Transcriber’s Note:
Variant spellings (including quoted proper
nouns) remain as printed. Minor typographical
errors have been corrected without note.
Unique page headings have been retained, moved to the left margin,
and positioned at a relevant paragraph break.



The ‘Fox’ steaming out of the Rolling Pack.

IN THE
ARCTIC SEAS.

A NARRATIVE

OF THE

DISCOVERY OF THE FATE OF SIR JOHN FRANKLIN
AND HIS COMPANIONS.

BY

CAPTAIN M’CLINTOCK, R.N., LL.D.


WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.


PHILADELPHIA:
PORTER & COATES,
822 Chestnut Street.


AUTHOR’S EDITION

CAXTON PRESS OF SHERMAN & CO.,
PHILADELPHIA.


DEDICATION.

My dear Lady Franklin,

There is no one to whom I could with so much propriety
or willingness dedicate my Journal as to you. For you
it was originally written, and to please you it now appears in
print.

To our mutual friend, Sherard Osborn, I am greatly
obliged for his kindness in seeing it through the press—a
labor I could not have settled down to so soon after my return;
and also for pointing out some omissions and technicalities
which would have rendered parts of it unintelligible to an
ordinary reader. These kind hints have been but partially
attended to, and, as time presses, it appears with the mass of
its original imperfections, as when you read it in manuscript.
Such as it is, however, it affords me this valued opportunity of
assuring you of the real gratification I feel in having been
instrumental in accomplishing an object so dear to you. To
your devotion and self-sacrifice the world is indebted for the
deeply interesting revelation unfolded by the voyage of the
‘Fox.’

Believe me to be,

With sincere respect, most faithfully yours,

F. L. M’CLINTOCK.

London, 24th Nov., 1859.


LIST OF OFFICERS AND SHIP’S COMPANY
OF THE ‘FOX.’

F. L. M’Clintock Captain R.N.
W. R. Hobson,Lieutenant R.N.
Allen W. Young,Captain, Mercantile Marine.
David Walker, M.D.,Surgeon and Naturalist.
George Brands,Engineer, died 6th Nov. 1858, (Apoplexy).
Carl Petersen,Interpreter.
Thomas Blackwell,Ship’s Steward, died 14th June, 1859, (Scurvy).
Wm. Harvey,Chief Quartermaster.
Henry Toms,Quartermaster.
Alex. Thompson,
John Simmonds,Boatswain’s Mate.
George Edwards,Carpenter’s Mate.
Robert Scott,Leading Stoker, died 4th Dec. 1857, (in consequence of a fall).
Thomas Grinstead,Sailmaker.
George Hobday,Captain of Hold.
Robert Hampton,A. B.
John A. Haselton,
George Carey,
Ben. Pound,
Wm. Walters,Carpenter’s Crew.
Wm. Jones,Dog-driver.
James Pitcher,}Stokers.
Thomas Florance,
Richard Shingleton, Officers’ Steward.
Anton Christian,}Greenland Esquimaux, discharged in Greenland.
Samuel Emanuel,

OFFICIAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE
SERVICES OF THE YACHT ‘FOX.’

Admiralty, London,
24th Oct. 1859.

Sir,

I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty to acquaint you, that, in consideration of the important
services performed by you in bringing home the only
authentic intelligence of the death of the late Sir John Franklin,
and of the fate of the crews of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror,’
Her Majesty has been pleased, by her order in Council of the
22nd instant, to sanction the time during which you were absent
on these discoveries in the Arctic Regions, viz., from the
30th June, 1857, to the 21st September, 1859, to reckon as
time served by a captain in command of one of Her Majesty’s
ships, and my Lords have given the necessary directions accordingly.

I am, Sir,
Your very humble servant,

W. G. ROMAINE,
Secretary to the Admiralty.

Captain Francis L. M’Clintock, R.N.


[vii]

PREFACE.

The following narrative of the bold adventure
which has successfully revealed the last discoveries and
the fate of Franklin, is published at the request of
the friends of that illustrious navigator. The gallant
M’Clintock, when he penned his journal amid the
Arctic ices, had no idea whatever of publishing it;
and yet there can be no doubt that the reader will
peruse with the deepest interest the simple tale of how,
in a little vessel of 170 tons burthen, he and his well-chosen
companions have cleared up this great mystery.

To the honor of the British nation, and also let it
be said to that of the United States of America, many
have been the efforts made to discover the route followed
by our missing explorers. The highly deserving
men who have so zealously searched the Arctic
seas and lands in this cause must now rejoice, that
after all their anxious toils, the merit of rescuing from
the frozen North the record of the last days of Franklin,
has fallen to the share of his noble-minded widow.

Lady Franklin has, indeed, well shown what a devoted
and true-hearted English woman can accomplish.
The moment that relics of the expedition commanded[viii]
by her husband were brought home (in 1854)
by Rae, and that she heard of the account given to
him by the Esquimaux of a large party of Englishmen
having been seen struggling with difficulties on the ice
near the mouth of the Back or Great Fish River, she
resolved to expend all her available means (already
much exhausted in four other independent expeditions)
in an exploration of the limited area to which the
search must thenceforward be necessarily restricted.

Whilst the supporters of Lady Franklin’s efforts
were of opinion, that the Government ought to have
undertaken a search, the extent of which was, for the
first time, definitely limited, it is but rendering justice
to the then Prime Minister[1] to state, that he had every
desire to carry out the wishes of the men of science[2]
who appealed to him, and that he was precluded from
acceding to their petition, by nothing but the strongly
expressed opinion of official authorities, that after so
many failures the Government were no longer justified
in sending out more brave men to encounter fresh
dangers in a cause which was viewed as hopeless.
Hence it devolved on Lady Franklin and her friends[ix]
to be the sole means of endeavoring to bring to light
the true history of her husband’s voyage and fate.

Looking to the list of Naval worthies, who, during
the preceding years, had been exploring the Arctic Regions,
Lady Franklin was highly gratified when she
obtained the willing services of Captain M’Clintock
to command the yacht ‘Fox,’ which she had purchased;
for that officer had signally distinguished himself
in the voyages of Sir John Ross and Captain
(now Admiral) Austin, and especially in his extensive
journeys on the ice when associated with Captain
Kellett. With such a leader she could not but entertain
sanguine hopes of success when the fast and
well-adapted little vessel sailed from Aberdeen on the
1st of July, 1857, upon this eventful enterprise.

Deep, indeed, was the mortification experienced by
every one who shared the feelings and anticipations
of Lady Franklin when the untoward news came, in
the summer of 1858, that, the preceding winter having
set in earlier than usual, the ‘Fox’ had been beset in
the ice off Melville Bay, on the coast of Greenland,
and after a dreary winter, various narrow escapes, and
eight months of imprisonment, had been carried back
by the floating ice nearly twelve hundred geographical
miles—even to 63½° N. lat. in the Atlantic! See the
woodcut map, No. 1.

But although the good little yacht had been most
roughly handled among the ice-floes (see Frontispiece),
we were cheered up by the information from Disco,[x]
that, with the exception of the death of the engine-driver
in consequence of a fall into the hold, the
crew were in stout health and full of energy, and that
provided with sufficient fuel and provisions, a good
supply of sledging dogs, two tried Esquimaux, and
the excellent interpreter Petersen the Dane,[3] ample
grounds yet remained to lead us to hope for a successful
issue. Above all, we were encouraged by
the proofs of the self-possession and calm resolve of
M’Clintock, who held steadily to the accomplishment
of his original project; the more so as he had then
tested and recognized the value of the services of
Lieutenant (now Commander) Hobson, his able second
in command; of Captain Allen Young, his generous
volunteer associate;[4] and of Dr. Walker, his
accomplished Surgeon.

Despite, however, of these re-assuring data, many
an advocate of this search was anxiously alive to the
chance of the failure of the venture of one unassisted
yacht, which after sundry mishaps was again starting
to cross Baffin’s Bay, with the foreknowledge, that
when she reached the opposite coast, the real difficulties
of the enterprise were to commence.

Any such misgivings were happily illusory; and[xi]
the reader who follows M’Clintock across the “middle
ice” of Baffin’s Bay to Pond Inlet, thence to Beechey
Island, down a portion of Peel Strait, and then
through the hitherto unnavigated waters of Bellot
Strait in one summer season, may reasonably expect
the success which followed.

Whilst the revelation obtained from the long-sought
records, which were discovered by Lieutenant Hobson,
is most satisfactory to those who speculated on the
probability of Franklin having, in the first instance,
tried to force his way northwards through Wellington
Channel (as we now learn he did), those who held a
different hypothesis, namely, that he followed his
instructions, which directed him to the S.W., may
be amply satisfied that in the following season the
ships did pursue this southerly course till they were
finally beset in N. lat. 70° 05′.[5]

At the same time, the public should fully understand
the motive which prompted the supporters of[xii]
Lady Franklin in advocating the last search. Putting
aside the hope which some of us entertained, that
a few of the younger men of the missing expedition
might still be found to be living among the Esquimaux,
we had every reason to expect, that if the ships
were discovered, the scientific documents of the voyage,
including valuable magnetic observations, would
be recovered.

In the absence of such good fortune we may, however,
well be gladdened by the discovery of that one
precious document which gives us a true outline of
the voyage of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror.’

That the reader may comprehend the vast extent
of sea traversed by Franklin in the two summers
before his ships were beset, a small map (No. 2)
is here introduced representing all the lands and
seas of the Arctic regions to the west of Lancaster
Sound which were known and laid down when he
sailed. The dotted lines and arrows, which extend
from the then known seas and lands into the unknown
waters or blank spaces on this old map, indicate Franklin’s
route, the novelty, range, rapidity, and boldness
of which, as thus delineated, may well surprise the
geographer, and even the most enterprising Arctic
sailor.[6] For, those who have not closely attended[xiii]
to the results of other Arctic voyages may be informed,
that rarely has an expedition in the first
year accomplished more by its ships, than the establishing
of good winter quarters, from whence the real
researches began by sledge-work in the ensuing spring.
Franklin, however, not only reached Beechey Island,
but ascended Wellington Channel, then an unknown
sea, to 77° N. lat., a more northern latitude in this
meridian than that attained long afterwards in ships
by Sir Edward Belcher, and much to the north of
the points reached by Penny and De Haven. Next,
though most scantily provided with steam-power,
Franklin navigated round Cornwallis’ Land, which
he thus proved to be an island. The last discovery
of a navigable channel throughout, between Cornwallis
and Bathurst Islands, though made in the
very summer he left England, has remained even
to this day unknown to other navigators!

Franklin then, in obedience to his orders, steered
to the south-west. Passing, as M’Clintock believes,
down Peel’s Strait in 1846, and reaching as far as
lat. 70° 05′ N., and long. 98° 23′ W., where the ships
were beset, it is clear that he, who, with others, had
previously ascertained the existence of a channel
along the north coast of America, with which the
sea wherein he was interred had a direct communication,
was the first real discoverer of the North-West
Passage
. This great fact must therefore be
inscribed upon the monument of Franklin.[xiv]

The adventurous M’Clure, who has been worthily
honored for working out another North-Western passage,
which we now know to have been of subsequent
date,[7] as well as Collinson, who, taking the ‘Enterprise’
along the north coast of America, and afterwards
bringing her home, reached with sledges the western
edge of the area recently laid open by M’Clintock, will
I have no doubt unite with their Arctic associates,
Richardson, Sherard Osborn, and M’Clintock, in affirming,
that “Franklin and his followers secured the honor
for which they died—that of being the first discoverers
of the North-West Passage.”[8]

Again, when we turn from the discoveries of Franklin
to those of M’Clintock, as mapped in red colors on
the general map, on which is represented the amount
of outline laid down by all other Arctic explorers from[xv]
the days when these modern researches originated with
Sir John Barrow, we perceive that, in addition to the
discovery of the course followed by the ‘Erebus’ and
‘Terror,’ some most important geographical data have
been accumulated by the last expedition of Lady
Franklin.

Thus, M’Clintock has proved, that the strait named
by Kennedy in an earlier private expedition of Lady
Franklin after his companion the brave Lieutenant
Bellot, and which has hitherto been regarded only as
an impassable frozen channel, or ignored as a channel
at all, is a navigable strait, the south shore of which is
thus seen to be the northernmost land of the continent
of America.

M’Clintock has also laid down the hitherto unknown
coast-line of Boothia, southwards from Bellot Strait to
the Magnetic Pole, has delineated the whole of King
William’s Island, and opened a new and capacious,
though ice-choked channel, suspected before, but not
proved, to exist, extending from Victoria Strait in a
north-west direction to Melville or Parry Sound. The
latter discovery rewarded the individual exertions of
Captain Allen Young, but will very properly, at Lady
Franklin’s request, bear the name of the leader of the
‘Fox’ expedition, who had himself assigned to it the
name of the widow of Franklin.[9]

[xvi]

Neither has the expedition been unproductive of
scientific results. For, whilst many persons will be
interested in the popular descriptions of the native
Esquimaux, as well as of the lower animals, the
man of science will hereafter be further gratified by
having presented to him, in the form of an additional
Appendix,[10] most valuable details relating to
the zoology, botany, meteorology, and especially to
the terrestrial magnetism, of the region examined.

Lastly, M’Clintock has convinced himself, that the
best way of securing the passage of a ship from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, is by following, as near
as possible, the coast-line of North America: indeed,
it is his opinion, founded upon a large experience,
that no passage by a ship can ever be accomplished
in a more northern direction. This it is well known
was the favorite theory of Franklin, who had himself,
along with Richardson, Back, Beechey, Dease,
Simpson, and Rae, surveyed the whole of that same
North American coast from the Back or Great Fish
River to Behring Strait. Thus, when Franklin sailed
in 1845, the discovery of a North-West Passage was
reduced to the finding a link between the latter survey
and the discoveries of Parry, who had already,[xvii]
to his great renown, opened the first half of a more
northern course from east to west, when he was
arrested by the impenetrable ice-barrier at Melville
Island.

And here it is to be remembered, that the tract
in which the record and the relics have been found,
is just that to which Lady Franklin herself specially
directed Kennedy, the commander of the ‘Prince Albert,’
in her second private expedition in 1852; and
had that intrepid explorer not been induced to search
northwards of Bellot Strait, but had felt himself able
to follow the course indicated by his sagacious employer,
there can be no doubt, that much more satisfactory
results would have been obtained than those
which, after a lapse of seven years, have now been
realized by the undaunted perseverance of Lady Franklin,
and the skill and courage of M’Clintock.

The natural modesty of this commander has, I am
bound to say, prevented his doing common justice,
in the following journal, to his own conduct—conduct
which can be estimated by those only who have
listened to the testimony of the officers serving with
and under the man, whose great qualities in moments
of extreme peril elicited their heartiest admiration and
ensured their perfect confidence.

In writing this Preface (which I do at the request
of the promoters of the last search), I may state that,
having occupied the Chair of the Royal Geographical
Society in 1845, when my cherished friend, Sir[xviii]
John Franklin, went forth for the third time to seek
a North-West passage, it became my bounden duty
in subsequent years, when his absence created much
anxiety, and when I re-occupied the same position,
ardently to promote the employment of searching expeditions,
and warmly to sustain Lady Franklin’s
endeavors in this holy cause.

Imbued with such feelings, I must be permitted
to say, that no event in my life gave me purer delight,
than when Captain Collinson, whose labors to
support and carry out this last search have been signally
serviceable, forwarded to me a telegram to be
communicated to the British Association at Aberdeen
announcing the success of M’Clintock. That document
reached Balmoral on the 22nd of September
last, when the men of science were invited thither
by their Sovereign. Great was the satisfaction caused
by the diffusion of these good tidings among my associates
(the distinguished Arctic explorers Admiral Sir
James Ross and General Sabine being present); and
it was most cheering to us to know, that the Queen
and our Royal President[11] took the deepest interest[xix]
in this intelligence—such as, indeed, they have always
evinced whenever the search for the missing navigators
has been brought under their consideration. The immediate
bestowal of the Arctic medal upon all the
officers and men of the ‘Fox’ is a pleasing proof that
this interest is well sustained.

But these few introductory sentences must not be
extended; and I invite the reader at once to peruse
the Journal of M’Clintock, which will gratify every
lover of truthful and ardent research, though it will
leave him impressed with the sad belief, that the end
of the companions of Franklin has been truly recorded
by the native Esquimaux, who saw these noble
fellows “fall down and die as they walked along
the ice.”

Looking to the fact, that little or no fresh food could
have been obtained by the crews of the ‘Erebus’ and
‘Terror’ during their long imprisonment of twenty
months, in so frightfully sterile a region as that in
which the ships were abandoned,—so sterile that it
is even deserted by the Esquimaux,—and also to the
want of sustenance in spring at the mouth of the Back
River, all the Arctic naval authorities with whom I
have conversed, coincide with M’Clintock and his associates
in the belief, that none of the missing navigators
can be now living.

Painful as is the realisation of this tragic event, let
us now dwell only on the reflection that, while the
North-West passage has been solved by the heroic[xx]
self-sacrifice of Franklin, Crozier, Fitzjames, and their
associates, the searches after them which are now terminated,
have, at a very small loss of life, not only
added prodigiously to geographical knowledge, but
have, in times of peace, been the best school for testing,
by the severest trials, the skill and endurance of
many a brave seaman. In her hour of need—should
need arise—England knows that such men will nobly
do their duty.

Roderick I. Murchison.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Viscount Palmerston.

[2] See the Memorial (Appendix) addressed to the First Lord of the
Treasury, headed by Admiral Sir F. Beaufort, General Sabine, and
many other men of science, and which, as President of the Royal Geographical
Society, I presented to the Prime Minister; and also the
speech of Lord Wrottesley, the President of the Royal Society, who, in
the absence of the lamented Earl of Ellesmere, brought the subject
earnestly under the notice of the House of Lords on the 18th of July,
1856.

[3] Since his return to Copenhagen, Petersen has been worthily honored
by his Sovereign with the silver cross of Dannebrog.

[4] Captain Allen Young of the merchant marine not only threw his services
into this cause, and subscribed £500 in furtherance of the expedition,
but, abandoning lucrative appointments in command, generously
accepted a subordinate post.

[5] For a résumé of all the plans of research and the speculations of seamen
and geographers, see the interesting and most useful volume of Mr.
John Brown, entitled, ‘The North-West Passage and Search after Sir
John Franklin,’ 1858. In an Appendix to this work we learn, that
from the earliest Polar researches by John Cabot, at the end of the 15th
century, to the voyage of M’Clintock, there have been about 130 expeditions,
illustrated by 250 books and printed documents, of which 150 have
been issued in England. Amidst the various recent publications, it is
but rendering justice to Dr. King, the former companion of Sir George
Back, to state that he suggested and always maintained the necessity of
a search for the missing navigators at or near the mouth of the Back
River.

[6] The letter A in Baffin Bay (fig. 1) indicates the spot where Franklin
was last seen. In fig. 2, B is the winter rendezvous at Beechey Island;
C the greatest northing of the expedition, viz. 77° N. lat.; Z the final
beset of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror;’ the extreme north and south points
of their voyage being represented by two small ships.

[7] In 1850.

[8] See a most heart-stirring sketch of the last voyage of Sir John Franklin,
by Captain Sherard Osborn, in the periodical Once a Week, of the 22d
and 29th October and 5th November last. Possessing a thorough acquaintance
with the Arctic regions, the distinguished seaman has shown
more than his ordinary power of description, in placing before the public
his conception of what may have been the chief occurrences in the voyage
of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror,’ and the last days of Franklin, as founded
upon an acquaintance with the character of the chief and his associates,
and the record and relics obtained by M’Clintock. This sketch is prefaced
by a spirited and graceful outline of all previous geographical discoveries,
from the day when they were originated by the father of all
modern Arctic enterprise, Sir John Barrow, to whom, and to many other
eminent persons, from Sir Edward Parry downwards, I have in various
Geographical Addresses offered the tribute of my admiration.

[9] In his volume before cited, p. xii., Mr. John Brown gave strong reasons
(which he had held for some time) for believing in the existence of
the very channel which now bears the name of M’Clintock. It is, however,
the opinion both of that officer and his associates, as also of Captain
Sherard Osborn, that Franklin could not have reached the spot where his
ships were beset by proceeding down that ice-choked channel, but that he
must have sailed down Peel Sound.

[10] Much of this Appendix will be prepared by Dr. David Walker.

[11] At the Aberdeen meeting the Prince Consort thus spoke:—”The
Aberdeen whaler braves the icy regions of the Polar sea to seek and to
battle with the great monster of the deep; he has materially assisted in
opening these ice-bound regions to the researches of science; he fearlessly
aided in the search after Sir John Franklin and his gallant companions
whom their country sent forth on this mission; but to whom Providence,
alas! has denied the reward of their labors, the return to their homes, to
the affectionate embrace of their families and friends, and the acknowledgments
of a grateful nation.”


