmud,
Medieval Hebrew Poetry, Modern
Hebrew Literature, Hebrew Music, and
Hebrew Art. In addition, the Society
hopes to present a pageant and a reception
to freshmen in February (for Hunter
College admits two classes during the[260]
year). The lectures will be preceded by
refreshments, and the singing of Hebrew
songs by the Menorah Glee Club.
Besides the regular monthly meetings,
the Society is organizing courses in conversational
Hebrew, Bible Study, and
Zionism—the first to meet weekly, the
others on alternate weeks.
It is also hoped to have a general informal
meeting every week to discuss
modern Jewish problems in connection
with the reading of various newspapers
and periodicals.
of the City of New York closed its
activities during the past year with a very
interesting meeting held on May 20, 1915.
Rev. Dr. H. Pereira Mendes spoke on
“Jewish Ideals of Peace,” and he was introduced
by the new President of the College,
Dr. Sidney Edward Mezes, who
presided. Dr. Mezes has come to City
College from the University of Texas,
and it is gratifying to note that he had already
been made familiar with the
Menorah work through the Texas
Menorah Society.
The new year was opened with a forum
meeting on September 21st, in the
Menorah alcove, when the Chancellor addressed
a number of new men as well as
old, upon the significance and the increasing
scope of the Menorah movement. The
week beginning October 3rd will be known
as “Menorah Week” at the College.
On Monday, October 4th, the study circles
will meet for the first time; on Tuesday
there will be another meeting of the
Menorah forum; on Wednesday a semi-annual
smoker will be held in the City
College Club; and on Thursday, Mr.
Marcus M. Marks, President of the
Borough of Manhattan, will deliver a
lecture to the student body under the auspices
of the Menorah Society.
development of Intercollegiate activities,
the work and membership of the
constituent Societies, the association of
graduates with the Intercollegiate body,
the problems and plans of The Menorah
Journal, will be among the subjects presented
for discussion and decision at the
Fourth Menorah Convention, to be held
during the coming mid-winter recess. The
precise days and place of the Convention
will shortly be decided by the Administrative
Council, in accordance with Article
II, Section 4, of the Intercollegiate
Constitution. In addition to the business
sessions there will also be a formal dinner
and an academic session devoted to the
reading of papers by eminent scholars. It
is hoped that a large number of Menorah
men and women from all parts of the
country will be able to attend. Further
details will be published in the next number
of the Journal.
Officers
gathering at the headquarters
of the Intercollegiate Association, 600
Madison Avenue, New York City, of
Menorah officers who happened to be in
New York. There were present, besides
the Chancellor, President I. Leo Sharfman,
Vice-President Abraham J. Feldman,
and Secretary Charles K. Feinberg
of the Association, President Stanley
Arndt of California, President Jacob
Rubinoff of Pennsylvania, ex-President
Leon J. Rosenthal of Cornell, ex-President
George J. Horowitz, President
Moses H. Gitelson, Treasurer Herman
I. Trachman of College of the City of
New York, President Bernard J. Reis of
New York University (Washington
Square), ex-President Samuel Sussman of
Columbia, President Sarah Berenson,
Vice-President Babette Reinhardt, Treasurer
Minnie Weiss, and Secretary Ernestine
P. Franklin and ex-Secretary Julia
Mitchell of Hunter, and Dr. H. M. Kallen
of Wisconsin.
There was informal discussion of the
activities of the various Societies, the
progress of The Menorah Journal, the
program of the next Intercollegiate Convention,
and the development of the graduate
phase of the Menorah movement.
THE
MENORAH
JOURNAL

| Frontispiece: Theodor Herzl | Etching by Hermann Struck |
| The Menorah | Theodor Herzl |
| The Present Crisis in American Jewry | Israel Friedlaender |
| Our Spiritual Inheritance | Irving Lehman |
| Adam Prometheus, and Other Lyrics | Louis K. Anspacher |
| Sholom Asch: The Jewish Maupassant | Percy B. Shostac |
| A Menorah Prize Essay | |
| Liberalism and the Jews | Joseph Jacobs |
| What Is Judaism? | Mordecai M. Kaplan |
| University Menorah Addresses | |
| Activities of Menorah Societies |
600 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK -:- -:- -:- 25 CTS. A COPY
INTERCOLLEGIATE MENORAH ASSOCIATION
Jewish Culture and Ideals
OFFICERS
| Chancellor HENRY HURWITZ 600 Madison Ave., New York | President I. LEO SHARFMAN University of Michigan |
| First Vice-President ISADORE LEVIN Harvard University | Second Vice-President MILTON D. SAPIRO University of California | Third Vice-President ABRAHAM J. FELDMAN University of Cincinnati |
| Treasurer N. MORAIS LYON University of California | Secretary CHARLES K. FEINBERG New York University |
| Boston University: Maurice Horblit | University of Colorado: Morris Baskin |
| Brown University: Ismar Baruch | University of Denver: Jacob Butcher |
| Clark University: Max Smelensky | University of Illinois: Sidney Casner |
| College of the City of New York: G. J. Horowitz | University of Maine: Lewis H. Kriger |
| Columbia University: M. D. Hoffman | University of Michigan: Jacob Levin |
| Cornell University: Leon J. Rosenthal | University of Minnesota: Moses Barron |
| Harvard University: Ralph A. Newman | University of Missouri: J. L. Ellman |
| Hunter College: Sarah R. Friedman | University of North Carolina: Albert Oettinger |
| Johns Hopkins University: Millard Eiseman | University of Omaha: Jacques Rieur |
| New York University: Charles K. Feinberg | University of Pennsylvania: Jacob Rubinoff |
| Ohio State University: Samuel Lesser | University of Pittsburgh: A. Jerome Levy |
| Penn State College: J. K. Miller | University of Texas: H. J. Ettlinger |
| Radcliffe College: Anna Rogovin | University of Washington: Roy Rosenthal |
| Rutgers College: Louis B. Gittleman | University of Wisconsin: H. M. Kallen |
| Tufts College: Philip Marzynski | Valparaiso University: Florence Turner |
| University of California: Louis I. Newman | Western Reserve University: Benjamin Roth |
| University of Chicago: David Levy | Yale University: Reuben Horchow |
| University of Cincinnati: Abraham J. Feldman | and the officers |
Office of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association
600 Madison Avenue, New York
The MENORAH JOURNAL
The Intercollegiate Menorah Association
“For the Study and Advancement of Jewish Culture and Ideals”
600 Madison Avenue, New York
| Editor-in-Chief Henry Hurwitz | Associate Editor I. Leo Sharfman | Managing Editor H. Askowith | Business Manager B. S. Pouzzner |
| Dr. Cyrus Adler | Dr. Kaufmann Kohler | Dr. Solomon Schechter |
| Louis D. Brandeis | Justice Irving Lehman | Hon. Oscar S. Straus |
| Dr. Lee K. Frankel | Judge Julian W. Mack | Samuel Strauss |
| Prof. Felix Frankfurter | Dr. J. L. Magnes | Judge Mayer Sulzberger |
| Prof. Israel Friedlaender | Prof. Max L. Margolis | Miss Henrietta Szold |
| Prof. Richard Gottheil | Dr. H. Pereira Mendes | Felix M. Warburg |
| Dr. Max Heller | Dr. Martin A. Meyer | Dr. Stephen S. Wise |
| Dr. Joseph Jacobs | Dr. David Philipson |
CONTENTS
| page | ||
| Frontispiece: THEODOR HERZL | From an Etching by Hermann Struck | |
| THE MENORAH | Theodor Herzl | 261 |
| Translation by Bessie London Pouzzner | ||
| THE PRESENT CRISIS IN AMERICAN JEWRY | Israel Friedlaender | 265 |
| OUR SPIRITUAL INHERITANCE | Irving Lehman | 277 |
| ADAM PROMETHEUS, and OTHER LYRICS | Louis K. Anspacher | 282 |
| SHOLOM ASCH: THE JEWISH MAUPASSANT | Percy B. Shostac | 285 |
| A Menorah Prize Essay | ||
| LIBERALISM AND THE JEWS | Joseph Jacobs | 298 |
| WHAT IS JUDAISM? Second Paper | Mordecai M. Kaplan | 309 |
| UNIVERSITY MENORAH ADDRESSES | 319 | |
| INTERCOLLEGIATE MENORAH NOTES | 322 | |
| ACTIVITIES OF MENORAH SOCIETIES | 325 | |
| INDEX to Volume I of The Menorah Journal | 333 | |
Copyright, 1915, by The Intercollegiate Menorah Association. All rights reserved
Entered as second class matter January 6, 1915, at the New York Post Office, under the Act of March 3, 1879

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The Menorah Journal will present as a special gift to all new
and renewing subscribers (on request) a copy of the Portrait of Theodor
Herzl from the autographed etching by Hermann Struck (the frontispiece
to this issue), printed on art paper, and admirably suited for framing.
The Portrait will be sent, carefully wrapped, to any address desired.
Present subscribers may secure this gift by remitting now for an extension
of their subscription for one year, regardless of the date when their
present subscription expires. For each subscription secured from friends,
moreover, we will gladly send a copy of the Portrait either to the subscriber
or the sender. Give specific instructions, and address The
Menorah Journal, 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York.
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The Menorah Journal
December, 1915
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The MenorahBy Theodor HerzlTranslated from the German by Bessie London Pouzzner DEEP in his soul he began to feel the need of being a Jew. His circumstances were not unsatisfactory; he enjoyed an ample income and a profession that permitted him to do whatever his heart desired. For he was an artist. His Jewish origin and the faith of his fathers had long since ceased to trouble him, when suddenly the old hatred came to the surface again in a new mob-cry. With many others he believed that this flood would shortly subside. But there was no change for the better; in fact, things went from bad to worse; and every blow, even though not aimed directly at him, struck him with fresh pain, till little by little his soul became one bleeding wound. These sorrows, buried deep in his heart and silenced there, evoked thoughts of their origin and of his Judaism, and now he did something he could not perhaps have done in the old days because he was then so alien to it—he began to love this Judaism with an intense fervor. Although in his own eyes he could not, at first, clearly justify this new yearning, it became so powerful at length that it crystallized from vague emotions into a definite idea which he must needs express. It was the conviction that there was only one solution for this Judennot—the return to Judaism. When this came to the knowledge of his closest friends, He continued, however, with characteristic persistence to | ||
Hitherto he had permitted to pass by unobserved the holiday On the first night the candle was lit and the origin of the When he had resolved to return to his people and to make The week passed with this absorbing labor. Then came the | ||
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The Present Crisis in American Jewry
By Israel Friedlaender

ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER
(born in Russia, 1876), attended
the Universities of Berlin
and Strassburg (Ph.D.,
1901); called to the Jewish
Theological Seminary in 1903,
where he is now the Sabato
Morais Professor of Biblical
Literature and Exegesis. Professor
Friedlaender is not only
the author, editor, and translator
of a number of scholarly
works but his wide observation
of Jewish life in various countries,
coupled with his broad
historic knowledge, have enabled
him to write and speak
on present Jewish problems
with exceptional authority and
insight, as for example in his
new book, “The Jews of Russia
and Poland.” His lectures before
Menorah Societies have
been particularly stimulating
and have made him a great
favorite with University students.
a rift in American Jewry which if not
healed in time is likely to result in a permanent
schism. The agitation centering around the question
of a Jewish Congress is not the cause of this rift; it is
rather an effect or a symptom betokening the profound
difference of opinion and sentiment which at
present divides the Jews of America. In the realignment
of American Jewry which this struggle is calling
forth, the Zionists and the non-Zionists of this
country—the former centering around their local
organization, the latter represented by the American
Jewish Committee—have been taking opposite sides.
Those of us whose Judaism is broad enough to embrace
with equal loyalty the ideals of Zionism and the
interests of American Judaism, cannot but view with
the deepest concern the possibility of a permanent
conflict between these two sections of American Jewry,
a conflict fraught with the gravest consequences,
not only for the Jewish cause in this country in general
but also for the Zionist movement—a conflict,
moreover, in which no victory achieved by either side
can be anything but a Pyrrhic victory.
The situation is one that demands careful thought
and delicate action. Only a few of us are in a position
to influence the course of events by acting, but
many of us may help to clarify the situation by thinking.
A correct diagnosis is an indispensable preliminary
to a cure, and it is only by finding out
whether the issues underlying the present struggle
represent a chronic and perhaps irremediable conflict,
or are rather the effect of an acute and therefore
curable misunderstanding, that a proper solution may be discovered and
proposed. It is from this point of view that an attempt is here made to[266]
analyze the present situation in American Jewry, to trace the causes which
have produced it, and to point out the consequences which are unavoidable
unless a remedy be applied in time.
groups in American Jewry from one another. They may be expressed
in the following terms: 1, Diaspora versus Palestine; 2, Religion
versus Nationalism.
Without any desire to lose myself in philosophic subtleties, I shall, for
the sake of brevity, adopt the Hegelian language and explain the development
of these issues on the principle of Thesis, Antithesis and Synthesis,
i. e., of the initial prevalence of one extreme, of its yielding subsequently
to the opposite extreme, and of the final harmonization of the two in a
higher unity, combining the essential features of both. I shall endeavor
to point out that the Synthesis forms the ground on which both parties may
cooperate, without sacrificing an iota of their respective convictions.
The first issue, expressed in the formula “Diaspora versus Palestine,”
hinges on the question as to whether the Jewish people finds its best opportunities
for development in the Diaspora, i. e., as an integral part of the
nations in whose midst it lives, or, away from the other nations, as a separate
entity, on its own soil in Palestine.
emerged from the Ghetto to seek a place in the sun in the midst
of the Christian environment, the thesis adopted by it was Diaspora.
Consumed with the desire for emancipation, for sharing the benefits and
attractions of the new life around them, the Jews discarded the hope for an
independent national existence in Palestine, which had been their lode-star
throughout the ages. Diaspora as opposed to Palestine, and as exclusive of
it, became the slogan of emancipated Jewry. The Jewish religion was refitted
to harmonize with this new striving for material and cultural
progress. Reform Judaism arose, the main object of which was to break
down the previous separateness of the Jews; and the theory of a “Jewish
mission” sprang into life, not as a spontaneous growth of Jewish tradition,
but as a forced hothouse product of practical life—a theory which proclaimed
that an isolated Jewish existence in Palestine was subversive of the
very essence of Judaism, that the mission of the Jewish people was to propagate
monotheism among the nations of the earth, and that this mission
could only be carried out in the Dispersion, in the midst of the nations
which were to be the objects of that mission.[267]
As time progressed, however, the “Diaspora” thesis gradually lost its
force. Emancipation failed to fulfill the ardent hopes attached to it. The
nations refused to allow the Jews to participate fully and unrestrictedly
in the general life of the country. Anti-Semitism, manifesting itself in the
crude form of hatred, or under the subtle guise of prejudice, turned, in
many cases, the liberties previously granted to the Jews into a scrap of
paper. On the other hand, the dangers of this extreme Diaspora Judaism,
at first little thought of, began to loom larger and larger. The rush for
emancipation threatened not only to disrupt the unity of the Jewish people
throughout the world, which had been maintained during the ages of suffering
and persecution, but it also led large and important sections of
Jewry to assimilation, that is, to complete absorption.
the antithesis “Palestine.” Political Zionism sprang into being,
loudly proclaiming that emancipation was a failure; that Judaism had no
chance of life in the Dispersion, and that the only salvation of Jewry lay
in being transferred to Palestine. Zionism or assimilation was the alternative
placed before the Jewish people. All efforts of Jewry, as the last attempt
to escape annihilation, were to be focused on the obtaining of a publicly
and legally assured home in Palestine. All Jewish endeavors in the
Diaspora were deprecated, because consecrated to a cause which was foredoomed
to failure.
It was not long before the antithesis, too, began to reveal its deficiencies.
The difficulties of reaching the Zionist goal very soon proved far greater
than had been anticipated in the blissful ecstasy of the Zionist honeymoon.
The ultimate consummation of the national hope receded further and
further before the longing gaze of the Jewish people, and no longer held
out an immediate remedy for the pressing needs of suffering Jewry. The
conviction also gradually gained ground that, even under the most favorable
of circumstances, Palestine could only harbor a fraction of the Jewish,
people, and that the vast bulk of Jews would still remain in the lands of
the Diaspora. Zionists who were looking reality in the face could not accept
the view of the extremists, who were ready to save a small portion of
the Jewish people at the cost of abandoning to its fate the enormous majority
thereof.
was the combination between the two extremes of Diaspora existence
and Palestine existence. This synthesis, generally called Cultural or Spiritual[268]
Zionism, proclaimed that Palestine was indispensable for the continuation
of Judaism, for it was the only spot where the spirit of Judaism, undisturbed
by conflicting influences, could develop normally and unfold all its
hidden possibilities, and the only bond of unity which could save the scattered
members of the race from falling asunder into disjointed fragments.
The Diaspora, on the other hand, as the dwelling place of the overwhelming
majority of the Jewish people, had problems of its own which clamored
equally for solution.
Hence the Jewish task became a double one: the Jews in every
country, while participating to the full in the life of their environment—for
the return to the Ghetto was neither desirable nor possible—had
to endeavor to secure a maximum of elbowroom for the development of their
own section of Jewry, while as part of universal Israel they had to keep up
their contact with the Jews throughout the world and labor with them for
the realization of the common Jewish hope, that of a spiritual center in the
historic land of Judaism. Diaspora without Palestine was impossible, because
without the refreshing breath of a healthy Jewish life in Palestine it
was bound to wither and dry up. Palestine without the Diaspora was
equally impossible, because it lacked the backing of the people as a whole,
and was in danger of becoming a petty and obscure corner in the vast expanse
of the Jewish Dispersion, a sort of Jewish Nigeria.
This synthesis was not a pale cast of thought, the flimsy product of an
imaginative brain. It had its prototype in the actual facts of history.
For during several centuries preceding the dissolution of the Jewish state,
Palestine was the spiritual center of Judaism, in the sense just indicated.
The Jews outside of Palestine were superior, not only in numbers, but also
in wealth and influence, to those of Palestine. The Jews of Egypt, and the
same applies to other countries of that period, were closely associated with
the cultural and material aspirations of their environment. Philo was one
of the most illustrious representatives of the Hellenic culture of his age;
these Diaspora Jews even found it necessary to translate the Holy Writings
into Greek. Yet they were, at the same time, loyal to Palestine. They
paid their Shekel, they made their annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem, and
looked upon the Holy Land as the spiritual center of all Jewry.
closely associated with the preceding one; it hinges on the formula
Religion versus Nationalism. From its earliest beginnings down to the
time of modern emancipation, Judaism represented an indissoluble combination
of nationalism and religion. Though ultimately intended to appeal
to the whole of humanity, Judaism was essentially a national religion. Its
bearer was a national community which zealously guarded its racial purity,[269]
and its external manifestations assumed the forms of a national life. Again
the Jewish people was, first and foremost, a religious nation. Its sole
reason for existence was, in the belief of every one of its members, “to know
the Lord” and to make Him known to others. A Jew who did not believe
in the fundamentals of the Jewish creed or who did not observe the fundamentals
of the Jewish ceremonial was as much of a monstrosity as the Jew
who denied the common racial descent of the Jews in the past, or their
common national destiny in the future.
The departure of the Jews from the Ghetto and their entrance into
modern life marked a turning point also in this direction. Filled with the
desire of becoming part of the nations in whose midst they lived, modern
Jews were ready, and thought they were compelled, to deny the national
character of Judaism. The Jews were now labelled as Germans or Frenchmen
of the Mosaic persuasion, who were divided from their fellow-citizens
by the purely spiritual affiliations of religious faith—the same affiliations
which divided the Christian population. Here, too, Reform Judaism was
quick to meet the demands of practical life. It began to chop off all the
elements in Judaism which betrayed a national character, both in the
domain of doctrine and of practice, though it halted half way, and down
to this day still acknowledges, in flagrant contradiction with its own theory,
a number of rites and ceremonies which bear an unmistakable racial imprint.
This transformation of Judaism, or rather this transformation of Jewish
terminology—for, in many cases, it was merely a question of terms—was
greatly stimulated by the development of nationalism in Western
Europe, where the structure of the modern state excluded, or was thought
to exclude, a diversity of nationalities, while the principle of religious
toleration left enough room for a variety of religious beliefs. As a result,
those Jews who lost their religious affiliations were bound to feel that
they were outcasts in the religious community of Israel: they became
either konfessionslos or, by a curious perversion of logic and conscience,
became members of the dominant faith.
“Judaism as Nationalism.” It is interesting to observe that the antithesis
came from the Jews of Eastern Europe who, in their overwhelming
majority, were adherents of strict orthodoxy. Those Jews of Russia and Poland
who had drifted away from their religious moorings were neither psychologically
nor physically in a position to abandon Judaism: psychologically,
because they were too strongly saturated with Jewish culture and Jewish
associations to tear themselves away from the influence of Judaism;
physically, because they were excluded from participating in the life of the
environment and were forced to remain within the fold. Living as the Eastern[270]
Jews did in compact masses, they found it easier, both in theory and in
practice, to emphasize the national aspect of the Jewish community. As a
result, a doctrine sprang up which looked upon Jewry as an essentially
racial or national entity, in which religion was merely one of the many passing
phases of its historical development. If among the champions of the
thesis “Religion” there were Jews who celebrated the Ninth of Ab as a
holiday because it marked, in their eyes, the end of Jewry as a nation, there
were, among the others, the adherents of the antithesis “Nationalism,”
Jews who arranged entertainments on the Day of Atonement, as a public
protest against the religious character ascribed to Judaism.