[xxi]

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Cause of delay in equipment—Fittings of the ‘Fox’—Volunteers for
Arctic service—Assistance from public departments—Reflections
upon the undertaking—Instructions and departure—Orkneys and
Greenland—Fine Arctic scenery—Danish establishments in Greenland—Frederickshaab,
in Davis’ Straits,
Page 1
CHAPTER II.
Fiskernaes and Esquimaux—The ‘Fox’ reaches Disco—Disco Fiord—Summer
scenery—Waigat Strait—Coaling from the mine—Purchasing
Esquimaux dogs—Heavy gale off Upernivik—Melville Bay—The
middle ice—The great glacier of Greenland—Reindeer
cross the glacier,
19
CHAPTER III.
Melville Bay—Beset in Melville Bay—Signs of winter—The coming
storm—Drifting in the pack—Canine appetite—Resigned to a winter
in the pack—Dinner stolen by sharks—The Arctic shark—White
whales and killers,
35
CHAPTER IV.
Snow crystals—Dog will not eat raven—An Arctic school—The dogs
invade us—Bear-hunting by night—Ice-artillery—Arctic palates—Sudden
rise of temperature—Harvey’s idea of a sortie,
51
CHAPTER V.
Burial in the pack—Musk oxen in lat. 80° north—Thrift of the Arctic
fox—The aurora affects the electrometer—An Arctic Christmas—Sufferings
of an Arctic party—Ice acted on by wind only—How
the sun ought to be welcomed—Constant action of the ice—Return
of the seals—Revolving storm,
67
CHAPTER VI.
A bear-fight—An ice-nip—Strong gales, rapid drift—The ‘Fox’
breaks out of the pack—Hanging on to floe-edge—The Arctic bear—An
ice tournament—The ‘Fox’ in peril—A storm in the pack—Escape
from the pack,
84
CHAPTER VII.[xxii]
A holiday in Greenland—A lady blue with cold—The loves of Greenlanders—Close
shaving—Meet the whalers—Information of whalers—Disco—Danish
hospitality—Sail from Disco—Kindness of
the whalers—Danish establishments in Greenland,
100
CHAPTER VII.
‘Fox’ nearly wrecked—Afloat, and push ahead—Arctic hairbreadth
escapes—Nearly caught in the pack—Shooting little auks—The
Arctic Highlanders—Cape York—Crimson snow—Struggling to
the westward—Reach the West-land—Off the entrance of Lancaster
Sound,
116
CHAPTER IX.
Off Cape Warrender—Sight the whalers again—Enter Pond’s Bay—Communicate
with Esquimaux—Ascend Pond’s Inlet—Esquimaux
information—Arctic summer abode—An Arctic village—No intelligence
of Franklin’s ships—Arctic trading—Geographical information
of natives—Information of Rae’s visit—Improvidence of
Esquimaux—Travels of Esquimaux,
132
CHAPTER X.
Leave Pond’s Bay—A gale in Lancaster Sound—The Beechey Island
Depôt—An Arctic monument—Reflections at Beechey Island—Proceed
up Barrow’s Strait—Peel Sound—Port Leopold—Prince Regent’s
Inlet—Bellot Strait—Flood-tide from the west—Unsuccessful efforts—Fox’s
Hole—No water to the west—Precautionary measures—Fourth
attempt to pass through,
153
CHAPTER XI.
Proceed westward in a boat—Cheerless state of the western sea—Struggles
in Bellot Strait—Falcons, good Arctic fare—The resources of
Boothia Felix—Future sledge travelling—Heavy gales—Hobson’s
party start—Winter quarters—Bellot Strait—Advanced depôt
established—Observatories—Intense cold—Autumn travellers—Narrow
escape,
174
CHAPTER XII.
Death of our engineer—Scarcity of game—The cold unusually trying—Jolly,
under adverse circumstances—Petersen’s information—Return
of the sun of 1859—Early spring sledge-parties—Unusual severity of
the winter—Severe hardships of early sledging—The western shores
of Boothia—Meet the Esquimaux—Intelligence of Franklin’s ships—Return
to the ‘Fox’—Allen Young returns,
192
CHAPTER XIII.
Dr. Walker’s sledge journey—Snow-blindness attacks Young’s party—Departure
of all sledge-parties—Equipment of sledge-parties—Meet
the same party of natives—Intelligence of the second ship—My depôt
robbed—Part company from Hobson—Matty Island—Deserted
snow-huts—Native sledges—Land on King William’s Land,
217
CHAPTER XIV.[xxiii]
Meet Esquimaux—News of Franklin’s people—Frighten a solitary
party—Reach the Great Fish River—On Montreal Island—Total absence
of all relics—Examine Ogle Peninsula—Discover a skeleton—Vagueness
of Esquimaux information—Cape Herschel—Cairn,
235
CHAPTER XV.
The cairn found empty—Discover Hobson’s letter—Discovery of Crozier’s
record—The deserted boat—Articles discovered about the boat—The
skeletons and relics—The boat belonged to the ‘Erebus’—Conjectures,
253
CHAPTER XVI.
Errors in Franklin’s records—Relics found at the cairn—Reflections on
the retreat—Returning homeward—Geological remarks—Difficulties
of summer sledging—Arrive on board the ‘Fox’—Navigable
N.W. passage—Death from scurvy—Anxiety for Captain Young—Young
returns safely,
272
CHAPTER XVII.
Signs of release—Dearth of animal life—Owl is good beef—Beat out
of winter quarters—Our game-list—Reach Fury Beach—Escape from
Regent’s Inlet—In Baffin’s Bay—Captain Allen Young’s journey—Disco;
sad disappointment—Part from our Esquimaux friends—Adieu
to Greenland—Arrive home,
292
Conclusion,315

APPENDIX.
No. I.—A Letter to Viscount Palmerston, K.G., &c., from Lady
Franklin,
319
No. II.—Memorial to the Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, M.P.,
G.C.B.,
329
No. III.—List of Relics of the Franklin Expedition brought to
England in the ‘Fox’ by Captain M’Clintock,
334
No. IV.—Geological Account of the Arctic Archipelago, by Professor
Haughton,
341
No. V.—List of Subscribers to the ‘Fox’ Expedition,373

[1]

JOURNAL OF THE SEARCH
FOR
SIR JOHN FRANKLIN.


CHAPTER I.

Cause of delay in equipment—Fittings of the ‘Fox’—Volunteers for
Arctic service—Assistance from public departments—Reflections
upon the undertaking—Instructions and departure—Orkneys and
Greenland—Fine Arctic scenery—Danish establishments in Greenland—Frederickshaab, in Davis’ Straits.

It is now a matter of history how Government
and private expeditions prosecuted, with unprecedented
zeal and perseverance, the search for
Sir John Franklin’s ships, between the years
1847-55; and that the only ray of information
gleaned was that afforded by the inscriptions
upon three tombstones at Beechey Island, briefly
recording the names and dates of the deaths of
those individuals of the lost expedition, who thus
early fell in the cause of science and of their
country.

In this manner were we made aware of the
locality where the Franklin expedition passed its
first Arctic winter. The traces assuring us of
that fact, were discovered in August, 1850, by[2]
Captain Ommanney, R.N., of H.M.S. ‘Assistance,’
and by Captain Penny, of the ‘Lady Franklin.’

FORMER EXPEDITIONS.

In October, 1854, Dr. Rae brought home the
only additional information respecting them which
has ever reached us. From the Esquimaux of
Boothia Felix he learned that a party of about
forty white men were met on the west coast of
King William’s Island, and from thence travelled
on to the mouth of the Great Fish River, where
they all perished of starvation, and that this
tragic event occurred apparently in the spring
of 1850.

Some relics obtained from these natives, and
brought home by Dr. Rae, were proved to have
belonged to Sir John Franklin and several of his
associates.

The Government caused an exploring party to
descend the Fish River in 1855; but, although
sufficient traces were found to prove that some portion
of the crews of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ had
actually landed on the banks of that river, and
traces existed of them up to Franklin Rapids, no
additional information was obtained either from
the discovery of records, or through the Esquimaux.
Mr. Anderson, the Hudson Bay Company’s
officer in charge, and his small party, deserve
credit for their perseverance and skill; but they
were not furnished with the necessary means of
accomplishing their mission. Mr. Anderson could
not obtain an interpreter, and the two frail bark[3]
canoes in which his whole party embarked were
almost worn out before they reached the locality
to be searched. It is not surprising that such
an expedition caused very considerable excitement
at home.

Apr., 1857.
CAUSE OF DELAY IN EQUIPMENT.

Lady Franklin, and the advocates for further
search, now pressed upon government the necessity
of following up, in a more effectual manner,
the traces accidentally found by Dr. Rae, and,
in fact, of rendering the search complete by one
more effort, involving but little of hazard or
expense. It was not until April, 1857, that any
decisive answer was given to Lady Franklin’s
appeal. (See Appendix No. 1.)

Sir Charles Wood then stated “that the members
of Her Majesty’s Government, having come,
with great regret, to the conclusion that there
was no prospect of saving life, would not be justified,
for any objects which in their opinion could
be obtained by an expedition to the Arctic seas,
in exposing the lives of officers and men to the
risk inseparable from such an enterprise.”

Lady Franklin, upon this final disappointment
of her hopes, had no hesitation in immediately
preparing to send out a searching expedition,
equipped and stored at her own cost. But she
was not left alone. Many friends of the cause—including
some of the most distinguished scientific
men in England,[12] and especially Sir Roderick[4]
Murchison, whose zeal was as practical as it was
enlightened—hastened to tender their aid, and
soon a very considerable sum was raised in furtherance
of so truly noble an effort.

NOMINATION OF COMMANDER.

On the 18th of April, 1857, Lady Franklin
did me the honor to offer me the command of
the proposed expedition; it was of course most
cheerfully accepted. As a post of honor and
some difficulty, it possessed quite sufficient charms
for a naval officer who had already served in
three consecutive expeditions from 1848 to 1854.
I was thoroughly conversant with all the details
of this peculiar service; and I confess, moreover,
that my whole heart was in the cause. How
could I do otherwise than devote myself to save
at least the record of faithful service, even unto
death, of my brother officers and seamen? and,
being one of those by whose united efforts not
only the Franklin search, but the geography of
Arctic America, has been brought so nearly to
completion, I could not willingly resign to posterity,
the honor of filling up even the small
remaining blank upon our maps.

To leave these discoveries incomplete, more
especially in a quarter through which the tidal
stream actually demonstrates the existence of a
channel—the only remaining hope of a practicable
north-west passage—would indeed be
leaving strong inducement for future explorers to
reap the rich reward of our long-continued exertions.[5]

PURCHASE OF THE ‘FOX.’

I immediately applied to the Admiralty for
leave of absence to complete the Franklin search;
and on the 23d received at Dublin the telegraphic
message from Lady Franklin: “Your leave is
granted; the ‘Fox’ is mine; the refit will commence
immediately.” She had already purchased
the screw-yacht ‘Fox,’ of 177 tons burthen, and
now placed her, together with the necessary
funds, at my disposal.

Let me explain what is here implied by the
simple word refit. The velvet hangings and
splendid furniture of the yacht, and also every
thing not constituting a part of the vessel’s
strengthening, were to be removed; the large
sky-lights and capacious ladderways had to be
reduced to limits more adapted to a polar clime;
the whole vessel to be externally sheathed with
stout planking, and internally fortified by strong
cross-beams, longitudinal beams, iron stanchions,
and diagonal fastenings; the false keel taken off,
the slender brass propeller replaced by a massive
iron one, the boiler taken out, altered, and
enlarged; the sharp stem to be cased in iron
until it resembled a ponderous chisel set up edgeways;
even the yacht’s rig had to be altered.

She was placed in the hands of her builders,
Messrs. Hall & Co., of Aberdeen, who displayed
even more than their usual activity in effecting
these necessary alterations, for it was determined
that the ‘Fox’ should sail by the 1st July.[6]

FITTINGS OF THE ‘FOX.’

Internally she was fitted up with the strictest
economy in every sense, and the officers were
crammed into pigeon-holes, styled cabins, in order
to make room for provisions and stores; our
mess-room, for five persons, measured 8 feet
square. The ordinary heating apparatus for winter
use was dispensed with, and its place supplied
by a few very small stoves. The ‘Fox’ had
been the property of the late Sir Richard Sutton,
Bart., who made but one trip to Norway in her,
and she was purchased by Lady Franklin from
his executors for 2000l.

Having thus far commenced the refit of the
vessel, I turned my attention to the selection of
a crew and to the requisite clothing and provisions
for our voyage.

Many worthy old shipmates, my companions in
the previous Arctic voyages, most readily volunteered
their services, and they were as cheerfully
accepted, for it was my anxious wish to gather
round me well-tried men, who were aware of the
duties expected of them, and accustomed to naval
discipline. Hence, out of the twenty-five souls
composing our small company, seventeen had
previously served in the Arctic search.

Expeditions of this kind are always popular
with seamen, and innumerable were the applications
sent to me; but still more abundant were
the offers to “serve in any capacity” which
poured in from all parts of the country, from[7]
people of all classes, many of whom had never
seen the sea. It was, of course, impossible to
accede to any of these latter proposals, yet, for
my own part, I could not but feel gratified at
such convincing proofs that the spirit of the
country was favorable to us, and that the ardent
love of hardy enterprise still lives amongst Englishmen,
as of old, to be cherished, I trust, as
the most valuable of our national characteristics—as
that which has so largely contributed to
make England what she is.

OFFICERS OF THE EXPEDITION.

My second in command was Lieutenant W. R.
Hobson, R.N., an officer already distinguished in
Arctic service. Captain Allen Young joined me
as sailing-master, contributing not only his valuable
services but largely of his private funds
to the expedition. This gentleman had previously
commanded some of our very finest merchant
ships, the latest being the steam-transport
‘Adelaide’ of 2500 tons: he had but recently
returned, in ill health, from the Black Sea,
where he was most actively employed during
the greater part of the Crimean campaign.
Nothing that I could say would add to the
merit of such singularly generous and disinterested
conduct. David Walker, M.D., volunteered
for the post of surgeon and naturalist;
he also undertook the photographic department;
and just before sailing, Carl Petersen, now so
well known to Arctic readers as the Esquimaux[8]
interpreter in the expeditions of Captain Penny
and Dr. Kane, came to join me from Copenhagen,
although landed there from Greenland
only six days previously, after an absence of a
year from his family: we were indebted to Sir
Roderick Murchison and the electric telegraph
for securing his valuable services.

ASSISTANCE FROM PUBLIC DEPARTMENTS.

Like the Paris omnibuses we were at length
tout complet, and quite as anxious to make a start.

Ample provisions for twenty-eight months were
embarked, including preserved vegetables, lemon-juice,
and pickles, for daily consumption, and preserved
meats for every third day: also as much
of Messrs. Allsopp’s stoutest ale as we could find
room for. The Government, although declining
to send out an expedition, yet now contributed
liberally to our supplies. All our arms, powder,
shot, powder for ice-blasting, rockets, maroons,
and signal mortar, were furnished by the Board
of Ordnance. The Admiralty caused 6682 lbs. of
pemmican to be prepared for our use. Not less
than 85,000 lbs. of this invaluable food have been
prepared since 1845 at the Royal Clarence Victualing
Yard, Gosport, for the use of the Arctic
Expeditions. It is composed of prime beef cut
into thin slices and dried over a wood fire; then
pounded up and mixed with about an equal weight
of melted beef fat. The pemmican is then pressed
into cases capable of containing 42 lbs. each.
The Admiralty supplied us with all the requisite[9]
ice-gear, such as saws from ten to eighteen feet
in length, ice-anchors, and ice-claws: also with
our winter housing, medicines, pure lemon-juice,
seamen’s library, hydrographical instruments,
charts, chronometers, and an ample supply of arctic
clothing which had remained in store from
former expeditions. The Board of Trade contributed
a variety of meteorological and nautical
instruments and journals; and I found that I had
but to ask of these departments for what was
required, and if in store it was at once granted.
I asked, however, only for such things as were
indispensably necessary.

DONATION FROM ROYAL SOCIETY.

The President and Council of the Royal Society
voted the sum of 50l. from their donation
fund for the purchase of magnetic and other
scientific instruments, in order that our anticipated
approach to so interesting a locality as the
Magnetic Pole might not be altogether barren of
results.

Being desirous to retain for my vessel the
privileges she formerly enjoyed as a yacht, my
wishes were very promptly gratified; in the first
instance by the Royal Harwich Yacht Club, of
which my officers and myself were enrolled as
members—the Commodore, A. Arcedeckne, Esq.,
presenting my vessel with the handsome ensign
and burgee of the Club; and shortly afterwards
by my being elected a member of the Royal
Victoria Yacht Club for the period of my voyage.[10]
Lastly, upon the very day of sailing, I was proposed
for the Royal Yacht Squadron, to which
the yacht had previously belonged when the
property of Sir Richard Stratton.

REFLECTIONS UPON THE UNDERTAKING.

Throughout the whole period required for our
equipment, I constantly experienced the heartiest
co-operation and earnest good will from all with
whom my varied duties brought me in contact.
Deep sympathy with Lady Franklin in her distress,
her self-devotion and sacrifice of fortune,
and an earnest desire to extend succor to any
chance survivors of the ill-fated expedition who
might still exist, or at least, to ascertain their
fate, and rescue from oblivion their heroic deeds,
seemed the natural promptings of every honest
English heart. It is needless to add that this
experience of public opinion confirmed my own
impression that the glorious mission intrusted to
me was in reality a great national duty. I could
not but feel that, if the gigantic and admirably
equipped national expeditions sent out on precisely
the same duty, and reflecting so much
credit upon the Board of Admiralty, were ranked
amongst the noblest efforts in the cause of humanity
any nation ever engaged in, and that, if high
honor was awarded to all composing those splendid
expeditions, surely the effort became still
more remarkable and worthy of approbation when
its means were limited to one little vessel, containing
but twenty-five souls, equipped and provisioned[11]
(although efficiently, yet) in a manner
more according with the limited resources of a
private individual than with those of the public
purse. The less the means, the more arduous I
felt was the achievement. The greater the risk—for
the ‘Fox’ was to be launched alone into
those turbulent seas from which every other vessel
had long since been withdrawn—the more
glorious would be the success, the more honorable
even the defeat, if again defeat awaits us.

LADY FRANKLIN’S VISIT.

Upon the last day of June, Lady Franklin,
accompanied by her niece Miss Sophia Cracroft,
and Capt. Maguire, R.N., came on board to bid us
farewell, for we purposed sailing in the evening.
Seeing how deeply agitated she was on leaving
the ship, I endeavored to repress the enthusiasm
of my crew, but without avail; it found vent in
three prolonged, hearty cheers. The strong feeling
which prompted them was truly sincere; and
this unbidden exhibition of it can hardly have
gratified her for whom it was intended more than
it did myself.

I must here insert the only written instructions
I could prevail upon Lady Franklin to give me;
they were not read until the ‘Fox’ was fairly in
the Atlantic.

LADY FRANKLIN’S INSTRUCTIONS.

Aberdeen, June 29, 1857.

My dear Captain M’Clintock,

You have kindly invited me to give you “Instructions,”
but I cannot bring myself to feel that it would be right[12]
in me in any way to influence your judgment in the conduct of
your noble undertaking; and indeed I have no temptation to
do so, since it appears to me that your views are almost identical
with those which I had independently formed before I had
the advantage of being thoroughly possessed of yours. But
had this been otherwise, I trust you would have found me
ready to prove the implicit confidence I place in you by yielding
my own views to your more enlightened judgment; knowing
too as I do that your whole heart also is in the cause, even
as my own is. As to the objects of the expedition and their
relative importance, I am sure you know that the rescue of any
possible survivor of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ would be to
me, as it would be to you, the noblest result of our efforts.

To this object I wish every other to be subordinate; and
next to it in importance is the recovery of the unspeakably
precious documents of the expedition, public and private, and
the personal relics of my dear husband and his companions.

And lastly, I trust it may be in your power to confirm,
directly or inferentially, the claims of my husband’s expedition
to the earliest discovery of the passage, which, if Dr. Rae’s
report be true (and the Government of our country has accepted
and rewarded it as such), these martyrs in a noble
cause achieved at their last extremity, after five long years of
labor and suffering, if not at an earlier period.

I am sure you will do all that man can do for the attainment
of all these objects; my only fear is that you may spend yourselves
too much in the effort; and you must therefore let me
tell you how much dearer to me even than any of them is the
preservation of the valuable lives of the little band of heroes
who are your companions and followers.

May God in his great mercy preserve you all from harm
amidst the labors and perils which await you, and restore you
to us in health and safety as well as honor! As to the honor I
can have no misgiving. It will be yours as much if you fail
(since you may fail in spite of every effort) as if you succeed;
and be assured that, under any and all circumstances whatever,[13]
such is my unbounded confidence in you, you will ever possess
and be entitled to the enduring gratitude of your sincere and
attached friend,

Jane Franklin.

July, 1857.
ORKNEYS AND GREENLAND.

We were not destined to get to sea that evening.
The ‘Fox,’ hitherto during her brief career,
accustomed only to the restraint imposed upon a
gilded pet in summer seas, seemed to have got an
inkling that her duty henceforth was to combat
with difficulties, and, entering fully into the spirit
of the cruise, answered her helm so much more
readily than the pilot expected that she ran
aground upon the bar. She was promptly shored
up, and remained in that position until next
morning, when she floated off unhurt at high
water, and commenced her long and lonely
voyage.

Scarcely had we left the busy world behind
us when we were actively engaged in making
arrangements for present comfort and future
exertion. How busy, how happy, and how full
of hope we all were then!

On the night of the 2d of July we passed
through the Pentland Firth, where the tide rushing
impetuously against a strong wind raised up
a tremendous sea, amid which the little vessel
struggled bravely under steam and canvas. The
bleak wild shores of Orkney, the still wilder
pilot’s crew, and their hoarse screams and unintelligible
dialect, the shrill cry of innumerable[14]
sea-birds, the howling breeze and angry sea, made
us feel as if we had suddenly awoke in Greenland
itself. The southern extremity of that ice-locked
continent became visible on the 12th. It
is quaintly named Cape Farewell; but whether
by some sanguine outward-bound adventurer who
fancied that in leaving Greenland behind him he
had already secured his passage to Cathay; or
whether by the wearied homesick mariner, feebly
escaping from the grasp of winter in his shattered
bark, and firmly purposing to bid a long farewell
to this cheerless land, history altogether fails to
enlighten us.

GREENLAND.

From January until July this coast is usually
rendered unapproachable by a broad margin of
heavy ice, which drifts there from the vicinity of
Spitzbergen, and, lapping round the Cape, extends
alongshore to the northward about as far as Baal’s
River, a distance of 250 miles. Although it effectually
blockades the ports of South Greenland for
the greater part of the summer, and is justly
dreaded by the captains of the Greenland traders,
it confers important benefits upon the Greenlander
by bearing to his shores immense numbers
of seals and many bears. The same current
which conveys hither all this ice is also freighted
with a scarcely less valuable supply of driftwood
from the Siberian rivers.

About this time, one of my crew showing
symptoms of diseased lungs, I determined to[15]
embrace the earliest opportunity of sending him
home out of a climate so fatal to those who are
thus affected; and having learnt from Mr. Petersen,
who had quitted Greenland only in April
last, that a vessel would very soon leave Frederickshaab
for Copenhagen, I resolved to go to
that place in order to catch this homeward-bound
ship.

SPITZBERGEN ICE.

It was necessary to push through the Spitzbergen
ice, and we fortunately succeeded in doing so
after eighteen hours of buffeting with this formidable
enemy; at first we found it tolerably loose,
and the wind being strong and favorable, we
thumped along pleasantly enough; but as we advanced,
the ice became much more closely packed,
a thick fog came on, and many hard knocks were
exchanged; at length our steam carried us
through into the broad belt of clear water between
the ice and land, which Petersen assures
me always exists here at this season.

The dense fog now prevented further progress,
and as evening closed in I gave up all hope of
improvement for the night, when suddenly the
fog rolled back upon the land, disclosing some
islets close to us, then the rugged points of mainland,
and at length, lifting altogether, the distant
snowy mountain-peaks against a deep blue sky.

The evening became bright and delightful;
the whole extent of coast was fringed with innumerable
islets, backed by lofty mountains, and,[16]
being richly tinted by a glorious western sun,
formed an unusually splendid sight. Greenland
unveiled to our anxious gaze that memorable
evening, all the magnificence of her natural
beauty. Was it to welcome us that she thus cast
off her dingy outer mantle, and shone forth
radiant with smiles?—such winning smiles!

FINE ARCTIC SCENERY.

A faint streak of mist, which we could not
account for, appeared to float across a low, wide
interval in the mountain range; the telescope
revealed its true character,—it was a portion of
the distant glacier. We found ourselves upon the
Tallard Bank, 30 miles north of our port, having
been rapidly carried northwards by the Spitzbergen
current.

July 20th.—This morning the chief trader of
the settlement, or, as he is more usually styled by
the English, the Governor, came off to us, and his
pilot soon conducted us into the safe little harbor
of Frederickshaab. I was much gratified to learn
that we were just in time to secure a passage
home for our ailing shipmate.

For trading purposes Greenland is monopolized
by the Danish government; its Esquimaux and
mixed population amount to about 7000 souls.
About 1000 Danes reside constantly there for the
purpose of conducting the trade, which consists
almost exclusively in the exchange of European
goods for oil and the skins of seals, reindeer, and
a few other animals.[17]

DANISH ESTABLISHMENTS, GREENLAND.

The Esquimaux are not subject to Danish laws,
but although proud of their nominal independence
they are sincerely attached to the Danes, and
with abundant reason; a Lutheran clergyman, a
doctor, and a schoolmaster, whose duty it is to
give gratuitous instruction and relief, are paid by
the Government, and attached to each district;
and when these improvident people are in distress,
which not unfrequently happens during the
long winters, provisions are issued to them free
of cost; spirits are strictly prohibited. All of
them have become Christians, and many can read
and write.