Here, too, however, the synthesis was gradually paving its way, and the
formula “Religion plus Nationalism” was supplanting the thesis “Judaism
as Religion” and the antithesis “Judaism as Nationalism.” The religionists,
that is, the believers in the purely religious character of Judaism, began
to realize the devastating effect of their doctrine on Jewish life and
development, while the nationalists, without sacrificing their convictions—for
religion, least of all sentiments, can be forced on modern men—began
to appreciate the overwhelming influence of the Jewish religion as a historic
factor in the life of the Jewish people, and were ready to acknowledge the
difficulty and the danger of squeezing an officially nationalistic Jewry into
the narrow frame of the modern Nationalstaat.
This mutual rapprochement resulted, gradually, in a tacit agreement—an
agreement far more durable than a legal compact, because founded on
sentiment rather than on law—which implied the recognition of Judaism as
composed of Religion and Nationalism, but left sufficient room to include
the two extreme types of Jews: those whose loyalty to Judaism was entirely
fed from the fountain of religion, and those whose devotion to Judaism
was altogether grounded in race consciousness.
Europe, nowhere assumed such huge proportions and such striking
manifestations as it did in America. The struggle, hinging on the two opposite
doctrines, was nowhere else so well defined and nowhere else fraught
with so many tangible consequences as in America, for the reason that
American Jewry, as no other Jewry in the world, was made up of two
different elements, sharply divided in their traditions and associations, as
well as in their mental and psychological complexion. The Jews hailing
from the lands of emancipation in Western Europe, who are conventionally,
though not quite accurately, designated as German Jews, brought over
with them the theses Diaspora as against Palestine, and Religion as against
Nationalism. The immigrants from Eastern Europe, the children of the
Ghetto, who with equal inaccuracy are termed Russian Jews, carried with[271]
them the antitheses Palestine as against Diaspora and, as represented by
the extremists among them, Nationalism as against Religion. The fanatics
of Diaspora Judaism and of Judaism as a pure faith are to be found exclusively
among the “German” Jews. The radical adherents of Palestine
and of Jewish nationalism are recruited entirely from the ranks of
“Russian” Jews.
These issues were of particular and immediate significance for the Jews
in this country; for America has, in less than one generation, become the
second largest center of the Jewish Diaspora, and bids fair to become the
first, instead of the second, within another generation. No other country
in the world offers, even approximately, such a favorable combination of
opportunities for the development of a Diaspora Judaism, as does America:
economic possibilities, vast and sparsely populated territories, freedom of
action, liberty of conscience, equality of citizenship, appreciation of the
fundamentals of Judaism, variety of population, excluding a rigidly nationalistic
state policy, and other similar factors. It is no wonder, therefore,
that in no other country did Reform Judaism, as the incarnation of
Diaspora Judaism, attain such luxurious growth as it did in America. It
discarded, more radically than in Europe, the national elements still clinging
to Judaism, and it solemnly proclaimed that Judaism was wholly and
exclusively a religious faith, and that America was the Zion and Washington
the Jerusalem of American Israel.
the scene. They quickly perceived the decomposing effect of American
life upon Jewish doctrine and practice, and they became convinced
more firmly than ever that Diaspora Judaism was a failure, and that the
only antidote was Palestine and nothing but Palestine. The nationalists
among them beheld in the very same factors in which the German Jews saw
the possibilities of a Diaspora Judaism, the chances for organizing Jewry
on purely nationalistic lines. Nowhere else, except perhaps in Russia, can
be found a greater amount of Palestinian sentiment, as well as a larger manifestation
of a one-sided Jewish nationalism, than is to be met with in this
country.
This conflict of ideas became extraordinarily aggravated by numerous
influences of a personal character. The division between the so-called German
Jews and the so-called Russian Jews was not limited to a difference in
theory. It was equally nourished by far-reaching differences in economic
and social position and in the entire range of mental development. The
German Jews were the natives; the Russian Jews were the newcomers. The
German Jews were the rich; the Russian Jews were the poor. The German
Jews were the dispensers of charity; the Russian Jews were the receivers[272]
of it. The German Jews were the employers; the Russian Jews were the
employees. The German Jews were deliberate, reserved, practical, sticklers
for formalities, with a marked ability for organization; the Russian Jews
were quick-tempered, emotional, theorizing, haters of formalities, with a
decided bent toward individualism. An enormous amount of explosives
had been accumulating between the two sections, which if lit by a spark
might have disrupted the edifice of American Israel, still in the process of
construction.
gave way to hearty and extensive cooperation, such as cannot be
witnessed elsewhere in the whole Jewish world (one recalls particularly
the analogy of England) where East and West seem never to meet.
As the two sections came into closer contact with one another, they learned
to understand one another and to appreciate their respective points of
view. This cooperation was not founded upon the flimsy framework of
political expediency. It was grounded in that synthesis of Jewish life which
combines in a higher unity the essential elements of the doctrines formerly
believed to be exclusive of one another. The German Jews, while emphasizing
the needs of Diaspora Judaism and anxious to build up its largest manifestation
in America, learned to appreciate the quickening and ennobling
effect upon the Diaspora of a normal Hebrew life in Palestine, and became
interested in the regeneration of the Holy Land. The Russian Jews, on
the other hand, though laying particular stress on the possibilities of Judaism
in Palestine, put their shoulder to the wheel and were ready to assist
in rearing the great structure of Judaism in America. The so-called
religionists, while looking upon Judaism as a faith, were yet disinclined to
repudiate the purely nationalistic Jews, whose enthusiasm and devotion
they admired even though it flowed from a source they did not officially
acknowledge. The so-called nationalists, basing their Judaism on race
consciousness, realized that a common foundation of Judaism in this
country could only be laid along the lines of religious affiliation.
This cooperation found tangible expression in the recent participation
of American Jews in the upbuilding of Palestine, a participation which one
will vainly look for in a similar group (I am not speaking of isolated individuals)
in other countries. The same desire for a better understanding
was further embodied in the movement toward Kehillah organization,
which, though centering around the Jewish religion, still clearly implied the
national element in Judaism.
There was every reason to hope that this cooperation, which had been
so happily inaugurated between the two sections, would become more intimate
and more extensive, and that the interaction of the heterogeneous[273]
elements of American Jewish life would resolve itself in a great and strong
harmony. America bade fair to become an ideal Jewish center, where the
practical wisdom of emancipated Jewry and the idealistic intensity of
Ghetto Jewry would be merged in one united Jewish community, fully conscious
of its duty as the future leader of the Jewish Diaspora and acknowledging
its indebtedness to the center of all Jews in the land of our Fathers.
to disrupt the harmony hitherto prevailing. This reaction, which is
fraught with grave consequences for the future of American Judaism no
less than for the Zionist movement, dates from, or at least coincides with,
the struggle centering around the Haifa Technikum. This is not the place
to enter into an analysis of that momentous issue. It is enough to state
that the bond of unity was disrupted with rude hands, and the old conflict
hinging on the issues of Diaspora and Nationalism broke out with new
fury. Again we see Diaspora Judaism pitched against Palestinian Judaism,
and Religion against Nationalism. Reason has given way to passion,
and discrimination to generalization. The Jews of the new Palestine, who
have given of their life-blood to the rejuvenation of our homeland, are
sweepingly declared to be “anarchists,” while, on the other hand, American
Jews who, with single-hearted devotion, have been the builders of the great
Jewish center in the New World, are contemptuously sneered at as “assimilationists.”
In this mood of distrust and prejudice, American Jewry was overtaken
by the great crisis resulting from the World War, and the disharmony prevailing
between the two factions soon found tangible expression in the
struggle over a Jewish Congress. The two elements of American Jewry
were clearly divided on the issue: the German or native Jews, represented by
leading members of the American Jewish Committee, were opposed to the
calling of a congress, while the Russian or immigrant Jews, speaking largely
through the Zionist organization, clamored for it.
From what has preceded I believe it may be safely concluded that this
demand for a congress on the one hand, and the opposition to it on the
other, are not rooted in diametrically opposed and deeply implanted
theories of Judaism but are rather the expression of different moods or
temperaments. The immigrant Jews who were directly concerned in the
war, since its horrors affected their homelands and the kin they left behind,
and who were impulsive and sentimental, felt the burning need of crying out
in their despair, and were ready to face the consequences which might result
from this outcry. The native Jews, whose sympathy with their far-off
brethren, profound though it was, could hardly, in the nature of the case,
be more than indirect and whose accustomed reserve and self-restraint enabled[274]
them to judge the issues more calmly, shrunk from the risks which in
their opinion were implied in an open protest of the Jewish people before
the inflamed public opinion of the non-Jewish world. It is not my intention,
nor is it my function, to render judgment in so momentous an hour on an
issue concerning which Jewish opinion is diametrically yet honestly divided.
But it is necessary to point out that whichever side may be in the right:
serious as may be the dangers of holding a congress or not, the dangers
involved in a split over this question are incalculably more serious. Such a
split may not only result in permanent and perhaps irreparable injury to the
Jewish cause in America and to the Zionist movement in this country, but
may also, by aligning the two sections of American Jewry against one another,
spell nothing short of disaster to the Jewish people as a whole. The
stakes involved in this conflict are infinitely greater than the issue which
has given rise to it.
strife between Zionists and non-Zionists in America,—to leave aside
all theoretical considerations,—may prove to be fatal. It will reopen the
gap between the two elements of American Jewry which had been almost
filled. The work of American Judaism has been done by both elements.
Prominent non-Zionists and even anti-Zionists have frequently and gratefully
acknowledged the debt which American Israel owes to the cooperation
of the Zionists. The institutions of American Jewry depend to a large
extent for their existence upon the non-Zionists, who may now by the force
of reaction be driven into anti-Zionism. But the progress of these institutions
just as largely depends upon those who are Zionists. The withdrawal
of the Zionists from American Jewish work—and such withdrawal may become
a moral duty for the Zionists who are loyal to the movement and
respect their convictions—might mean a complete standstill in the life of
American Jewry. Perhaps there are a few among us who are skeptical
about the fate of American Judaism, and who therefore see no harm in
hastening its disintegration. But those of us who are profoundly concerned
about the future of the two and one-half million Jews who are now in
America, and of twice that number who may one day be here, cannot but
view with the utmost anxiety the danger of wrecking what promises to
become the greatest Jewish center in the history of the Jews since their
dispersion.
As for the Zionist movement, one cannot help doubting whether Zionism,
even if it succeeded in defeating its opponents, would thereby obtain its
object. I am not speaking of the very considerable material injury which
the movement will suffer from the indifference and hostility of the other side.
I am rather thinking of the dangers incurred by Zionism itself if, having[275]
repulsed the so-called classes, it becomes a one-sided movement of the
masses. Of course, no Zionist can be otherwise than deeply gratified by
the prospect of Zionism becoming a cause of the people, but unless it
manages to preserve the balance of power within the Jewish community, it
will be exposed to risks from another source. Zionism is beset with so many
difficulties that it dare not burden itself with problems extraneous to it. The
injection of political or economic issues into the movement is fraught with
incalculable consequences for the future of the movement in this country.
These issues are so extensive in their bearings and so vital in their manifestations
that if superimposed on the delicate structure of Zionism they
may crush it, never to rise again.
Zionism must, therefore, remain neutral. While including all Jews,
it dare not identify itself with any section of them. It dare not be either
a movement of the classes or of the masses. While holding scrupulously
aloof from the issues which divide modern Jewry as part of modern humanity,
it must keep its eye fixed on one point, the securing of a Jewish center
for the Jewish people as a whole, in which the ills that afflict humanity may
be cured in the prophetic spirit of justice and righteousness.
for reconciliation, for a return to that Synthesis which was on the
point of becoming the common ground of all American Israel. American
Judaism needs peace to carry out the great task confronting it. Zionism is
no less in need of peace in order to gain the hearts of those whose hearts are
still Jewish. The very possibility of a conflict has bred a spirit of suspicion
and unfriendliness which falls like a blight upon every attempt at united
action. The non-Zionists may succeed in defeating their opponents; they
can never dispense with Zionism which is a driving force in American Jewish
life. The victory may perch on the banners of the Zionists but they can
never forego the assistance of the non-Zionists who still form the backbone
of American Jewry. Representing the common longings of the Jewish
people throughout the world, Zionism should serve as a leaven, quickening
and stimulating the Jewish activities of this country, and rescue them from
the greatest danger of Diaspora Judaism, the danger of provincialism, of
falling away from the main body of universal Israel. In the particular situation
confronting us Zionism ought to assert the claims of Palestine, in addition
to those of the Diaspora. But the Zionists cannot replace the present
agencies of American Jewish life, nor can they dispense with the cooperation
of the non-Zionists. Such cooperation, based on the synthesis
Palestine plus Diaspora, would be of equal benefit to both parties. Zionism
and non-Zionism have only one real enemy: it is Assimilation, which preaches
the suicide of Judaism. But all those who are concerned about the preservation[276]
of Judaism, in whatever shape or by whatever means, have the right to
be recognized, if not as fellow workers in Zion, at least as fellow workers in
Israel.
be permanently needed for the welfare of American Judaism,
they are needed a thousandfold now when the catastrophe which has overwhelmed
the ancient centers of Jewry has turned the eyes and the hopes of
the whole Jewish world toward the Jews of this country. Ever since the Jews
of Russia, fleeing from the wrath of the oppressor, began to wend their
steps toward these hospitable shores, thoughtful European Jews have been
looking upon America as the future center of the Jewish Diaspora. And as
time progressed, as the numbers and the energies of the Old Jewish World
assembled more and more in the New, American Jewry has been steadily
advancing toward this exalted position of Jewish hegemony. But what,
in the natural course of events, might have been the fruit of slow and
gradual ripening, has now been thrust upon us as the sudden result of the
World War. Crippled European Jewry is now looking, and will look more
and more, to the Jewry of America not only for comfort and support, but
also for light and leading, for spiritual advice and guidance, and the Jewry
of America, the only Jewry of consequence unscathed by the world struggle,
cannot but assume the responsibility.
Nor is the Jewry of America at liberty to choose. There is an ancient
Jewish legend which, with a subtle touch of sarcasm, tells us that when the
Lord, having descended upon Mount Sinai, was about to bestow the Torah
upon the Jews, the latter, shrinking from the obligations imposed by it,
made an attempt to refuse the proffered gift. Thereupon the Lord lifted
the mountain over their heads and angrily exclaimed: “If ye accept my
Law, well and good. If not, ye shall be crushed on the spot!” And the
Jews, yielding no less to the promptings of duty than to the dictates of
wisdom, quickly recanted and declared: “We will do and obey!” American
Jewry will either be the leader of Jewry or it will not be. Let it fail to
respond to the great call of history,—and it will unfailingly relapse into
the obscurity and sluggishness of its former parochialism. This great
world crisis will be either the making or the unmaking of American Jewry,
and no Jew whose mind is unclouded by the ephemeral passions of party
strife can do aught except ardently pray that the Jews of America may
emerge in triumph from their supreme test.
Our Spiritual Inheritance
By Irving Lehman

IRVING LEHMAN (born
in New York, 1876), educated
at Columbia (A.B., 1896;
A.M., 1897; LL.B., 1898).
Justice of the Supreme Court of
New York; associated with a
number of Jewish institutions,
including the Jewish Theological
Seminary and the Y. M. H.
& Kindred Associations. Justice
Lehman has taken a particularly
keen interest in Jewish
University students, and as
Chairman of the Graduate
Menorah Committee since the
formation of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, he has
been generously helpful in promoting
the ideals which the
Menorah movement embodies.
Devoted Jew and public-spirited
American, his personal example
has been an inspiration
to Menorah men all over the
country.
to-day in almost medieval conditions in Poland,
were present to-night,[A] he would certainly say,
“What sort of a conference of rabbis is this, at which
a layman is presiding, another layman is to speak on
‘The Religion of the Hebrews,’ and a third layman is
to speak on a social movement?”
To the old-time Jew a conference of rabbis meant
a conference of men learned in the law and its authoritative
interpretation in the Talmud—men whose duty
it was to teach this law and who would confer among
themselves upon the application of its abstruse and
technical rules to the daily needs of their congregations.
But they could recognize no questions and no
problems not fully covered by that law; consequently
they could recognize no right in any person not an
authority on that law to take any part in such a conference
except to ask for the advice of the rabbis appointed
to teach the law. That was the attitude of
our ancient leaders, and it met with the full and unqualified
approval of the Jewish laymen, because it
fulfilled all the requirements of our medieval condition.
Until recent times we were a people apart, living
among the nations of the world, but not a part
of them. We had no right to join in the general civic
life. Our life consisted in the memory of a national
past and in the dreams of a national future. So far
as the present was concerned, we were perforce interested
only in the maintenance of our identity and in
the preservation of our ancient law, so that we might
be in a position some day to realize our dreams and to reëstablish our national
state, founded on this ancient law. Deprived as we were of all right
to live in the present, we could justify our existence and continuance as a[278]
separate people and a separate religion only by laying stress on the importance
of our ancient law, and striving to hand it down, pure and unaltered, to
future generations. Therefore in those days the rabbis were naturally our
only leaders, and their right to leadership depended solely upon their knowledge
of the law. The observance of the Torah embraced all the limits of the
life of the Jew.
and the observance of the minutiæ of Jewish law is to the man
active in civic and business life of slight if any importance.
Inconceivable as it would be to a medieval Jew that at a conference
of Jewish rabbis a layman should preside and laymen should make formal
addresses, it would be equally inconceivable to such a Jew that among
the laymen who might make such addresses, there could be a professor at
a great university, a worker in the general social activities of the city, and
a judge. These changed conditions, this wide life now opened to the Jews,
have produced new problems, and we demand of our rabbis, if they are indeed
to remain the teachers and leaders in Israel, that they help us solve
these problems.
As soon as opportunities were offered to us, we eagerly grasped them.
We are too eager, too ambitious, too practical a people to continue to
live in dreams of the past and visions of the future, when the present is
thrown open to us. We have definitely and forever discarded the concept
that we are a peculiar people, the “chosen of the Lord,” in so far as that
concept cuts us off from free participation in the life of the nations among
which we live, or from serving in the cause of the general advance of humanity.
We have demanded the opportunity to exercise civic rights, and
as those rights have been granted, we have recognized that the opportunity
confers also an obligation—the obligation to exercise those rights in no
narrow spirit, but for the benefit of the whole people of which we are now
a part.
but day by day perforce are asking ourselves three questions: What
does Judaism mean, and why are we Jews? Will the maintenance of Judaism
be of benefit to the countries in which we live and to humanity at
large? How can Judaism be maintained, since now we not only live among
the nations of the world, but the individual Jew has become a part of these
nations?
We have discarded, as I have said and as I firmly believe, the ancient[279]
concept that Judaism means membership in a peculiar people, the chosen
of the Lord, except possibly in the sense that we have a peculiar obligation
imposed upon us to demonstrate to the world the power and worth of a
spiritual ideal. We Reform Jews have discarded the view that in any
literal sense the Lord revealed himself unto Moses and gave unto him the
tablets of stone. The words “Hear, O Israel, the Eternal is One, the Lord
is One,” are still dear to us, but many who call themselves Jews deny even
the existence of a personal God. Why then do we still remain Jews, why
do not those so-called Jews, who deny the existence of the Lord, frankly
join the ranks of so-called universal philosophers while the rest of us join
the Unitarians?
The answer comes not only from our heads, but from our hearts. Most
of us could not renounce Judaism because deep down in our consciousness,
aside from reason or logic, we know we are not as other men; we know we
are Jews. We hear the cry of the suffering in Belgium and we answer to
that cry because we are men and nothing human is alien to us,—but when
we hear the cry of the suffering Jew in Poland and Palestine, then the true
Jew answers that cry as the cry not only of a fellow human being, but as
the cry of a brother.
beliefs and special obligations, a peculiar people, perhaps even a separate
nation? The answer to this question lies, I think, in the study of our
history. For centuries past the Jew has been persecuted, driven from one
country to another, despoiled, massacred, and at best despised and forced
to live in the Ghetto clothed in the badges of disdain. All of this the Jew
has suffered and yet survived and kept his religion intact; willing at all
times to remain a man apart because he knew that in the past the Jews had
been a nation founded on a spiritual ideal; because his tradition taught
him that on the slopes of Mount Sinai, the Lord had entered into a covenant
with his fathers—and not only with them stood there that day, but also
“with him that was not there that day” but who came after them; and
that by virtue of this covenant, Israel became unto the Lord a kingdom
of priests and a holy people; and because the value of this tradition, the
force of this spiritual ideal was greater to him than the security, the right
to live and work freely among his fellow men, which he could have obtained
only by discarding his Judaism.
During all the centuries since the dispersal, the Jews have had a common
history, a common tradition, a common spiritual ideal, and they have
survived by reason of the force of this common inheritance. It is this common
inheritance of a past founded on a spiritual force that to-day, in my
opinion, constitutes Judaism.[280]
stood for a spiritual ideal and is bound together by traditions of
the value of that ideal, and not simply a race that is bound together by
ties of common descent. At all times and in all places a Jew meant not
merely a descendant of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, not merely a descendant
of the people who once ruled over the promised land, but one who considered
himself bound by the covenant of his fathers, at least to the extent
that he would be true to his spiritual ideals, whatever these ideals
might be. Judaism is in that sense a racial religion, but it is and at all
times must be a religion and not simply a race. True, we now differ among
ourselves as to the content of our religion. True, many of us now deny
that that covenant which has kept alive our race and religion was ever in
fact made, but we cannot deny our history and our past. We cannot deny
that by virtue of the tradition of that covenant our fathers considered
themselves under a peculiar obligation, and that by virtue of that tradition
they sought to become a kingdom of priests and a holy people.