Have we English done more, or as much, for
the aborigines in any of our numerous colonies,
and especially for the Esquimaux within our own
territories of Labrador and Hudson’s Bay?

Greenland is divided into two inspectorates,
the northern and southern; the inspector of the
latter division, Dr. Rink, had arrived at Frederickshaab
upon his summer round of visits only
the day previous to ourselves. He came on board
to call upon me, and after Divine service I landed,
and enjoyed a ramble with him over the moss-clad
hills. Our first meeting was in North Greenland,
in 1848; we had not seen one another since,
so we had much to talk about. Dr. Rink is a gentleman
of acknowledged talent, a distinguished
traveller, and is thoroughly conversant with the
sciences of geology and botany.[18]

FREDERICKSHAAB, DAVIS’ STRAITS.

Unfortunately for me his excellent work on
Greenland has not been translated into English.

We were kindly permitted to purchase eight
tons of coals, and such small things as were required;
the only fresh supplies to be obtained
besides codfish, which was abundant, consisted of
a very few ptarmigan and hares, and a couple of
kids; these last are scarce. Some goats exist,
but for eight months out of the year they are
shut up in a house, and even now—in midsummer,—are
only let out in the daytime. We also
purchased of the Esquimaux some specimens of
Esquimaux workmanship, such as models of the
native dresses, kayaks, etc., also birds’ skins and
eggs. I saw fine specimens of a white swan, and
of a bird said to be extremely rare in Greenland,—it
was a species of grebe, Podiceps cristatus, I
imagine. Frederickshaab is just now well supplied
with wood: besides an unseaworthy brig,
the wreck of a large timber-ship lay on the
beach, and an abandoned timber-vessel, which was
met with between Iceland and Greenland in July
by Prince Napoleon, drifted upon the coast 30
miles to the northward in the following September.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] A list of them and their subscriptions to be given in Appendix.


[19]

CHAPTER II.

Fiskernaes and Esquimaux—The ‘Fox’ reaches Disco—Disco Fiord—Summer
scenery—Waigat Strait—Coaling from the mine—Purchasing
Esquimaux dogs—Heavy gale off Upernivik—Melville Bay—The
middle ice—The great glacier of Greenland—Reindeer
cross the glacier.
LICHTENFELS.

23rd July.Sailed the day before yesterday for
Godhaab. The fog was thick, and wind strong
and contrary, but the current being favorable we
found ourselves off the small out-station of Fiskernaes,
when early this morning our fore topmast
was carried away; this accident induced me to
run in and anchor for the purpose of repairing
the damage.

After passing within the outer islets, the Moravian
settlement of Lichtenfels came in view upon
the right hand; it consists of a large, sombre-looking
wooden house, over which is a belfry, a
smaller wooden house, and about a dozen native
huts, roofed with sods, and scarcely distinguishable
from the ground they stand on, even at
a very short distance. The land immediately
behind is a barren rocky steep, now just sufficiently
denuded of snow to look desolate in the
extreme. A strong tide was setting out of the
fiord, as we approached, and anchored in the[20]
rocky little cove of Fiskernaes; here we were
not only sheltered from the wind, but the steep
dark rocks within a ship’s length on each side of
us, reflected a strong heat, whilst large mosquitoes
lost no time in paying us their annoying visits.
This remote spot has been visited by the Arctic
voyagers, Captain Inglefield, R.N., and Dr. Kane,
U.S.N., and still more recently by Prince Napoleon.
Dr. Kane’s account of his visit is full and
very interesting. Cod-fishing was now in full
activity, and the few men not so employed had
gone up the fiord to hunt reindeer.

FISKERNAES, AND ESQUIMAUX.

The solitary dwelling-house belongs, of course,
to the chief trader, and is a model of cleanliness
and order; built of wood, it exhibits all the
resources of the painter’s art; the exterior is a
dull red, the window-frames are white, floors yellow,
wooden partitions and low ceilings pale blue.
The lady of the house had resided here for about
eight years, and appeared to us to be, and acknowledged
she was, heartily tired of the solitude.
She gave me coffee, and some seeds for cultivation
at our winter quarters; these were lettuce,
spinach, turnips, caraway and peas, the latter
being the common kind used on board ship;
usually they have only produced leaves on this
spot, but once the young peas grew large enough
for the table. I expressed a wish to see the interior
of an Esquimaux tent. Petersen pulled aside
the thin membrane of some animal, which hung[21]
across the doorway, and served to exclude the
wind, but admitted light, for, although past midnight,
the sun was up. Some seven or eight
individuals lay within, closely packed upon the
ground; the heads of old and young, males and
females, being just visible above the common
covering. Going to bed here, only means lying
down with your clothes on, upon a reindeer skin,
wherever you can find room, and pulling another
fur-robe over you.

Fiskernaes appeared to be a sunny little nook,
yet all the people we saw there were suffering
from colds and coughs, and many deaths had
occurred during the spring. The boys brought
us handfuls of rough garnets, some of them as
large as walnuts, receiving with evident satisfaction
biscuits in exchange.

By next morning we were able to put to sea,
and early on the day following arrived off the
large settlement of Godhaab; it is in the “Gilbert
Sound” of Davis, and appears in many old
charts as Baal’s River. Almost adjoining Godhaab
is the Moravian settlement of New Herrnhut.
Here it was that Hans Egede, the missionary
father of Greenland, established himself in 1721,
and thus re-opened the communication between
Europe and Greenland, which had ceased upon
the extinction of its early Scandinavian settlers,
in the 14th century.

MORAVIAN MISSIONS.

A few years after Egede’s successful beginning[22]
the Moravian mission still existing under the
name of New Herrnhut was established. At
present the Moravians support four missions in
Greenland; they are not subject to the Danish
authorities, but are not permitted in any way to
trade.

As we were about to enter the harbor, the
Danish vessel—the sole object of our visit—came
out, so not a moment was lost in sending
on board our invalid and our letter-bag, and in
landing our coasting pilot. This man had brought
us up from Frederickshaab for the very moderate
sum of three pounds; he was an Esquimaux, and,
as the brother of poor Hans, Dr. Kane’s unhappy
dog-driver, was received with favor amongst us,
and soon won our esteem by his quiet, obliging
disposition, as also by his ability in the discharge
of his duty; he was so keen-sighted, and so vigilant,
it was quite a comfort to have him on board
during the foggy weather, for he could recognize,
on the instant, every rock or point, even when
dimly looming through the mist. We were not
long in discovering that his absence was a loss to
us.

When passing out to the north of the Kookornen
Islands, the wind suddenly failed, and at the
same time a swell from to seaward reached us;
we therefore had considerable difficulty in towing
the ship clear of the rocks; for nearly half an
hour our position was most critical.[23]

THE ‘FOX’ REACHES DISCO.

July 31st.—Anchored at Godhaven (or Lievely),
in Disco, for a few hours. I presented a letter
from the Directors of the Royal Greenland Commerce
to the Inspector of North Greenland, Mr.
Olrik, authorising him to furnish us with any
needful supplies. Our only wants were sledge-dogs
and a native to manage them. We soon
obtained ten of the former, but were advised to
go into Disco Fiord, where many of the Esquimaux
were busy in taking and drying salmon-trout,
and where some would most probably be
obtained.

I was much pleased with Mr. Olrik’s kind reception
of me, and soon found him to be not only
agreeable but well informed; born in Greenland,
of Danish parents, he is thoroughly conversant
with the language and habits of the Esquimaux,
and has devoted much of his leisure time in collecting
rare specimens of the animal, vegetable,
and mineral productions of the country. I came
away enriched by some fossils from the fossil
forest of Atanekerdluk, also with specimens of
native coal.

It was here I met with the late commanders
of the whalers ‘Gipsy’ and ‘Undaunted,’ of
Peterhead, which had been crushed by the ice
in Melville Bay, five or six weeks previously;
all the other whalers had returned from the
north, along the pack edge, and passed south of
Disco. They said that the ice in Melville Bay[24]
was all broken up, and that they thought we
should find but little difficulty at this late period
in passing through it into the North Water.

DISCO FIORD.

Leaving Godhaven in the afternoon with a
native pilot, we found ourselves some 10 or 12
miles up Disco Fiord at an early hour next morning.
After despatching the pilot to announce
our arrival to his countrymen at their fishing
station, 7 or 8 miles further up, the Doctor and I
landed upon the north side to explore.

The scenery is charming, lofty hills of trap
rock, with unusually rich slopes (for the 70th
parallel) descending to the fiord, and strewed
with boulders of gneiss and granite. We found
the blue campanula holding a conspicuous place
amongst the wild flowers. I do not know a more
enticing spot in Greenland for a week’s shooting,
fishing, and yachting than Disco Fiord; hares
and ptarmigan may be found along the bases of
the hills; ducks are most abundant upon the
fiord, and delicious salmon-trout very plentiful
in the rivers. Formerly Disco was famed for
the large size and abundance of its reindeer; but
for some unexplained reason they now confine
themselves to the mainland.

At this season the natives of Godhaab resort
here and enjoy the trout fishery,—it is truly
their season of harvest: the weather is pleasant,
food delicious and abundant, and the labor an
agreeable pastime.[25]

Some kayaks soon came off to the ship, bringing
salmon-trout, both fresh and smoked.

CHRISTIAN, THE DOG-DRIVER.

A young Esquimaux, named Christian, volunteered
his services as our dog-driver, and was
accepted; he is about 23 years of age, unmarried,
and an orphan. The men soon thoroughly
washed and cropped him: soap and scissors being
novelties to an Esquimaux: they then rigged
him in sailor’s clothes; he was evidently not at
home in them, but was not the less proud of his
improved appearance, as reflected in the admiring
glances of his countrymen.

We now hastened away to the Waigat Strait to
complete our coals. When passing Godhaven,
the pilot was launched off our deck in his little
kayak without stopping the ship! As a kayak is
usually about 18 feet long, 8 inches deep, and
only 16 or 17 inches wide, it requires great
expertness to perform such a feat without the
addition of a capsize.

Aug., 1857.

4th August.—Entered the Waigat yesterday
morning, slowly steaming through a sea of glass.
Its surface was only rippled by the myriads of
eider-ducks which extended over it for several
miles: most of them were immature in plumage,
and were probably the birds of last year.

After running about 24 miles, towards evening
we approached a low range of sandstone cliffs on
the Disco shore, in which horizontal seams of coal
were seen. Here we anchored, and immediately[26]
commenced coaling. It was fortunate we did so,
for soon it began to blow hard; and ere noon
to-day we were obliged, for the safety of the ship,
to leave our exposed anchorage, having however
secured eight or nine tons of tolerable coal. Formerly
these coal-seams were worked for the supply
of the neighboring settlements, but for several
years past it has been found more profitable and
convenient to send out coals from Denmark, and
thus permit the natives to devote their whole
time to the seal-fishery.

COALING—WAIGAT SCENERY.

The Waigat scenery is unusually grand; the
strait varies from 3 to 5 leagues in width; on
each side are mountains of 3000 feet in height.
The Disco side, upon which we landed, is composed
of trap, sandstone appearing only at the
beach, and occasionally rising in cliffs to about
100 feet. Upon the moss-clad slopes many fragments
of quartz and zeolite were met with. The
north end of Disco is almost a precipice to its
snow-capped summit, which is 4000 feet high.

5th.—A pleasant fair wind carries us rapidly
northward, passing many icebergs. Our rigging
is richly garnished with split codfish, which we
hoped would dry and keep; but a warm day in
Disco Fiord, and much rain with a southerly gale
in the Waigat, have destroyed it for our own
use. It is however still valuable as food for our
dogs. I am very anxious to complete my stock of
these our native auxiliaries, as without them we[27]
cannot hope to explore all the lands which it is
the object of our voyage to search. We could
only obtain ten at Godhaven, and require twenty
more.

PURCHASING ESQUIMAUX DOGS.

6th.—By Petersen’s intimate knowledge of the
coast we were enabled to run close in to the little
settlement of Proven during the night, and obtain
a few dogs and dogs’ food. This morning we
reached the extreme station of Upernivik, the
last trace of civilization we shall meet with for
some time. It is in lat. 72¾° N. Here Petersen resided
for twelve of the eighteen years he has spent
in Greenland, and his unlooked-for re-appearance
astonished and delighted the small community,
more especially Governor Fliescher and his household,
who received us with a most hearty welcome.

7th.—Yesterday, when we hove to off Upernivik,
the weather was very bad and rapidly
growing worse, therefore our stay was limited to a
couple of hours. The last letters for home were
landed, fourteen dogs and a quantity of seal’s
flesh for them embarked, and the ship’s head was
turned seaward.

It was then blowing a southerly gale, with
overcast murky sky, and a heavy sea running.
When four miles outside the outer island, breakers
were suddenly discovered ahead, only just in
time to avoid the ledge of sunken rocks upon
which the sea was beating most violently. Many[28]
such rocks lie at considerable distances beyond
the islands which border this coast, and greatly
add to the dangers of its navigation. Being now
fairly at sea, and the ship under easy sail for
the night, I went early to bed in the hope of
sleeping. I had been up all the previous night,
naturally anxious about the ship threading her
way through so many dangers, uncertain about
being able to complete the number of our sledge-dogs,
and much occupied in closing my correspondence,
to which there would be an end for
at least a year. All this over, the uncertain
future loomed ominously before me. The great
responsibilities I had undertaken seemed now
and at once to fall with all their weight upon
me. A mental whirlpool was the consequence,
which, backed by the material storm, and the
howling of the wretched dogs in concert on
deck, together with the tumbling about of every
thing below, long kept sleep in abeyance.

HEAVY GALE OFF UPERNIVIK.

One thought and feeling predominated: it
was gratitude, deep and humble, for the success
which had hitherto attended us, and for some
narrow escapes which I must ever regard as
Providential.

Yesterday’s gale has given place to calm foggy
weather. An occasional iceberg is seen. The
officers amuse themselves in trying new guns,
and shooting sea-birds for our dogs.

Governor Fliescher told me yesterday that for[29]
the last four weeks southerly winds prevailed,
and that only a fortnight ago his boat was unable
to reach the Loom Cliffs at Cape Shackleton, 50
miles north of Upernivik, in consequence of the
ice being pressed in against the land. I fear
these same winds have closed together the ice
which occupies the middle of Davis’ Strait (hence
called the middle ice), so that we shall not be
able to penetrate it. However, we are standing
out to make the attempt.

PASSAGE THROUGH BAFFIN’S BAY.

To the uninitiated it may be as well to observe
that each winter the sea called Baffin’s Bay
freezes over; in spring this vast body of ice
breaks up, and drifting southward in a mass—called
the main-pack, or the middle ice—obstructs
the passage across from east to west.

The “North Passage” is made by sailing round
the north end of this pack; the “Middle Passage,”
by pushing through it; and the “Southern Passage,”
by passing round its southern extreme;
but seasons do occur when none of these routes
are practicable.

It is very remarkable that southward of Disco
northerly winds have prevailed. They greatly
impeded our progress up Davis’ Strait, but we
cheered ourselves with the hope that they would
effectually clear a path for us across the northern
part of Baffin’s Bay.

8th.—Last night we reached the edge of the
middle ice, about 70 miles to the west of Upernivik,[30]
and ran southward along its edge all night.
This morning, in thick fog, the ship was caught
in its margin of loose ice. The fog soon after
cleared off, and we saw the clear sea about two
miles to the eastward, whilst all to the west was
impenetrable closely-packed floe-pieces. After
steaming out of our predicament (a matter which
we could not accomplish under sail) we ran on to
the southward until evening, but found the pack
edge still composed of light ice very closely
pressed together.

MELVILLE BAY.

Having now closely examined it for an extent
of 40 miles, I was satisfied that we could not force
a passage through it across Baffin’s Bay, as is
frequently done in ordinary seasons; therefore,
taking advantage of a fair wind, we steered to
the northward, in order to seek an opening in
that direction.

12th.—We are in Melville Bay; made fast this
afternoon to an iceberg, which lies aground in
58 fathoms water, about 2 miles from Browne’s
Islands, and between them and the great glacier
which here takes the place of the coast-line.

THE MIDDLE ICE.

We have got thus far without any difficulty,
sailing along the edge of the middle ice; but
here we find it pressing in against Browne’s Islands,
and covering the whole bay to the northward,
quite in the steep face of the glacier. This
is evidently the result of long-continued southerly
winds; but as the ice is very much broken[31]
up, we may expect it to move off rapidly before
the autumnal northerly winds now due, and
these winds invariably remove the previous season’s
ice. All that we know of Melville Bay
navigation in August, is derived from the experience
of Government and private searching expeditions
during eight or nine seasons. My own
three previous transits across it were made in
this month. The whalers either get through in
June or July, or give up the attempt as being
too late for their fishing. It frequently happens
that they get round the south end of the middle
ice, between latitudes 66° and 69° N., and up
the west coast of Baffin’s Bay late in the season;
but we have no accounts of these voyages, nor
should I be justified, at this late period of the
season, in abandoning the prospect before me, in
order to attempt a route which, even if successful,
would lengthen our voyage to Barrow Strait
by 700 or 800 miles. We have already passed
what is usually the most difficult and dangerous
part of the Melville Bay transit.

There is much to excite intense admiration
and wonder around us; one cannot at once appreciate
the grandeur of this mighty glacier, extending
unbroken for 40 or 50 miles. Its sea-cliffs,
about 5 or 6 miles from us, appear comparatively
low, yet the icebergs detached from it are of
the loftiest description. Here, on the spot, it
does not seem incorrect to compare the icebergs[32]
to mere chippings off its edge, and the floe-ice to
the thinnest shavings.

GREATER GLACIER OF GREENLAND.

The far-off outline of glacier, seen against the
eastern sky, has a faint tinge of yellow; it is
almost horizontal, and of unknown distance and
elevation.

There is an unusual dearth of birds and seals;
everything around us is painfully still, excepting
when an occasional iceberg splits off from the
parent glacier; then we hear a rumbling crash
like distant thunder, and the wave occasioned
by the launch reaches us in six or seven minutes,
and makes the ship roll lazily for a similar period.
I cannot imagine that within the whole compass
of nature’s varied aspects, there is presented to
the human eye a scene so well adapted for promoting
deep and serious reflection, for lifting the
thoughts from trivial things of every day life to
others of the highest import.

The glacier serves to remind one at once of
Time and of Eternity—of time, since we see
portions of it break off to drift and melt away;
and of eternity, since its downward march is so
extremely slow, and its augmentations behind so
regular, that no change in its appearance is perceptible
from age to age. If even the untaught
savages of luxuriant tropical regions regard the
earth merely as a temporary abode, surely all
who gaze upon this ice-overwhelmed region, this
wide expanse of “terrestrial wreck,” must be[33]
similarly assured that here “we have no abiding
place.”

GREAT GLACIER OF GREENLAND.

During daytime the strong glare is very distressing,
hence the subdued light of midnight,
when the sun just skims along the northern
horizon, is much the most agreeable part of the
twenty-four hours; the temperature varies between
30° and 40° of Fahrenheit.

The drift-ice of various descriptions about us
is constantly in motion under the influence of
mysterious surface and under currents (according
to their relative depths of floatation), which whirl
them about in every possible direction.

To the S.E. are two small islands, almost enveloped
in the glacier, and far within it an occasional
mountain-peak protrudes from beneath.

REINDEER CROSS THE GLACIER.

From observing closely the variations in the
glacier surface, I think we may safely infer that
where it lies unbroken and smooth, the supporting
land is level; and where much crevassed, the
land beneath is uneven. The crevassed parts are
of course impassable, but, by following the windings
of the smooth surface, I think the interior
could be reached. Some attempts to cross the
glacier in South Greenland have failed, yet, by
studying its character and attending to this
remark, I think places might be found where
an attempt would succeed. Mr. Petersen tells
me that the Esquimaux of Upernivik are unable
to account for occasional disappearances and reappearances[34]
of immense herds of reindeer, except
by assuming that they migrate at intervals to
feeding-grounds beyond the glacier, the surface
of which he also says is smooth enough in many
places even for dog-sledges to travel upon. As
there is much uninhabited land, both to the
northward and southward of Upernivik, I do not
see the necessity for this supposition. The habits
of the Esquimaux confine them almost exclusively
to the islands and sea-coasts.


[35]

CHAPTER III.

Melville Bay—Beset in Melville Bay—Signs of Winter—The coming
storm—Drifting in the pack—Canine appetite—Resigned to a winter
in the pack—Dinner stolen by sharks—The Arctic shark—White
Whales and Killers.
MELVILLE BAY.

15th August.Three days of the most perfect
calm have sadly taxed our patience. Lovely
bright weather, but scarcely a living creature
seen. This afternoon the anxiously-looked-for
north wind sprang up, and immediately the light
ice began to drift away before it, but it is not
strong enough to influence the icebergs, and they
greatly retard the clearing-out of the bay. We
have noticed a constant wind off the glacier,
probably the result of its cooling effect upon the
atmosphere; this wind does not extend more than
3 or 4 miles out from it.

16th.—One of the loveliest mornings imaginable:
the icebergs sparkled in the sun, and the
breeze was just sufficiently strong to ripple the
patches of dark blue sea; beyond this, there was
nothing to cheer one in the prospect from the
crow’s-nest at four o’clock; but little change had
taken place in the ice; I therefore determined
to run back along the pack-edge to the south-westward,
in the hope that some favorable change[36]
might have taken place further off shore. The
barometer was unusually low, yet no indication
of any change of weather. A seaman’s chest was
picked up; it contained only a spoon, a fork, and
some tin canisters, and probably drifted here from
the southward, where the two whale-ships were
crushed in June, affording another proof of the
prevalence of southerly winds. As we steamed
on, the ice was found to have opened considerably;
it fell calm, and mist was observed rolling
along the glacier from the southward. By noon
a S.E. wind reached us; all sail was set, the leads
or lanes of water became wider, and our hopes of
speedily crossing Melville Bay rose in proportion
as our speed increased. We are pursuing our
course without let or hindrance.

17th.—The fog overtook us yesterday evening,
and at length, unable to see our way, we made
fast at eleven o’clock to the ice. The wind had
freshened, it was evidently blowing a gale outside
the ice. During the night we drifted rapidly
together with the ice, and this morning, on the
clearing off of the fog, we steamed and sailed on
again, threading our way between the floes, which
are larger and much covered with dry snow.
This evening we again made fast, the floes having
closed together, cutting off advance and retreat.
A wintry night, much wind and snow.

19th.—Continued strong S.E. winds, pressing
the ice closely together, dark sky and snow;[37]
everything wears a wintry and threatening aspect;
we are closely hemmed in, and have our
rudder and screw unshipped. This recommencement
of S.E. winds and rapid ebbing of the
small remaining portion of summer makes me
more anxious about the future than the present.
Yesterday the weather improved, and by working
for thirteen hours we got the ship out of her
small ice-creek into a larger space of water, and
in so doing advanced a mile and a half. It is
now calm, but the ice still drifts, as we would
wish it, to the N.W. Yesterday we were within
12 miles of the position of the ‘Enterprise’ upon
the same day in 1848, and under very similar
conditions of weather and ice also.

20th.—No favorable ice-drift: this detention
has become most painful. The ‘Enterprise’
reached the open water upon this day in 1848,
within 50 miles of our present position; unfortunately,
our prospects are not so cheering.
There is no relative motion in the floes of ice,
except a gradual closing together, the small
spaces and streaks of water being still further
diminished. The temperature has fallen, and is
usually below the freezing-point. I feel most
keenly the difficulty of my position; we cannot
afford to lose many more days. Of all the
voyages to Barrow Strait, there are but two
which were delayed beyond this date, viz., Parry’s
in 1824, and the ‘Prince Albert’s’ in 1851.[38]
Should we not be released, and therefore be compelled
to winter in this pack, notwithstanding all
our efforts, I shall repeat the trial next year, and
in the end, with God’s aid, perform my sacred
duty.

BESET IN MELVILLE BAY.

The men enjoy a game of rounders on the ice
each evening; Petersen and Christian are constantly
on the look-out for seals, as well as Hobson
and Young occasionally; if in good condition
and killed instantaneously, the seals float; several
have already been shot; the liver fried with bacon
is excellent.

Birds have become scarce,—the few we see
are returning southward. How anxiously I watch
the ice, weather, barometer, and thermometer!
Wind from any other quarter than S.E. would
oblige the floe-pieces to rearrange themselves, in
doing which they would become loose, and then
would be our opportunity to proceed.

24th.—Fine weather with very light northerly
winds. We have drifted 7 miles to the west in
the last two days. The ice is now a close pack,
so close that one may walk for many miles over
it in any direction, by merely turning a little to
the right or left to avoid the small water spaces.
My frequent visits to the crow’s-nest are not
inspiriting: how absolutely distressing this imprisonment
is to me, no one without similar experience
can form any idea. As yet the crew
have but little suspicion how blighted our prospects
are.[39]

27th.—We daily make attempts to push on,
and sometimes get a ship’s length, but yesterday
evening we made a mile and a half! the ice then
closed against the ship’s sides and lifted her about
a foot. We have had a fresh east wind for two
days, but no corresponding ice-drift to the west;
this is most discouraging, and can only be accounted
for by supposing the existence of much
ice or grounded icebergs in that direction.

The dreaded reality of wintering in the pack
is gradually forcing itself upon my mind,—but I
must not write on this subject, it is bad enough
to brood over it unceasingly. We can see the
land all round Melville Bay, from Cape Walker
nearly to Cape York. Petersen is indefatigable
at seal-shooting, he is so anxious to secure them
for our dogs; he says they must be hit in the
head; “if you hit him in the beef that is not
good,” meaning that a flesh-wound does not prevent
their escaping under the ice. Petersen and
Christian practise an Esquimaux mode of attracting
the seals; they scrape the ice, thus making a
noise like that produced by a seal in making a
hole with its flippers, and then place one end of
a pole in the water and put their mouths close to
the other end, making noises in imitation of the
snorts and grunts of their intended victims;
whether the device is successful or not I do not
know, but it looks laughable enough.

SEAL SHOOTING.

Christian came back a few days ago, like a[40]
true seal-hunter, carrying his kayak on his head,
and dragging a seal behind him. Only two
years ago Petersen returned across this bay with
Dr. Kane’s retreating party; he shot a seal which
they devoured raw, and which under Providence,
saved their lives. Petersen is a good ice-pilot,
knows all these coasts as well as or better than
any man living, and, from long experience and
habits of observation, is almost unerring in his
prognostications of the weather. Besides his great
value to us as interpreter, few men are better
adapted for Arctic work,—an ardent sportsman,
an agreeable companion, never at a loss for
occupation or amusement, and always contented
and sanguine. But we have happily many such
dispositions in the ‘Fox.’

30th.—The whole distance across Melville Bay
is 170 miles: of this we have performed about
120, 40 of which we have drifted in the last fourteen
days. The ‘Isabel’ sailed freely over this
spot on 20th August, 1852; and the ‘North Star’
was beset on 30th July, 1849, to the southward
of Melville Bay, and carried in the ice across it
and some 70 or 80 miles beyond, when she was
set free on 26th September, and went into winter
quarters in Wolstenholme Sound. What a
precedent for us!

FIG. 1.

SKETCH MAP OF THE DRIFT OF THE ‘FOX’ DOWN BAFFIN’S BAY IN
THE FLOATING ICE.

Yesterday we set to work as usual to warp the
ship along, and moved her ten feet: an insignificant
hummock then blocked up the narrow[41]
passage; as we could not push it before us, a
two-pound blasting charge was exploded, and the
surface ice was shattered, but such an immense
quantity of broken ice came up from beneath,
that the difficulty was greatly increased instead
of being removed. This is one of the many
instances in which our small vessel labors under
very great disadvantages in ice-navigation—we
have neither sufficient manual power, steam
power, nor impetus to force the floes asunder. I
am convinced that a steamer of moderate size
and power, with a crew of forty or fifty men,
would have got through a hundred miles of such
ice in less time than we have been beset.

The temperature fell to 25° last night, and the
pools are strongly frozen over. I now look matters
steadily and calmly in the face; whilst reasonable
ground for hope remained I was anxious
in the extreme. The dismal prospect of a
“winter in the pack” has scarcely begun to dawn
upon the crew; however, I do not think they
will be much upset by it. They had some exciting
foot-races on the ice yesterday evening.

Sept., 1857.
THE COMING STORM.

1st Sept.—The indication of an approaching
S.E. gale are at all times sufficiently apparent
here, and fortunately so, as it is the dangerous wind
in the Melville Bay. It was on the morning of the
30th, before church-time, that they attracted our
attention: the wind was very light, but barometer
low and falling; very threatening appearances in[42]
the S.E. quarter, dark-blue sky, and grey detached
clouds slowly rising; when the wind commenced
the barometer began to rise. This gale lasted
forty-eight hours, and closed up every little space
of water; at first all the ice drifted before the
wind, but latterly remained stationary. Twenty
seals have been shot up to this time.

DRIFTING IN THE PACK.

On comparing Petersen’s experience with my
own and that of the ‘North Star’ in 1849, it
seems probable that the ice along the shores of
Melville Bay, at this season, will drift northward
close along the land as far as Cape Parry, where,
meeting with a S.W. current out of Whale or
Smith’s Sound, it will be carried away into the
middle of Baffin’s Bay, and thence during the
winter down Davis’ Strait into the Atlantic.
From Cape Dudley Digges to Cape Parry, including
Wolstenholme Sound, open water remains
until October. It is strange that we have ceased
to drift lately to the westward.

6th.—During the last week we have only
drifted 9 miles to the west. Obtained soundings
in 88 fathoms; this is a discovery, and not an
agreeable one. Of the six or seven icebergs in
sight, the nearest are to the west of us; they
are very large, and appear to be aground; we
approach them slowly. Pleasant weather, but the
winds are much too gentle to be of service to
us; although the nights are cold, yet during the
day our men occasionally do their sewing on[43]
deck. Our companions the seals are larger and
fatter than formerly, therefore they float when
shot; we are disposed to attribute their improved
condition to the better feeding upon this bank.
The dredge brought up some few shell-fish, star-fish,
stones and much soft mud.

9th.—On this day, in 1824, Sir Edward Parry
got out of the middle ice, and succeeded in reaching
Port Bowen. To continue hoping for release
in time to reach Bellot Strait would be absurd;
yet to employ the men we continue our preparation
of tents, sledges, and gear for travelling.
Two days ago the ice became more slack than
usual, and a long lane opened; its western termination
could not be seen from aloft. Every
effort was made to get into this water, and by the
aid of steam and blasting-powder we advanced
100 yards out of the intervening 170 yards of
ice, when the floes began to close together, a S.E.
wind having sprung up. Had we succeeded in
reaching the water, I think we should have extricated
ourselves completely, and perhaps ere this
have reached Barrow Strait, but S.E. and S.W.
gales succeeded, and it now blows a S.S.E. gale,
with sleet.

10th.—Young went to the large icebergs to-day;
the nearest of them is 250 feet high, and
in 83 fathoms water; it is therefore probably
aground, except at spring tide; the floe-ice was[44]
drifting past it to the westward, and was crushing
up against its side to a height of 50 feet.

CANINE APPETITE.

13th.—Thermometer has fallen to 17° at noon.
We have drifted 18 miles to the W. in the last
week; therefore our neighbors, the icebergs, are
not always aground, but even when afloat drift
more slowly than the light ice. There is a water-sky
to the W. and N.W.; it is nearest to us in
the direction of Cape York; could we only advance
12 or 15 miles in that direction, I am convinced we
should be free to steer for Barrow Strait
. Forty-three
seals have been secured for the dogs; one
dog is missing, the remaining twenty-nine devoured
their two days’ allowance of seal’s flesh
(60 or 65 lbs.) in forty-two seconds! it contained
no bone, and had been cut up into small pieces,
and spread out upon the snow, before they were
permitted to rush to dinner; in this way the weak
enjoy a fair chance, and there is no time for fighting.
We do not allow them on board.

16th.—At length we have drifted past the
large icebergs, obtaining soundings in 69 fathoms
within a mile of them; they must now
be aground, and have frequently been so during
the last three weeks; and being directly upon
our line of drift, are probably the immediate
cause of our still remaining in Melville Bay.
The ice is slack everywhere, but the temperature
having fallen to 3°, new ice rapidly forms, so[45]
that the change comes too late. The western
limit of the day—Cape York—is very distinct,
and not more than 25 miles from us.

PREPARING FOR WINTER.

18th.—Lanes of water in all directions; but
the nearest is half a mile from us. They come
too late, as do also the N.W. winds which have
now succeeded the fatal south-easters. The temperature
fell to 2° below zero last night. We
are now at length in the “North Water;” the
old ice has spread out in all directions, so that it
is only the young ice—formed within the last
fortnight—which detains us prisoners here.

The icebergs, the chief cause of our unfortunate
detention, and which for more than three
weeks were in advance of us to the westward, are
now, in the short space of two days, nearly out
of sight to the eastward.

The preparations for wintering and sledge-travelling
go on with unabated alacrity; the
latter will be useful should it become necessary
to abandon the ship.

Notwithstanding such a withering blight to my
dearest hopes, yet I cannot overlook the many
sources of gratification which do exist; we have
not only the necessaries, but also a fair portion
of the luxuries, of ordinary sea-life; our provisions
and clothing are abundant and well suited
to the climate. Our whole equipment, though
upon so small a scale, is perfect in its way. We[46]
all enjoy perfect health, and the men are most
cheerful, willing, and quiet.

PROSPECT FOR WINTER.

Our “native auxiliaries,” consisting of Christian
and his twenty-nine dogs, are capable of performing
immense service; whilst Mr. Petersen, from
his great Arctic experience, is of much use to me,
besides being all that I could wish as an interpreter.
Humanly speaking, we are not unreasonable
in confidently looking forward to a successful
issue of this season’s operations, and I greatly fear
that poor Lady Franklin’s disappointment will
consequently be the more severely felt.

We are doomed to pass a long winter of absolute
inutility, if not of idleness, in comparative
peril and privation; nevertheless the men seem
very happy—thoughtless, of course, as true sailors
always are.

We have drifted off the bank into much deeper
water, and suppose this is the reason that seals
have become more scarce.

22nd.—Constant N.W. winds continue to drift
us slowly southward. Strong indications of water
in the N.W., W., and S.E.; its vicinity may account
for a rise in the temperature, without
apparent cause, to 27° at noon to-day.

The newly formed ice affords us delightful
walking; the old ice on the contrary is covered
with a foot of soft snow. We have no shooting;
scarcely a living creature has been seen for a
week.[47]

BEARS—AMUSEMENTS.

24th.—Yesterday I thought I saw two of our
men walking at a distance, and beyond some
unsafe ice, but on enquiry found that all were on
board: Petersen and I set off to reconnoitre the
strangers; they proved to be bears, but much too
wary to let us come within shot. It was dark
when we returned on board after a brisk walk
over the new ice. The calm air felt agreeably
mild. We were without mittens; and but that
the breath froze upon moustachios and beard, one
could have readily imagined the night was comfortably
warm. The thermometer stood at +5°.

To-day when walking in a fresh breeze the
wind felt very cold, and kept one on the look-out
for frost-bites, although the thermometer was up
to 10°. Games upon the ice and skating are our
afternoon amusements, but we also have some
few lovers of music, who embrace the opportunity
for vigorous execution, without fear of being reminded
that others may have ears more sensitive
and discriminating than their own.

26th.—The mountain to the North of Melville
Bay, known as the ‘Snowy Peak,’ was visible yesterday,
although 90 miles distant; I have calculated
its height to be 6000 feet. A raven was
shot to-day.

DINNER STOLEN BY SHARKS.

27th.—Our salt meat is usually soaked for some
days before being used; for this purpose it is put
into a net, and lowered through a hole in the ice;
this morning the net had been torn, and only a[48]
fragment of it remained. We suppose our twenty
two pounds of salt meat had been devoured by
a shark; it would be curious to know how such
fare agrees with him, as a full meal of salted provision
will kill an Esquimaux dog, which thrives
on almost anything. I used to remonstrate upon
the skins of sea-birds being given to our dogs, but
was told the feathers were good for them! Here
all sea-birds are skinned before being cooked,
otherwise our ducks, divers, and looms would be
uneatably fishy. A well-baited shark-hook has
been substituted for the net of salt meat; I much
wish to capture one of the monsters, as wonderful
stories are told us of their doings in Greenland:
whether they are the white shark or the
basking shark of natural history I cannot find
out. It is only of late years that the shark
fishery has been carried on to any extent in
Greenland; they are captured for the sake of
their livers, which yield a considerable quantity of
oil. It has very recently been ascertained that a
valuable substance resembling spermaceti may be
expressed from the carcase, and for this purpose
powerful screw presses are now employed. In
early winter the sharks are caught with hook and
line through holes in the ice.

The Esquimaux assert that they are insensible
to pain; and Petersen assures me he has plunged
a long knife several times into the head of one
whilst it continued to feed upon a white whale[49]
entangled in his net!! It is not sufficient to
drive them away with sundry thrusts of spears
or knives, but they must be towed away to some
distance from the nets, otherwise they will return
to feed. It must be remembered that the brain
of a shark is extremely small in proportion to the
size of its huge head. I have seen bullets fired
through them with very little apparent effect;
but if these creatures can feel, the devices practised
upon them by the Esquimaux must be cruel
indeed.

THE ARCTIC SHARK.

It is only in certain localities that sharks are
found, and in these places they are often attracted
to the nets by the animals entangled in
them. The dogs are not suffered to eat either
the skin or the head, the former in consequence
of its extreme roughness, and the latter because
it causes giddiness and makes them sick.

The nets alluded to are set for the white whale
or the seal; if for the former, they are attached
to the shore and extended off at right angles so as
to intercept them in their autumnal southern migration,
when they swim close along the rocks to
avoid their direst foe, the grampus, or killer, of
sailors, the Delphinus orca of naturalists. When
the white whale is stopped by the net it often
appears at first to be unconscious of the fact, and
continues to swim against it, affording time for
the approach of the boat and deadly harpoon
from behind. If entangled in the net a very[50]
short time suffices to drown them, as, like all the
whale tribe, they are obliged to come to the surface
to breathe.

KILLERS.

The killer is also a cetacean of considerable
size, 15 to 20 feet in length, but of very different
habits; it is very swift, is armed with powerful
teeth, and is gregarious. When in sufficient
numbers they even attack the whale, impeding
his progress by fastening on his fins and tail. In
summer they appear in the Greenland seas, and
the seals instantly seek refuge from them in the
various creeks and inner harbors; and the Esquimaux
hunter in his frail kayak, when he sees the
huge pointed dorsal fin swiftly cleaving the surface
of the sea, is scarcely less anxious to shun
such dangerous company. With such stories as
these Petersen beguiles the time; I never tire of
listening to them, and now amuse myself in jotting
scraps of them down.


[51]

CHAPTER IV.

Snow crystals—Dog will not eat raven—An Arctic school—The dogs
invade us—Bear-hunting by night—Ice-artillery—Arctic palates—Sudden
rise of temperature—Harvey’s idea of a sortie.
Oct., 1857.
FIXED IN THE ICE.

3d Oct.September has passed away and left us
as a legacy to the pack; what a month have we
had of anxious hopes and fears!

Up to the 17th S.E. winds prevailed, forcing the
ice into a compact body, and urging it north-westward;
subsequently N.W. winds set in, drifting
it southward, and separating the floe-pieces;
but the change of wind being accompanied by a
considerable fall of temperature, they were either
quickly cemented together again, or young ice
formed over the newly opened lanes of water,
almost as rapidly as the surface of the sea became
exposed. During the month the thermometer
ranged between +36° and -2°. Two more bears
and a raven have been seen. A wearied ptarmigan
alighted near the ship, but before it could
take wing again the dogs caught it, and scarcely
a feather remained by the time I could rush on
deck.

Our beautiful little organ was taken out of its
case to-day, and put up on the lower deck; the[52]
men enjoy its pleasing tones, whilst Christian unceasingly
turns the handle in a state of intense
delight; he regards it with such awe and admiration,
and is so entranced, that one cannot help
envying him; of course he never saw one before.
The instrument was presented by the Prince Consort
to the searching vessel bearing his name
which was sent out by Lady Franklin in 1851;
it is now about to pass its third winter in the
frozen regions.

SNOW CRYSTALS.

Two dogs ran off yesterday, in the vain hope,
I suppose, of bettering their condition,—we only
feed them three times a week at present; they
returned this morning.

Seals are daily seen upon the new ice, but in
this doubtful sort of light they are extremely
timid, therefore our sportsmen cannot get within
shot. The bears scent or hear our dogs, and so
keep aloof; even the shark has deserted us, the
bait remains intact. The snow crystals of last
night are extremely beautiful; the largest kind is
an inch in length; its form exactly resembles the
end of a pointed feather. Stellar crystals two-tenths
of an inch in diameter have also fallen;
these have six points, and are the most exquisite
things when seen under a microscope. I remember
noticing them at Melville Island in March,
1853, when the temperature rose to +8°; as these
were formed last night between the temperatures
of +6° and +12°, it would appear that the form[53]
is due to a certain fixed temperature. In the sun,
or even in moonlight, all these crystals glisten
most brilliantly; and as our masts and rigging are
abundantly covered with them, the ‘Fox’ never
was so gorgeously arrayed as she now appears.

MONOTONOUS LIFE.

13th.—One day is very like another; we have
to battle stoutly with monotony; and but that
each twenty-four hours brings with it necessary
though trivial duties, it would be difficult to remember
the date. We take our guns and walk
long distances, but see nothing. Two of the dogs
go hunting on their own account, sometimes remaining
absent all night. What they find or do
is a mystery. The weather is generally calm and
cold,—very favorable for freezing purposes at all
events,—for the ice of only three weeks’ growth
is two feet thick.

I hardly expect any considerable disruption of
the ice before the general break-up in the spring,
yet we do not trust any of our provisions upon
it, nor is it sufficiently still to set up a magnetic
observatory, for which purpose the instruments
have been supplied to us.

Petersen still hopes we may escape and get
into Upernivik, as the sea is not permanently
frozen over there before December. I am surprised
to hear that eagles have been seen so
far north as Upernivik, although it is but twice
in twenty-four years that specimens have been
noticed there. In Richardson’s ‘Fauna Boreali[54]
Americana’ the extreme northern limit of these
birds is given as 66°; but Upernivik is in 72¾°.

“HARNESS JACK.”

A few bear and fox tracks have been seen, but
no living creatures for several days, except a flock
of ducks hastening southward, and a solitary raven.

It is said that Esquimaux dogs will eat everything
except fox and raven. There are exceptions,
however; one of ours, old “Harness Jack,”
devoured a raven with much gusto some days
ago. All the other dogs allowed their harness to
be taken off when they were brought on board;
but old Jack will not permit himself to be unrobed;
when attempted he very plainly threatens
to use his teeth. This canine oddity suddenly
became immensely popular, by constituting himself
protecting head of the establishment when
one of his tribe littered; he took up a most uncomfortable
position on top of the family cask
(our impromptu kennel), and prevented the approach
of all the other dogs; but for his timely
interference on behalf of the poor little puppies,
I verily believe they would all have been stolen
and devoured! Dogs may do even worse than
eat raven.

I have attempted some experiments for the
purpose of determining the mean hourly change
of oscillation of a pendulum due to the earth’s
diurnal motion; but as mine was only 11½ feet
in length, I failed of any approach to accuracy.[55]
The mean of several observations gave 17° 47′,
whereas the change due to our latitude is about
14° 30′. A single experiment gave 14° 10′, and
this was the longest in point of time of any of
them, the pendulum having swung for thirty-six
minutes.

AN ARCTIC SCHOOL.

24th.—Furious N.W. and S.E. gales have alternated
of late; the ship is housed over, to keep
out the driving snow; so high is the snow carried
in the air that a little box perforated with small
holes and triced up 50 feet high is soon filled up;
this box is supplied morning and evening with a
piece of prepared paper to detect the presence
and amount of ozone in the atmosphere; it is a
peculiar pet of the Doctor’s.

At eight o’clock this evening I noticed the
falling of a very brilliant meteor; it passed
through the constellation of Cassiopeia in a
N.N.E. direction before terminating its visible
existence, which it did very much like a huge
rocket; the flash was so brilliant that a man
whose back was turned to it mistook the illumination
for lightning.

26th.—Our school opened this evening, under
the auspices of Dr. Walker. He reports eight or
nine pupils, and is much gratified by their zeal.
At present their studies are limited to the three
R’s—reading, ‘riting, and ‘rithmetic. They have
asked him to read and explain something instructive,
so he intends to make them acquainted with[56]
the trade-winds and atmosphere. This subject
affords an opportunity of explaining the uses
of our thermometer, barometer, ozonometer, and
electrometer, which they see us take much interest
in. It is delightful to find a spirit of
inquiry amongst them. Apart from scholastic
occupation, I give them healthful exercise in
spreading a thick layer of snow over the deck,
and encasing the ship all round with a bank of
the same material.

ICE DISTURBANCE.

28th.—Midnight. This evening, to our great
astonishment, there occurred a disruption and
movement of the ice within 200 yards of the
ship. The night was calm; the reflection of a
bright moon, aided by the more than ordinary
brilliancy of the stars upon the snowy expanse,
made it appear to us almost daylight. As I sit
now in my cabin I can distinctly hear the ice
crushing; it resembles the continued roar of distant
surf, and there are many other occasional
sounds; some of them remind one of the low
moaning of the wind, others are loud and harsh,
as if trains of heavy wagons with ungreased
axles were slowly laboring along. Upon a less-favored
night these sounds might be appalling;
even as it is, they are sufficiently ominous to
invite reflection. Cape York has been in sight
for some days past.

29th.—Another heavenly night, and still greater
ice disturbance; some of the crushed-up pieces are[57]
nearly four feet thick. The currents, icebergs,
and changes of temperature, may contribute to
this ice action; but I think the tides are the chief
cause, and for these reasons: that it wants but
two days to the full moon, and that the ice-movements
are almost confined to the night, and
change their direction morning and evening.
Now we know that the night-tides in Greenland
greatly exceed the day-tides. One thing is evident—the
weather continues calm, therefore the
winds are not concerned in the matter.

Nov., 1857.
THE DOGS INVADE US.