That tradition at least is our own heritage, and he only is a Jew who
recognizes the force of spiritual ideals, and by virtue of that inheritance
also for himself assumes the obligation involved in being a member of a
nation of priests and a holy people.
If that spiritual concept and not merely race constitutes the basis and
the essential content of Judaism, then surely the question of whether the
maintenance of Judaism will be a benefit to the country in which we live
answers itself. In all civic matters we must work and be as one with our
fellow-citizens, but America demands that each citizen give to its service
the best of which he is capable.
Since Judaism means the recognition of a peculiar obligation imposed
upon us by our past; since Judaism is founded upon a spiritual ideal,—adherence
to our ancient faith and endeavor to live up to our past must be
to us a source of greater moral and spiritual strength—strength that we
must bring to the service of our country.
and keep it alive now that it has become a part and not as formerly
the whole of our lives. Some say that this can be done only by recognizing
that we are not simply a racial religion but actually a nation, and that
we must reëstablish that nation and its capital upon the hills of Zion.
This is neither the time nor the place to discuss such a matter. For
myself, I wish to say that if in the country where through our fathers the
world first learnt the value of spiritual ideals, where it was prophesied that[281]
“the law shall go forth from Zion and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem—”
and “nations shall no longer lift up sword against nations neither
shall they learn war any more,” a community of Jews shall be again established
who shall represent and contribute to the fulfillment of the prophecy,
such a community would be from a spiritual standpoint a living force to
keep Judaism alive throughout the world.
Jews as such constitute a nation in any sense in which that word is
recognized in political science, or that a national basis is a possible concept
for modern Judaism. We Jews in America, bound to the Jews of
other lands by our common faith, constituting our common inheritance,
cannot as American citizens feel any bond to them as members of a nation,
for nationally we are Americans and American only, and in political and
civic matters we cannot recognize any other ties. We must therefore look
for the maintenance of Judaism to those spiritual concepts which constitute
Judaism.
And it is the duty of our rabbis in the present just as it was in the
past to lead us and strengthen us in our Judaism. A conference of rabbis
to-day properly recognizes that Judaism consists no longer in the minute
observances of the law; that the Jewish people are asking for the inner
meaning of their religion, and not for dry formulas. In all humility as a
layman, I say to them that the Jewish people again needs to be taught that
what the Lord requires of them is “to do justice, to love mercy and to
walk humbly with their God.”
Journal, which grows better with every number. It is
conceived in a fine spirit and has a high educational value
for the Jewish young men in the universities throughout the
country.
The American spirit and the Jewish spirit are in entire
accord, in fact they supplement one another. The Puritan
ideals of democracy which lie at the foundation of our Government
were derived principally from the Jewish ideals of
democracy, and I cannot imagine any American being less
an American for being a good Jew. On the contrary, he will
be a better American for being a good Jew, more ready at all
times to make every sacrifice for his country in peace and in
war.—Hon. Oscar S. Straus, in a Letter to The Menorah
Journal.
FOOTNOTE:
[A] This address was delivered at the opening session of the Eastern Conference of Reform
Rabbis, Temple Emanu-El, November 7, 1915, at which Justice Lehman presided.
Lyrics
By Louis K. Anspacher

LOUIS K. ANSPACHER,
poet and
playwright, whose most recent
plays, “Our Children”
and “The Unchastened
Woman,” have won recognition
for him as one of the
most original and powerful
dramatists of the present
day. Born in Cincinnati in
1878, and educated at City
College of New York, and
Columbia University
(A.M., LL.B.), he occupied
the vestry pulpit of Temple
Emanu-El, New York, for
several years, and has lectured
on ethics and the
drama. A volume of his
poems, to be published soon,
will show more completely
the depth and resourcefulness
of the lyric power revealed
in the accompanying
verses. The portrait is from
an oil painting by Franzen.
Adam Prometheus |
I |
| In olden books ’tis written, |
| That he that would discern |
| The secret’st truth of things |
| Lost paradise eterne. |
| He was the first that fed |
| On fruit that knowledge brings; |
| Exiled from joys, he fled |
| And flaming swords did burn |
| Behind his path, which led |
| To miseries. |
II |
| Great God, vouchsafe me truth: |
| For I am one that smitten |
| With the deep mystery of things, |
| In learned lore uncouth, |
| Out of pure wonder sings |
| In harmonies. |
III |
| Great God, forfend the tooth |
| Of deep remorse, and stings |
| Of joys that I did spurn: |
| Oh, spare the gnawing ruth |
| Of memories’ torturings, |
| Yea proudly did I turn |
| From earth to snatch at wings |
| To soar and ne’er return |
| To life’s lees. |
| [283] |
IV |
| Great God, I too am cursed; |
| A destiny from birth, |
| Of all dread fates the worst, |
| Drives me unrestful, flings |
| Me from my Eden bliss, |
| Over a barren earth, |
| To impious search for things |
| Whose heart is an abyss. |
| I too am one that clings. |
| In lust for a knowledge kiss, |
| Upon my knees. |
V |
| Great God, I’ve given o’er |
| My paradise of ease, |
| Allowed my soul to soar |
| To mysteries high or deep |
| At the world’s core; |
| Oh, quench its ardent thirst, |
| Its hunger, God, appease:— |
| Or if Thou dost ignore |
| The soul that Thou hast nursed, |
| Then smite me as I leap, |
| And let Thy rages roar |
| On me as in the first |
| That fell on sulphur seas. |
| Yea, down Hell’s sliffy steep |
| Thy molten lightnings pour |
| Till darkness be immersed; |
| Yet know I will not creep |
| Though all Thy thunders burst |
| In penalties. |
My Psalm of Life |
| I cannot grow as men would have me grow, |
| By ordered plodding to a life complete; |
| Climbing the path with slow and heavy beat |
| Of tedious footsteps from the world below. |
| I cannot like a visible circle flow |
| [284]Until by measured compass I can meet |
| The place I started from with weary feet. |
| That proudly point the obvious path they go. |
| Ah no,—mine be the instinct given to trust |
| That all will in the outcome fall aright. |
| Like a migrant swan still wandering since I must, |
| I’ll fill a life’s full cycle in my flight: |
| Though I soar into the clouds or sink to dust, |
| My orb will come around; I’ll reach my height. |
The Vocal Memnon to the Sphynx |
| The sands of time drift round me, and within |
| There is the knell of passing and decay: |
| The sun-smit vastness of the world doth weigh |
| Upon my riddling soul like hidden sin, |
| And bids it speak. Thou desert art my kin! |
| I crumble to thee, waning day by day; |
| But I am cursed with questions that betray |
| The end of life before death’s hours begin, |
| My eyes are staring, yet their sight is blind. |
| My ears are hollow, yet they hear no sound. |
| My knees are buried and my body sinks. |
| The stars weave fates that they themselves unwind, |
| Traversing the same cycles round and round; |
| While I sit gazing at the silent Sphynx. |
Sholom Asch: The Jewish Maupassant
By Percy B. Shostac

PERCY B. SHOSTAC, born
in 1892, in New York
City, where he attended the
Ethical Culture School and
High School; graduate of the
University of Wisconsin
(1915), where he was an active
member of the Wisconsin
Dramatic Society and contributed
frequently to the Wisconsin
Play-Book. He is now
teaching English at the University
of Kansas. The present
Essay was awarded the
Wisconsin Menorah Prize for 1915.
flat. The room was furnished sparsely: a table
and a few chairs of bamboo, a long row of books
on the yellow floor along one wall, some Chinese ornaments
and plants, a few Russian embroideries, a rich
Persian covering on the couch, and candles—many
candles burning and flickering on their rest of saucer
or glazed clay candlestick. Our hostess seemed part
of her room; she was a Russian Jewess, decidedly
Oriental in type, rare in her beauty and still more
rare in her personality and charm.
Sholom Asch sat opposite me smoking his cigarette
and sipping his coffee—a big man of thirty-five,
with broad shoulders and a frame sturdy and substantial;
thick black hair, a high forehead, a characteristically
Jewish nose, a firm mouth, a little black
moustache, and deep brown eyes—eyes that at times
would seem to be unaware of anything surrounding
them, yet one felt that they saw everything and understood
everything. His complexion was that of a
ruddy boy, yet his large handsome features had the
sensitiveness which classed him unmistakably as an
artist.
He was talking in Yiddish. His voice was soft
and his sentences followed each other in musical cadence and beauty.
think of him as ‘The Light of Damascus.’ I was in Damascus last
year. The most beautiful city in the world! The houses on the winding
streets are centuries old. The people seem older than the houses. For
hours I stood in the market-place watching the camels and the asses pass[286]
by. Some had the dust of the desert on their feet and some had mud and
dirt. Each went slowly on its way with its turbaned rider sitting still as
a figure of stone on its back.
“Through the kindness of a friend we entered a house on one of the
strange streets. Like most of the old houses its front was plain and unattractive.
We went through a court and on to a balcony overlooking an
enclosed garden. Such a garden I had never seen! It seemed a picture
transported from the ‘Thousand and One Nights.’ In the center was a
fountain of extraordinary workmanship, so inlaid with gems that after
the water had gushed out it seemed to splash down again in a shower of
ruby and amethyst. About the fountain were palms and fig trees. The
flowers were more wondrous than the jewelled water or the
many-colored
mosaics of the walls and arches.
“On the grass sat a grey-bearded Mohammedan. He smoked his
hookah in silence. Suddenly we heard voices. Three young women came
from the house and bathed in the fountain. Their lord and husband sat
stoically and smoked. They laughed and played in the splashing waters.
And as I watched this old man and these beautiful women, I thought myself
back in the ancient Damascus, in the city that I had thought was dead
for a thousand years.
me. To my surprise it was an electric bulb—the only one
in Damascus. It was fastened to the head of a donkey and illuminated a
painted advertisement attached to his back. By following the wires I
found they led to a large wholesale warehouse. It hurt me to find this
electric light in Damascus. I was still more hurt when I found that the
man who had installed it was a Jew, a Russian Jew who had come to the
city some years before.
“The next day I visited a shop where hammered gold and silver, for
which Damascus is famous, was sold. With the permission of the proprietor
I went upstairs to the workroom. What I saw there I shall never forget.
“I found myself in a long but very narrow room, dimly lighted by a
few dirty windows. In two long rows in front of two long tables sat fifty
or sixty little girls huddled so close together that they touched one another.
Each child was bent over the table and each held a little hammer.
She was tapping on a piece of metal. The tapping was never-ending—a
sharp clicking sound like the falling of hail. The children never spoke nor
smiled. Near me sat a little girl. She was not more than eight years old.
Her hammer had stopped tapping and her eyes were closed. She was
asleep. The girl next to her, evidently her elder sister, seeing the foreman
approach, pinched the child sharply. She opened her eyes and dully[287]
began her tapping. As I left this room of darkness my eyes were wet
with tears.
“I found out that only little girls were employed in this industry:
that they began when eight or nine years old. When they were sixteen
they usually were dead from the metal that had entered their lungs. The
children were mostly Jewish, for you must know that when the Jews become
part of a slow Eastern civilization they sink yet lower and become
yet more phlegmatic and listless than the people among whom they have
settled. I was indignant and asked if nothing was being done to remedy
this terrible evil. Then I was told that there was one man who was devoting
his life to freeing these children. It was the Jewish merchant who
used the only electric light in Damascus. He gave every cent he earned
to this work. He maintained an industrial school for Jewish children and
was trying to interest the Jews of the world in the movement. And then
I blessed this man’s electric light. I think of him always as ‘The Light
of Damascus.'”
only tried to give the spirit of them. He talked in the finished style
of a Maupassant, with all the imagination and all the strength of that
great master. I saw then, before I had read his work, that his title of
“The Jewish Maupassant” was not extravagant. And I saw also that
here was an artist with human sympathy immeasurable, and yet not lacking
sensuous imagery and elemental strength and beauty.
Sholom Asch was born and brought up in a little town in Poland,
Kuttnow, near Lodz. His father was a merchant on a small scale. He
bought sheep and oxen from the peasants and shipped them to be marketed
in Lodz, in Germany, in France. He rode about the country and
sometimes took Sholom with him, whom he loved especially because he
studied so well. Sholom liked the sheep and the cattle, and he loved the
melancholy Polish landscape—mystic, fearful.
His father was a healthy, normal, honorable Jew; not fanatical but
deeply religious. He was philosophic toward life, he cared nothing for
money and was content without it. His mother, on the other hand, was
nervous and worldly. She was dependent on the externals of life and to
her no money was misery. There was a big house with much food, many
new clothes, much hospitality, and many big brothers and sisters; something
like eleven children. The ceremonies of the Jewish faith were observed
beautifully, the holidays kept happily. There was substance and
spirit.
the paganism of the cattle and nature, and spoke little. When he
was six he was sent to the Jewish school. This was in session from eight[288]
in the morning until five in the evening. He and the other children used
to watch the sun shine on certain spots and know the time. How they
waited for the moment of freedom, little knowing how well one of their
number was to picture for the world each intimate emotion and thought
of their imprisoned souls.
One day a peasant came to his house and Sholom went with him on
his wagon. That was a wonderful day; he played hookey. The next day
the rabbi, who believed in corporal punishment, expressed his views on the
matter of absence.
Asch was extremely clever at learning the Talmud and the old history
and philosophy of the Jews. He learned to reason from the Talmud and
to-day he says, “Art is logic. There must be an ‘Urkraft’ (elemental
strength) behind a man’s work.” And if there is one outstanding characteristic
of Asch’s work, it is this elemental, this passionately strong and
elemental vein.
Max Reinhardt, whom Asch calls “Ein Dichter im Theater,” loves
Asch dearly. In his Deutsches Theater, the most artistic and best
equipped theatre in the world, he produced Asch’s God of Vengeance. This
was a marked success and is still a most popular play in Germany, Russia,
and in the Yiddish theatres of New York. Asch was only twenty-four
years at this time. From this play he made much money and a whole
village was made happy an entire summer.
Since then his income from his writings has increased steadily. Much
of his work is now translated into Russian and German, but as yet not
into English. The income from his translations far exceeds that from his
Yiddish publications, and he is able to support his wife and four children
in ease and comfort. Although he has been to America a few times during
the last six years, it is only several months ago that his wife and children
arrived from Poland and he settled here permanently.
in the beginning of April. Perez, the intellectual father of the new
movement, died. Asch and Perez were deep friends. Of all living writers
Perez has had most influence on Asch, both as writer and as man. When
Asch brought him his first story, Perez gave him a volume of his poems.
He said of Asch, “A bird is breaking through the shell—who knows, is it
an eagle or a crow?” It proved to be an eagle. Perez was a revolutionist,
a poet, a dramatist, the defender of the weak, the inspiration of the
talented. A little story of his, “Bonchi the Silent,” about a Jewish workingman
who never complained and who took all his misfortunes as a matter
of course, whose desires and hopes were so thoroughly crushed out of him
that on reaching Heaven and being asked by God to request what he desired
most, he said, “I want a piece of white bread every Friday”—that
story, more than any one influence, caused the formation of the “Bund[289]
of the Russian Revolution.” It made the intelligenzia of Russia feel that
it was their duty to teach the workingman to demand the earth.
And now since Perez’s death, on Asch’s shoulders has fallen the responsibility
of being the greatest Jewish writer living to-day. He is assuming
the added duty of revolutionist as well as artist. For the serious Jewish
writer is a sort of rabbi to his people. Ethically he stands for the old
Jewish ideals. To these Asch has added the beauty of paganism and the
vision of anarchistic communism.
In Paris once he came to a meeting of Zionists. He spoke against the
Zionist idea and was not listened to with great deference. Another writer,
Abraham Raisin, coming in shouted, “Hear! Listen to a great Jew.”
Asch was given the floor and finished the speech.
Asch feels that only now is he beginning to drop his Jewish past as
material for his work. He is going out into the future: he is becoming
impressed with a vision of the America to be—the ideal democracy. And
his work is showing it. He is planning a poetic industrial drama, he is
finishing a gripping war play. His deep understanding of the industrial
slavery of our times is shown wonderfully in his novel, Motke the Scamp,
which is now appearing in serial form in the New York Yiddish Forward.
He begins with Motke’s infancy. His mother’s milk is sold to the rich
man’s baby; Motke is cheated of everything. Picture after picture of
sordid Polish ghetto life follows—intermixed with wood and river sunshine
as only Asch can do it. One feels the sun resting eternally over all,
while man with his laughter and tenderness and pain struggles toward perfection.
of style and purity of emotion. He is decidedly modern, decidedly
Russian, decidedly Hebraic, and eternally universal. He is bringing the
message of beauty and freedom to the American Yiddish working man.
Asch is not a socialist; he is a real individualist. With a sincere contribution
to the happiness of the world he believes that every human being is
entitled to all the joy of the world, no matter what form his contribution
may assume; shirts, street cleaning, cooking, a painting, dishes, a poem.
He does not preach eight hours and a dollar more, he demands joy in labor.
He wants people to play—to be happy at their work. He demands freedom
in one’s personal life and beauty in mind and body. He is an industrialist
plus an artist.
Asch has traveled through Russia talking on various subjects to Jewish
gatherings, not for money but for love of his race. He has visited Palestine,
but with a keen interest in the growth and development of the Jew—not
from a nationalistic standpoint but from a world point of view.
And this is why he admires America—because it brings to him a vision
of a perfect race, the result of the mixture of all races, perpetuating the[290]
fine traits of all. He is immensely interested in the public school. He believes
in democracy and thinks we have it in America.
For artists, however, he says this country is not good. The newspapers
in Europe, he says, print what Tolstoi eats and how he sleeps. Here
Rockefeller is the national hero. The artist here lacks artistic obstinacy;
he succumbs to money, he leaves starvation and his Kunst.
months he went each night to the Berlin theatres and often, with his
eyes shut, would listen to the words and cadences of Shakespere’s lines.
Hamlet he considers the greatest play ever written. Midsummer Night’s
Dream and Romeo and Juliet are two of his favorites. From the ghost
scene in Hamlet he can trace Maeterlinck and all the modern mystics. He
says that Shakespere is universal in his appeal and that his work in translation,
when done by a master like Schlegel, takes on the peculiar flavor of
the tongue and people into which it is translated and loses none of its
intrinsic worth.
He loves Gogol and Tolstoi. Faust is one of his favorite dramas.
He loves the old masters Greco and Rembrandt; among the moderns,
Cézanne, Puvis de Chavannes, Manet. In opera he does not care for Wagner,
but he is very fond of The Magic Flute, of Madame Butterfly, of
Pagliacci. He loves music and the theatre. Asch reads in many languages,
German, French, Russian, Polish, Hebrew, and a little English. But to
everybody he talks in Yiddish. He has no ear for other languages except
English, which he says is like his mother tongue!
In the spring Asch goes out to the country and works, in the summer
he loafs, in the winter he lives among his friends. He writes all the time,
being chock full of energy—for work, for love, for friendship, for happiness.
As he says, “I am thankful to God for three things: first that he
gave me life, second that he gave me my talent, third for my love for you”
(this to whomever the lady happens to be).
Like all the artists he is erratic, original, attractive, all-seeing. But
unlike most he has much strength of character and a brilliant logical
faculty that makes him check up his personal relations. He has much
affection in him and a great honesty and integrity which wins him admiration
and respect, and he has many friends among many kinds of people in
many parts of the world.
Sholom Asch is a philosopher, a novelist, a poet, and a dramatist.
He loves the clouds and the sea, he truly loves mankind. Always through
all he writes one feels a deep and elemental strength, an elemental belief
in nature and truth. He is not ahead of his time; he is rather an interpreter
and inspirer of his own day. This makes him the happy person that
he is. He is greatly honored in Russia and in Germany, and by all writers
in Europe.[291]
II
consideration of a few of his most important works. As Sir Walter
Raleigh, the eminent English critic, has said, the best way to form a judgment
of an author is to quote his good passages. Accordingly I have been
as liberal as space would allow in my insertion of translated passages. The
most recent works, mentioned in the early part of this essay, I shall not
treat, as it was impossible for me to procure them at the time of writing.
I shall take up each work individually before making generalizations.
and the influences at work on the younger generation of Jews in
Russia. The plot can be simply set forth. The younger generation is
represented by five characters of three social classes. Mery Lipskaja is
the daughter of a well-to-do Jewish manufacturer—in other words, she
is of the middle or bourgeois class. She has completed her gymnasium
(high-school) education and has absorbed the prevalent ideas about women
and emancipation, and a desire for higher education, for a broader life, for
St. Petersburg. Kowalski is an artist. He, like Mery, is not interested in
the class struggle; all that vitally concerns him is his art and “living.”
David and Rahel Lazarus are the children of a physician who is giving his
life to the people of the “Grube” or ghetto. They have grown up among
the suppressed and impoverished Jews and they are filled with the spirit of
the revolution; David actively and Rahel passively. Mischa, the cousin
of Mery, is a member of the middle class. He has become aware of the
conditions in the Grube and his struggle lies between his middle class environmental
influence, which includes his love for Mery, and his desire to
join the revolution.
At the beginning of the novel Mery has just returned from the gymnasium.