2nd Nov.—Having observed some days ago
that a few of the dogs were falling away—from
some cause or other not having put on their
winter clothing before the recent cold weather
set in—they were all allowed on board, and
given a good extra meal. Since then we can
scarcely keep them out. One calm night they
made a charge, and boarded the ship so suddenly
that several of the men rushed up very scantily
clothed, to see what was the matter. Vigorous
measures were adopted to expel the intruders,
and there was desperate chasing round the deck
with broomsticks, &c. Many of them retreated
into holes and corners, and two hours elapsed
before they were all driven out; but though the
chase was hot, it was cold enough work for the
half-clad men.

Sailors use quaint expressions. The nightly
foraging expeditions are called “sorties;” they[58]
point out to me the various corners between
decks where the “ice corrodes,” i.e., the moisture
condenses and forms frost; a ramble over the
ice is called “a bit of a peruse.” I presume this
indignity is offered to the word perambulation.

BEAR-HUNTING BY NIGHT.

There was a very sudden call “to arms” to-night.
Whether sleeping, prosing, or schooling,
every one flew out upon the ice on the instant,
as if the magazine or the boiler was on the point
of explosion. The alarm of “A bear close-to,
fighting with the dogs,” was the cause. The
luckless beast had approached within 25 yards
of the ship ere the quartermaster’s eye detected
his indistinct outline against the snow; so silently
had he crept up that he was within 10 yards of
some of the dogs. A shout started them up, and
they at once flew round the bear and embarrassed
his retreat. In crossing some very thin ice he
broke through, and there I found him surrounded
by yelping dogs. Poor fellow! Hobson, Young,
and Petersen had each lodged a bullet in him;
but these only seemed to increase his rage. He
succeeded in getting out of the water, when, fearing
harm to the numerous by-standers and dogs,
or that he might escape, I fired, and luckily the
bullet passed through his brain. He proved to
be a full-grown male, 7 feet 3 inches in length.
As we all aided in the capture, it was decided
that the skin should be offered to Lady Franklin.

The carcase will feed our dogs for nearly a[59]
month; they were rewarded on the spot with
the offal. All of them, however, had not shown
equal pluck; some ran off in evident fright, but
others showed no symptom of fear, plunging
or falling into the water with Bruin. Poor old
Sophy was amongst the latter, and received a
deep cut in the shoulder from one of his claws.
The authorities have prescribed double allowance
of food for her, and say she will soon recover.

THE SUN’S LAST VISIT.

For the few moments of its duration the chase
and death was exciting. And how strange and
novel the scene! A misty moon affording but
scanty light—dark figures gliding singly about,
not daring to approach each other, for the ice
trembled under their feet—the enraged bear,
the wolfish howling dogs, and the bright flashes
of the deadly rifles.

3rd.—I remained up the greater part of last
night taking observations, for the evening mists
had passed away, and a lovely moon reigned over
a calm enchanting night; through a powerful
telescope she resembled a huge frosted-silver
melon, the large crater-like depression answering
to that part from which the footstalk had been
detached. Not a sound to break the stillness
around, excepting when some hungry dog would
return to the battlefield to gnaw into the blood-stained
ice.

On the 1st the sun paid us his last visit for the
year, and now we take all our meals by lamplight.[60]

GUY FAWKES’ DAY.

5th.—In order to vary our monotonous routine,
we determined to celebrate the day; extra grog
was issued to the crew, and also for the first time
a proportion of preserved plum-pudding. Lady
Franklin most thoughtfully and kindly sent it on
board for occasional use. It is excellent.

This evening a well-got-up procession sallied
forth, marched round the ship with drum, gong,
and discord, and then proceeded to burn the
effigy of Guy Fawkes. Their blackened faces,
extravagant costumes, flaring torches, and savage
yells frightened away all the dogs; nor was it
until after the fireworks were set off and the
traitor consumed that they crept back again. It
was school-night, but the men were up for fun, so
gave the Doctor a holiday.

12th.—Yesterday I had the good fortune to
shoot two seals; they were very fat and their
stomachs were filled with shrimps. To-day Young
and Petersen shot three more, and many others
have been seen. This is cheering, and entices
people out for hours daily. There is just enough
movement in the ice to keep a few narrow lanes
and small pools of water open; the floes or fields
of ice are more inclined to spread out from each
other than to close. We have latterly been drifting
before northerly winds.

ICE-ARTILLERY.

16th.—A renewal of ice-crushing within a few
hundred yards of us. I can hear it in my bed.
The ordinary sound resembles the roar of distant[61]
surf breaking heavily and continuously; but
when heavy masses come in collision with much
impetus, it fully realizes the justness of Dr. Kane’s
descriptive epithet, “ice artillery.” Fortunately
for us, our poor little ‘Fox’ is well within the
margin of a stout old floe: we are therefore undisturbed
spectators of ice-conflicts, which would
be irresistible to anything of human construction.
Immediately about the ship all is still, and,
as far as appearances go she is precisely as she
would be in a secure harbor—housed all over,
banked up with snow to her gunwales. In fact,
her winter plumage is so complete that the masts
alone are visible. The deck and the now useless
sky-lights are covered with hard snow. Below
hatches we are warm and dry; all are in excellent
health and spirits, looking forward to an
active campaign next winter. God grant it may
be realized!

Yesterday Young shot the fiftieth seal, an
event duly celebrated by our drinking the bottle
of champagne which had been set apart in more
hopeful times to be drunk on reaching the North
Water—that unhappy failure, the more keenly
felt from being so very unexpected.

ARCTIC PALATES.

Petersen saw and fired a shot into a narwhal,
which brought the blubber out. When most
Arctic creatures are wounded in the water, blubber
more frequently than blood appears, particularly
if the wound is superficial—it spreads over[62]
the surface of the water like oil. Bills of fare
vary much, even in Greenland. I have inquired
of Petersen, and he tells me that the Greenland
Esquimaux (there are many Greenlanders of
Danish origin) are not agreed as to which of
their animals affords the most delicious food;
some of them prefer reindeer venison, others
think more favorably of young dog, the flesh of
which, he asserts, is “just like the beef of sheep.”
He says a Danish captain, who had acquired the
taste, provided some for his guests, and they
praised his mutton! after dinner he sent for the
skin of the animal, which was no other than a
large red dog! This occurred in Greenland,
where his Danish guests had resided for many
years, far removed from European mutton. Baked
puppy is a real delicacy all over Polynesia: at
the Sandwich Islands I was once invited to a
feast, and had to feign disappointment as well as
I could when told that puppy was so extremely
scarce it could not be procured in time, and
therefore sucking-pig was substituted!

19th.—A heavy southerly gale has increased
the ice movements; happily we are undisturbed.
As Young was seated under the lee of a hummock,
watching for seals to pop up to breathe,
the strong ice under him suddenly cracked and
separated! He escaped with a ducking, and was
just able to reach his gun from the bank ere it
sank through the mixture of snow and water.[63]

A LUCKY DOG.

Yesterday we were all out; I saw only one
seal, but was refreshed by the sight of a dozen
narwhals. It is a positive treat to see a living
creature of any kind. The only birds which
remain are dovekies, but they are scarce, and,
being white, are very rarely visible.

The dogs are fed every second day, when 2
lbs. of seal’s flesh—previously thawed when possible—is
given to each; the weaker ones get
additional food, and they all pick up whatever
scraps are thrown out; this is enough to sustain,
but not to satisfy them, so they are continually
on the look-out for anything eatable. Hobson
made one very happy without intending it; he
meant only to give him a kick, but his slipper,
being down at heel, flew off, and away went the
lucky dog in triumph with the prize, which of
course was no more seen.

Two large icebergs drift in company with us;
our relative positions have remained pretty nearly
the same for the last month.

23rd.—A heavy gale commenced at N.E. on
the 21st, and continued for thirty-six hours unabated
in force, but changed in direction to S.S.W.
It appears to have been a revolving storm, moving
to the N.W. Yesterday, as the wind approached
S.E., the temperature rose to +32°; the upper
deck sloppy; the lower deck temperature during
Divine Service was 75°!! As the wind veered
round to S.S.W., the wind moderated, and temperature[64]
fell: this evening it is -7°. How is it that
the S.E. wind has brought us such a very high
temperature? Even if it traversed an unfrozen
sea it could not have derived from thence a
higher temperature than 29°. Has it swept
across Greenland—that vast superficies partly
enveloped in glacier, partly in snow? No, it
must have been borne in the higher regions of
the atmosphere from the far south, in order to
mitigate the severity of this northern climate.

SUDDEN RISE OF TEMPERATURE.

Petersen tells me the same warm S.E. wind
suddenly sweeps over Upernivik in midwinter,
bringing with it abundance of rain; and that it
always shifts to the S.W., and then the temperature
rapidly falls: this is precisely the change we
have experienced in lat. 75°. I believe a somewhat
similar, but less remarkable, change of
temperature was noticed in Smith’s Sound, lat.
78¾° N.

25th.—Mild “Madeira weather,” as Hobson
calls it, temperature up to +7°. By my desire
Dr. Walker is occupied in making every possible
experiment upon the freezing of salt water; the
first crop of ice is salt, the second less so, the
third produces drinkable water, and the fourth
is fresh. Frosty efflorescence appears upon ice
formed at low temperatures in calm weather—it
is brine expressed by the act of freezing.
We need not wonder that dogs, when driven
hard over this ice, which soon cuts their feet,[65]
suffer intense pain, and often fall down in fits;
nor that snow, falling upon young (sea) ice,
wholly or partially thaws, even when the temperature
is but little above zero; when near the
freezing-point the young ice thus coated over
becomes sludgy and unsafe.

THE DOGS’ SORTEE.

29th.—Keen, biting, N.W. winds. No cracks
in the ice, therefore no seals. Grey dawn at ten
o’clock, and dark at two. The moon is everywhere
the sailor’s friend, she is a source of comfort
to us here. Nothing to excite conversation,
except an occasional inroad of the dogs in search
of food; this generally occurs at night. Whenever
the deck-light, which burns under the
housing happens to go out, they scale the steep
snow banking and rush round the deck like
wolves. “Why, bless you, Sir, the wery moment
that there light goes out, and the quartermaster
turns his back, they makes a regular sortee, and
in they all comes.” “But where do they come in,
Harvey?” “Where, Sir? why everywheres; they
makes no more to do, but in they comes, clean
over all.” Not long ago old Harvey was chief
quartermaster in a line-of-battle ship, and a regular
magnet to all the younger midshipmen. He
would spin them yarns by the hour during the
night-watches about the wonders of the sea, and
of the Arctic regions in particular—its bears, its
icebergs, and still more terrific “auroras, roaring[66]
and flashing about the ship enough to frighten a
fellow”!

PROXIMITY OF OPEN SEA.

30th.—Severe cold has arrived with the full
moon; eight days ago the thermometer stood at
the freezing-point, it is now 64° below it! So
dark is it now that I was able to observe an
eclipse of Jupiter’s first satellite before three
o’clock to-day. For the last two months we have
drifted freely backwards and forwards before
N.W. and S.E. winds; each time we have gained
a more off-shore position, being gradually separated
further and further from the land by fresh
growths of ice, which invariably follow up every
ice-movement. In this manner we have been
thrust out to the S.W. 80 miles from the nearest
land, and into that free space which in autumn
was open water, and which we then vainly struggled
to reach.

That the ice has been most free to move in
this direction is additional evidence of the recent
proximity of an open sea, and shows that in all
probability—I had almost said certainty—we
should have sailed, or at least drifted into it, had
it not been for those enemies to all progress,
the grounded bergs.


[67]

CHAPTER V.

Burial in the pack—Musk oxen in lat. 80° north—Thrift of the Arctic
fox—The aurora affects the electrometer—An Arctic Christmas—Sufferings
of Dr. Kane’s deserters—Ice acted on by wind only—How
the sun ought to be welcomed—Constant action of the ice—Return
of the seals—Revolving storm.
Dec., 1857.
BURIAL IN THE PACK.

4th Dec.I have just returned on board from
the performance of the most solemn duty a commander
can be called upon to fulfil. A funeral
at sea is always peculiarly impressive; but this
evening at seven o’clock, as we gathered around
the sad remains of poor Scott, reposing under an
Union Jack, and read the Burial Service by the
light of lanterns, the effect could not fail to
awaken very serious emotions.

The greater part of the Church Service was
read on board, under shelter of the housing; the
body was then placed upon a sledge, and drawn
by the messmates of the deceased to a short distance
from the ship, where a hole through the
ice had been cut: it was then “committed to the
deep,” and the Service completed. What a scene
it was! I shall never forget it. The lonely ‘Fox,’
almost buried in snow, completely isolated from
the habitable world, her colors half-mast high,[68]
and bell mournfully tolling; our little procession
slowly marching over the rough surface of the
frozen sea, guided by lanterns and direction-posts,
amid the dark and dreary depth of Arctic winter;
the deathlike stillness, the intense cold, and
threatening aspect of a murky, overcast sky; and
all this heightened by one of those strange lunar
phenomena which are but seldom seen even here,
a complete halo encircling the moon, through
which passed a horizontal band of pale light that
encompassed the heavens; above the moon appeared
the segments of two other halos, and there
were also mock moons or paraselenæ to the number
of six. The misty atmosphere lent a very
ghastly hue to this singular display, which lasted
for rather more than an hour.

Poor Scott fell down a hatchway two days only
before his death, which was occasioned by the internal
injuries then received; he was a steady,
serious man; a widow and family will mourn his
loss. He was our engine-driver; we cannot replace
him, therefore the whole duty of working
the engines will devolve upon the engineer,
Mr. Brand.

11th.—Calm, clear weather, pleasant for exercise,
but steadily cold; thermometer varies between
-20° and -30°. At noon the blush of
dawn tints the southern horizon, to the north the
sky remains inky blue, whilst overhead it is bright
and clear, the stars shining, and the pole-star near[69]
the zenith very distinct. Although there is a
light north wind, thin mackerel-clouds are passing
from south to north, and the temperature
has risen 10°.


A Funeral on the Ice. The effect of Paraselenæ—Mock Moons.
MUSK OXEN IN LAT. 80° N.

I have been questioning Petersen about the
bones of the musk oxen found in Smith’s Sound;
he says the decayed skulls of about twenty were
found, all of them to the north of the 79th parallel.
As they were all without lower jaws, he says
they were killed by Esquimaux, who leave upon
the spot the skulls of large animals, but the
weight of the lower jaw being so trifling it is allowed
to remain attached to the flesh and tongue.
The skull of a musk ox with its massive horns
cannot weigh less than 30 lbs.

Although it has been abundantly proved by
the existence of raised beaches and fossils, that
the shores of Smith’s Sound have been elevated
within a comparatively recent geological period,
yet Petersen tells me that there exist numerous
ruins of Esquimaux buildings, probably one or
two centuries old, all of which are situated upon
very low points, only just sufficiently raised above
the reach of the sea; such sites, in fact, as would
at present be selected by the natives. These
ruins show that no perceptible change has taken
place in the relative level of sea and land since
they were originally constructed. At Petersen’s
Greenland home, Upernivik, the land has sunk,[70]
as is plainly shown by similar ruins over which
the tides now flow.

THRIFT OF THE ARCTIC FOX.

Anything which illustrates the habits of animals
in such extremely high latitudes I think is
most interesting; their instincts must be quickened
in proportion as the difficulty of subsisting
increases. Foxes, white and blue, are very numerous;
all the birds are merely summer visitors,
therefore the hare is the only creature remaining
upon which foxes can prey; but the hares are
comparatively scarce: how then do the foxes live
for eight months of each year? Petersen thinks
they store up provisions during the summer in
various holes and crevices, and thus manage to
eke out an existence during the dark winter season;
he once saw a fox carry off eggs in his
mouth from an eider-duck’s nest, one at a time,
until the whole were removed; and in winter he
has observed a fox scratch a hole down through
very deep snow, to a câche of eggs beneath.

The men are exercised at building snow-huts;
for winter or early spring travelling, this knowledge
is almost indispensable. Upon a calm day
the temperature of the external air being -33°,
within a snow-hut the thermometer stood 17°
higher, this important difference being due to the
transmission of heat through the ice from the sea
beneath.

Evaporation goes on through ice from the
water underneath it. The interior of each snow[71]-hut
is coated with crystals, and the ice upon which
the huts are built is four feet thick, but when no
longer in contact with water I cannot discover
any evaporation from ice. For instance, a canvas
screen on deck which became wet by the sudden
thaw last month still remains frozen stiff.

THE AURORA.

14th.—Of late there has been much damp
upon the lower deck. This has now been remedied
by enclosing the hatchway within a commodious
snow-porch, which serves as a condenser
for the steam and vapor from the inhabited deck
below.

19th.—Light N.W. winds, with occasional mists;
the temperature is comparatively mild: -12° to -25°.

It is now the time of spring-tides; they cause
numerous cracks in the ice; but why so, at such a
great distance from the land, I cannot explain.
The three nearest points of land are respectively
110, 140, and 180 miles distant from us.

Much aurora during the last two days. Yesterday
morning it was visible until eclipsed by the
day-dawn at 10 o’clock. Although we could no
longer see it, I do not think it ceased: very thin
clouds occupied its place, through which, as
through the aurora, stars appeared scarcely
dimmed in lustre. I do not imagine that aurora
is ever visible in a perfectly clear atmosphere. I
often observe it just silvering or rendering luminous[72]
the upper edge of low fog or cloud banks,
and with a few vertical rays feebly vibrating.

Last evening Dr. Walker called me to witness
his success with the electrometer. The electric
current was so very weak that the gold-leaves
diverged at regular intervals of four or five seconds.
Some hours afterwards it was strong
enough to keep them diverged.

21st.—Midwinter day. Out of the Arctic regions
it is better known as the shortest day. At
noon we could just read type similar to the leading
article of the ‘Times.’ Few people could
read more than two or three lines without their
eyes aching.

AN ARCTIC CHRISTMAS.

27th.—Our Christmas was a very cheerful,
merry one. The men were supplied with several
additional articles, such as hams, plum-puddings,
preserved gooseberries and apples, nuts, sweetmeats,
and Burton ale. After Divine Service
they decorated the lower deck with flags, and
made an immense display of food. The officers
came down with me to see their preparations.
We were really astonished! The mess-tables
were laid out like the counters in a confectioner’s
shop, with apple and gooseberry tarts, plum and
sponge-cakes in pyramids, besides various other
unknown puffs, cakes, and loaves of all sizes and
shapes. We bake all our own bread, and excellent
it is. In the background were nicely-browned[73]
hams, meat-pies, cheeses, and other
substantial articles. Rum and water in wine-glasses,
and plum-cake, were handed to us: we
wished them a happy Christmas, and complimented
them on their taste and spirit in getting
up such a display. Our silken sledge-banners had
been borrowed for the occasion, and were regarded
with deference and peculiar pride.

In the evening the officers were enticed down
amongst the men again, and at a late hour I was
requested, as a great favor, to come down and
see how much they were enjoying themselves.
I found them in the highest good humor with
themselves and all the world. They were perfectly
sober, and singing songs, each in his turn.
I expressed great satisfaction at having seen them
enjoying themselves so much and so rationally. I
could therefore the better describe it to Lady
Franklin, who was so deeply interested in everything
relating to them. I drank their healths,
and hoped our position next year would be more
suitable for our purpose. We all joined in drinking
the healths of Lady Franklin and Miss Cracroft,
and amid the acclamations which followed
I returned to my cabin, immensely gratified by
such an exhibition of genuine good feeling, such
veneration for Lady Franklin, and such loyalty
to the cause of the expedition. It was very
pleasant also that they had taken the most cheering
view of our future prospects. I verily believe[74]
I was the happiest individual on board, that
happy evening.

Our Christmas-box has come in the shape of
northerly winds, which bid fair to drift us southward
towards those latitudes wherein we hope
for liberation next spring from this icy bondage.

28th.—We have been in expectation of a gale
all day. This evening there is still a doubtful
sort of truce amongst the elements. Barometer
down to 28·83; thermometer up to +5°, although
the wind has been strong and steady from the
N. for twenty-four hours, low scud flying from
the E., snow constantly falling. An hour ago the
wind suddenly changed to S.S.E.; the snowing
has ceased; thermometer falls and barometer
rises.

Jan., 1858.
NEW YEAR’S DAY.

2nd Jan., 1858.—New Year’s day was a second
edition of Christmas, and quite as pleasantly spent.
We dwelt much upon the anticipations of the future,
being a more agreeable theme than the failure
of the past. I confess to a hearty welcome
for the new year—anxious, of course, that we
may escape uninjured, and sufficiently early to
pursue the object of our voyage.

Exactly at midnight on the 31st December the
arrival of the new year was announced to me by
our band—two flutes and an accordion—striking
up at my door. There was also a procession,
or perhaps I should say a continuation of the
band; these performers were grotesquely attired,[75]
and armed with frying-pans, gridirons, kettles,
pots, and pans, with which to join in and add to
the effect of the other music!

SUFFERINGS OF AN ARCTIC PARTY.

We have a very level hard walk alongside the
ship; it is narrowed to two or three yards in
width by a snow-bank four feet high. In the
face of this bank some twenty-five holes have
been excavated for the dogs, and in them they
spend most of their time. It looks very formidable
in the moonlight, being a good imitation of a
casemated battery.

After our rubber of whist on New Year’s night
Petersen related to us some of his dreadful sufferings
when with the party which had left Dr.
Kane. They spent the months of October and
November in Booth Sound, lat. 77°; all that time
upon the verge of starvation, unable to advance
or retreat. For these two months they had no
other fuel than their small cedar boat, the smoke
of which was not endurable in their wretched
hut, and without light, for the sun left them in
October, unless we except one inch and a half of
taper daily, which they made out of a lump of
bees’-wax that accidently found its way into their
boat before leaving the ship. In December they
regained their vessel. I am surprised that no account
of the extreme hardships of this party—so
far exceeding that of their shipmates on board—has
ever appeared; and I regret it, as I believe
they owed their lives to the experience and[76]
fidelity of their interpreter Petersen. At first
the Esquimaux assisted them; latterly they were
quite unable to do so, and became anxious to get
rid of their visitors. Observing how weakened
they had become, the Esquimaux endeavored to
separate them from their guns and from each
other, and even used threatening language.

ICE ACTED ON BY WIND ONLY.

During December we drifted 67 miles, directly
down Baffin’s Bay towards the Atlantic, and are
now in lat. 74°. Although it is quite impossible
to discriminate between the several influences
which probably govern our movements, or to ascertain
how much is due to each of them—such
as the relative positions of ice, land, and open
water, winds, currents, and earth’s rotation—yet
it appears in the present instance that the wind is
almost the sole agent in hastening this vast continent
of ice towards the latitudes of its dissolution.
We move before the wind in proportion to its
strength: we remain stationary in calm weather.
Neither surface nor submarine current has been
detected; the large icebergs obey the same influences
as the surface ice. We have noticed a
slight set to the westward—it is not likely to be
produced by current, and may be the result of
the earth’s motion from west to east.

6th.—Many lanes of water. A seal has been
seen, the only one for six weeks. Of the old ice
which so closely hemmed us in up to the middle
of September, there is hardly any within several[77]
miles of us except the large floe-piece we are
frozen to. Every crack or lane which opens is
quickly covered with young ice, so that it cannot
close again; and in this manner the old ice has
been spread out. I rejoice in its dispersion!

RETURN OF THE SUN.