She is oppressed and dissatisfied with her provincial surroundings
and longs to go to the university at St. Petersburg. Mischa, in love with
Mery, has also just completed work at the gymnasium, and they plan to
go to St. Petersburg together. The artist Kowalski now comes to the
little south Russian village and soon Mery is in love with him. Mischa is
much distressed and suffers greatly. Kowalski leaves, promising to meet
Mery at St. Petersburg.
The second part of the novel opens with Mischa and Mery in St. Petersburg.
The climate does not agree with Mery and Mischa arranges that
they go to a Finnish village. Here they grow very dear to each other
and Mischa is about to propose when Kowalski melodramatically appears.
Kowalski and Mery now give expression to their love. Mischa returns to
St. Petersburg but cannot pursue his studies because the revolutionary[292]
disturbances have closed the university. Kowalski and Mery return to
St. Petersburg soon after and are admitted to the bohemian life there.
Kowalski meanwhile has become famous. The lovers gradually grow apart
and when the revolution breaks out Mery returns to her home for safety,
leaving Kowalski never to see him again. Mischa has returned home also.
After a massacre of the Jews in the Grube in which Rahel, the sister of
David, is outraged, he sees that in marrying her lies his only means of becoming
one of the Jews whom he was so desirous of helping. So despite
the fact that he still loves Mery and she is now willing to be his wife, he
marries Rahel. Mery after a period of restlessness in the little town returns
to St. Petersburg to join the bohemian group there.
The characters live before us and we see the workings of their
minds and emotions with remarkable clarity. The mental struggles of
Mischa between his love for Mery and his desire to help the oppressed Jews,
always inhibited by inherited powerlessness to act; the carefree, art-centered,
egotistical Kowalski; the adolescent romanticism and sympathetic
insight of Mery; the cynically idealistic and self-sacrificing Dr.
Lazarus—these constitute the real substance and artistic worth of the book. The
pictures of contemporary Russian Jewish life are of marked interest,
especially to the western reader. The following passages are descriptive
of the Grube or ghetto and characterize the condition of the poorer Jews
in the towns throughout Russia:
“The sun seldom shone into the valley. Old people lost their vision early
and the percentage of child mortality was enormous. But even those who remained
alive under these conditions were weak, sick, half crippled people;
impoverished figures with crooked legs, large heads and weak arms crept through
the streets.
“And in spite of everything the inhabitants never left their grave (Grube)
and made no attempt to find a better, more healthy home. A sort of sick love
bound them to their unfortunate homes, and like a curse it rested on each who
was born in the valley—that he could not free himself from it and that until
the end of his days he must eke out his sad existence there.”
After the massacre Mischa walks through the Grube:
“The murmur of prayers re-echoed to his ears. From the little windows
of the synagogue came the soft gleam of candles. He entered. Deep as in a
cellar, as miserable and abandoned as themselves, lay the little house of prayer
of the wretched inhabitants of the Grube. The walls were bare. The Ark
of the Covenant was hung with only a piece of coarse linen. In front of the
broken ‘altar’ stood an old man in a torn prayer shawl and prayed before the
small penny candles. The room was full of worshippers, all inhabitants of the
Grube. Their prayer was a groaning, and sighing, and screaming, out of tormented[293]
hearts. It rose up to the low ceiling and hung over them all like a
heavy black cloud.”
And then Mischa knew his people:
“He felt his strength to bear everything; sorrow and misery and persecution.
He saw his people doing the work of servants through the centuries,
from the farthest past to the present day. He saw the bare walls of the synagogue,
the wretched Ark of the Covenant, he heard the sad melody of their
prayers which grew to despairing screams. . . . He had the feeling that he
was with his people in a large ship. For eternities this ship was on a voyage
of searching. It landed at harbors always new and strange: Egypt, Palestine,
Babylon, Arabia, Spain, at Turkey, at Holland and Russia. And to-day
is also a test day for the Jews. And also this day will end, and many, many,
but the ship will always sail on, will carry them all to new harbors into the
farthest future.”
passages concerning Kowalski—the first his longing for the open
country after his long stay in St. Petersburg, and the other his remarks
on clouds:
“St. Petersburg had become sickening to him. For loneliness he longed,
for solitude. Solitude, with his brush behind the mountains, in the deep woods.
To see every day sun, mountains, and water! The water that pushes blocks
of ice before it, and to see the cloud shadows which camp on the wide snow
fields. To live again in the little room with his comrade the Lithuanian peasant
with whom he studied in the academy! To have no money. To eat bread;
much good black bread with honey which his comrade’s father would send from
the village. For whole days to wander about and paint clouds!”
Mery discovers him at work, and looking at his painting he says:
“Everything is clouds—the warmth that I feel, the warmth— . . . and do
you see the pride that such a cloud has, the pride, the formality? ‘The cloud
is no small thing,’ my fat professor used to say. It is no small thing to paint a
cloud, for then one must feel eternity. As lovingly as a girl’s body must one
model a cloud. And warmth and pride must come to expression. To paint a
cloud means to step into Heaven, into the middle of Heaven and to see a new
world which we do not know here at all. Such a nobody as I wishes to paint
a cloud, a Heaven—wishes to have seen God and create Him anew with his little
art! That is an impudence, isn’t it?
“There you see what I have painted. It is nothing—it is worthless—something
is lacking.” He looked amusedly at the picture. “Love is lacking. So it
is as my professor with the fat belly loved to say, ‘To paint a real cloud one
must love.’ Yes, yes, to be able to create something good one must be in love or—do
you know what? Or to feel a great sin in one’s soul. Yes, yes, with a
burning sin in one’s heart one can create big things. When one has entirely
fallen. . . .”
Many Jewish characters are pictured in dramatic situations but
with very little plot. The characters are all poor; fishmongers, children of
the Ghetto, a Jewish farmer, two mothers, an old married couple. A few
typical plots follow.
“Ein Eilbotte” is really a prose poem describing a sunrise, a
storm, and the reappearing sun—more properly perhaps a series of paintings,
of symphonic word canvases. Let me translate the opening passages:
“Behind the town ruin which stands on a small hill like a national monument,
flaming and fiery rises the red of the morning and floods with its glow the
gray clouds that hang in the horizon. It brings a son of the sun into the world.
The day tears itself from the lap of the mother Night.
“In the little town life is beginning to stir. Here and there one sees a
peasant wagon on which the dew drops of the night are still hanging. Here
and there a Jew, eyes heavy with sleep. The show windows and house doors
are for the most part locked. For many of the inhabitants the day has not
yet begun. . . . This day shall be like yesterday, like to-morrow.”
A storm rushes over the woods. The storm comes like a mighty giant that
wishes to swallow the world or it seems as though God himself were spreading
out His black mantle: “The end of the world! Neither heaven nor earth,
neither beginning nor end! Black, ominous, dull, empty. . . . Suddenly
Heaven opens for a second. . . . A blinding light has torn the clouds. Stabbed
by a flaming dagger the giant dies—a confused moaning fills the air. It rains.”
But the storm passes. “The Heaven is clear and blue as if nothing had happened.
The air is clearer and purer, the earth washed clean by the water.”
The rabbi has gone to say the evening prayer, leaving the
small boys to study. Instead they begin to talk of various subjects.
Mothers are discussed and each boy praised his most highly. One pale
little chap with large eyes says, “My mother also . . .” and then stops.
One of the boys laughs uncontrolledly and then there is an embarrassing
silence. The teacher returns. The little Josek, however, cannot keep his
attention on the book:
“The ‘crazy Trajna’ stands life-like before him. Out there at the well she
stands. . . . He sees her plainly. . . . All too well he knows that dirty sun-burned
face plowed through by a thousand wrinkles, those great blood-shot
eyes with the swollen, sore lids. . . .
“He remembers her, yes, he remembers. . . . He was still a little boy then,
when the teacher carried him to school in his arms. He cried then and hung
tightly with both hands to the apron of his mother.
“Mother! . . . this woman his mother?”
And so the emotions of the boy are set forth in memories telling us
of his mother before she was insane and now, when she is known to all the[295]
village as the “crazy Trajna.” The time when he found her insane is
described. It was raining and he was hurrying home from school. Suddenly
he sees his mother near his father’s house:
“There at the corner she stands. . . . Trembling for cold she seeks protection
under any roof. . . . The boy stands as rooted to the ground, without
turning his gaze from her. The water flows in streams from his coat. She
has turned her glassy eyes on him. Slowly as though following some inner
force she comes closer to him. He is not able to move from the spot; something
unspeakable gleams in those glassy eyes. . . .
“Now he feels in her the mother. . . . His heart beats as though to
break. Always closer to him she comes. A hot wave of blood flows through
all his limbs and rises to his head. He trembles as in fever.
“Suddenly all fear leaves him. He assumes a waiting position and looks directly
into her eyes.
“Now she stands close before him. She looks at him. Away! These eyes!
this look! He wishes to fall weeping into her arms. . . . To weep, yes, to
weep . . . to weep and to kiss.
“He is in the impulse to carry out his purpose when she suddenly takes
his hand. With a quick push he tears himself from her embrace and runs away
as rapidly as he can.
“It seems as though she ran after him with outstretched arms and blowing
hair, always faster and faster, always grasping more heavily. It seemed to
him as though he heard her terrible voice, hoarse with weariness, calling
‘Joselle,’ ‘Joselle’ . . .”
The father has taken a new wife and the “crazy Trajna” is no longer
a member of the household but is driven about the streets. And as he
leaves the schoolroom this evening, Josek is consumed with indignation and
sorrow and resolves not to flee from his mother the next time he meets her.
On his way home he meets her. The tears flow from her eyes; when she
embraces him he again runs away. But that evening he steals a plate of
meat from his home and brings it to her. That night he does not sleep.
The next noon, coming home from school he sees Trajna standing near
the well surrounded by street urchins:
“One pulls her bonnet from her head. Another jerks at her apron. A
third tears the prayer book from her hand. Some boys cry loudly,
“‘Hurrah! The crazy one, the crazy one!’
“She looks at her son in surprise. Josek can stand it no longer; he goes
to his mother and with his fists drives away the urchins that torment her.
“They have run away. Without saying a word Josek reaches out both his
hands. His face is deathly pale. His eyes gleam with fever. The boys
laugh. . . . Their loud calls press themselves to his ears. . . . Another moment
and the hands of his mother reach around him as in a cramp.
“The ‘crazy one’ hugs him, kisses him, now laughing, now crying. Suddenly
she clutches him and begins to dance with him. ‘Hurrah! Hurrah!
The crazy one is dancing with her son!’[296]
“Josek casts a confused glance at the urchins. He draws himself together,
tears himself from the embrace of his mother with a quick movement and runs
away. He does not even think of the cap which remains in her hand.
“Even from a distance he hears the calls, ‘Hurrah! Hurrah! The crazy
one dances with her son!'”
not learn his Hebrew lessons nor prayers. When in the fields
he often feels near to God—and whistles. He is taken to the synagogue on
a holiday. His parents are ashamed of him. He cannot repeat the prayers
from the prayerbook, yet he feels a great desire to praise God. To the
consternation of his parents he walks to the altar, and placing two fingers
in his mouth he voices his praise in a loud, shrill whistle.
“All stand as though struck by lightning. Who dared to whistle in this
holy place? The father is about to grasp the boy and lead him out, the people
clench their fists threateningly. But the rabbi turns from his place at the
east of the synagogue and asks in a loud voice, ‘Where is the saint? Where
is the miracle-worker who destroyed the evil forces hanging above us, who
bored through heaven that our prayers might easily penetrate the black clouds
to the throne of God?’
“There is no sign of the miracle-worker. He has slipped out of the house
of prayer and with his shoes and stockings over his shoulder is running as fast
as he can toward the village.”
with the Talmudic law requiring married women to cut off their
hair and wear wigs. She loves her hair and will not part with it. She is
married. Weeks go by and her husband is ostracised. He and his wife
have become more and more estranged and they speak to each other hardly
at all. One day he comes home and with loving words induces her to let
him cut off her black braids.
“When Chanele awoke the next morning, she looked at herself in the mirror
that hung opposite her bed. Terror seized her and she thought that she had
become mad and that she lay in the hospital. On the table near her bed lay the
dead braids. The soul that had lived in these braids when they were on her
head was dead, and they reminded her of death . . . She hid her face in both
her hands and heart-breaking sobs filled the quiet room.”
And there are other “Wortbilder” which I shall not treat. This book
of sketches shows Asch at his very best. For the form—one without plot
dealing with character and nature description—is decidedly fitted to the
elemental, passion-laden flow of his style. It is a great wonder to me that
these gems of artistic word portraiture have not yet been translated into
English. In my opinion they rank equal in worth with the similar work of
Daudet, Maupassant, Tchekoff and Turgenieff.[297]
high points—the Sabbath eve, the holidays, the marriage
ceremony and others in Russian Jewish village life, are treated. Character
is not emphasized, although one man appears through all the sketches.
The book does not come up to Die Bilder aus dem Ghetto.
Asch is essentially a dramatist. In his sketches, in his novels and in
his stories, the dramatic point of view is not lost. His plays consequently
always move, are always full of action and tense situation. The same
elemental strength and purity of emotion that is found in his prose is
always present in his dramas. In the concluding part of this essay, I shall
touch upon five of his plays in the order of their importance.
Editors’ Note—The third and concluding part of
Mr. Shostac’s prize essay, dealing with Shalom Asch as a
Dramatist, will appear in the next issue.
and injustice the Jews have had to suffer will join in
your hopes that after the war some means may be found
of permanently ameliorating their lot. You may feel the more
sure of our sympathy in this because, as you know, England
is the European country in which, since Oliver Cromwell
sanctioned their return nearly three centuries ago, the Jews
have been best treated, being freely admitted to all posts
of power and honor, and not exposed to any sort of social
disparagement. They have held places in our Cabinets and
been among the most eminent lawyers and judges. Such a
one was Sir George Jessel, the famous Master of the Rolls.
We have no more patriotic citizens, nor more generous benefactors
to works of charity and to public purposes supported
by private liberality. With those members of the race who
have suffered injustice or violence in other countries, there
has always been a warm sympathy in Great Britain.—Viscount
Bryce, in a Letter to The Menorah Journal.
Liberalism and the Jews
By Joseph Jacobs

JOSEPH JACOBS
JOSEPH JACOBS (born in
New South Wales in
1854), one of our leading
scholars and men of letters;
managing editor of the Jewish
Encyclopedia; author of many
authoritative books on Jewish
subjects, including “Jews of
Angevin England,” “Studies in
Jewish Statistics,” “Jewish
Ideals,” etc. The present article
is adapted from a chapter
in Dr. Jacobs’ forthcoming
book which will deal comprehensively
with the contribution
of the Jew to modern progress.
“benevolent despots,” like Frederick II,
Joseph II, Catherine II, who adopted the ruling
principle of the Welfare-State—that the object
of government should be the good of the people—but
considered that it could only be carried out for the
people, not by them. The weakness of the principle
consisted in the difficulty of securing a heritable succession
of capable benevolence, and the collapse of
Prussia at Jena and of Joseph II’s well-meant but
unreflective reforms led, in the nineteenth century, to
the triumph of the principle first enunciated in America
and carried out in France—of government for the
people by the people. The transition to the next
stage, from religious toleration to religious liberty, is
marked, as regards the Jews, by the tolerance edict
of Joseph II, in 1781, which for the first time threw
open service in the army to the Jews and placed them
to some extent on the same level with other dissenters
from the State-Church of Austria.
But this was still toleration and not liberty, and
it was soon cast into the background by the full religious
liberty granted by the French Revolution
in 1791, in imitation of the American constitution of 1787, which entirely
separated State and Church. The granting of full religious liberty to the
Jews had previously been advocated by Mirabeau, and though Rousseau’s
influence, which was all-important in the Revolution, still retained a touch
of Genevan intolerance, Jews came within his religious requirements for
citizenship by their belief in Providence and in future rewards and punishment.
It has to be remembered that in spirit, if not in will-power or influence,
Louis XVI was of the school of the benevolent despots, and it was
he who signed the edict of November 13, 1791, which for the first time in
European history placed Jews on the same level as the adherents of all
other creeds as regards civil and political qualifications. Holland was appropriately[299]
the first country to grant the same religious equality to its
Jews.[B]
The French Revolution, from our present standpoint, is the more
remarkable inasmuch as it is the only great European movement on
which Jews had absolutely no influence, direct or indirect, owing to their
inappreciable numbers and insecure position in the chief centers, Paris,
Lyons, and Marseilles. The Revolution principles spread into the neighboring
countries with the advance of the French arms. In Venice, the
walls of the original Ghetto, from which all the rest received their name,
fell at once on the entry of Napoleon’s troops. No wonder they welcomed
with fervor the victories of the French troops; we can catch, in Heine,
echoes of the enthusiasm with which Napoleon was acclaimed the Liberator.
his way back from Austerlitz in 1805 he learnt at Strassburg of the
wide distress caused in Alsace by the exactions of certain Jewish usurers in
that province, and on his return to Paris issued edicts directed against the
Alsatian Jews, restricting their usurious activity. It is fair to add that
these enactments were obviously directed against the usury of the Alsatian
Jews, and not against the Jews in general, since they were specifically
declared not to apply to the Jews of Bordeaux in the South or Northern
Italy, then under Napoleon’s control. It would indeed have been against
the whole tendency of his career to have made the Jews an exception to that
principle of the “carrière ouverte aux talents,” which was the key-note of
his whole policy, as it is logically to all war-lords. It was by no accident
that similar indifference toward the creed of their soldiers, or civil servants,
was shown by William the Silent, Wallenstein, Cromwell, William III, and
Frederick the Great.
Napoleon’s attention having thus been drawn to the Jewish Question,
he proceeded with characteristic energy to solve it by summoning
to Paris a representative assembly of the Jews of France, Germany
and Italy, who should determine on what terms Jews could be
admitted into a modern Country-State, which had been freed from the
shackles of the medieval Church-State and only recognized a certain prerogative
in the Church to which the majority of Frenchmen belonged (the
Concordat of 1802). After summoning an assembly of Jewish Notables
for a preliminary inquiry, in 1806, a more formal Sanhedrin was summoned
in the following year, to which twelve test questions were submitted,—among[300]
them, whether the French Jews could regard France as their Fatherland
and Frenchmen as their brothers, and the laws of the State as binding
upon them. Further points were raised as to polygamy, divorce, and
mixed marriages; other questions related to the position of Rabbis and the
Jewish laws about usury.
All these problems were decided to the satisfaction of Napoleon, though
some of them aroused much searching of heart among the more strictly
orthodox. The outcome legally recognized that there was nothing in
Jewish law or faith which prevented its adherents from being legitimate
and full members of a modern State which, at that time, practically
recognized Catholicism as the State-Church. The significance of the
decision was far-reaching not alone for the Jews but for the whole European
State system; it was a practical recognition that the Country, not the
Faith, was the foundation of a nation and thus gave the final blow to the
conception of a Church-Empire, which had upheld the contrary principle.
It was not without significance that simultaneously the Emperor of Austria
agreed to the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire.
and no share in Napoleon’s revolutionary reorganization of West
Europe, the benefit they reaped from both movements was second only to
that of the serfs. For the Jews and the serfs were the two most oppressed
classes under the feudal system still surviving. And so the Jews imbibed
with enthusiasm the libertarian principles of the Revolution and the “open
career” administration of Napoleon. They threw off with avidity most
of the shackles which prevented their joining in general European culture,
and Jewish parents of means immediately began giving their sons and, what
is more, their daughters, the secular education which would adapt them
to the careers now seemingly open to them, as publicists, lawyers, and
civil servants. When the reaction came, under the Holy Alliance, with its
attempt to revive the Church-State and the closed career of prerogative,
Jews everywhere in Western Europe joined the Liberal forces, from whose
triumph alone they could hope for a dispersal of the clouds which once
more obscured the sun of liberty in which they had basked for a few short
years. Jews soon ranked among the intellectual leaders of continental
Liberalism, and from 1815 to 1848 exercised an appreciable influence on
the course of public opinion. In particular a brilliant band of Jewish
litterateurs in Germany helped to mediate between French Liberalism and
German public opinion, and practically led the movement known as Young
Germany, which opposed the cosmopolitan tendencies of the eighteenth
century to the narrow nationalism of the Reaction and advocated the
Revolution principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, as against the[301]
revival of the claims of Authority and Privilege by the Holy Alliance.
Boerne and Heine, Hartmann and Saphir, Jacoby and Karl Marx, are
recognized by friends and foes alike as among the leading influences which
led ultimately to the downfall of Metternich and his school.
of emancipated Jewesses, who introduced into Germany the vogue of
the political Salon after the manner of Madame Roland and Madame de
Staël. They were mostly from the Berlin Circle, which had arisen around
Moses Mendelssohn, and carried his tendencies towards rationalism and
culture to extreme limits. His two daughters Dorothea and Henriette,
and their friends Henriette Herz and Rahel Lewin, created salons to which
were attracted some of the more liberal spirits of the cultured world of
Berlin. Dorothea Mendelssohn ultimately married Friedrich von Schlegel
and became one of the Muses of the German Romantic School. Publicists
of distinction like Wilhelm von Humboldt and Friedrich von Gentz formed,
with Dorothea and others of her circle, a “Bond of Virtue” (Tugendbund)
which according to all appearance was named on the principle of locus a
non lucendo. Rahel, “the little woman with a great soul,” as Goethe
called her, was even a more striking personality. She numbered, among
her friends, men of such different types as Schelling and Schleiermacher,
the Prince de Ligne, and Fichte, Schlegel and Gutzkow, Prince Louis
Ferdinand, Frederick the Great’s nephew, and Fouqué, Gentz, and the
Humboldts, and she finally married Varnhagen van Ense. She was the
first to appreciate, in its full extent, the multiform genius of Goethe, and
helped the rise to fame of Boerne, Heine, and Victor Hugo. She was undoubtedly
the most striking personality among the women of her age in
Germany, and she is nowadays regarded as one of the chief forerunners of
the Feminist movement.[C]
These salons had an air of cultured Bohemianism, which attracted
many men of rank in Mid-Europe who were beginning to be repelled by the
exactions of social gathering in which all associations were determined by
armorial bearings. A similar salon was held in Vienna by Baroness von
Arnstein, in whose mansion all the diplomats of the Congress of Vienna
met as on neutral ground. Such gatherings, while helping to liberalize
good society in Mid-Europe, also brought the position of Jews to the
notice of the ruling classes and, in many cases, aroused a determination to
repair their wrongs. You cannot accept a man socially yet refuse him the
most elementary rights politically.[D]
most brilliant members of Rahel’s coterie, Ludwig Boerne and Heinrich
Heine. Both had made their mark as litterateurs in the preceding
decade, but Boerne’s “Letters from Paris” and Heine’s “French Conditions”
(contributed to the Augsburger Zeitung) drew the attention of all
liberal Germany to the new hopes aroused by the downfall of the absolutist
monarchy in France. Henceforth they were the dominating voices in
arousing among the German Liberals the hope of similar liberty, while in
France itself they helped to make known to French culture the deeper
currents of German thought and literature. In particular their brilliant
wit and incisive sarcasm set the tone for the feuilleton literature of all
Mid-Europe. By their very isolation they were enabled to regard men
and affairs with a certain detachment, and both wrote with an iridescent
insolence which can only be described by the Jewish technical word
Chutzpah. Treitschke complained of their frequent irreverences and flippancies
but in both respects Heine, “the wittiest Frenchman since Voltaire,”
was merely following in the footsteps of his predecessor, and
Boerne, like Diderot, knew that the most effective weapon against authority
is sarcasm.
Under the leadership of Heine and Boerne a whole school of liberal
journalists arose in Germany and Austria, many of them Jews like Saphir
and Hartmann, and they gave a tone to Mid-European journalism which
has lasted to the present day. They thus helped to internationalize
Liberalism of the French form, with its rather vague and indefinite strivings
after liberty, equality, and fraternity, as contrasted with the Liberalism
of the English type dominated by Jeremy Bentham, which aimed at constitutional,
economic, and social reforms of a definite character. Young
Germany, as represented by Heine and Boerne, left the latter type of
Liberalism severely alone.
Yet in the struggle for constitutional liberty, which led to the revolutions
of 1848, Jews took a considerable part on the more practical side.
Everywhere during that critical year Jews had a hand in the upheaval
against absolutism.[E]
forces, counting indeed two of the chief leaders, F. J. Stahl in Prussia[303]
and Benjamin Disraeli in England. Disraeli’s is the better known name,
but it is probable Stahl was equally influential. Stahl is described by Sir
A. W. Ward in the Cambridge Modern History, xi. 395, as “the intellectual
leader of the conservative aristocratic party and the most remarkable brain
in the Upper Chamber. . . . He largely supplied the ruling party with the
learning and wealth of ideas on which to found their claims. Their organ
was the Kreuzzeitung, and the party was called by its name.” Bluntschli
calls him, “after Hegel the most important representative of the philosophical
theory of the State. He, in many ways, advanced political science
by his dialectical and critical ability in founding new points of view.”
(The Theory of the State, p. 73). But Stahl’s historic influence will
probably rest on his connection with Bismarck at the formative period of
his career, when the future chancellor was also a member of the Kreuzzeitung
party.
Disraeli’s career and influence is far better known and need not be
further adverted to in this place. The fact that both were converts has
little significance from our present point of view, since many of the Jewish
leaders on the Liberal side had also adopted Christianity. It is more
pertinent to remark that one cannot trace their conservatism to their
Judaism since there was everything in the Jewish position of their time to
range Jews on the Liberal side. Stahl and Disraeli are, therefore, to be
regarded merely as examples of Jewish ability. There is nothing specifically
Jewish in their influence unless we regard the socialistic strain in Disraeli’s
conception of “Young England” as a part of the Jewish sympathy
with the “under dog,” which can be attributed to their own experiences
and to the traditions of the Prophets.
socialistic movement which, from its inception up to the present day,
has been largely dominated by Jewish influences. Although modern socialism
can be traced back to St. Simon, the whole movement would have collapsed
at the death of the master but for the organizing ability of Olinde
Rodrigues and the religious enthusiasm of his brother Eugene. A practical
turn was also given by their cousins, Isaac and Jacob Pereire, who, as
bankers, had thought out the best means of carrying out the principles of
the school into practical life. An extension of the facilities for banking
would lower the rate of interest and therefore leave more to be distributed
to the workers, while the development of railways would reduce the cost
of transportation and thus lower the cost of living and raise real wages.
Accordingly the Pereires devoted themselves, with religious enthusiasm, to
creating the Credit Foncier, and later the Credit Mobilier, and were the[304]
chief agents in developing the railway system of Northern France, incidentally
making themselves multi-millionaires in the process, though they
never lost their enthusiasm for the socialistic ideals.[F]
Most of these left the St. Simonian Church when it diverged into the
sexual vagaries of Enfantin, though one of his creeds was, “I believe that
God has raised up Saint Simon to teach the Father (Enfantin) through
Rodrigues.” Felicien David the musician, however, accompanied Enfantin
on his epoch-making journey to Egypt, during which he implanted the
idea of the Suez Canal in the minds of Mehemet Ali and Ferdinand de
Lesseps, and Gustave d’Eichthal devoted his enthusiasm and energies to
creating, out of the ideas of St. Simon and Enfantin, a new religion which
should revert to the socialism of the Prophets, while denying or ignoring,
like them, any other life than this. It is said that he consulted Heine as
to the best means of founding such a religion. “Get crucified and rise
again on the third day,” was Heine’s caustic reply. The socialistic tone
of J. S. Mill’s Principles of Political Economy, which differentiates it from
its Ricardian predecessors, is undoubtedly due in large measure to his
intercourse with d’Eichthal. Enfantin’s vagaries, while they destroyed
any direct practical outcome for St. Simonism, drew wide attention to its
views, and Jews helped to spread them throughout Europe, Moritz Veit
performing that function in Germany, and M. Parma in Italy. The
cosmopolitan position of Jews is seen at its best in such propagandism,
and it is not surprising that they should have been attracted by views of
which the kernel is in the Prophets of Israel, whom indeed Renan, in his
Histoire d’Israel, brilliantly characterized as socialistic preachers.
The later stages of socialism in Europe were, as is well known, dominated
by Karl Marx, who based upon Ricardo’s “iron law” of wages the
imposing edifice of Das Kapital, for long the gospel of advanced
socialism. The brilliant Ferdinand Lassalle introduced its principles
into German politics, and the most recent stages of German socialism have
been controlled by the opportunism of E. Bernstein, while among its most
prominent leaders have been V. Adler and Paul Singer.
current in European politics made Jewish emancipation a part of
the Liberal creed throughout Europe. Jews were fighting for themselves
in fighting for the general liberties, and their position in the forefront of
the struggle was thus justified by the representative principle at the root of
modern Liberalism. Jewish disabilities were the last stronghold of the[305]
old Church-State conception, and the struggle on the side of the Reaction
to retain this fundamental principle was the more intense. If Jews were
granted full civil and political rights it could no longer be contended that
Christianity was a fundamental principle of the State (or, as the English
obiter dictum put it, “Christianity is a parcel of the common law”).
Hence the extreme violence of the defense which seems, at first sight, out of
all proportion to the interests or numbers involved. Thus the struggle
was as embittered in Switzerland as anywhere, though the Jews there only
constituted a handful, and the traditions of the country were in favor of
toleration.
From this aspect the fight in England is typical. As soon as the
Catholics had obtained emancipation in 1828 (the Jews had stood aside in
order not to complicate the question), Jewish emancipation became part
of the Liberal creed, and the struggle was waged in Parliament, or rather
in the House of Lords, for the ensuing thirty years. England was the
home of toleration, and her Toleration Act, passed as early as 1689, formed
the third stage in the European progress towards religious liberty. Yet
the more conservative elements in English life fought against the removal
of Jewish disabilities because it meant the visible proof of the secularization
of English politics. It is perhaps characteristic that the Tory resistance
was mainly broken down by Disraeli, of Jewish, and by Lord George
Bentinck, of Dutch, descent.
about 1860. Complete civil and religious liberty was gained for
Jews throughout Western Europe during the next decade,—in the German
confederation and in Switzerland, 1866, in Austria and Hungary, 1867,
and in the German Empire, 1871, while even in Spain the expulsion order
was practically repealed and toleration, if not liberty, was given to Jews
there in 1869. By that time Liberalism, both in the French sense of liberty
and equality before the law and in the English sense of constitutional
government and free-trade, had gained its fullest triumph and had spent
its force. Its negative work had been most valuable; it had freed the
human spirit from intolerable shackles and thrown into the lumber-room
the clogging survivals of medieval feudalism. But to the human spirit
thus freed it had little instruction to give of a constructive kind; its slogan
seemed to be, “Go as you please,” or, to use its own formula, “laissez
faire, laissez aller.” It was rather superficial in its treatment of national
and social forces and made no appeal to the more generous imaginative
emotions. It was inevitable that a reaction should set in if only to fill
the void. Nationalism which had given vitality to France under Napoleon,[306]
and in Spain, Russia and Prussia had brought down his downfall, was
opposed to Liberal cosmopolitanism. Protection to native industry, which
had, only for a moment and in England, lost its hold, replaced free trade,
and the strong individualism of “Manchestertum” was drowned in the
rising flood of Collectivism, whether in the more formal guise of socialism
or in the vaguer tendencies of philanthropy. In none of these currents of
opinion had Jews a prominent voice except, as we have seen, in the latter,
though there they were mainly effective in opposition and criticism.
found a home in victorious Prussia and a voice in Otto
von Bismarck, its representative statesman. As we have seen, his views on
the nature of the State had been influenced in his formative period by F.
J. Stahl, and his socialistic sympathies may possibly have been aroused
by Ferdinand Lassalle, but he was of too independent a character to submit
much to external influences, and the tendencies he represented, Junkertum
and Militarism, were entirely opposed to Jewish Liberalism. For some
fifteen years he found it convenient to work with the National Liberal
party, to which all German Jews belonged, and among whose leaders the
most prominent were two Jews, Eduard Lasker and Ludwig Bamberger.
But in 1878 he broke with the party and let loose the forces of “Anti-Semitism”
as a means of discrediting them. The movement, thus encouraged
by Bismarck, soon spread to Austria and was transformed in
Russia into the pogroms of 1881. In France the Royalists and Jesuits
conceived hopes of reviving the Church-State and adopted anti-Semitism
as a means of discrediting not alone Jews but also Protestants and other
opponents of Catholicism. Their adherents, the French nobility, were
especially embittered against the Jews by the bankruptcy of the Union
Générale, a banking establishment in which all their money had been placed
in the hope of wresting the control of French finance from the hands of the
Rothschilds. Their chief hope lay in getting control of the General Staff,
by filling its posts with young men of noble birth, trained by Jesuits. In
order to attain this they schemed to remove all Jews and Protestants from
the Staff and thought they had found a rare chance in their perverse persecution
of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. Their scheme recoiled on their own
heads, and the final result of the Dreyfus Affaire was to break the alliance
of clericalism and militarism, at least in France.
The Dreyfus Affaire was specially significant as bringing into play, at
one time, all the forces that have given vitality to anti-Semitism. The
New Nationalism, based not on Country but on Race and fostered by
chauvinistic anthropologists as well as historians; the revived Church[307]
spirit, which sees in the National Church not so much the guardian of
Christian truth as a spiritual bond of national unity; the New Collectivism
which sees in capitalism the chief anti-social force, and the revived militaristic
spirit which glorifies war as the regenerator of the nation; all these
movements combine to regard the Jew—considered as alien, infidel, capitalist,
and pacificist—as the representative enemy. All the reactionary
forces regard a revival of the medieval Church-State as both the means and
the end of their strivings, and naturally find the position of the Jew,
both theoretically and practically, one of the chief stumbling-blocks in their
way.
which have been gained through so much blood and tears, will be
preserved intact against the rising forces of the Reaction and Counter-Revolution
which are, at bottom, an attempt at a revival of the Church-Empire.
The slogan “One God, one king, one people,” has again been
raised, and armies that are nations in arms are in movement to the cry.
Anti-Semitism is largely the result of this reaction, and while it is dominant
in the councils of certain nations Jews must once more take up their rôle
of martyrs to the wider truth. Nowadays however they do not fight alone,
and it is scarcely possible that in Western Europe and in lands dominated
by Western European ideals they can be reinterned into their ghetti. But
the Colossus of the North still retains the medieval ideal of the Church-Empire,
and while that controls Russian State policy Jews will have to suffer,
in All the Russias, indignities and disabilities from which they have
been freed in the lands of true civilization and religious liberty.
The ideal of the unified Church-State has been shattered by the assaults
of modern criticism and the growth of true religious liberty. But the
conception of all the citizens of a compact territory animated by the same
ideals still retains its attraction; only the unification nowadays is with
regard to the goal rather than to the roads that lead to it. In other
words, the Welfare-State (interpreting Welfare as spiritual as well as
material) is taking the place of the Church-State of the Middle Ages and
of Reformation times. What then is to become of the separate churches or
religious bodies which are found in profusion in modern States? That
is the sole ecclesiastical problem which the modern statesman has to face.
Except among the extreme parties, such as the Ultramontagnes, the
obvious solution would seem to be that given by the modern Federal constitution
in which each State (in this case Church) has a corporate life of
its own over which it has autonomous control, except in any case where
this conflicts with the general Federal ideals. The Jewish Synagogue may[308]
rightly claim its place among these churches within the State as having its
part in promoting the general welfare.
seen in the higher life and in the commerce of Europe, were yet kept
in a kind of enclave in each of the European nations, and thus acted, both
intellectually and economically, as a separate body with distinctive tendencies
caused by their isolation and disabilities. Accordingly we are able to
estimate roughly the part taken by the Jews as a body in the various
movements which have made European civilization what it is to-day. In
all these movements (except possibly one, the French Revolution) the Jews
have contributed towards European culture while sharing in it themselves.
Their monotheistic views and liturgic practices were the foundation of the
medieval Church, both in creed and deed. By their connection with their
brethren in the East and their tolerated existence, both in Islam and in
Christendom, they helped towards that transmission of Oriental thought,
science and commerce, which had so large an influence on the Middle Ages
and led on to the Renaissance and the Reform, in both of which movements
Jews had their direct part to play. So, too, in the struggle for religious
liberty and in the different stages of toleration which lay at the root of
political liberty, Jews had their part to play, and when freed from their
shackles by the French Revolution took a leading rôle both in Nineteenth
Century Liberalism and in the Collectivism which has now replaced it.
But when fully emancipated, Jews no longer acted in the European
world of ideas collectively but as individuals, often choosing opposite
ideals and in most cases applying the talents thus let free to objects apart
from the general political or religious movements of the time. Great as
has been the influence of Jews in their collective capacity on the development
of European thought and culture up to the present day, it is possible
that their influence as individuals, during the past fifty years, has been even
more extensive though less discernible, owing to the absence of any general
direction to Jewish intellectuality.

FOOTNOTES:
[B] It is perhaps worth while remarking that one of the most prominent leaders on the
Jewish side in Holland, Herz Bromet, had lived as a free Burgher in Surinam for a
long time, and that the example of America, especially New York State, was adduced
in favor of the movement. (Graetz xi, 230-1).
[C] See Ellen Key, “Rahel Lewin.”
[D] Similar salons were held later by distinguished Jewesses like Countess Waldegrave,
in London, and Madame Raffalovitch in Paris; and the Rothschilds have, throughout,
made their houses centers of the most cultured influence.
[E] No adequate or connected account has yet been given of the part taken by the
Jews in the revolution of 1848. Incidentally a good deal of information is contained in
the last volume of Georg Brandes, Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature, vi,
“Young Germany.”
[F] They got their altruistic tendencies from their family connections. Their uncle
Jacob Rodrigues Pereire (1750-80) was the first teacher of deaf mutes.
What Is Judaism?
By Mordecai M. Kaplan
is that it is not an “ism” at all, despite the last
syllable in its name. It is a living soul or consciousness;
it is the soul or consciousness of the Jewish people. We are not interested
in names, and we should not quibble about terms; it is reality that
we are after. We want to know what is involved in being a Jew and
living a Jewish life. The main reason for our finding fault with the usual
presentation of Judaism is that it does not enlighten or inspire us. If
the term Judaism does not direct our minds at once to the living energy
that operates in the Jewish people, if it has not the power to launch
us upon the stream of Israel’s active thought and spiritual striving, then
it is a word without content, and had better be deleted from our vocabulary.
We did well enough without it until very recently, and should it prove an
insuperable obstacle to the solution of our spiritual problems, we shall
have to throw it into the scrap-heap of obsolete terminology. We shall
begin to call our religion “Jewishness” instead of Judaism. The former
designation has at least the advantage of connoting consciousness, and
nothing is so important for understanding the essence of any religion as
the identification of it with a form or state of consciousness. If Jewishness
will mean to us Jewish consciousness and not merely “gefillte fisch”
or some other Jewish dish, it will serve our purpose.
Let us not lose sight of the main issue in these discussions. We Jews
refuse to have our life quest confined to the satisfaction of our material
needs. Our souls are hungry; and whether we call it Jewishness or Judaism,
what we want is religion that will help us get our bearings in the world,
that will keep down the beast in us and spur us on to worthy endeavor in
the field of thought and action. Under normal conditions we should find
all this in the faith of our fathers. But, unfortunately, all that most of
us know about that faith is what we acquired from some old-fashioned
“rabbi” who taught us when we were small children and who made us recite
Hebrew by the page. At home our parents would insist upon our conforming
to routine observances and ceremonies which meant nothing to
us. When we grew older and occasionally asked questions about the Bible,
we met with cold and evasive replies. No wonder that later on, when we[310]
entered the academic world, we grew accustomed to look upon Judaism as
out of touch with the realities of life, and far removed from the elemental
needs that agitate the masses of active, enterprising humanity. We could
see no connection between the few humble ceremonies in our homes or in our
synagogues with the social, political and industrial problems upon which
was riveted the attention of the men of light and leading. To most of us
the faith of our fathers seemed little more than a medley of needless restraints,
other-worldliness, and hostility to all progress.
could not have transformed the spiritual history of mankind,
as it did, if it were the negligible and insignificant thing we thought it was.
We have been unable to discern its true character, because we did not know
how to probe beneath the outward and often unattractive surface which it
presented to us in the limited circle in which we moved. We have begun
to surmise that the Jewish life we are familiar with is nothing more than
a devitalized fragment of what, under auspicious circumstances, becomes
a life that is spiritually healthful, joyous and invigorating. We have at
last learned to take into consideration the inevitable difference in mental
scope and outlook that must mark two generations, one of which had its
life formed amidst the oppressive atmosphere of Eastern Europe, and the
other in the bracing atmosphere of America. This being the case, nothing
could be more unreasonable than to expect that the spiritual heritage be
transmitted from father to child with ease and naturalness. But who is
in a better position to smooth out the roughness and overcome the angularities—father
or child? Should we demand of our elders, who are burdened
by numerous cares, and whose lives are for the most part hurried
and difficult, that they adapt themselves to our attitude of mind? Is it not
meet that we, who still retain the plasticity of youth, make advances?
Without surrendering an iota of our own individuality we might cultivate
that sympathetic insight that would reveal the inestimable worth of our
spiritual heritage. Not merely reverence for the past, but a regard for
our own future prompts us to achieve a proper understanding of Judaism.
It is well to realize at the outset that the problem of religion is not
confined to the Jews alone. Every great world-faith experiences nowadays
the throes of transformation and readjustment. Mistaking them for the
final struggle, the believer wrings his hands in despair over the impending
doom, and the doubter contemplates a religionless future with a great deal
of glee. But both will be disappointed in their reckoning. Religion, as
we shall see, is entirely too inherent in human life to be dispensable. The
belief that it has served its purpose in the evolution of the race, and that[311]
it can only survive as a troublesome vestige in the organism of human society,
is based upon a misunderstanding of its function. In view of the
deeper insight into human nature that has been acquired of late, as a result
of the progress made in psychological and social research, there is
good reason to believe that a better understanding is not far distant. These
investigations have not merely led to new theories about religion, but have
essentially changed the method of approach. They have rendered superfluous
the subtleties and refinements of metaphysical arguments. A new
reservoir in human nature has been tapped, and discovered to be the inexhaustible
fount of religion.
of helping us also to get a better comprehension of Judaism. We
shall find by means of it that there is much more substantial nourishment
to the faith of our fathers than can be obtained from the tabloid form in
which the textbooks mete it out to us. The previous article on “What
Judaism Is Not”[G] did not argue that Judaism could forego such doctrines
as the unity of God, the brotherhood of man and similar principles,
or that it should glory in remaining vague and inarticulate. The main
objection to the ordinary way of conceiving Judaism was that it lacked
the means of preventing its teachings from degenerating into dull platitudes.
But if Judaism is essentially the self-consciousness of the Jewish
people, these doctrines will be viewed as some of its characteristic expressions.