To-day I put a tumblerful of our strong ale
(Allsopp’s) on deck to freeze: this was soon effected,
the temperature being -35°. After bringing
it below, and when its temperature had risen
to 17°, it was almost all thawed—at 22° it was
completely so: it looked muddy, but settled after
standing for a couple of hours, when I drank it
off, in every way satisfied with my experiment
and my beer: it seemed none the worse for its
freezing, but rather flat from its long exposure in
a tumbler.

17th.—Northerly winds blow almost constantly.
We have drifted 60 miles since the 1st, and are
only 115 miles from Upernivik,—once more
upon confines of the habitable world! good light
for three hours daily; all this is cheering. We
continue our snow-hut practice, and can build one
in three-quarters of an hour.

28th.—The upper edge of the sun appeared
above the horizon to-day, after an absence of
eighty-nine days; it was a gladdening sight. I
sent for the ship’s steward and asked what was
the custom on such occasions? “To hoist the
colors and serve out an extra half-gill, sir,” was
the ready reply: accordingly, the Harwich lion[78]
soon fluttered in a breeze cool enough to stiffen
the limbs of ordinary lions, and in the evening
the grog was issued.

THE SICK LIST.

30th.—Our messmate Pussy is unwell, and
won’t eat; in vain has Hobson tempted her
with raw seal’s flesh, preserved salmon, preserved
milk, etc.; at length castor-oil was forcibly administered.
Puss is a great favorite. Our finest
dog, Sultan, is also sick, and his coat is in bad
order; blubber has been prescribed for him;—and
poor old Mary has fits, not uncommon after
the long winter. Petersen immediately ordered
her to be bled by slitting her ear; but Christian,
in his fright and haste, cropped the tip of it off
These comprise our only medical cases. A dovekie,
in its white winter plumage, and two seals
have been seen lately.

Feb., 1858.

15th Feb.—The returning daylight cheers us
up wonderfully—not that we were suffering,
either mentally or bodily, but the change is most
agreeable; we can take much longer walks than
were possible during the dark period. The men
have been supplied with muskets, and go out
sporting as ardently as schoolboys. I took a long
walk towards one of our iceberg companions, but
could not quite reach it, as weak ice intervened,
each step producing an undulation. Finding the
point of my knife went through it with but
very slight resistance, I gave up the attempt and
turned back. The ship’s masts were scarcely visible[79]
in the distance; almost the whole of the intervening
ice was of this winter’s growth, and in
many places much crushed up.

CONSTANT ACTION OF THE ICE.

Daylight reveals to us evidences of vast ice
movements having taken place during the dark
months when we fancied all was still and quiet;
and we now see how greatly we have been favored,
what innumerable chances of destruction
we have unconsciously escaped! A few days ago
the ice suddenly cracked within ten yards of the
ship, and gave her such a smart shock that every
one rushed on deck with astonishing alacrity.
One of these sudden disruptions occurred between
me and the ship when I was returning from the
iceberg; the sun was just setting as I found myself
cut off. Had I been on the other side I
would have loitered to enjoy a refreshing gaze
upon this dark streak of water; but after a smart
run of about a mile along its edge, and finding no
place to cross, visions of a patrol on the floe for
the long night of fifteen hours began to obtrude
themselves! At length I reached a place where
the jagged edges of the floes met, so crossed and
got safely on board. Nothing was seen during
this walk of nearly 25 miles except one seal.
Recent gales have drifted us rapidly southward;
cracks and lanes are very numerous.

RETURN OF A DESERTER.

On the 1st a blue (or sooty) fox was shot. Although
130 geographical miles from the nearest
land he was very fat, hence we argue dovekies[80]
were much more numerous during winter than
we supposed. We have often noticed the tracks
of foxes following up those of the bears, probably
for discarded scraps of the seals upon which they
prey. Hobson’s favorite dog “Chummie” has returned,
after an absence of six days, decidedly
hungry, but he can hardly have been without
food all that time; some fox may have lured him
off. He evinced great delight in getting back,
devoted his first attentions to a hearty meal, then
rubbed himself up against his own particular associates,
after which he sought out and attacked
the weakest of his enemies, and, soothed by their
howlings, coiled himself up for a long sleep.

Mar., 1858.

1st March.—February has been a remarkably
mild, cloudy, windy month: the winter temperature
may be said to have passed away by the
10th, the average temperature for the first ten
days being -25°, whilst for the remainder of the
month it was -11°. Had one fallen asleep for a
month at least, he could not reasonably have expected
to find a greater change on awaking. Our
drift has been also great,—166 miles. We are
south of the 70th parallel, and may soon be expelled
from our icy home.

On the 24th there was a fearful gale of wind.
Had not our housing been very well secured, it
must have been blown away. We are preparing
for sea, removing the snow from off the deck and
round the ship; our sky-lights have been dug out[81]
(in winter they are always covered with a thick
layer of snow), and the flood of light which beams
down through them is quite charming. How intolerably
sooty and smoke-dried everything looks!

RETURN OF THE SEALS.

On the 27th the first seal of this year was
shot; it came in good time, for the fifty-one
seals shot in autumn were finished only two
days before: our English supply of dogs’ food
therefore remains almost untouched. Snow was
observed to melt against the ship’s side exposed
to the sun, the thermometer in the shade standing
at -22°! A very fine dog has died from
eating a quantity of salt fish, which he managed
to get at although it was supposed to be quite
out of his reach.

One of the two large icebergs which commenced
this voyage with us last October, in
75½° N., has drifted out of sight to the S.E., the
other one is far off in the N.W. I attribute
these increased distances solely to the spreading
abroad of the intervening ice.

When we were far north, and probably drifting
more slowly than the ice in the stream of Lancaster
Sound to the westward of us, the ship’s
head turned very gradually from right to left,
from N.N.W. to W.; when about the parallel
of 72° N., we supposed ourselves to be drifting
faster than the western ice; in this, as in the
previous case, comparing our drift with that of
Lieutenant De Haven, the ship’s head slowly[82]
shifted back to the right as far as W.N.W.;
latterly it has not changed at all: we are in a
narrower part of Davis’ Strait, where the winds
probably blow with equal force from shore to
shore and drift the whole pack at a uniform rate.

5th.—On the 2nd four fat seals and some dovekies
were shot; the largest seal weighed 170
lbs., the smallest 150 lbs.; they were males
of the species Phoca hespida, or Phoca fœtida,
the latter epithet being by far the most appropriate
at this season; the disagreeable odor resembles
garlic, and taints the whole animal so
strongly that even Esquimaux are nearly overpowered
by it: this is almost the only description
of seal we have obtained, but the females
are at all seasons free from fetor. Several long
lanes of water extend at right angles to the
straits.

REVOLVING STORM.

The Doctor has taken a photograph of the
ship by the albumen process on glass; the temperature
at the time was below zero. Upon the
3rd and 4th a well-remarked revolving storm
passed nearly over us to the W.N.W.; its extreme
diameter was 30 hours, that of the strength
of the gale 18 hours; its centre probably passed
about one-tenth of its diameter to the S.W. The
barometer was rather high, having risen just before
the wind commenced at N.E.; but it now
fell half an inch in ten hours, and continued to
fall until the wind shifted—almost suddenly—through[83]
S.E. to S.S.W.; immediately the barometer
got up rapidly. As the barometer fell, the
temperature rose from zero to +18°, and fell
again after the change of wind. This violent
storm brought with it a smart hail-shower.

DISCO SIGHTED.

The depression of the ice about the bows, in
consequence of a vast accumulation of snow-drift
upon it, brought the ship down by the head considerably;
to-day this ice suddenly detached itself,
and the fore part of the vessel sprang up;
she still remains frozen and held down abaft.
The snow-banking looks very woe-begone after
this ice-quake; it inclines out from the ship, and
in many places has been prostrated by the shock.

Early on the morning of the 7th the high land
of Disco was seen; its distance was upwards of
90 miles.


[84]

CHAPTER VI.

A bear-fight—An ice-nip—Strong gales, rapid drift—The ‘Fox’
breaks out of the pack—Hanging on to floe-edge—The Arctic bear—An
ice tournament—The ‘Fox’ in peril—A storm in the pack—Escape
from the pack.
A BEAR-FIGHT.

9th March.A bear was seen this morning; but
as he was going away from us, the dogs were
brought out in the hope that they might keep
him at bay until the sportsmen came up. It was
very pretty to see them take up the scent, the
moment they caught sight of him they set off at
full speed. Bruin had seen them first, and increased
his pace to a clumsy gallop, yet the dogs
were soon around him; he seemed to care but
little about them, steadily making off and following
the trending of a recently frozen crack in
search of clear water, evidently aware that his
persecutors would not follow him there.

After five hours all returned on board again;
out of the ten dogs four were wounded by his
claws,—skin deep only,—but one of the wounds
was seven inches in length, as if made with a
sharp knife! this was sewed up, the others were
merely trimmed, and nature, I am informed, will
do all the rest. It is really wonderful what cures[85]
nature and instinct effect: notwithstanding the
extreme cold, no external dressings are applied,
because the animal must not be prevented from
licking its wound. Petersen says this bear must
be very thin, else he could not run so fast. I
think it very probable that he has been hunted
before, and that fear lent him wings. A black
whale has been seen.

SEAL STEAKS.

11th.—Two small seals free from taint were
shot yesterday, so we had fried liver and steaks
for breakfast this morning; both were good, but
the steaks were preferred; they were very dark
and very tender, had been cut thin, deprived of
all fat, and washed in two or three waters to get
rid of the blubber.

16th.—Several long lanes of water have again
opened, but now all of them extend parallel to
the direction of the straits; one lane passed within
120 yards of the ship; its extremes are not
visible even from aloft; the ice upon its east side
has a more rapid southerly motion than that
upon its west side.

18th.—Last night the ice closed, shutting up
our lane, but its opposite sides continued for
several hours to move past each other, rubbing
off all projections, crushing, and forcing out of
water masses four feet thick: although 120 yards
distant, this pressure shook the ship and cracked
the intervening ice.

AN ICE-NIP.

I went out with a lantern to see the nip,—it[86]
certainly was awe-inspiring; no one in his
senses could avoid reflecting upon the inevitable
fate of a ship if exposed to such fearful pressure.
It is now spring tides.

19th.—All yesterday the lane remained open;
in the evening it closed with but slight pressure;
yet as the opposing fields of ice continued to
move in opposite directions, all jagged points
were brushed off, and the débris thus formed
between their edges presented a heaving surface
of ice-masses,—an ice river. On the separation
of the floes, mass after mass forced itself up to
the surface, until at length all the submerged
ice had risen, except such as had been forced
quite under their edges. One seldom meets
with a cleanly fractured floe-edge, they are
usually fringed with crushed-up ice or newly
formed sludge.

23rd.—Seals and dovekies are now common;
the latter have already made considerable advances
towards their summer plumage.

Yesterday there was a very heavy S.E. gale;
it blew so furiously, and the snow-drift was so
dense, that we could neither hear nor see what
was going on twenty yards off; at night the ship,
becoming suddenly detached from the ice, heeled
over to the storm; until the cause was ascertained
we thought the ice had broken up and
pressed against the ship. It was not so; but
when the weather moderated we found that there[87]
had been heavy pressure upon the edge of the
floes,—so much, indeed, that the lane of water
was now within 70 yards of the ‘Fox;’ and that
ice 4½ feet thick had been crushed during the
storm for a distance of about 50 yards.

STRONG GALES.

25th.—Strong N.W. winds lately, the ship
rocking to the breeze, and rubbing her poor
sides against the ice, producing a creaking sound
which is far from pleasant. More ice squeezing,
and a further inroad upon our barrier; it has
yielded slightly, nipping the ship, inclining her
to port, and lifting her stern about a foot. Occasional
groanings within, and surgings of the ice
without.

Our boats, provisions, sledges, knapsacks, and
equipment are ready for a hasty departure,—beyond
this we can do nothing; as long as our
friendly barrier lasts we need not fear, but who
can tell the moment it may be demolished, and
the ship exposed to destruction? I am scribbling
within a foot of the sternpost—in fact,
there is a notch in my table to receive it; and
I sympathize with its constant groanings; the ice
allows it no rest.

27th.—Strong N.W. gale with a return of
cold weather. We have drifted 39 miles in the
last forty-eight hours! The lane is open; the
whole pack appears to have plenty of room to
drift, and, I am happy to add, is taking advantage
of it,—so much so that the smaller pieces[88]
floating freely in the lane can hardly go at the
same pace. Our remaining winter companion,
the iceberg, was in sight a few days ago, far away
to the N.W.; it may be still visible from aloft,
but these March gales cut so keenly, that the
crow’s-nest is but seldom visited.

31st.—Another N.W. gale; it is also spring
tides, and this conjunction makes one fearful of
ice movement and pressure; but it seems as if
the pack had more room to move in, as it does
not close much. Seals are often shot, bear tracks
are common, and narwhals are frequently seen
migrating northward. The bears must prefer
the night-time for wandering about, else we
could not help seeing them; we often find their
tracks within a few hundred yards of the ship.

Although the last, yet this is the coldest day
of the month—the thermometer down to -27°.
The mean temperature for March has been unusually
high, -3°; whilst Lieutenant De Haven’s
was -17°. Notwithstanding that heavy S.E.
gales have three times driven us backward, yet
we have advanced 100 miles further down Davis’
Straits.

Apr., 1858.
BREAKING UP OF ICE.

6th April.—To-day we enjoy fine weather, the
more so since it comes after a tremendous northerly
gale of forty-eight hours’ duration. Two
days ago the friendly old floe, so long our bulwark
of defence, was cracked; the lane of water
thus formed soon widened to 60 yards, passed[89]
within 30 yards of the ‘Fox,’ and cut off three
of our boats. Yesterday morning another crack
detached the remaining 30 yards from us, and as
it widened the ship swung across the opening; as
quickly as we could effect it the ship was again
placed alongside the ice and within a projecting
point; had it closed only a few feet whilst she
lay across the lane, the consequences must have
been very serious. Even to effect this slight
change of position we were fully occupied for
four hours; for the gale blew furiously, and thermometer
stood at 12° below zero, and the cold
was very much felt; our hawsers were frozen so
stiff as to be quite unmanageable, and we were
obliged to use the chain cables to warp the ship
into safety.

Throughout yesterday the wind continued extremely
strong and keen,—fortunately the ice
remained perfectly still: our funnels refused to
draw up the smoke; so that between the suffocation,
the cold, and anxiety lest the ice should
move, our Easter Monday was sufficiently miserable.
The half of our poor dogs were cut off
from the ship by the lane, and continued to howl
dismally until late, when the new ice over the
lane was strong enough to bear them, and they
came across to us.

To-day we have recovered the boats, shot four
seals, seen two whales, and much water to the[90]
eastward; we are in latitude 67° 18′ N., and
highly delighted with the rapidity of our southern
drift.

OUT OF THE PACK.

10th.—Yesterday evening the setting sun rendered
visible the western land, probably Cape
Dyer. We have drifted 70 miles in the last week,
and are only 18 miles from De Haven’s position
of escape; but as we are two months earlier, we
must expect to be carried farther south.

12th.—This morning we drifted ingloriously
out of the Arctic regions, and with what very different
feelings from those with which we crossed
the Arctic circle eight months ago! However,
we have not done with it yet; directly the ice lets
us go, we will (D. V.) re-enter the frigid zone, and
“try again,” with, I trust, better success.

A gull and a few terns appeared to-day; these
are the first of our summer visitors. The temperature
improves; yesterday at one o’clock it
was +19° in the shade, +15° in the crow’s-nest
70 feet high, and +51° against a black surface
exposed to the sun.

16th.—Last night a bear came to the ship, was
wounded, but escaped; to-day the tracks were
followed up for three miles, the bear found, and
again wounded—finally the unlucky beast was
shot in the water seven miles from the ship; it
was lost in consequence of the rapid drifting of
the ice, which ran over the floating carcase.[91]

To-night a dense fog-bank rests upon the water
to the southward; its upper edge is illuminated
by aurora, showing a faint tremulous light.

17th.—Another northerly gale; holding fast to
the ice with three hawsers; snow-drift limits the
view to a couple of miles, so all to the eastward
appears water, and to the westward ice.

Last night the ice opened considerably; to secure
the ship occupied us for six hours; several
of the dogs were again cut off; as the ice they
were on was rapidly drifting away, I sent a boat
to recover them; it was a difficult and hazardous
business, but at length the boat and dogs returned
in safety, to my great relief, for it was
both dark and late.

DOGS LOST.

18th.—Yesterday morning when I wrote up
my journal, I was hoping to hold on quietly to
the floe-edge until the wind moderated, when
with clear weather we could take advantage of
the openings and make some progress towards the
clear sea. We were unable to hold on, for the
floe-edge broke away, setting us adrift; some time
was occupied in fetching off the boats and dogs,—five
of the latter unfortunately would not allow
themselves to be caught. As speedily as possible
the rudder was shipped and sail set, and before
three o’clock the ship was running fast to the
eastward! During the night the ice closed, and
at daylight scarcely any water was visible; with
the exception of a couple of icebergs, all the ice[92]
in sight was not more than two days old; it
mainly owes its origin and rapid growth to the
immense quantities of snow blown off the pack.

It still blows hard, and the thermometer stands
at 11°. A sudden opening of the ice this forenoon
allowed us to run a few miles southward,
and then it closed again; we are now surrounded
by young ice.

20th.—We have been carried rapidly past the
position where the Arctic discovery ship ‘Resolute’
was picked up.

THE ARCTIC BEAR.

Yesterday three bears, a fulmar petrel, and a
snow bunting were seen; to-day a fine bear came
within 150 yards, and was shot by our sportsmen;
as they were standing round it afterwards upon
the ice, a small seal, the only one seen for several
days, popped up its head as if to exult over its
fallen enemy—it was of course instantly shot:
we have learnt to esteem seal’s liver for breakfast
very highly.

It seems hardly right to call polar bears land
animals; they abound here,—110 geographical
miles from the nearest land,—upon very loose
broken-up ice, which is steadily drifting into the
Atlantic at the rate of 12 or 14 miles daily; to remain
upon it would insure their destruction were
they not nearly amphibious; they hunt by scent,
and are constantly running across and against the
wind, which prevails from the northward, so that
the same instinct which directs their search for[93]
prey, also serves the important purpose of guiding
them in the direction of the land and more
solid ice.

I remarked that the upper part of both Bruin’s
fore-paws were rubbed quite bare; Petersen explains
that to surprise the seal a bear crouches
down with his fore-paws doubled underneath, and
pushes himself noiselessly forward with his hinder
legs until within a few yards, when he springs
upon the unsuspecting victim, whether in the
water or upon the ice. The Greenlanders are
fond of bear’s flesh, but never eat either the heart
or liver, and say that these parts cause sickness.
No instance is known of Greenland bears attacking
men, except when wounded or provoked;
they never disturb the Esquimaux graves, although
they seldom fail to rob a câche of seal’s flesh,
which is a similar construction of loose stones
above ground.

A native of Upernivik, one dark winter’s day,
was out visiting his seal-nets. He found a seal
entangled, and, whilst kneeling down over it upon
the ice to get it clear, he received a slap on the
back—from his companion as he supposed; but
a second and heavier blow made him look smartly
round. He was horror-stricken to see a peculiarly
grim old bear instead of his comrade! without
deigning further notice of the man, Bruin tore
the seal out of the net and commenced his supper.[94]
He was not interrupted; nor did the man
wait to see the meal finished.

I had long ago resolved, if we escaped before
the 15th, or the 20th April at the latest, to go to
Newfoundland to refresh the crew and to refit,
even if no damage from the ice should be sustained.
In order to do so it would have been
necessary for us to visit a Greenland port for a
supply of water. We could not have calculated
upon much assistance from our engines upon such
a voyage, Mr. Brand alone being capable of working
the engines, so that ten or twelve hours daily
is all the steaming that could have been expected.

THE OCEAN SWELL.

But we are still ice-locked, so I purpose going
to Holsteinborg in preference to a more southern
port, as there we may expect to get reindeer and
a small supply of stores suitable to our wants.
The whalers sometimes reach Disco in March,
Upernivik in May, and the North Water early in
June. Unless we should be at once set free, we
would not have time to spare for a Newfoundland
voyage.

AN ICE-TOURNAMENT.

24th.—Another anxious week has passed. Latterly
we have experienced south-westerly currents
similar to those which Parry describes when
beset here in June, 1819. To-day we have had
a strong S.E. breeze, with snow and dark weather.
The wind had greatly moderated when the swell[95]
reached us about eight o’clock this evening. It
is now ten o’clock; the long ocean swell already
lifts its crest five feet above the hollow of the sea,
causing its thick covering, of icy fragments to
dash against each other and against us with unpleasant
violence. It is however very beautiful
to look upon, the dear old familiar ocean-swell!
it has long been a stranger to us, and is welcome
in our solitude. If the ‘Fox’ was as solid as her
neighbors, I am quite sure she would enter into
this ice-tournament with all their apparent heartiness,
instead of audibly making known her sufferings
to us. Every considerable surface of ice has
been broken into many smaller ones; with feelings
of exultation I watched the process from
aloft. A floe-piece near us, of 100 yards in diameter,
was speedily cracked so as to resemble a sort
of labyrinth, or, still more, a field-spider’s web.
In the course of half an hour the family resemblance
was totally lost; they had so battered
each other, and struggled out of their original
regularity. The rolling sea can no longer be
checked; “the pack has taken upon itself the
functions of an ocean,” as Dr. Kane graphically
expresses it.

26th.—At sea! How am I to describe the
events of the last two days? It has pleased God
to accord to us a deliverance in which His merciful
protection contrasts—how strongly!—with
our own utter helplessness; as if the successive[96]
mercies vouchsafed to us during our long, long
winter and mysterious ice-drift had been concentrated
and repeated in a single act. Thus
forcibly does His great goodness come home to
the mind!

I am in no humor for writing, being still tired,
seedy, and perhaps a little seasick; at least I have
a headache, caused by the rolling of the ship and
rattling noise of everything.

THE ‘FOX’ IN PERIL.

On Saturday night, the 24th, I went on deck
to spend the greater part of it in watching, and
to determine what to do. The swell greatly increased;
it had evidently been approaching for
hours before it reached us, since it rose in proportion
as the ice was broken up into smaller pieces.
In a short time but few of them were equal in
size to the ship’s deck; most of them not half so
large. I knew that near the pack-edge the sea
would be very heavy and dangerous; but the
wind was now fair, and having auxiliary steam-power,
I resolved to push out of the ice if possible.

Shortly after midnight the ship was under sail,
slowly boring her way to the eastward; at two
o’clock on Sunday morning commenced steaming,
the wind having failed. By eight o’clock we had
advanced considerably to the eastward, and the
swell had become dangerously high, the waves
rising ten feet above the trough of the sea. The
shocks of the ice against the ship were alarmingly[97]
heavy; it became necessary to steer exactly head-on
to swell. We slowly passed a small iceberg
60 or 70 feet high; the swell forced it crashing
through the pack, leaving a small water-space in
its wake, but sufficient to allow the seas to break
against its cliffs, and throw the spray in heavy
showers quite over its summit.

CLEAR OF THE PACK.