As such they forthwith become instinct with life. To be a religious
Jew, accordingly, means not merely to profess the unity of God in
cold philosophical fashion, but to live over again by means of thought and
symbol the divine intuition, the backslidings, the temptations, the defiance,
the threats, the tortures and the final victory implied in the “Shema Yisroel.”
The Jew who does not thrill with exaltation when he sings the
world’s most stirring paean, “Hear, O Israel, the Lord is our God, the
Lord is One!” is either ignorant or has the blood of a fish.
Whether Judaism is an ethical monotheism or the consciousness of
Israel is not merely an academic question. These two conceptions represent
widely divergent ways of dealing with the practical problems of self-adjustment
to the novel situation with which Judaism is confronted.
Whether the one or the other view shall prevail will make a difference in
the fight for existence. We protest that if Judaism will be armed with
nothing stronger than the conventional platitudes, it must succumb. By
knowing itself for what it really is, Judaism will muster new heart and
strength. The need for self-adjustment is not of today; Judaism has[312]
been going through that process ever since it saw the light. But during
the past hundred and fifty years, Judaism has been wrestling with the problem
of self-adaptation which both the redistribution of Jewry and the incursions
of materialistic secularism have called into being. In this comparatively
short period of a century and a half, Judaism has lived through
all that the other religions have experienced within the last three or four
centuries. If we were to compare the different stages in the process of
Jewish self-adjustment we should find them analogous to those through
which European religion in general has passed. These different steps in
the process seem to have been unavoidable because they are the concomitant
of the natural development of the human spirit. A review of the salient
phases in the self-adaptation of religion to the changing conditions of life
and thought will throw light upon the significance of that vital method of
viewing Judaism which has of late worked its way into Jewish life—for the
most part unawares.
our concern is not with the vast hinterland of ignorance
and superstition that is still inhabited by large numbers of the unthinking of
all creeds, Jewish as well as Christian. The destiny of religion is, primarily,
in the hands of those who are in the vanguard of intellectual progress, and
as long as its place in their lives is a problematic one its future is uncertain.
Since the days of the Renaissance, religion has practically been busy
adjusting itself to the ever enlarging human experience. It was otherwise
during the middle ages, when the men of intellect threw the weight of
their influence on the side of tradition and authority. They devoted their
mental powers to the support of truths that were accepted at their face
value without further scrutiny and analysis. All the resources of intellect
were spent in interpreting the few facts they had in their possession. Many
centuries elapsed before the cry was raised for more facts; but when, at
last, the cry was answered, and new knowledge concerning the world in
which men lived began to pour in, the foundations of tradition were shaken.
Since then the religion of the intellectuals has no longer been marked by
the naiveté and self-assurance of its earlier years. Its existence has been
one of storm and stress. It has resisted all attempts to crowd it out from
the new world that man has conquered for himself, and in order to be accorded
a place in that world it has submitted to considerable change and
self-adjustment. We may note three distinct stages in these efforts of religion
to accommodate itself to life, corresponding in a large measure with
the great thought movements of the eighteenth, the nineteenth, and the
twentieth centuries respectively.[313]
The first stage in the process was the rationalistic. With Copernicus
and Galileo defeated by the Vatican, with Descartes having to defend
his orthodoxy, it seemed to the English and French philosophers
of the eighteenth century that the only way man could save his spiritual
nature from falling a prey to animalism or materialism was by consigning
to destruction the special forms in which religion existed in the established
faiths. The dreamers and the visionaries of that day, who were
moved by a sincere desire to further man’s higher life, entertained the hope
that natural religion would revive with the downfall of revealed religion.
But human events have taken a different turn. Life does not adapt itself
to preconceived logical systems. The rationalistic method of adjusting
religion to life failed because it was based upon a false reconstruction of
the rise and growth of religion. However logical and plausible such a
reconstruction might have appeared, the fact that it could not be verified
by study and observation of religious phenomena invalidated the practical
inferences drawn from it.
how futile it was to reconstruct fact by means of reason, the territory
of religion was still considered exempt from the need of resorting to experience.
The thinkers of the rationalistic age were to a certain extent
still under the dominance of the medieval regard for abstract reasoning,
and applied it to man’s spiritual existence. They reasoned thus: The
human being is naturally gifted with an intuition that enables him to
discover for himself the truth about God and his relation to the world. If
man had only been left alone and had not had the stream of his ideas
muddied by outside interference, he would have continued professing a religion
that would have been both pure and simple. But human depravity
did not permit the natural religion of primitive life to continue. The
fanatics with their delusions and the priests with their love of power distorted
man’s primitive faith in God. They invented dogmas and practices
by means of which they could hold the masses in subjection. In course of
time these extraneous elements came to be looked upon as the main content
of revealed religion. The various established faiths and revealed religions
were little more than wilful fabrications that were bound to crumble before
the onslaughts of reason. Thus, by bringing the established cults into
disrepute, men like Voltaire and Hume hoped to restore religion to its
original state of purity and simplicity, bare of all artificialities of forms
and institutions.
However superficial the rationalistic method may appear to us,
nothing but supercilious ingratitude could prompt us to disparage the
service it has rendered. The rationalists are the men to whom the world[314]
is indebted for being the pioneers in the work of breaking down the impassable
barrier of hatred and disdain which divided the followers of one faith
from those of another. Rationalism began to lift the curse of intolerance
and persecution which lay heavily upon the human race. No one who values
the freedom to live his own life in his own way should cast aspersions upon
the influence of that school of thought. Though they argued erroneously
about the nature and essence of religion, we must not forget that they
emancipated the human soul from the shackles of spiritual bondage.
On the other hand, our gratitude to them cannot blind us to their superficiality
and inexperience in the matter of religion. Nineteenth century
thought, with its emphasis upon historic development, exposed the fallacies
and weaknesses of the method they employed to interpret religious phenomena.
The distinction between natural and revealed religion was an
arbitrary one, and the conception of priestly fabrications a mere figment
of the imagination. Historical research has established that all the great
world faiths or revealed religions have followed laws of development that
have been in accord with the circumstances and mentality of those who professed
them, and in that sense have been perfectly natural. Instead of
being the product of fraud and wilful deceit, the established religions were
seen to be the outcome of a healthy enthusiasm and deep sincerity. The
limitations of knowledge and experience, which marked the earlier expressions
of religious life, were, from the historical point of view, more than
atoned for by the inner worth and sincerity that had prevailed in former
days. In fact, so far did the historical conception change men’s attitude
that, upon finding themselves sophisticated and torn by doubt, they looked
back longingly to former ages, when religion had brought inward calm and
serenity. As a consequence of this reaction to the disintegrating tendencies
of eighteenth century rationalism, a renewed appreciation for the religion
of the past made itself felt among the circles of the cultured, particularly
those of Germany and England, and the institutions in which the spirit of
the past clothed itself were given a new lease of life.
second stage in its process of self-adjustment. It now appealed
to man’s natural desire not to allow his past to sink into oblivion. Nothing
is so humanizing as memory. He that is engrossed only in the future and
would make it the only standard of value, he who has no patience with anything
that interferes with practical utility—and memory is certainly a
source of such interference—lacks the main ingredient of humanity and
has something beaverish about him. Thus taught the historical school during
the nineteenth century, and the rationalistic ideal that would have
destroyed the established faiths no longer held sway.[315]
But while the historic method stemmed the tide of rationalism, it failed
to give back to religion its native vigor. It removed forever the stigma of
insincerity that was attached to the origin and development of the dominant
faiths; it illumined the past and incorporated it into man’s spiritual life;
but it was unable to restore to religion its most important function, that of
shaping the future. The fundamental paradox which the historic method
harbors, and which has prevented it from contributing adequately to the
process of adjustment, is the fact that the spiritual experiences of the past,
which it asks us to love and revere, were at the time of their enactment not
memories, but vital responses to immediate and pressing needs. In the
past religion dealt with its own present. That at all times the past did
play an important rôle cannot be denied; but in all effective religion it can
only be a means to an end. The historic method, on the other hand, succeeds
in nothing but in revitalizing the past for its own sake. It provides
no guidance for the future. A religion must not only write history—it
must make history. This is why the historic method has been found wanting
and has had to be supplemented by a new method of adjustment, which for
want of a better term we may designate the socio-psychological.
Though it is still inchoate and uncrystallized, it
forms the best part of every endeavor that makes for the rehabilitation of
religion. The remarkable feature about the new mode of adjustment is
that it did not come about directly, through a desire on the part of the
teachers of religion to make good the inadequacy of previous methods.
It was arrived at indirectly from a source that at first seemed hostile, and
to some extent is still considered so, namely, social science. Not alone
religion, but government and education, as well as history, economics and
psychology, have been revolutionized as a result of the new way of approaching
the problems of human life. So recent is the change that we
have hardly had time to appraise it. The modern point of view toward
human society has worked a change in all our thinking, comparable only to
the one which resulted when the true purport of the concept “evolution” became
apparent. The human race has lived through the forces generated by
social existence without having been aware of them, even as it went on living
for thousands of years without knowing the numerous forces that were
latent in the earth, air and sea. It will probably take a much longer time
for man to estimate at their worth the forces that are at work in social
life than it took him to perceive the forces that dominate the physical world.
With all that, it is now generally established that the study of any
phase of human life, whether for theoretical or for practical purposes, must
be based upon the recognition that man is not merely a social animal, as[316]
Aristotle put it, but that his being more than an animal is due entirely to
his leading a social life. In opposition to the older point of view, which
prevailed in the more materialistic schools of thought during the nineteenth
century, social science has proved that the forces that operate in human
life are not merely those that are derived from the physical environment, but
also those which are of a mental character. These psychical forces operate
with a uniformity and power in no way inferior to those of the physical
world. Social science is gradually accustoming us to regard human society
not merely as an aggregate of individuals but as a psychical entity, as a
mind not less but more real than the mind of any of the individuals that
constitute it. The perennial source of error has been the fallacy of considering
the individual human mind as an entity apart from the social environment.
Whatever significance the study of the mind, as detached from
its social environment, may have for metaphysical inquiry, it can throw no
light upon the practical problems with which the mind has to deal—problems
that arise solely from the interaction of the individual with his fellows.
The individual human being is as much the product of his social environment
as the angle is of the sides that bound it.
This new method of studying mental life both in the race and in the
individual has revealed not merely the true significance of religion, but
the way in which it functions and the conditions which affect its career.
We now know that those phenomena in life which we call religious are
primarily the expression of the collective life of a social group, after it has
attained a degree of consciousness which is analogous to the self-consciousness
of the individual. When a collective life becomes self-knowing we
have a religion, which may therefore be considered the flowering stage in
the organic growth of the tree of social life. The problem of religious
adjustment is at bottom that of maintaining in a social group the psychical
or spiritual energy which expresses itself in beliefs, ideals, customs and
standards of conduct. Accordingly, when a religion is passing through a
crisis, what is really happening is not so much that certain accepted truths
or traditional habits are threatened with obsolescence, as that the social
group with whose life it has been identified is on the point of dissolution.
Whatever interest we have in the cultivation of the spiritual life must go
towards conserving this kind of social energy. To have roses we must take
care of the tree on which they grow, and not content ourselves with having
a bouquet of them put into a vase filled with water. This newer conception
of the religious life is fraught with far-reaching consequences, some of
which we shall have to point out in a later article.
In Judaism we encounter the same three stages in the process of self-adjustment,
though less clearly defined, by reason of much overlapping.
What is known as the Haskalah movement represents the application of
the rationalistic method to the spiritual problems of Jewish life. Having[317]
taken place in Russia, it was bound to be delayed in its coming for nearly
a century. It received the first setback in its career when the pogroms
broke out in the early “eighties,” and the Russian Government inaugurated
its policy of hounding and repression. The type which the Haskalah movement
produced is the “Maskil,” a man who curls his lip at ceremony and
tradition, who lacks a sense of history and dabbles in cosmopolitanism.
Not having had the courage to be thoroughgoing in his principles, or realizing
that it was futile to be so, he tolerated what was distinctively Jewish
so long as it was kept indoors and withdrawn from public gaze. In practice,
however, “Haskalah” moved in the same direction as eighteenth century
rationalism which made for the abrogation of the historic faiths.
movement in Russia, Jewry in the German-speaking countries
tested the validity both of the rationalistic and of the historic method. The
Reform movement was at first, like the Haskalah movement, little more than
a diluted cosmopolitanism. A typical case is that of David Friedlander and
his friends, who began by reforming the worship in harmony with modern
ideas and the changed social position of the Jews, and ended in offering to
accept Christianity, if they would not be required to believe in Jesus and
could be exempted from the observance of certain ceremonies. Influenced
by the general reaction against rationalistic tendencies and by the rise of
Jewish Wissenschaft, the Reform movement has had to reckon with the
historic method of adjustment. But that influence has not been strong
enough to overcome its early rationalistic bias from which it suffers to this
very day.
The historic method was applied with far more thoroughness and consistency
by the advocates of Historical Judaism. Zunz, Frankel, Graetz,
Herzfeld, Luzzatto and Joel drew the line between adaptation and assimilation.
They laid down the principle that it was fatuous to speak of a religion
adjusting itself when it breaks so completely with the past as to be
unrecognizable. In our anxiety to have Judaism conform to the needs of
the age, we must take care lest we create an altogether new religion and
label it Judaism. Intellectual honesty demands that we give due heed to
the principle of identity, so that the sameness in our Judaism and that of
our fathers be greater than the difference between them. They therefore
applied themselves to the task of reconstructing the past by dint not of logic
and phrase-mongering, but of patient, plodding search after facts strewn
in the most out-of-the-way by-paths of literature, with the consequence that
they discovered an impassable gulf between the Judaism of history and the
Judaism of the Reform movement. We shall never be able to discharge
fully our debt of gratitude to these Jewish scholars and historians who[318]
have given us, in place of a few vague and detached memories, a past rich in
content and inspiration. But what they did was only to lay the foundation
of the Judaism of the future. A foundation affords poor shelter against
the hail and sleet of a bleak wintry day. Of what avail is it to keep on
forever hugging the cold foundation stones, when we should be engaged in
building the house of Israel?
to certain abstract truths or of contemplating the past, but
of helping to build the house of Israel as a means to our spiritual well-being,
Judaism enters through us upon the third stage in the process of
self-adjustment. This is the case with all those who rebel against the pulverizing
and granulating tendencies of Judaized Protestantisms which ignore
the “Kenneseth-Israel” in the effort to mete out salvation to the individual
soul. This is true of all who refuse to allow Judaism to provincialize itself
by applying for naturalization papers wherever it finds a habitat. To this
class also belong those who see in Zionism not what its opponents make it
out to be, a sulking, sullen Chauvinism, but a method of regeneration to
which Judaism has been led by divine intuition. Dr. Schechter, who has
contributed to Judaism the concept of catholicity, has this to say of
Zionism: “While it is constantly winning souls for the present, it is at
the same time preparing us for the future, which will be a Jewish future.
Only when Judaism has found itself, when the Jewish soul has been redeemed
from the Galuth, can Judaism hope to resume its mission in the world.”
How significant the apposition in which the author places Judaism and
the Jewish soul! What a pity to spoil a poetic insight of that kind by
applying to it so barbarous a term as socio-psychological. Yet in that insight
is echoed the modern conception of religion as the self-consciousness
of the group, a conception which the very conditions of life have forced the
Jew to adopt. Whatever vitality Judaism still displays may be traced to
a general presentiment that it is a social mind and not a system of abstract
truths. We should not, however, permit such a principle to remain
merely a vague presentiment. The task that devolves upon us is to render
articulate both in theory and in practice all that is implied in the intuition
that Judaism is the soul of Israel.
develop his conception of the true meaning of Judaism
in articles to appear in subsequent issues.
FOOTNOTE:
[G] In The Menorah Journal for October, 1915.
University Menorah Addresses
The following addresses indicating the attitude of University authorities towards the
Menorah movement may be considered as supplementary to the University Addresses printed in
Part II of The Menorah Movement (1914) and in the first number (January, 1915) of The
Menorah Journal.
The Rice Institute
Before the Rice Institute Menorah Society,
November 29, 1915
Society in the name of the non-Jewish
element and of the Faculty of
the Rice Institute. When I was requested
to do so, I accepted at once and with pleasure.
I am in hearty sympathy with the
purpose of the Menorah Society. I am a
teacher of French; but I should consider
myself unworthy of my calling if, behind
the words of a foreign language, I did not
attempt to show the civilization of a people,
their soul, their ideal. Now, what I
am attempting to do for French, the Menorah
plans to do for the traditions, the
problems, the aspirations of the Jewish
race. And although I believe that the people
which gave to the world Saint Louis,
Joan of Arc, Calvin, Descartes, Pascal,
Rousseau, Pasteur, Victor Hugo has left
its imperial imprint upon the whole of
modern civilization, yet I cannot but be
conscious of the prior and higher claims of
that strange family of whose blood Moses,
Jesus and Spinoza were born. Judaism
and Hellenism, said Renan, are the twin
miracles of human history. The artistic
and philosophical primacy of the Greeks
is not so striking as the religious primacy
of the Hebrews. The worship of beauty
is a less vital element than the undying
quest for righteousness. The whole fabric
of our culture rests on those Judeo-Hellenic
foundations. And surely a university
would be false to its name if it did not include
among its courses the study of Jewish
literature and Jewish history. The
Rice Institute is young, and will not reach
its full stature for many a decade; all
branches of knowledge cannot be taken up
at the same time. But the place which
Judaic studies ought by right to have in
the curriculum will be at least indicated
and kept in mind by your Menorah Society.
I heartily welcome the Menorah because,
open to Jews and Gentiles alike, it
will help us break down the barrier of
prejudices which still separates the two
elements. I have seen with my own eyes
the tragic effects of such prejudices: I was
in Paris at the time of the Dreyfus case;
I have seen how they warped the thought
of scholarly men, like Houston Stewart
Chamberlain; I have read with horror of
the Russian pogroms. You, who have
suffered for ages under the fierce contempt
and hatred of fanatics, you who
have at last reached this haven of democracy
and justice, let not the lesson of
past sufferings be lost; do not forget your
brethren still in bondage; and your brethren
are those who are persecuted, all the
world over, even as you were persecuted.
You ought to be foremost among those
who labor for equality and freedom. We
have a right to count upon you in the
fight against all prejudices—prejudices of
race and color, of class and country, of
caste and religion. The emancipated Jew
must be an emancipator.
I welcome the Menorah Society because,
though devoted primarily to the
tradition of your people, it does not look
exclusively towards the past. Be rightly
proud of the most unique and entrancing
tradition in the history of the world.
Cherish it, hold fast to it, as a title of
nobility. The world has no respect for
the man who does not respect himself in[320]
his forefathers. The call to American
citizenship does not in the least imply the
duty of forgetting that you are Jews: it
is the best Jews that will make the best
Americans. But do not be hypnotized by
your past; be worthy of your ancestors by
continuing their spirit rather than aping
their habits. Think of the problems of to-day
and to-morrow. Apply to human
affairs your Biblical test of righteousness.
Then you will find that, with a slightly
different coloring perhaps, your aspirations
are ours; our diverse evolutions, after centuries
of estrangement and conflict, tend
towards the same goal; and in the Menorah
I see a sign of the coming harmony
of sects and creeds, each remaining passionately
attached to its own past, but all
working in common towards the same
future.
Finally, I cannot drive away from my
thought the shambles of Europe. Your
co-religionists are fighting under all the
belligerent flags, as bravely, as loyally, as
their fellow-citizens of a different creed;
and they have suffered more heavily in
Poland than even the Belgian martyrs.
When one thinks of the carnival of murder
to which the idolatry of territorial,
political patriotism has led, one cannot but
wonder whether the Jewish people
throughout the world might not afford an
example for all to follow. In Judaism we
have tradition, culture and race dissociated
from any special habitat or from any
political form; and this nation without a
land, this nation without a king, is developing,
prospering, unconquerable. I
wonder whether the territorial state, which
has led to such monstrous aberrations, is
not a last idol and doomed to disappear as
an ethical factor; and whether the future
might not belong to universal, interpenetrating
communities;—freely expanding,
untrammelled by physical boundaries, unable
to use force, and free from the fear
of force, communities of which Judaism
to-day might be the prototype. But I do
not want to dwell at any length on a mere
hypothesis or perhaps on a flight of fancy.
I have said enough, I hope, to convince
you of my hearty sympathy with the work
of the Menorah Society. May it long
prosper—an increasing element of strength
in our Institute!
of the Day Division of the School
of Commerce, New York University
Before the New York University (Washington
Square) Menorah Society,
November 3, 1915
at the opening meeting of the Menorah
Society. I believe that any people
should make the most of traditions
which they have behind them. Personally,
I always feel more confidence in a man of
any race when he stands up for the best
of his race traditions.
The Hebrew race is a very ancient one
and should contribute to the civilization of
this country. Students of this race who
are in our colleges are the ones who may
rightfully take the lead in making these
traditions count.
The Menorah Society, I believe, is proceeding
along the right lines. I hope to
learn more of the work of this Society as
it continues its work in the School of
Commerce; and I am especially glad to
have the opportunity of being with you at
the beginning of the year. I trust that the
year will be a very successful one. Personally,
I shall attempt to back up the
Society in every way that I can.
Institute of Technology
Before the M. I. T. Menorah Society, October
22, 1915
to me especially because of its high
purpose. We who are not of the
Jewish race realize what an important factor
the Jews have been in civilization.
Jewish culture has played an important
part particularly here in the foundation of
New England. Puritan life and thought
drew its chief inspiration from the Old
Testament. From the earliest times Jewish
men have, been leaders in science and
letters. Among the Americans and the[321]
English there is a growing tendency towards
a better appreciation of Jewish
ideals.
It is important that all Jewish men
have pride in their race. If you don’t,
others will not. Some Jewish students do
not seem to realize that they have a great
inheritance. Many Jewish students with
whom I have talked have been inclined
to self-depreciation, and they also felt
that everyone was against them. In contrast,
Irish students have always impressed
me with their self-confidence.
Bring non-Jewish students to your
meetings. Try to increase your members.
I shall do all I can to foster and promote
your work. I would also urgently advocate
a joint Menorah banquet between
Harvard and Technology. This banquet
would not only tend to tie Technology
and Harvard students closer together, but
would be of great benefit to your Society.
The study of Jewish culture and ideals
will help you to think of other things than
those immediately connected with your
school work, and it will, furthermore, instill
in you a feeling of dignity for your
heritage.
of Yale University
Substance of Address before the Yale
Menorah Society, October 27, 1915
why Jewish students of the right
type were welcome to Yale University:
1. They showed themselves capable of
the highest scholarship; the large number
of prize awards won by Jewish students
was evidence of this. The speaker expressed
the hope that some of the Jewish
students would go in for scholarly life
careers. With so many Jewish students
of high scholarship it seemed strange that
relatively few pursued graduate studies
outside of the various professions.
2. They made their contribution to the
life and thought of a democratic American
university. A university like Yale is, he
said, a melting pot of democracy. One
of its main advantages is that it brings together
Orient and Occident, North and
South, Catholic and Protestant, Christian
and Jew, and makes each understand the
point of view of the other.
3. The presence of Jewish students at
the University tends to attract to Yale
gifts in the interest of Semitic studies.
The contribution of Judaism to religious
and ethical ideals was so important that
no university could afford to fail in supplying
adequate courses of Semitic instruction.
Several recent gifts to the University
in the interest of Jewish scholarship
from prominent Jewish citizens indicates
that they had been impressed with
the fair treatment of Jewish boys at Yale.
He spoke with appreciation of a recent
gift of a rabbinic library of several thousand
volumes of large value.
Mr. Stokes spoke with much appreciation
of the Menorah Society because of
what it was doing in bringing together
Jewish students in the interest of high intellectual
and ethical ideals, and hoped
that it would not forget that its mission
was not only to interest Jewish students
but also Christian students in Jewish culture.
Intercollegiate Menorah Notes
Fourth Annual Menorah Convention
Philadelphia, Pa., on Monday,
Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday,
December 27, 28, 29 and 30, 1915.
All members of Menorah Societies are
cordially invited to attend the Convention.
Though the right to vote is enjoyed only
by duly accredited Representatives and
Deputies of constituent Menorah Societies,
all Menorah members may be
given the privilege of the floor at the
business sessions. Graduates also, especially
former members of Menorah Societies,
are invited to attend.
All business sessions, unless otherwise
indicated, will take place at College Hall,
University of Pennsylvania.
A reception will be given to the delegates
and other Menorah members by a
Committee of graduates and leading Jewish
men and women of Philadelphia, at
the Y. M. H. A., on Monday evening,
at 8.
By invitation from the President of the
Dropsie College, Dr. Cyrus Adler, one of
the meetings, the “Scholars’ Evening,”
will be held at The Dropsie College, corner
Broad and York Sts., Philadelphia,
on Tuesday evening, December 28, at
8.15 P. M. This meeting will be open to
the public.
The Convention Dinner, at the Hotel
Adelphia, Philadelphia, on Wednesday
evening, December 29, at 6.30 P. M., will
be open to Representatives and Deputies,
all other Menorah members, all graduates,
and invited guests. Menorah members
who desire their friends to be invited
will please send their names and addresses
immediately to the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, 600 Madison Avenue,
New York. The subscription will
be $3.00 a cover.
credentials by Representatives
and Deputies, and written reports
of their respective Menorah
Societies (unless previously sent
to the Chancellor of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association);
payment of Society dues to the
Association for 1916; seating of
Representatives and Deputies;
presentation of the applications
of new Menorah Societies for admission
into the Association and
action thereon.
and visiting Menorah members.
Officers for 1915, covering
(1) roster of Menorah Societies
and census of Menorah
members; (2) extension of the
Menorah movement during 1915;
(3) the Menorah College of Lecturers;
(4) Menorah courses of
study and syllabi; (5) Menorah
Libraries; (6) Menorah Prizes;
(7) The Menorah Journal; (8)
Menorah Classics; (9) Graduate
Menorah Committees; (10) The
graduate phase of the movement;
(11) Relations of the Menorah
with other organizations, etc.
Questions regarding the activities
of the Association and the policy
of the Administration during
1916.
and visiting Menorah students,
given by University alumni of
Philadelphia at the Y. M. H. A.
reports submitted the previous
afternoon, with special reference
to The Menorah Journal. Resolutions.
reports, with special
reference to the question of the
affiliation of graduates with the
movement. Resolutions.
College. Papers by Professor
Max L. Margolis of The Dropsie
College, Professor Israel Friedlaender
of the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America, and Professor
Julian Morgenstern of the
Hebrew Union College. Informal
memorial to the late Dr.
Schechter by President Cyrus
Adler of The Dropsie College.
of Menorah Societies by
their respective Representatives
or Deputies, in summary of the
written reports previously submitted.
problems of the Menorah Societies
and the ways in which
Menorah work may be still further
advanced in the Colleges
and Universities of the country.
for 1916.
Adelphia for Representatives and
Deputies, all other Menorah
members, graduates, friends and
invited guests. Toasts.
activities in Colleges and Universities.
Resolutions.
Items of Interest
Solomon Schechter, President of the
Jewish Theological Seminary of America,
died suddenly on November 19. Dr.
Schechter was a member of the Board
of Consulting Editors of The Journal,
and from the first an inspiring friend of
the Menorah movement. The Journal
was shortly to have received his promised
article. Endeavor will be made in an
early issue to give worthy appreciation of
Dr. Schechter as scholar and humanist and
Jewish leader. Meantime, it may be
noted that several of his leading works
are to be found in Menorah libraries:
“Studies in Judaism” and “Aspects of
Rabbinic Theology.” Attention may also
be called to Dr. Schechter’s last book,
published only recently, entitled “Seminary
Papers and Addresses.”
Menorah members have sent the following
amounts through the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association for the relief
of Russian Jewish students at present
in Switzerland: $38 from the University
of Pennsylvania; $23.50 from the University
of Valparaiso; $18 from The Johns
Hopkins University; $9.50 from Temple
University (Philadelphia); and $6 from
the University of North Carolina. The
students at Harvard sent approximately
$100.
By special arrangement with the University
of London, the Intercollegiate Menorah
Association has been enabled to provide
Menorah Study Circles with a Syllabus
of Jewish History from Mendelssohn
to Herzl, prepared by ten Jewish authorities
in England as an Extension Course of
the University of London.
New Menorah Societies have been organized
since the opening of this academic
year at a number of Colleges and Universities,
including Alabama, George Washington
(Washington, D. C.), Rice Institute
(Houston, Texas), Temple, Vanderbilt,
and Washington (St. Louis). Menorah
Societies are now in process of
formation at a number of other Universities.
A graduate Menorah Society was organized
last year in Scranton, Pa., with
Dr. Elias G. Roos as President.
A number of former members of the
Menorah Society of New York University[324]
organized last month into “The Menorah
Alumni of New York University,” with
Louis Weinstein as temporary President.
A Graduate Menorah Society has recently
been formed in Montgomery, Ala.,
with Harry Weil as President.
A Graduate Menorah Advisory Committee
has been formed in Cincinnati, with
Mr. S. Marcus Fechheimer as Chairman.
Continuing the pleasant practice originated
last year, the Menorah Societies in
New York—at the College of the City of
New York, Columbia University, Hunter
College and New York University, in
company with the newly organized “Menorah
Alumni of New York University”—held
their first joint meeting of this year
in the Auditorium of Hunter College, the
Hunter Menorah acting as hostess. It
was a most successful meeting, with an
attendance of about 700 Menorah members
and friends.
Miss Sarah Berenson, President of the
Hunter Menorah, introduced the Chancellor
as the chairman. The speakers
were Miss Tamar Hirschensohn of the
Hunter College Faculty, and Mrs. Benjamin
S. Pouzzner, Radcliffe, 1912. Miss
Hirschensohn drew a comparative picture
of a great Hebrew friendship celebrated
in the Bible, that of David and Jonathan,
and notable friendships in the
Greek and Latin classics—Achilles and
Patroclus and Euryalus and Nisus.
Mrs. Pouzzner spoke upon the Jewish
women of the German Salons of the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The
Chancellor read communications to The
Menorah Journal from Viscount Bryce
and Hon. Oscar S. Straus (see pages 281
and 297). After the speaking the Hunter
Menorah held an informal reception for
the members of the other Menorah Societies.
The next joint meeting of the Menorah
Societies of New York will be held at
Columbia University on Sunday afternoon,
December 26. The principal speaker
will be Mr. Louis Weinberg, artist
and lecturer at the Metropolitan Art Museum
and the College of the City of New
York. The subject will be “Culture and
Nationalism.” Besides the members of
the Menorah Societies in New York,
members of Menorah Societies at other
Colleges and Universities home for their
vacation are invited to be present. It is
hoped also that a number of delegates
from various parts of the country to the
Menorah Convention which meets the
next morning in Philadelphia will be able
to attend.
Activities of Menorah Societies
Menorah Society opened on September
24 with every Jewish
member of the college present. The
membership is larger than ever before,
and all things forecast a most prosperous
year, one which will be fully in keeping
with the decennial year of the Menorah
movement.
A program has been made by the executive
committee and the subjects for
the year have been mapped out, as follows:
| (1) Jewish Literature; |
| (2) The Messiah Idea in Jewish History; |
| (3) Aspects of Hebrew Genius; |
| (4) Jewish History; |
| (5) Stories and Pictures; |
| (6) The Haskalah Movement; |
| (7) Songs of Exile; |
| (8) Judah Ha-Levi; |
| (9) Zionism; |
| (10) Ahad Ha-‘Amism; |
| (11) The Bible as Literature; |
| (12) The Jewish Language; |
| (13) Reform vs. Orthodoxy; |
| (14) Nationality and the Hyphenated American; |
| (15) Anti-Semitism; |
| (16) Justice and Mercy. |
These topics are assigned to the various
members of the Society and reports are
given at the meetings. Discussion follows
usually and great interest has been manifested
by all members.
The second annual banquet of the Society
is to be held in January and plans
have already been under way for the past
few weeks, efforts being made to hold a
banquet surpassed by no other Society in
point of stirring interest for the Menorah
among all the students and faculty.
1915-1916 marked the adoption
of a new policy in the history of
the C. C. N. Y. Menorah Society. During
the past five years, Menorah activities
have been mainly extensive, the purpose
being to interest as large a number of
students as possible. But now that the
Menorah has come to exert such a wide
influence in C. C. N. Y., greater prominence
is being given to work of a more
intensive nature, and emphasis is laid on
the quality rather than the quantity of the
membership.
Our program of Menorah activities may
be divided into extensive work and intensive
work. At the basis of the extensive
work are the public lectures which
are intended not only for Menorah members
but for the entire student body. The
first of these public lectures was held on
October 7 when Dr. Sidney E. Goldstein
of the Free Synagogue delivered an enthusiastic
and inspiring address on “Social
Service and the Jew” before an
audience of over 150 students. At the
suggestion of Dr. Goldstein a number of
students present volunteered to form a
group for the study of social problems in
the Jewish community of New York City
in connection with actual social service
work. The second public lecture, held on
October 21, was delivered by the Hon.
Marcus M. Marks, Borough President of
Manhattan. Over 200 students were
present, and about 150 more were turned
away after the doors were shut.
The weekly forums constitute the
second part of the extensive work of the
Society. At these Forums, talks followed
by discussions are given by members of the
Faculty, Menorah alumni and others.
The first Forum meeting of the semester,
with which Menorah activities were formally
opened, was held on September 21,[326]
and was led by Chancellor Henry Hurwitz,
who spoke on “The Meaning of the
Menorah Movement.” Other Forum
speakers have been Professor William B.
Guthrie of the Department of Political
Science; Professor John P. Turner of the
Philosophy Department; Mr. George J.
Horowitz, an ex-president of the Menorah;
Rabbi Aaron Robison, Director of
the Y. M. H. A.; Mr. Isadore Berkson,
an alumnus and ex-president of the Menorah;
Professor H. D. Marsh of the
Philosophy Department; and Mr. Julius
Drachsler, Secretary of the School of
Jewish Communal Workers.
The study circles comprise the intensive
work of the Menorah and constitute its
most important activity. At these study
circles a group of not more than ten students
come together once a week for one
hour to study and discuss questions of
Jewish interest. The work in the study
circles is done entirely by the students
themselves. Up to the present, eleven
study circles have been organized and
these meet regularly every week. Some of
the subjects taken up are: Modern Jewish
Movements, Current Events in Jewry,
Schechter’s “Essays in Judaism,” Present
Day Problems in Judaism, Jewish Biography,
The Philosophy of Ahad Ha-‘am.
In addition to all these activities,
“regular” meetings of the Society are
held. On the evening of October 6 the
annual smoker took place at the City College
Club, with Mr. M. S. Levussove of
the Faculty, Mr. Julius Hyman, an alumnus,
and Chancellor Hurwitz among the
speakers. On October 23 George J. Horowitz
read an interesting paper on “Judaism
and Christianity,” which was followed
by a spirited discussion. On Saturday
evening, November 13, there was held
a joint meeting of the students of the day
college and of the evening college for the
purpose of organizing a Menorah Society
among the students of the evening college.
Professor I. Leo Sharfman of Michigan
addressed the meeting on “A Few Facts
About the Menorah.” The men of the
night college were very enthusiastic about
the idea of the Menorah and the prospects
of a successful Menorah among them are
very favorable.
The membership of the C. C. N. Y.
Menorah is constantly growing, although
in every case application for membership
is always spontaneous and voluntary.
the Hunter College Menorah Society
has more than trebled its
membership. Ten per cent of the entire
student body have joined our ranks. We
hope for even greater members before the
end of the year. Our freshman “At
Home” was pronounced the most enjoyable
welcome to freshmen given by any
society. A large audience, including several
members of the Faculty, attended our
first regular meeting, which was addressed
by Professor Israel Friedlaender of the
Jewish Theological Seminary.
Between our regular meetings, we hold
weekly noon-time Forums. Besides, the
three study circles organized by the Society
meet weekly and are attended by
between twenty and twenty-five members.
The Society arranged for the very successful
joint meeting of all the Menorah Societies
in the city, which was held at Hunter
on Sunday evening, November 21, with
an attendance of about 700.
The members of the Society have shown
their appreciation of the privileges arising
from membership not only by voting
almost unanimously to double the annual
dues but also by undertaking a catalogue,
on the basis of subject matter, of the contents
of books which might be of interest
to students of Hebraic culture. This
work will cover finally, we hope, all such
books in English and the leading modern
foreign languages and should prove a lasting
help to students everywhere.
taken place this year at the Johns
Hopkins University. Having for
several years led a rather aimless and
nomadic existence, the Menorah Society
has at last affiliated itself definitely with[327]
the University. At the beginning of the
present collegiate year, application was
made to the authorities of the University
for permission to hold meetings in
one of the college buildings. The permission
was very graciously granted, and, in
addition, the Dean of the Johns Hopkins
University, Dr. Murray Peabody Brush,
accepted our imitation to say a few words
of welcome to the Jewish students at the
inaugural meeting of the Society for the
year 1915-16.
This meeting was held in McCoy Hall,
on the evening of October 18, and was
comparatively well attended. Dr. Brush,
in a talk that was brief but to the point,
congratulated both the Menorah Society
and the University upon the closer relations
into which the two organizations
were entering. The University must
benefit, he said, from all student activities
not directly connected with the curricula
of studies, as a more unselfish love for the
institution is thereby fostered in the student.
The Menorah Society must prove
of advantage to us, as students, in that it
tends to broaden our outlook and encourages
us to enter fields of study that we
might otherwise never approach. Finally,
the Society fulfills a definite purpose for
the Jewish students in particular by keeping
fresh in their minds all the great ideals
and achievements which distinguish their
history. The Dean closed his talk with
a hearty welcome from the authorities of
the University to the Johns Hopkins Menorah
Society. Dr. Brush was followed
by the Chancellor of the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association, who urged the assembled
students to give the Society a
strong impetus this year, now that it has
definitely found a habitat in the University.
He explained the need that is filled
in the life of the student by the Menorah
Society, and outlined a mode of conduct
for the Hopkins organization.
In accordance with Mr. Hurwitz’s suggestion,
a study circle, aiming to take up
modern Jewish history since the time of
Moses Mendelssohn, was formed on the
spot. The Society has been fortunate
enough to procure the services of Mr.
Elias N. Rabinowitz, a member of the
Semitic department of the Johns Hopkins
University, as leader of the study
circle. The group consists of close to
twenty students and meets weekly in one
of the rooms of the University library.
It bids fair to prove of genuine good to
the students interested in it.
At the second meeting of the Society,
November 1, the speaker was Rabbi
Eugene Kohn, of Baltimore, whose interesting
talk on “The Elements of Stability
and Progress in Judaism” elicited warm
discussion. The Society hopes to have
regular monthly meetings, for which attractive
programs have been arranged by
the Executive Committee.
(University Heights)
to cope at first with many opposing
and discouraging elements, the
New York University Menorah Society
at University Heights has rapidly mounted
the ladder of success and has entered upon
a banner year. We have set two great
aims before us for this year: first, to make
the Society strong internally, and, secondly,
to bring the purposes and ideals of the
Menorah movement before the alumni of
New York University.
Various plans are being utilized for the
fulfillment of the first aim. The Executive
committee succeeded during the summer
in getting together an excellent list
of prominent men to lecture before the
Society on current topics of Jewish interest.
A prospectus was issued in the
first week of the college year, containing,
in brief, a discussion of the Menorah Idea,
a history of the Intercollegiate Menorah
Association, a resume of the New York
University Menorah Society, a speech by
Chancellor Elmer E. Brown delivered
before the Menorah Society, a word about
Associate membership and about Menorah
Prizes, and the program for the year.
Using this prospectus as a means of introduction
to those unacquainted with the
movement, a vigorous campaign was conducted
by a well organized committee to[328]
increase the membership. A doubled
membership in two weeks was the result
of this. Another means towards getting
the new men to join was the Freshmen
Reception, held on October 14, at
which Dean Bouton of the College of
Arts and Chancellor Hurwitz were the
speakers. This reception proved a great
success.
Besides attending the regular bi-weekly
lectures of the Society, each member is
urged to join one of the eight study circles
in modern Jewish History and Hebrew
(elementary and advanced). A well
organized committee has charge of these
study circles. It has been successful in
signing up nearly a hundred men. The
study circles are conducted by several
members who are also Seminary students
and by several rabbis of the city. These
study circles are proving of first importance
in our general plans, because it is
really in these that the men acquire a little
“Jewish culture and ideals and an independence
of thought and action in things
Jewish.” Several members of these classes
have become so enthused with the newer
Jewish spirit that they devote a good part
of their time lecturing on Jewish topics to
Young Judaean organizations and Young
People’s Synagogues in and about New
York City.
To stimulate still further individual
research and study of Jewish problems it
has been decided to offer one or two Menorah
prizes for papers on various Jewish
topics. In order to raise a substantial
amount of money for that purpose two
committees are working on separate plans.
One of these committees, by a special arrangement
with the Business Manager of
The Menorah Journal, has started a
campaign to get two hundred subscriptions
for The Journal, thereby netting
the Society fifty dollars for one prize.
This committee, backed by the entire membership,
is gaining speed daily, and looks
forward to the accomplishment of its object
before the Convention. Another committee
is circularizing the alumni outside
of New York City to get their support.
The result of this work, though incomplete
as yet, looks most promising.
The above is a brief resume of our
year’s plans. We realize the importance
not only of having plans but of carrying
them through successfully, as we are determined
they shall be. The work is
being done systematically, not by one man
nor by two or three men, but by an efficient,
earnest executive committee backed
by almost every man in the Menorah Society.
It is our aim to tell a pretty tale
at the Intercollegiate Menorah Convention.
year saw very little of the conventional
“stiffshirt” formalities, nor
did it hear much of the honey-soaked
praises of Jewish loyalty and patriotism.
Instead of this we had a simple, all-student
affair where everyone found satisfaction
in merely meeting and getting acquainted
with the rest of the Jewish students.
A short talk on the purpose of
the Menorah, several selections of Jewish
music and refreshments made up the rest
of the program. This year’s Freshmen,
both men and women, are especially
promising for the Menorah.
At the second meeting the members displayed
an excellent Menorah spirit by
adopting a resolution to include the subscription
fee of The Menorah Journal
in the membership dues and thus making
the Journal receivable by every member
as a matter of course.
At a later meeting there was a lecture
by Professor Brooder of the Sociology
Department on “The Anthropology of
the Jew,” which was followed by a general
discussion. At another meeting the
writer read a paper on the Jewish Congress
movement.
Our meetings have thus far been unusually
well attended and highly spirited.