The day wore on without change, except that
the snow and mists cleared off. Gradually the
swell increased, and rolled along more swiftly,
becoming in fact a very heavy regular sea, rather
than a swell. The ice often lay so closely packed
that we could hardly force ahead, although the
fair wind had again freshened up. Much heavy
hummocky ice and large berg-pieces lay dispersed
through the pack; a single thump from any of
them would have been instant destruction. By
five o’clock the ice became more loose, and clear
spaces of water could be seen ahead. We went
faster, received fewer though still more severe
shocks, until at length we had room to steer
clear of the heaviest pieces; and at eight o’clock
we emerged from the villanous “pack,” and were
running fast through straggling pieces into a clear
sea. The engines were stopped, and Mr. Brand
permitted to rest after eighteen hours’ duty, for
we now have no one else capable of driving the
engines.

Throughout the day I trembled for the safety
of the rudder, and screw; deprived of the one or[98]
the other, even for half an hour, I think our fate
would have been sealed; to have steered in any
other direction than against the swell would have
exposed, and probably sacrificed both.

DANGER FROM ICE-MASSES.

Our bow is very strongly fortified, well plated
externally with iron, and so very sharp that the
ice-masses, repeatedly hurled against the ship by
the swell as she rose to meet it, were thus robbed
of their destructive force; they struck us obliquely,
yet caused the vessel to shake violently,
the bells to ring, and almost knocked us off
our legs. On many occasions the engines were
stopped dead by ice choking the screw; once it
was some minutes before it could be got to revolve
again. Anxious moments those!

After yesterday’s experience I can understand
how men’s hair has turned grey in a few hours.
Had self-reliance been my only support and hope,
it is not impossible that I might have illustrated
the fact. Under the circumstances I did my best
to insure our safety, looked as stoical as possible,
and inwardly trusted that God would favor our
exertions. What a release ours has been, not
only from eight months’ imprisonment, but from
the perils of that one day! Had our little vessel
been destroyed after the ice broke up, there remained
no hope for us. But we have been
brought safely through, and are all truly grateful,
I hope, and believe.

I grieve to think of poor Lady Franklin and[99]
our friends at home. Severely as we have felt
the failure of our first season’s operations, yet the
ordeal is now over with us: not so with her and
them,—they have still to experience that bitter
disappointment.

Our distance within the pack-edge, where we
first made sail yesterday, was 22 miles. Before
we got clear of the ice the height of the waves
was 13½ feet; after passing through the last of it
there was no increase, but the sea was more confused;
in fact, within the ice all minor disturbances
were quelled or merged into one regular
fast-following swell. The ship and her machinery
behaved most admirably in the struggle; should
I ever have to pass through such an ice-covered,
heaving ocean again, let me secure a passage in
the ‘Fox.’

During our 242 days in the packed-ice of Baffin’s
Bay and Davis’ Straits we were drifted 1194
geographical or 1385 statute miles; it is the longest
drift I know of, and our winter, as a whole,
may be considered as having been mild, but very
windy.

STEERING FOR HOLSTEINBORG.

We are steering now for Holsteinborg, where
I intend to refit and refresh the crew; it is reputed
to be the best place for reindeer upon
the coast.


[100]

CHAPTER VII.

A holiday in Greenland—A lady blue with cold—The loves of Greenlanders—Close
shaving—Meet the whalers—Information of whalers—Disco—Danish
hospitality—Sail from Disco—Kindness of
the whalers—Danish establishments in Greenland.
ANCHORED AT HOLSTEINBORG.

Wednesday night, April 28th.Safely anchored at
Holsteinborg, and moored to the rocks; a charming
change, after our position only a few days
back. We have been visited by the Danish residents—the
chief trader or governor, the priest,
and two others: their latest European intelligence
is not more recent than our own, but the Danish
ship is hourly expected; she usually leaves Copenhagen
about the middle of March.

The winter here has been just the reverse of
our own experience; it has been severe in point
of temperature, but with very little wind; the
land lies buried in snow, and as yet there is no
thaw; it is too early for the cod-fishery, and not
a single reindeer has been killed throughout the
winter! Eider-ducks, looms, and dovekies are
abundant, as well as hares and ptarmigan.

29th.—A bright and lovely day. Our poor,
half-famished dogs have been landed near the
carcases of four whales, so they must be supremely[101]
happy. I visited the Governor to-day,
and found his little wooden house as scrupulously
clean and neat as the houses of the Danish residents
in Greenland invariably are. The only
ornaments about the room were portraits of his
unfortunate wife and two children: they embarked
at Copenhagen last year to rejoin him,
and the ill-fated vessel has never since been heard
of. Poor Governor Elberg is in ill health, and
talks of returning home—by home he means
Denmark, the land of his birth, and where once
he had a home.

HOLIDAY IN GREENLAND.

30th.—This is a grand Danish holiday; the inhabitants
are all dressed in their Sunday clothes—at
least, all who have got a change of garments—and
there is both morning and evening
service in the small wooden church. As the
Governor could not be persuaded to unlock the
door of the dance-house, our men returned on
board early; yesterday evening they were all on
shore, and, with the Esquimaux, were squeezed
into this one large room: to be squeezed in a
crowd of human beings is positive enjoyment
after a winter’s isolation such as ours has been.
Old Harvey constituted himself master of the
ceremonies, and with his flute led the orchestra;
it consisted of one other flute and a fiddle; he
managed to perch himself above all the rest,
at one end of the room, and played with such
vigor that our bluejackets and the Esquimaux[102]
ladies danced away most furiously for hours.
These ladies can dance in the least possible
space, their costume being particularly well
adapted for the purpose, partaking as it does
much more of the “Bloomer” than the “crinoline.”

Christian looks immensely happy: his countrymen
regard him as a man whose fortune is made,
and the women gaze with admiration upon his
neat sailor’s dress, and his good-natured, full, round
face, and huge, fat, shining cheeks; Mr. Petersen
is in great request to interpret between the English,
Danes, and Esquimaux.

May, 1858.

7th May.—I intended sailing for Disco this
morning, but wind and weather were adverse.
We have obtained but little here except water,
a tolerable supply of rock cod, some ptarmigan
hares, wildfowl, and a few items of stores. The
Governor now thinks the Danish ship must have
been directed to visit Godhaab before coming here.
We have left letters to go home in her, and they
ought to be in England by the end of June.

AN EARTHQUAKE.

I visited to-day a small lake at the foot of
Mount Cunningham; it is said to occupy the
centre of an extinct volcano: but I saw nothing
to bear out the assertion. This is the only part
of Greenland where earthquakes are felt. The
Governor told me of an unusually severe shock
which occurred a winter or two ago. He was sitting
in his room reading at the time, when he[103]
heard a loud noise like the discharge of a cannon;
immediately afterwards a tremulous motion was
felt, some glasses upon the table began to dance
about, and papers lying upon the window-sill fell
down: after a few seconds it ceased. He thinks
the motion originated at the lake, as it was not
felt by some people living beyond it, and that it
passed from N.E. to S.W.

This mountain scenery is really charming; but
a little more animal life—reindeer, for instance—would
make it far more pleasing in our eyes.
The last twelvemonth’s produce of this district
amounts only to 500 reindeer skins instead of 3000,
as in ordinary years. The clergyman of Holsteinborg
was born in this colony, and has succeeded
his father in the priestly office; his wife is the
only European female in the colony. Being told
that fuel was extremely scarce in the Danish
houses, and that “the priest’s wife was blue with
the cold,” I sent on shore a present of some coals.

On Sunday afternoon, hearing the church bell
ringing I went on shore. It proved to be only
a christening. The little dusky infant received a
long string of European names. There was a
small description of barrel-organ, to the sound of
which the congregation joined in, keeping up a
loud monotonous chant. Most of the young
people had hymn-books in their hands, printed
in the Esquimaux language.

Ravens seem very abundant, also large grey[104]
falcons: perhaps the dead whales may have attracted
an unusual number.

THE LOVES OF GREENLANDERS.

Poor Christian has not only fallen desperately
in love, but has engaged himself to the object
of his affections, a pretty Esquimaux girl. He
asked me to-day to give her a passage up to Godhavn,
as he wished to leave her in charge of his
mother until his return there with us next year,
when his engagement for the voyage would be
fulfilled. Having heard a rumor of a young
woman awaiting his return at Godhavn, I taxed
him with it, but he replied with great simplicity
that “he had never promised her, and would not
marry her, as his friends objected to the match!”
What are the good Greenlanders coming to? I
recommended that he should have his betrothed
in her own home, with her mother and family.
His asking a passage for her, in order to leave her
with his mother, is strong proof of the sincerity of
his engagement, not only to his lady love, but to
the ‘Fox’ also.

I have written to the admiralty to account for
my prolonged absence from England; and to Dr.
Rink to acquaint him with the cause of my second
visit to his inspectorate.

Governor Elberg has promised to get me some
fossil fish, to be found only in North Strom Fiord:
they are interesting, as being of unknown geological
date.

10th.—On the morning of the 8th we left Holsteinborg[105]
with a pleasant land wind and bright
weather. When 15 miles off shore we were
stopped by ice formed during the last two nights,
the thermometer having fallen to 12°; out in the
offing the weather was gloomy and cold, and
strong northerly winds were blowing. On closing
the land again, we regained the off-shore wind,
and bright weather.

STOPPED BY THE ICE.

Keeping close alongshore, and threading our
way through a vast deal of “pack” and numerous
icebergs, we gained sight of Disco about noon to-day,
and by the evening were within an hour’s
sail of Godhavn, when we were again stopped
by a broad belt of ice stretching along the coast;
this was a bitter disappointment, more particularly
as a gale of wind with heavy sea was fast
rising, and snow beginning to fall thickly; there
was nothing for it, however, but to stand off under
easy sail for the night.

WHALEFISH ISLANDS.

12th.—At anchor at the Whalefish Islands. On
the evening of the 10th we stood off from the
inhospitable barrier of ice, prepared to meet the
storm; snow fell so thickly that we could hardly
see the icebergs in time to avoid them. We
supposed ourselves to be well to leeward of
the Whalefish Islands, but were deceived by the
tides; suddenly a small, low islet was seen on the
lee bow; not being able to pass to windward, we
were obliged to wear ship, and, in doing so, passed
within the ship’s length of destruction—for we[106]
were certainly within that distance of the rocks!
The islet was covered with snow, and but for
some very few dark points showing through, it
could not be distinguished from ice. On the 11th
the weather improved, and in the evening we
came to our present anchorage. From a hill we
can watch an opportunity to enter Godhavn.
Notwithstanding the blowing weather, some natives
came about five miles off to us; the water
washed over their little kayaks, and kept the occupants’
seal-skin dresses streaming with wet up to
their shoulders; this part of their dress seems
rather part of the kayak, as it is attached to it
round the hole in which the kayaker sits, so that
no water can enter. It is wonderful to see how
closely a man can assimilate his habits to those of
a fish.

The Danish cooper in charge of this out-station
tells us there are thirteen English whalers already
out, and some of them have been up to the north
end of Disco; two vessels are in sight. The
world, it appears, is at peace. Petersen was at
one time in charge of this station; he is now
seeking out his old acquaintances.

14th.—Summer has suddenly burst upon us—thermometer
up to 40°; moreover, we are enjoying
English newspapers, and have dined off roast
beef and vegetables!

MEET THE WHALERS.

Two days ago I sent a note off to a whaler by
a kayak, requesting her captain to lend me some[107]
newspapers; the note reached Captain J. Walker,
of the ‘Jane,’ and yesterday his ship, accompanied
by the ‘Heroine,’ Captain J. Simpson, approached
us, and they both came in to call upon
me, each of them bringing the very acceptable
present of some newspapers, besides a quarter of
beef, with vegetables. Nothing could exceed their
sincere good feeling and kindness; they offered
to supply me with anything their ships could
afford. The account they give of last season is
as follows: the whalers reached Devil’s Point,
near Melville Bay, as early as the 21st of May;
southerly winds then set in, and blew incessantly
for six weeks, during all which time they were
closely beset, and the ships ‘Gipsy’ and ‘Undaunted’
were crushed. When able to move, the
fleet returned southward along the “pack-edge,”
which was everywhere found to be impenetrable;
they sailed southward of Disco, and about the
middle of July the earliest ships rounded the
southern extremity of middle ice in lat. 68½°, and
found no difficulty in their further passage to
Pond’s Bay. Captain Walker says ships could
not have reached Lancaster Sound, as there was
much ice north of Pond’s Bay which he thought
extended quite across to Melville Bay.

UNUSUAL POSITION OF ICE.

The position of the ice last season was considered
to be most unusual; the long prevalence
of southerly winds appeared to have separated the
tail of the pack from the main body, the former[108]
lying against the west land about Cape Searle,
whilst the latter was forced northward and pressed
closely into Melville Bay; the ships sailed freely
between these two great divisions, and found the
west water unusually extensive.

Had I been able to collect a sufficient number
of sledge-dogs at Godhavn last year, it was my intention
to have sailed across to the west side if possible,
instead of pursuing the usual route through
Melville Bay; but the opinions of the captains of
the lost whalers were in favor of a “Melville Bay”
passage, and the necessity for obtaining dogs left
me no choice as to whether I should proceed west,
or north to Proven and Upernivik; I have already
recorded what were my opinions at the time, so
need only observe now, that, although I failed, I believe
my decision was justified by all former experience,
even independently of the circumstances
which obliged me to adopt it. Nevertheless it is
mortifying to find that ships had reached as far as
Pond’s Bay, and with but little difficulty. Sir
Edward Parry, upon his third voyage, did not
reach the west water until very late in the season,
although some of the whalers met with better
success by following up another route.

UNCERTAINTY OF ICE-NAVIGATION.

There is nothing more uncertain than ice-navigation,
dependent as it is upon winds, temperatures,
and currents: one can only calculate upon
“the chances,” and how nearly we succeeded we
have already seen. In the preceding year (1856)[109]
some of the whalers got through Melville Bay as
early as the 15th June, only a few days after the
commencement of the summer’s thaw. Captain
Walker tells me there are many years in which
the whalers can pass up the western shore late in
the season, but not always so far as Pond’s Bay;
of Melville Bay after the 10th or 15th July they
know nothing, but the voyages of discovery afford
us ample details; whilst of the southern route
almost nothing has been made publicly known.

There are many intelligent whaling captains
who possess much valuable knowledge of these
lands and seas, and even in the terra incognita
of Frobisher’s Straits, whalers have wintered,
whilst our charts scarcely afford even a vague
idea of the configuration of these extensive
islands. The so-called “Home Bay” has been
penetrated for fifty miles, and is supposed to be
a strait leading to Fox’s Furthest. Scott’s Inlet
is also said to be a strait leading into a western
arm of the same sea. A surveying vessel would
be usefully employed for a couple of summers
in tracing the general outline of these possessions
of Her Majesty, more particularly as
they are rather thickly inhabited by Esquimaux
most eager to barter their produce for rifles,
saws, files, knives, needles, and such like articles.
Good coal has been found upon Durbin Island
(near Cape Searle), in a convenient little cove[110]
upon its southern side; and as the old sailing
whalers are fast being replaced by steamers,
this place may become of great importance to
them.

We are refitting, shooting, and devouring
quantities of excellent mussels; eider ducks are
very abundant, but extremely shy. Poor puss
has been killed; tempted on deck by the unusually
warm weather, she was pounced upon by
the dogs.

DANISH HOSPITALITY.

17th.—Yesterday our attempt to enter the
port of Godhavn failed, it is still filled with ice.
This evening Young and I examined a narrow
rocky cove—Upernivik Bay of the natives;
finding it suitable for our purpose, the ship was
brought in and moored to the rocks. We were
received with much kindness by our friends,
Mr. and Mrs. Olrik, and were presented with
a file of late English papers. A considerable
supply of beer was ordered to be brewed for
us.

I found Mrs. Olrik without a fire in her sitting
room; it was unnecessary; the windows looked to
the south, and the sun shone brightly in upon a
profusion of geraniums and European flowers, at
once reminding one of home, and refreshing the
senses by their perfume and beauty; the merry
voices of the children were also a most pleasing
novelty. Mr. Olrik says the past winter has not[111]
been in any way remarkable, except for the prevalence
of strong winds; April and the early
part of May have been unusually cold.

INTERCHANGE OF PRESENTS.

24th.—We did honor to Her Majesty’s birthday
by dressing the ‘Fox’ in all her flags, and
regaling her crew with plum-pudding and grog.
The ice having moved off, we have come into the
harbor of Godhavn, as being more convenient and
safe. The day has been a busy one: we have
completed our small purchases and closed our
letters; I have added another Esquimaux lad to
our crew, taking with him his rifle, kayak, and
sledge. This evening there has been a brisk interchange
of presents between us and our Danish
friends. I have been given an eider-down coverlet
by the Governor, Mr. Andersen; and, by Mrs.
Olrik, some delicious preserve of Greenland cranberries,
a tin of preserved ptarmigan, and a jar
of pickled whale-skin; my table is decked with
European flowers, including roses, mignonette,
and violets.

With good reason shall we remember Godhavn;
we have certainly been treated as especial
favorites.

COALING.

26th.—Left Godhavn early yesterday morning,
and anchored this afternoon in our old position
off the Coal Cliffs in the Waigat; a party of
seal-hunters from Atanekerdluk came off to us,
and their hunting having terminated successfully,[112]
they will assist us in coaling. From these men I
obtained much information about this part of the
coast; within a range of 20 miles upon the Disco
shore there are four distinct coaling places; but
at this early season two of them are deeply covered
with snow. There is also very good coal at
the S.E. end of Hare Island, where it can be
easily obtained. The ice in this strait broke up
as long ago as the 3rd April; it has all drifted
out to the northward, only a few icebergs now
remain.

28th.—Again hastening northward; the business
of coaling was very speedily and satisfactorily
completed, but the quality of the coals is
very inferior. Upon the green slopes our sportsmen
found nothing but a few ptarmigan and a
hare.

Shortly after running close past the deserted
settlement of Noursoak, we arrived off a small
bay, and were startled by finding the water had
suddenly changed from transparent blue to a
thick muddy color, but there was no change in
its depth; we were crossing the stream of “Makkaks
Elvin,” or Clay River, which empties itself
into the bay after running through a broad and
extensive valley, said to abound with reindeer;
this river has its origin in lakes and glaciers in
the interior, and the discoloration of the water
is probably the chief cause of success in white-whale[113]
fishing, which is carried on here in the
autumn, as those timid animals will not permit
boats to approach them in clear water.

This evening we are crossing Omenak’s Fiord,
and the land-wind, which here and all along the
coast northwards blows from the N.E., has come
off to us.

PROXIMITY OF THE WHALERS.

31st.—Lying fast to an iceberg off Upernivik.

The whalers are all within a dozen miles of us,
unable to penetrate further north. The season
appears forward, and the ice much decayed; but
southerly winds prevail, retarding its disruption
and removal. Captain Parker, of the ‘Emma,’
tells me he does not expect to make a north passage
this year, and as his experience extends over
a period of at least thirty years, I give his reason;
it is simply this,—that as during the months of
February, March, and April northerly winds prevailed
to an unusual degree, therefore southerly
winds may now be expected to continue; if he
prove a prophet, it will be to our serious hinderance
at this critical season. Governor Fliescher
says the winter has been mild; there has been
but little wind, and that chiefly from the southward.

June, 1858.
KINDNESS OF THE WHALERS.

4th June.—We have received much kindness
from our friends Captains Parker and J. Simpson,
as well as from others of the whaling fleet; the
former has generously supplied us with many
things we were rather short of, not only in ship’s[114]
stores, but provisions and coals, and in return I
have of course furnished him with a receipt for
his owners. Captain Simpson has most handsomely
presented the ‘Fox’ with a sail and yards,
which, after some slight alterations, will enable us
to add a main topsail to our spread of canvas.
For the two days we lay at the iceberg, alongside
of the ‘Emma,’ I made furious attacks upon Captain
Parker’s beefsteaks and porter; we amply
availed ourselves of his hearty welcome. By the
arrival of the fine steam whaler ‘Tay,’ from Scotland,
we have received papers up to 17th April.

This morning we slowly steamed away from
Upernivik, threading our way betwixt islands, and
ice, for about 30 miles, and now await further ice
movement before it will be possible to proceed.

These are called the Woman Islands, so named
by the celebrated Arctic explorer John Davis,
who visited them in Queen Elizabeth’s reign; he
found here only a few old women, their frightened
lords and more active juniors having effected their
escape.

Upon one of these islands a stone was picked
up some 30 years ago, bearing a Runic inscription;
it was sent home to Copenhagen as a most
interesting relic of the early Scandinavian voyagers;
but nothing was on it except the names of
those men “who cleared this place” (or formed
a settlement), and the date, 1135. In all probability
their sojourn was extremely short, perhaps[115]
only for a single summer. The Esquimaux did
not make their appearance for nearly two centuries
later.

DANISH ESTABLISHMENTS.

After Egede’s settlement at Godhaab in 1721,
the Danish trading establishments gradually extended
along the coast, and Upernivik was one of
them; but it appears to have been soon abandoned.
During Napoleon’s wars all the Danish
posts were withdrawn, as the British fleet effectually
cut off communication with Europe; but
after peace was restored in 1815, the trading
posts were again resorted to, and a new settlement
formed near the ruins of the old one at
Upernivik; it enjoys pre-eminence as the most
northern abode of civilized man.


[116]

CHAPTER VIII.

‘Fox’ nearly wrecked—Afloat, and push ahead—Arctic hairbreadth
escapes—Nearly caught in the pack—Shooting little auks—The
Arctic Highlanders—Cape York—Crimson snow—Struggling to
the westward—Reach the West-land—Off the entrance of Lancaster
Sound.
THE ‘FOX’ NEARLY WRECKED.

June 8th.Yesterday morning we passed close
outside Buchan Island; it is small but lofty, its
north side is almost precipitous, yet notwithstanding
this strong indication of deep water, a reef of
rocks lies about a mile off it. I happened to be
aloft with the look-out-man at half-past eight
o’clock as we were steaming through a narrow lead
in the ice, when I saw a rock close ahead; it was
capped with ice, therefore was hardly distinguishable
from the floating masses around; the engines
were stopped and reversed, but there was neither
time nor room to avoid the reef, which now extended
on each side of us, and upon which the
ship’s bow stuck fast whilst her stern remained in
36 feet water; the tide had just commenced to
fall, and all our efforts to haul off from the rocks
were ineffectual. The floes lay within 30 yards
of us upon each side. I feared their drifting
down upon the ship and turning her over; but[117]
fortunately it was perfectly calm, and as the tide
fell, points of the reef held them fast. The ship
continued to fall over to starboard; at dead low
water her inclination was 35°; the water covered
the starboard gunwale from the mainmast aft, and
reached almost up to the after hatchway; at this
time the slightest shake must have caused her to
fall over upon her side, when she would have instantly
filled and sunk. The dogs, after repeated
ineffectual attempts to lie upon the deck, quietly
coiled themselves up upon such parts of the lee
gunwale as remained above water and went to
sleep.


The ‘Fox’ on a Rock near Buchan Island.

To me the moments seemed lengthened out
beyond anything I could have imagined; but at
length the water began to rise, and the ship
to resume her upright position. Boats, anchors,
hawsers, etc., were got on board again with the
utmost alacrity, and the ship floated off unhurt
after having been eleven hours upon the reef.
We had grounded during the day tide and were
floated off by the night tide, which upon this
coast occasions a much greater rise and fall,—so
far we were favored, but the poor little ‘Fox’
had a very narrow escape; as for ourselves, there
was not the slightest cause for apprehension,
three steam whalers being within signal distance.

AFLOAT, AND PUSH AHEAD.