It must be admitted, however, that the
work was rather spontaneous and not the
product of previous planning. This is to
be remedied soon by a plan, now under
consideration, systematizing the entire
year’s work.
organized in December, 1914, did
not accomplish very much last
year; there was no study circle, although
attempts to form one were made, and
the members did little or no concerted
work. This year, however, a much
stronger group spirit is being shown. A
study circle in Jewish history, lead by Dr.
Harry Wolfson of Harvard, has been
formed; and a petition for a regular
course in Jewish Literature has been
drawn up.
We have had two lecture meetings.
At the first, Mr. Henry Hurwitz spoke
on the imperative need for concerted action
among American Jews in the attempt
to ameliorate the conditions among the
Jews of Europe. He said the Menorah
Society should ultimately help towards
this concerted effort by bringing home
the realization of the conditions to Jewish
young men and women who, through lack
of interest or education, have not yet become
conscious of them. At the second
meeting, Dr. Kaufmann Kohler, President
of the Hebrew Union College of Cincinnati,
spoke on Reform Judaism: its history,
meaning, and purpose. Reform
Judaism has its being, stated the speaker,
not in the desire of the Jew for an easier,
less irksome mode of cooking and praying,
but in his acute need of adapting himself
to the manners and customs of the country
in which he lives. Not only is the spirit
of Judaism not lost, it is reinforced
through the casting off of the form which
might obscure it. At the same meeting,
Mr. Frederick F. Greenman, President
of the Harvard Menorah, spoke about
the possibility of co-operation between the
Harvard and Radcliffe Societies.
While there are few new members of
the Radcliffe Menorah, it is expected that
the year will be an active one.
began its activities for the
third year with an enthusiastic
reception to the Freshman class. A
marked increase of enthusiasm came along
with the new members. Our Society,
which three years ago began with four
members, has now a membership of sixty,
all enthusiastic about the Menorah work.
A shingle has been designed and adopted.
A Menorah prize which was offered last
year for 1915-1916 was announced at the
first meeting and it looks as if a keen competition
will take place. Courses have
been organized in Jewish History, Philosophy
and Bible study, the feature of the
study circles being that a different member
conducts each meeting and the man
who obtains the highest mark (each student
being rated by the presiding member)
will receive a prize of a set of books. All
in all, the outlook is for the most successful
year in the history of the Tufts
Menorah.
to a most successful year,
with efficient officers, enthusiastic
members, and the usual interest and co-operation
of the Faculty members. A
definite attempt is to be made to foster a
spirit of friendliness and co-operation
among all the Jewish students.
The year was formally opened on October
10 by a reception to the new students.
After an opening talk by President
Karl Epstein, the students were addressed
by Professor E. C. Baldwin, Dr. Jacob
Zeitlin and Mr. Samuel Abrams, a former
president. The meeting was attended by
110 students. At later meetings Dr.
David S. Blondheim spoke on “The Jewish
Congress,” Dr. Simon Litman on
“The Jew of To-day,” and Professor B.
H. Bode on “The Hyphenated Jewish-American.”
The work of our Menorah is augmented
by the Menorah Study Circle,
under the leadership of Mrs. Simon Litman.
The class is doing intensive work in
Jewish post-exilic history. Throughout,
the bearing of our past history upon present
day problems is emphasized. Judging
from the enthusiasm of the members
of the class, the Study Circle is going to[330]
become a permanent feature of our Menorah
activities.
lift the world if he could find a
place to stand on. The Menorah
Society at Michigan is still working to
rear a strong foundation which will bear
the weight of a large and beautiful superstructure.
Our Society began its current year with
a “Teruah Gedolah.” The trumpet blast
was sounded loud and long: and the children
of Israel came out from their tents.
Through advertisement in the Michigan
Daily, through posters and personal contact
with the students on the campus, a
large attendance was procured for the first
meeting. Professor Sharfman was on
hand to inspire enthusiasm into the men
and women. An excellent musical program
had been provided for. The meeting
was highly successful and brought tidings
for a banner year. Some previously
discordant strings were brought to the
proper tune. There had been some friction
between the Students’ Congregation
and the Menorah last year. This friction
arose for two reasons: first, some Menorah
men felt that the Congregation was
“cutting out” the Menorah, that the
Congregation was entering upon the Menorah’s
field of action. Of course, there
is absolutely no reason for such an objection.
The Menorah supplies the intellectual
needs of the Jewish students; the
Congregation exists for religious inspiration
only. True enough, the two overlap
to a small degree; but not sufficiently to
be termed “encroachment.” The second
reason was a technical one. The Menorah
men were greatly vexed because
the time of the Congregation conflicted
with our time. The Menorah began at
8 p. m. on Sunday evening; but the Congregation
did not adjourn often until 8.15
or 8.30. The Congregation itself was not
to blame, for they could not always foresee
that a Rabbi would become so overheated
in discussing the war situation
that he would ignore the element of time
in the make-up of our universe. At the
beginning of this semester we determined
to put an end to all friction, though
trivial, between the two organizations.
There is no worldly reason for discord
between the two Jewish organizations.
We held a consultation with the President
of the Congregation who assured us of
all possible support; and in turn the Menorah
assured the Congregation of support.
Indeed, the Menorah conceded a
point by moving our meeting time fifteen
minutes; and the President of the Congregation,
who is also a Menorah member,
was given the floor at the first meeting
to enlighten the audience on the meaning
of the Congregation to student life.
A goodly number of Congregation men
and women are Menorah members and
vice versa. The two organizations are
now working in entire harmony and we
are accomplishing the more for it.
Our second meeting was held on October
31. Professor Leroy Waterman, the
new head of the Semitics Department, led
the discussion with an address on “The
Religious Problems of To-day in the Light
of Early Jewish History and Literature.”
On November 28, Mr. Fred M. Butzel,
an alumnus of Michigan and President
of the United Jewish Charities in Detroit,
led the discussion with a talk
on “Some Tendencies in the Social
Work of the Jews.” Through the Intercollegiate
Menorah Association we
were enabled to procure Professor Edward
Chauncey Baldwin of the University
of Illinois to speak before us on December
12 on “Job.” Also through the
Association we expect to have Professor
Julian Morgenstern of the Hebrew Union
College.
We have this year more members than
ever before, and they are enthusiastic.
But it is not in numbers alone that we
must put our trust. We should never
worry—I know that some do—when the
Menorah has a small meeting if only it is
successful. I think that we never had a
better meeting than when Dr. Kallen addressed
fourteen members two years ago.
Isaiah’s prophecy concerning the Shearith
Yisrael, the remnant of Israel, applies to[331]
our Menorah problem. The few will redeem
the many; they will uphold the
ideals and culture of the Jewish race.
But no matter how successful the semester
will be, we shall only be able to say
that we have added but one stone to the
pedestal which is to be the permanent and
deep foundation of the Menorah at Michigan.
all records, and a display of
enthusiasm and interest that
augurs well for the Society, the Minnesota
Menorah opened its year of activities
on October 1, with the annual
“Get-Together” reception. During the
evening, members of the freshman class
were introduced to members of the Faculty,
alumni and upperclass men and
women. A short program entertained the
assembly, which was followed by a brief
address by President H. W. Davis, expressing
the aims and purposes of the
Society.
Following the plan adopted last year of
centralizing the subjects of study and discussion,
our Program Committee has for
this year again divided the work of the Society
into two divisions. The first semester
will be devoted to a presentation and
discussion of some of the Jewish problems,
viz., anti-Semitism and certain social,
economic, and religious problems, while
the second semester will be devoted to
proposed solutions of these problems
through Zionism, Socialism, Assimilation,
etc. Students and representative members
of the community will alternate in the
presentation of the various subjects to the
Society. Greater emphasis than ever before
will be given to general discussion
by all the members of the Society at each
meeting.
After careful consideration, the Minnesota
Menorah has decided to withdraw
its campaign to bring the Intercollegiate
Convention to Minnesota this year, yielding
in favor of the East and Philadelphia.
We wish, however, to thank the members
of the Administrative Council who had
pledged us their support, and we take this
opportunity to announce that at this Convention
Minnesota will earnestly urge
the delegates to fix the place for the Convention
of 1916, and it is for that Convention
that Minnesota will put in its
strongest bid.
very auspiciously for the Menorah
at Wisconsin. Fully 100
attended the first meeting, at Lathrop
parlors, on October 4. Twenty-four new
members were added, swelling the total
membership to fifty-six. President
Charles A. Lebowsky welcomed the freshmen
into the Society, and explained the
broad and liberal basis upon which the
Menorah rested. Professor Dodge,
Chairman of the Menorah Prize Committee,
announced the Menorah prize of
$100 (the largest individual prize in the
University of Wisconsin), and urged all
members to try for it. The closing speech
of the evening was given by Dr. H. M.
Kallen, mentor of the organization. Dr.
Kallen spoke on “The Menorah Movement—Its
Relation to Jewish Academic
Life.” After the meeting a general mixer
was held, refreshments served, and the
members became acquainted with each
other.
At the second meeting of the year, on
October 18, Mr. Alexander Aaronsohn of
Palestine, brother of the famous agronomist,
addressed an enthusiastic audience
upon the subject of “Jewish Colonization
in Palestine.” The speaker had but recently
arrived from that land, after many
thrilling adventures, and his talk was most
inspiring. Mr. Aaronsohn emphasized
the fact that while formerly, since time
immemorial, it has been the custom, and
in fact the ambition, of every Jew to return
to Palestine that he might die there,
to-day, it was not to die, but to live, that
the Jew returned to the land of his
fathers. At the following meeting the
Society discussed the Russian situation;
Mr. Zigmund Salit gave an interesting
paper describing his own experiences in
that land of suffering. Mr. Milton Moses[332]
delivered an oration on “The Wandering
Jew.”
On November 15, Rev. C. A. Greenman,
of the First Unitarian Church of
Milwaukee, addressed us on a striking
theme, “The Relationship Between Judaism
and Unitarianism.” Other speakers
to follow are Justice Hugo Pam, of the
Chicago Appellate Court, Rabbi Joseph
Stolz, and Dr. Horace J. Bridges, of the
Chicago Ethical Culture Society, besides
members of our own Faculty.
In order to arouse even more enthusiasm
for the Menorah idea, the executive
committee has arranged to hold a number
of informal dinners. Since these dinners
are given primarily for members of the
Society, no outside speakers will be invited.
Short and snappy toasts will be
given by members, the alumni will be
called upon if any happen to be present,
and the Menorah Song will be rendered
by the ensemble. If the first dinner proves
to be successful, and there is every reason
to believe that it will, these affairs will
become an established part of the Menorah
program at Wisconsin.
1915-16 marked a radical change
in the policy hitherto followed by
the Western Reserve Menorah Society.
During the first few years of its existence
membership was open only to the male
students of the university and attendance
was necessarily small. Interest in the Society
itself began to dwindle until finally
it became clear that some radical step
would have to be taken if the Society was
to remain intact and worthy of the name.
Accordingly, at a meeting of the executive
committee held shortly after the
opening of college in the fall, it was decided
that hereafter membership would
be open to both the men and the women
of the university. Seventy-five students
gathered for the opening meeting held on
October 24. At later meetings, Dr. Lamberton,
of the Faculty, lectured on “The
Influence of Hellenism on Hebraic Culture,”
and Dr. Daniel A. Huebsch, noted
art critic and lecturer, spoke on “The
Neglect of the Old Testament.” Dr.
Huebsch urged that inasmuch as the
Menorah Society was devoted to Jewish
study, it was the proper place for a revival
of interest particularly in Biblical
literature and other Hebrew writings.
These works were distinctively the Jews’
own and should not be neglected by them
as the younger generation was inclined
to do. Both lectures were well attended
and followed by interesting discussions.
A later meeting was devoted almost entirely
to a lively as well as an intensely
interesting discussion of Zionism.
The Western Reserve Menorah Society
may well look forward to a banner year.
Having overcome the obstacles that face
every new organization, we are now prepared
and eager to carry on the aggressive
work of the Menorah. Passing as we
are through a period fraught with epoch-making
events, an endless number of
problems spring up on every side, each
one clamoring for attention. Upon the
solution of many of these problems rests
the future welfare of the Jewish race.
Having been awakened to a realization of
the seriousness of the situation, the Western
Reserve Menorah Society will compass
every effort to do its share in the
movement for enlightenment and progress.
INDEX
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THE
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JOURNAL

INDEX
To Volume I of The Menorah Journal
January—December, 1915
Adler, Dr. Cyrus, Greeting from, (Jan.) 3
Akiba, The Romance of Rabbi. (Oct.) 227
American Jewry, The Present Crisis in (Dec.) 265
Amram, David Werner: “Paths of Pleasantness,” The Study of the Jewish Law (June) 159
Anspacher, Louis K.: Adam Prometheus, and Other Lyrics. (Dec.) 282
Arch of Titus, The: A Poem (Oct.) 201
Arch of Titus, The: Frontispiece (Oct.)
Asch, Sholom: The Jewish Maupassant (Dec.) 285
Askowith, Hyman: The Symbolism of the Menorah (Oct.) 248
Aspects of Jewish Life and Letters: Reviews of Books (Oct.) 237
Bacon, Benjamin W.: From a Menorah Address (Apr.) 86
Baldwin, Edward Chauncey: The Jewish Genius in Literature, (June) 164
Bentwich, Norman, Greeting from, (Apr.) 73
Blatt, William M.: The Quality of Mercy: A Sixth Act to “The Merchant of Venice” (Apr.) 96
Blondheim, D. S.: Review of Herford’s “Pharisaism” (Oct.) 237
Book Reviews: Aspects of Jewish Life and Letters (Oct.) 237
Brandeis, Louis D., Greeting from, (Jan.) 4
A Call to the Educated Jew (Jan.) 13
Brown, Elmer E.: Menorah Address (Jan.) 46
Bryce, Viscount: Letter from. (Dec.) 297
Call to the Educated Jew, A (Jan.) 13
Colleges and Universities: See Menorah Societies.
Dabney, Charles W.: Menorah Address (Jan.) 47
Days of Disillusionment (Jan.) 39
Decennial of the Menorah Movement, The (Oct.) 253
Duty of the Hour, The (Oct.) 202
Editorial Statement (Jan.) 1
Eliot, Charles W.: The Potency of the Jewish Race (June) 141
Escoll, Morris J.: The Jewish Student in Our Universities (Oct.) 217
European Universities, Jewish Students in (Jan.) 26, (Apr.) 106
Friedlaender, Israel: From a Menorah Address (Jan.) 38
The Present Crisis in American Jewry (Dec.) 265
Gaster, Moses, Greeting from. (Apr.) 72
Gottheil, Richard, Greeting from, (Jan.) 5
From a Menorah Address (Jan.) 32
The War from a Jewish Standpoint (June) 150
Greetings (Jan.) 3, (Apr.) 72
Guérard, Albert Léon: Menorah Address (Dec.) 319
Hadley, Arthur T.: Menorah Address (Jan.) 45
Hall, G. Stanley: Yankee and Jew (Apr.) 87
Harvard Menorah Society Shingle (Oct.) 251
Hebraic Culture, The Twilight of (Jan.) 33
Herzl, Theodor: The Menorah, (Dec.) 261
Herzl, Theodor, Etching by Hermann Struck, Frontispiece (Dec.)
Hillel, “Golden Rule” (Apr.) 91
Horowitz, George J.: The Romance of Rabbi Akiba (Oct.) 227
Hurwitz, Henry: The Menorah Movement (Jan.) 50
The Decennial of the Menorah Movement (Oct.) 253
Husik, Isaac: Review of “Aspects of the Hebrew Genius” (Oct.) 241
Hyamson, Moses: “Golden Rule” Hillel (Apr.) 91
Intercollegiate Menorah Association Notes (Jan.) 56, (Apr.) 140, (June) 200, (Oct.) 257, (Dec.) 322
Third Annual Convention (Apr.) 121
Fourth Annual Convention (Dec.) 322
Israel and Medicine (June) 145
Jacobs, Joseph, Greeting from (Jan.) 6
The Jews in the War (Jan.) 23
Liberalism and the Jews (Dec.) 298
Jew, Yankee and (Apr.) 87
Jewish Genius in Literature, The, (June) 164
Jewish Problem Today, The (Apr.) 75
Jewish Race, The Potency of (June) 141
Jewish Student in Our Universities, The (Oct.) 217
Jewish Students in European Universities (Jan.) 26, (Apr.) 106
Jewish Student Organisations (Oct.) 246
Jewish Worthies: See Hillel, Jochanan ben Zakkai, Akiba.
Jochanan ben Zakkai (June) 173
Judaism—What Judaism Is Not, (Oct.) 208
What Is Judaism? (Dec.) 309
Kallen, Horace M.: Nationality and the Hyphenated American (Apr.) 79
[334]Review of Lewis’ “Liberal Judaism” (Oct.) 238
Kaplan, Mordecai M.:
What Judaism Is Not (Oct.) 208
What Is Judaism? (Dec.) 309
Kohler, Kaufmann, Greeting from (Jan.) 6
Lehman, Irving, Greeting from (Jan.) 7
From a Menorah Address (Jan.) 25
Our Spiritual Inheritance (Dec.) 277
Leonard, William Ellery: Menorah: A Poem (Jan.) 20
Liberalism and the Jews (Dec.) 298
Literature, The Jewish Genius in, (June) 164
Lowenthal, Marvin M.: Zionism: A Menorah Prize Essay (Apr.) 111, (June) 179
Mack, Julian W., Greeting from, (Jan.) 8
Magnes, J. L., Greeting from (Jan.) 9
From a Menorah Address (Jan.) 19
Margolis, Max L.: The Twilight of Hebraic Culture (Jan.) 33
Medicine, Israel and (June) 145
Menorah: A Poem (Jan.) 20
Menorah, The (Herzl) (Dec.) 261
Menorah Addresses, Extracts from, (Jan.) 19, 25, 32, 38, (Apr.) 86, 120
Menorah Addresses, Third Convention (Apr.) 121
Menorah Addresses by University Authorities (Jan.) 45, (Apr.) 121, (Dec.) 319
See also Intercollegiate Menorah Association.
Menorah Movement, The (Jan.) 50
Menorah Movement, The Decennial of the (Oct.) 253
Menorah Prize Essays:
Zionism (Apr.) 111
The Jewish Student in Our Universities (Oct.) 217
Shalom Asch: The Jewish Maupassant (Dec.) 285
Menorah Societies, Activities of, (Jan.) 56, (June) 194 (Oct.) 257, (Dec.) 325
See also Intercollegiate Menorah Association.
Menorah, The Symbolism of the, (Oct.) 248
“Merchant of Venice, The”: A Sixth Act to (Apr.) 96
Meyer, Martin A., Greeting from, (Jan.) 9
Nationality and the Hyphenated American (Apr.) 79
Nordau, Max, Greeting from (Apr.) 72
The Duty of the Hour (Oct.) 202
Osler, Sir William: Israel and Medicine (June) 145
“Paths of Pleasantness,” The Study of the Jewish Law (June) 159
Philipson, David, Greeting from, (Jan.) 10
Poetry (Jan.) 20, (Apr.) 71, 96, (June) 158, (Oct.) 201, (Dec.) 282
Potency of the Jewish Race, The (June) 141
Pouzzner, Bessie L., translator: The Menorah, by Theodor Herzl, (Dec.) 261
Prize Essays: See Menorah Prize Essays.
Quality of Mercy, The: A Sixth Act to “The Merchant of Venice,” (Apr.) 96
Romance of Rabbi Akiba, The (Oct.) 227
Sampter, Jessie E., O Sweet Anemones: A Poem (June) 158
Schechter, Solomon, Greeting from (Jan.) 11
Schiff, Jacob H., Greeting from (Jan.) 11
The Jewish Problem Today (Apr.) 75
Schurman, Jacob Gould, From a Menorah Address (Apr.) 120
Sharfman, I. Leo: Review of Cohen’s “Jewish Life in Modern Times,” (Oct.) 244
The Decennial of the Menorah Movement (Oct.) 253
Shostac, Percy B.: Sholom Asch, the Jewish Maupassant (Dec.) 285
Simon, Abraham M.: Jochanan ben Zakkai (June) 173
Strauss, Samuel: Days of Disillusionment (Jan.) 39
Straus, Oscar S., Letter from (Dec.) 281
Struck, Hermann: Etching of Theodor Herzl, Frontispiece (Dec.)
Students: See Jewish Students.
Symbolism, The, of the Menorah, (Oct.) 248
University Authorities, Menorah Addresses by (Jan.) 45, (Apr.) 121, (Dec.) 319
War, The Present:
The Jews in the War (Jan.) 23
The Jewish Problem Today (Apr.) 75
Nationality and the Hyphenated American (Apr.) 79
The War from a Jewish Standpoint (June) 150
What Is Judaism? (Dec.) 309
What Judaism Is Not (Oct.) 208
Wise, Stephen S., Greeting from (Jan.) 12
Wolfson, Harry: Jewish Students in European Universities (Jan.) 26
(Apr.) 106
Yankee and Jew (Apr.) 87
Zangwill, Israel: For Small Mercies: A Sonnet (Apr.) 71
Zionism: A Menorah Prize Essay (Apr.) 111, (June) 179
Transcriber’s Notes:
Obvious punctuation errors repaired.
The reference to page 145 under the “Menorah Addresses by University Authorities”
was deleted as the April edition has no page 145 and the June edition has no
such section. This was also deleted from “University Authorities, Menorah Addresses by”
for the same reason.
The remaining corrections made are indicated by dotted lines under the corrections. Scroll the mouse over the word and the original text will appear.