To-day we are steaming along after the three
vessels which passed us last evening and disappeared
round Cape Shackleton during the night.[118]
The contrast between our prospects yesterday
and to-day fills one with delight,—to be afloat
and advancing unobstructedly once more is indeed
charming.

11th.—On the afternoon of the 8th we joined
the steamers ‘Tay,’ Captain Deuchars; ‘Chase,’
Captain Gravill, sen.; and ‘Diana,’ Gravill, jun.
After repeated ice-detentions, we have reached
Duck Island. Captain Deuchars says there is
every prospect of an early north passage; we
have had several conversations about the Pond’s
Bay natives, and their reports of ships, wrecks,
and Europeans. There appears to be not only
great difficulty, but also uncertainty, in arriving
at their meaning; to form an idea of the time
elapsed since an event, or the distance to the
spot where it occurred, is a still harder task. I
look forward to our visit at Pond’s Bay with
greatly increased interest.

ARCTIC HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES.

In August, 1855, when Captain Deuchars was
crossing through the middle ice, in latitude 70°,
he found part of a steamer’s topmast embedded
in heavy ice; he also saw the moulded form of a
ship’s side, and thinks the latter must have sunk;
the portion of the topmast visible was sawed off
and taken to England. It is most probable that
the vessel was either H.M.S. ‘Intrepid’ or ‘Pioneer,’
as two months later, and 250 miles further
south, the ‘Resolute’ was picked up. About two
or three years ago, Captain Deuchars lost his[119]
ship ‘Princess Charlotte,’ in Melville Bay. It
was a beautiful morning; they had almost reached
the North Water, and were anticipating a very
successful voyage; the steward had just reported
breakfast ready, when Captain Deuchars, seeing
the floes closing together ahead of the ship, remained
on deck to see her pass safely between
them, but they closed too quickly; the vessel
was almost through, when the points of ice caught
her sides abreast of the mizenmast, and, passing
through, held the wreck up for a few minutes,
barely long enough for the crew to escape and
save their boats! Poor Deuchars thus suddenly
lost his breakfast and his ship; within ten minutes
her royal yards disappeared beneath the surface.
How closely danger besets the Arctic cruiser, yet
how insidiously; everything looks so bright, so
calm, so still, that it requires positive experience
to convince one that ice only a very few inches,
perhaps only three or four inches, above water, perfectly
level, and moving extremely slow, could
possibly endanger a strong vessel! The ‘Princess
Charlotte’ was a very fine, strong ship, and
her captain one of the most experienced Arctic
seamen. He now commands the finest whaler in
the fleet.

SUPPLY OF PROVISIONS.

14th.—We have only advanced a few miles to
the northward. The steamer ‘Innuit’ has joined
our small steam squadron. Captain Sutter left
Scotland only a month ago: he has very kindly[120]
and promptly sent us a present of newspapers
and potatoes. Captain Deuchars has also been
good enough to supply us with some potatoes
and porter, perhaps the most serviceable present
he could have made us after our long subsistence
upon salt and preserved meats.

10th.—Once more alone in Melville Bay.
The ‘Innuit’ and ‘Chase’ steamed much too
fast for us, and the last of the four vessels, the
‘Tay,’ parted from us in a thick fog yesterday.
We have come close along the edge of the fixed
ice, passing about six miles outside of the Sabine
Islands, and are advancing as opportunities offer.
This morning the man who was stationed to
watch a nip about a quarter of a mile ahead of
the ship, came running back, pursued by three
bears—a mother with her half-grown cubs. I
suppose they followed him chiefly because he ran
from them; and at all events they were very
close up before he reached the ship. Another
bear was seen about the same time, but none of
them came within shot. Rotchies (or little auks)
are very abundant. Seals are occasionally shot.
I ate some boiled seal to-day, and found it good:
this is the first time I have eaten positive blubber;
all scruples respecting it henceforth vanish.

NEARLY CAUGHT IN THE PACK.

25th.—The land-ice broke away inshore of the
‘Fox’ on the 19th or 20th, and we found ourselves
drifting southward amongst extensive fields
of ice. Sad experience has already shown us how[121]
absolutely powerless our small craft is under such
circumstances. But after many attempts we regained
the edge of the fast ice this morning, and
steamed merrily along it towards Bushnan Island.
When within a few miles a nip brought us to a
standstill: here five or six icebergs lie encompassed
by land-ice, and apparently aground; one
of them juts out and has caught the point of an
immense field of ice. There is some slight movement
in the latter, but not enough to let us pass
through.

Twelve or eighteen miles to the south there
is a cluster of bergs, in all probability aground
upon our “70 fathom bank” of last September.
The ice-field appears to rest against them, as both
to the east and west there is much clear water.
Exactly at this spot Captain Penny was similarly
detained by a nip in August, 1850. Although
progress is denied to us at present, yet it is an unspeakable
relief to have got out of the drifting
ice.

ARCTIC PERPLEXITIES.

I have passed very many anxious days in Melville
Bay, but hardly any of them weighed so
heavily upon me as yesterday. There was the
broad, clear land-water within a third of a mile of
me, clear weather, and a fair breeze blowing.
The intervening nip worked sufficiently with
wind and tide to keep one in suspense; it nearly
opened at high water, but closed again with the
ebb tide. I thought of the week already spent[122]
in struggling amongst drifting floes, and was
haunted by visions of everything horrible—gales,
ice-crushing, etc. Nor was it consoling to reflect
that all the sailing ships as well as the steamers
might have actually slipped past us. In fact, I
must acknowledge that anxiety and weariness
had worked me up into a state of burning impatience
and of bitter chagrin at being so repeatedly
baffled in all my efforts by the varying yet
continual perplexities of our position. The only
difference in favor of our prospects over those of
the past year consisted in our having arrived here
two months earlier; but the importance of this
difference is incalculable.

The opportunities afforded by the delays to
which we have been subjected were turned, however,
to some account. Nearly one thousand
rotchies were shot; they are excellent eating;
their average weight is four ounces and a half,
but when prepared for the table they probably
do not yield more than three ounces each. A
young bear imprudently swam up to the ship, and
was shot,—his skin fell to the sportsman, and carcase
to the dogs. Several others have been seen:
we watched one fellow surprise a seal upon the
ice, and carry it about in his mouth as a cat does
a mouse.

THE ARCTIC HIGHLANDERS.

27th.—Lying fast to the ice off the Crimson
Cliffs of Sir John Ross. Yesterday we succeeded
in passing through the nip, and by evening[123]
reached Cape York. Seeing natives running out
upon the land-ice, the ship was made fast for an
hour in order to communicate with them. A
party of eight men came on board: they immediately
recognized Petersen, for they lived at Etah
in Smith’s Sound when he was there in the American
expedition. They asked for Dr. Kane, and
told us Hans was married and living in Whale
Sound. They all said he was most anxious to return
to Greenland, but had neither sledge-dogs
nor kayak; hunger had compelled him to eat the
seal-skin which covered the framework of the latter.
Petersen gave them messages for Hans from
his Greenland friends, and advice that he should
fix his residence here, where he might see the
whalers and perhaps be taken back to Greenland.
The natives did not seem to be badly off for anything
except dogs, some distemper having carried
off most of these indispensable animals. I was
therefore unable to procure any from them.
These people spent the winter here; they seemed
healthy, well-clad, and happy little fellows. One
of them is brother-in-law to Erasmus York, who
voluntarily came to England in the ‘Assistance’
in 1851. This man is an angekok, or magician;
he has a still flatter face than the rest of his
countrymen, but appears more thoughtful and
intelligent.

Petersen pointed out to me a stout old fellow,
with a tolerable sprinkling of beard and moustache.[124]
This worthy perpetrated the only murder
which has taken place for several years in the
tribe: he disliked his victim and stood in need of
his dogs, therefore he killed the owner and appropriated
his property! Such motives and passions
usually govern the “unsophisticated children of
nature;” yet, as savages, the Esquimaux may be
considered exceedingly harmless.

Of late years these Arctic Highlanders have become
alarmed by the rapid diminution of their
numbers through famine and disease, and have
been less violent towards each other in their feuds
and quarrels.

The appearance of these men, as they danced
and rolled about in frantic delight at our approach,
was wild and strange, and their costume
uniform and picturesque. Their long, coarse,
black hair hung loosely over the seal-skin frock
which in its turn overlapped their loose shaggy
bear-skin breeches, and these again came down
over the tops of their seal-skin boots. Most of
them carried a spear formed out of the horn of a
narwhal.

Having distributed presents of knives and
needles, and explained to them that we did so because
they had behaved well to the white people,
(as we learned from Dr. Kane’s narrative of
their treatment of him and his crew), we pursued
our voyage, not doubting but that we should soon
reach the North Water, an extensive sea through[125]
which we could sail uninterruptedly to Pond’s
Bay.

During the night we advanced through loose
ice; but fog and a rising S.E. gale delayed us, and
to-day the pack has pressed in against the land, so
that our wings are most unexpectedly clipped. A
walrus was shot through the head by a Minié bullet;
none other will penetrate such a massive
skull: unfortunately for my collection of specimens,
and for the dogs, the animal sank.

July, 1858.
DAMAGE FROM ICE.

2d July.—For five days we have been almost
beset amongst loose ice and grounded bergs; the
winds were generally from the S.E. and accompanied
by fog. To avoid being squeezed we had
constantly to shift our position; once we were
caught and rather severely nipped; the ship was
heeled over about ten degrees and lifted a couple
of feet: the ice was three feet thick, but broke
readily under her weight. Unfortunately there
was not time to unship the rudder, so it suffered
very severely. Upon a previous occasion the
screw-shaft was bent and a portion of the screw
broken off.

ROTCHIES AND GULLS.

Landed to obtain a good view of the sea in
the offing; from the hills we could see nothing
but pack to seaward. There was no land ice;
we stepped out of the boat upon a narrow icefoot
which fringed the coast; immediately above it
we trod over a velvet sward of soft bright green
moss; the turf beneath was of considerable depth.[126]
Here and there under this noble range of cliffs,
which are composed of primary rock, there exists
much vegetation for so high a latitude. From the
fact of thick layers of turf descending quite down
to the sea, it is evident that the land has been
gradually sinking. Steep slopes of rocky débris,
which screen the bases of the most precipitous
cliffs, form secure nurseries for the little auk;
these localities were literally alive with them;
they popped in and out of every crevice, or sat
in groups of dozens upon every large rock. I
have nowhere seen such countless myriads of
birds. The rotchie, or little auk, lays its single egg
upon the bare rock, far within a crevice beyond
the reach of fox, owl, or burgomaster gull. We
shot a couple of hundred during our short stay on
shore, and, by removing the stones, gathered several
dozen of their eggs.

The huge predatory gulls, long ago named
“Burgomasters” by Dutch seamen (because they
lord it over their neighbors, and appropriate every
thing good to themselves), have established themselves
in the cliffs, where their nests are generally
inaccessible: we were a month too late for
their eggs; the young birds were as large as
spring chickens. Of course we obtained specimens
of the red snow, but had to seek rather diligently
for it; its color was a dirty red, very like
the stain of port wine: very few patches of it
were found.[127]

Last night a westerly wind blew freshly and
dispersed the ice outside of us, so much so that
this evening we have got out into almost clear
water. Farewell Greenland!—hurrah for the
west!

FREE FROM THE ICE.

5th.—After getting free from the ice off the
Crimson Cliffs, we soon lost sight of the last fragment,
and steered for Pond’s Bay. And now we
all set to work in zealous haste to write our last
letters for England, by the whalers, which we
hoped soon to meet there.

After running 60 miles the ice re-appeared, and
we sailed through a vast deal of it, but it became
more closely packed, and a thick fog detained us
for a day.

When the weather became clear, the main
pack was seen to the W., S., and S.E.; in the hope
of rounding its northern extreme we ran along it
to the N.W. To-day it has led us to the N. and
N.E., so that this evening Wolstenholme Sound is
in sight. To the N. the pack appears impenetrable,
and there is a strong ice-blink over it. All
the ice we have lately sailed through is loose, and
much decayed; it seems but recently to have
broken away from the land, is not water-washed,
neither has it been exposed to a swell, the fractured
edges remaining sharp.

ICE CLOSING AGAIN.

6th.—Midnight. Last evening I persevered to
the N. until every hope of progress in that direction
vanished. To the W. the pack appeared tolerably[128]
loose; the wind was fresh at E.S.E., so I
determined once more to push into it, and endeavor
to battle our way through; I hoped it
would prove to be merely a belt of 30 or 40 miles
in width. We found the ice to lie for the most
part in streams at right angles to the wind, and
therefore much more open than it had appeared:
there was seldom any difficulty in winding through
it from one water space to another. The wind
greatly increased, bringing much rain, but fortunately
no fog;—the dread of this hung over
me like a nightmare,—our progress depended
upon the vigilance of the look-out kept in the
crow’s-nest. By noon we had made good 60
miles. Throughout the day the wind has gradually
moderated: the rain gave place to snow,
which in its turn was succeeded by mist. The
evening was fine eventually and clear; but still
we find the ice is all around. Just before midnight
the termination of our lead was discovered,
whilst the ice through which we had passed was
closing together, and a dense fog came rolling
down. Under these circumstances the ship was
made fast as near to the nip as safety permitted,
to await some favorable change.

10th.—All the 7th we remained in our small
basin, there being no outlet from it, and but little
water anywhere visible. To pass away the dull
hours and get rid of unwelcome reflections upon
the similarity of our present position and that in[129]
August last, I commenced an attack upon all the
feathered denizens of the pack—they seemed so
provokingly contented with it—but they soon
became wary, and deserted our vicinity, so I shot
only a dozen fulmar petrels, three ivory gulls, two
looms,[13] and a Lestris parasiticus; some of them
were useful as specimens, and such as were not
destined for our table were given to the dogs.
Although Cobourg Island was 45 miles distant
from us, its lofty rounded outlines were very
distinct, and much covered with snow. On the
8th we squeezed through nips for 4 or 5 miles,
and on the 9th, reaching a large space of water,
steamed towards Cobourg Island until again
stopped by the pack at an early hour this morning,
when within 5 or 6 leagues of it.

STRUGGLING TO THE WESTWARD.

This evening we are endeavoring to steam in
towards the West-land, and fancy we can trace
with the crow’s-nest telescope a practicable route
through the intervening ice-mazes to a faint streak
of water along the shore. This sort of navigation
is not only anxious, but wearying. To me it
seems as if several months instead of only eight
days had elapsed since we left Cape York. We
are constantly wondering what our whaling friends
are about, and where they are?

14th.—The faint streak of water seen on the
night of the 10th proved to be an extensive sheet[130]
to leeward of Cobourg Island. We reached it
next morning. Jones’ Sound appeared open, and
a slight swell reached us from it, but all along the
shore there was close pack. Although but little
water was visible to the southward, we persevered
in that direction, and, as the ice was rapidly moving
off-shore under the combined influence of wind
and tide, we were only occasionally detained.

Two hundred and forty-two years ago—to a
day, I believe—William Baffin sailed without
hindrance along this coast and discovered Lancaster
Sound. What a very different season he must
have experienced!

VISIT OF NATIVES.

Passing near Cape Horsburgh we approached
De Ros Islet at midnight. The air being very
calm, and still, the shouting of some natives was
heard, although we could scarcely distinguish them
upon the land-ice. The ship was made fast, and
the shouting party, consisting of three men, three
women, and two children, eagerly came on board.
Only four individuals remained on shore.

OFF LANCASTER SOUND.

The old chief Kal-lek is remarkable amongst
Esquimaux for having a bald head. He inquired
by name for his friend Captain Inglefield. These
three families have spent the last two years upon
this coast, between Cape Horsburgh and Croker
Bay. Their knowledge does not extend further
in either direction. They are natives of more
southern lands, and crossed the ice in Lancaster
Sound with dog-sledges. Since the visit of the[131]
‘Phœnix’ in ’54 they have seen no ships, nor
have any wrecks drifted upon their shores. They
seemed very fat and healthy, but complained that
all the reindeer had gone away, and asked if we
could tell where they went to? Our presents of
wood, knives, and needles were eagerly received.
They assured us that Lancaster Sound was still
frozen over, and that all the sea was covered with
pack. After half an hour’s delay we steamed onward,
and on reaching a larger space of water our
hopes (somewhat depressed by the native intelligence)
began to revive. But we soon found that
our clear water terminated near Cape Warrender.
Lancaster Sound, although not frozen over, was
crammed full of floes and icebergs. The wind increased
to a strong gale from the east, and pressed
in more ice. At length the ship was with difficulty
made fast to a strip of land-ice a few miles westward
of Point Osborn. Gradually the gale subsided,
but not until the pack was close in against
the land. The tides kept sweeping it to and fro,
to our great discomfort. The land is composed of
gneiss, and the gravelly shore is low. A few ducks
only have been shot, and traces of reindeer and
hares seen. Our Melville Bay friends, the rotchies,
are very rare visitors upon this side of Baffin’s
Bay.

Part of a ship’s timber has been found upon the
beach; it measures 7 inches by 8 inches, is of
American oak, and, although sound, has long been
exposed to the weather.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] These birds are called willocks at home; they are the “Uria brunnichii”
of naturalists.


[132]

CHAPTER IX.

Off Cape Warrender—Sight the whalers again—Enter Pond’s Bay—Communicate
with Esquimaux—Ascend Pond’s Inlet—Esquimaux
information—Arctic summer abode—An Arctic village—No intelligence
of Franklin’s ships—Arctic trading—Geographical information
of natives—Information of Rae’s visit—Improvidence of
Esquimaux—Travels of Esquimaux.
OFF CAPE WARRENDER.

16th July.To borrow a whaling phrase, we are
“dodging about in a hole of water” off Cape Warrender.
I recognize the little bay just to the
west of the cape where Parry landed in September,
1824. The “immense mass of snow and ice
containing strata of muddy-looking soil” is there
still, and, I should think, had considerably increased.
Here his party shot three reindeer out
of a small herd. We have narrowly scanned the
steep hill-sides with our glasses, but without discovering
any such inducement to land.

No cairns are visible upon Cape Warrender;
the natives have probably removed them. Dense
pack prevents us from approaching Port Dundas
or crossing to the southern shore. We all find
these vexatious delays are by no means conducive
to sleep. The mind is busy with a sort of
magic-lantern representation of the past, the present,[133]
and the future, and resists for weary hours
the necessary repose.

17th.—Last night’s calm has allowed the pack
to expand so much, that to-day we have steamed
through it until within three miles of the noble
cliffs of Cape Hay; and now we are drifting eastward
with the ice precisely as did the ‘Enterprise’
and ‘Investigator,’ in September, ’49.
Upon that occasion we were set free off Pond’s
Bay. There is a very extensive loomery at Cape
Hay; we regret the circumstances which prevent
our levying a tax upon it. Here, if anywhere, I
expected to find a clear sea, but east winds have
prevailed for twenty days out of the last twenty-five,
and this accounts for the present state of the
sea; the next succession of west winds will probably
effect a prodigious clearance of ice.

THE WHALERS AGAIN.

21st.—The ‘Tay’ was seen to-day in loose ice,
and much further off the land. She gradually
steamed through it to the southward, and by
night was almost out of sight. Her appearance
surprised us, as we supposed she must have
reached Pond’s Bay long ago. Ten hours’ struggling
with steam and sails at the most favorable
intervals has only advanced us five miles. The
weather is remarkably warm, bright, and pleasant.
A very large bear came within 150 yards,
and was shot by Petersen, the Minié bullet passing
through his body. This beast measured
8 ft. 3 in. in length; his fat carcase was hoisted[134]
on board with great satisfaction, as our dogs’ food
was nearly expended.

24th.—Last night the ice became slack enough
to afford some prospect of release, so we charged
the nips vigorously, and steamed away through
devious openings towards Cape Fanshawe. For
several hours but little progress was made, but
this morning the ice became more open; clear
water was seen ahead, and reached by noon. Although
it is calm I prefer waiting for a breeze to
expending more coals. We are only ten miles
from Possession Bay. The air is so very clear
that the land appears quite close to us. All
that is not mountainous is well cleared of snow.
There is immense refraction. Only a single iceberg
in sight. The sea-water is light green, as
remarked by Parry in 1819.

OFF CAPE WALTER BATHURST.

26th.—A vessel was seen yesterday morning;
the day continuing calm, we steamed through
some loose ice, and joined her off Cape Walter
Bathurst in the evening. It proved to be the
‘Diana;’ she parted from us on the 16th of June
in Melville Bay, has everywhere been obstructed
by the pack, as we have been, and only reached
Cape Warrender three days before us. From
thence to Possession Bay she met with no obstruction.
The subsequent east winds brought in all
the ice which has so much retarded us.

The ‘Diana’ has already captured twelve
whales. Taking the hint from Capt. Gravill,[135]
we have made fast to a loose floe, and are drifting
very nearly a mile an hour to the southward
along the edge of a very formidable land-ice,
which is seven or eight miles broad. All
to seaward of us is packed ice. The old whaling
seamen of the ‘Diana’ are astonished at the unusual
and unaccountable abundance of ice which
everywhere fills up Baffin’s Bay. All the ‘Diana’s’
steaming coals, her spare spars, wood and
even a boat, have been burnt in the protracted
struggle through the middle ice.

ENTER POND’S BAY.

27th.—After putting our letter-bag on board
the ‘Diana’ this morning we steamed on for
Pond’s Bay, and at noon made fast near Button
Point to the land-ice, which still extends
across it.

COMMUNICATE WITH ESQUIMAUX.

For four hours Petersen and I have been bargaining
with an old woman and a boy, not for the
sake of their seal-skins, but in order to keep them
in good humor whilst we extracted information
from them. They said they knew nothing of
ships or white people ever having been within
this inlet, nor of any wrecked ships. They knew
of the depôt of provisions left at Navy Board
Inlet by the ‘North Star,’ but had none of them.
The woman has traced on paper the shores of
the inlet as far as her knowledge extends, and has
given me the name of every point. She says the
ice will break up with the first fresh wind. These
two individuals are alone here. They remained[136]
on purpose to barter with the whalers, and cannot
now rejoin their friends, who are only 25
miles up the inlet, because the ice is unsafe to
travel over and the land precipitous and impracticable.

This afternoon the ‘Tay’ stood in towards us,
and Captain Deuchars kindly sent his boat on
board with an offer to take charge of our letters.
The ‘Tay’ reached this coast only a few days ago,
having met with the same difficulties which we
experienced. The ‘Innuit’ was last seen nearly
a month ago beset off Jones’ Sound. The remaining
steamer, the ‘Chase,’ has not been seen
or heard of.

29th.—The old woman’s denial of all knowledge
of the wrecks or cast-away men was very
unsatisfactory. I determined to visit her countrymen
at their summer village of Kaparōktolik,
which she described as being only a short day’s
journey up the inlet.

EXAMINE NATIVE CÂCHES.

Petersen and one man accompanied me. We
started yesterday morning with a sledge and a Halkett
boat. Although the ice over which we purposed
travelling broke away from the land soon
after setting out, yet we managed to get half way
to the village before encamping. This morning
we learnt the truth of the old woman’s account.
A range of precipitous cliffs rising from the sea
cut us off by land from Kaparōktolik, so we were
obliged to return to the ship. Our walk afforded[137]
the opportunity of examining some native encampments
and câches. We found innumerable
scraps of seal-skins, bird-skins, walrus and other
bones, whalebone, blubber, and a small sledge.
The latter was very old, and composed of pieces
of wood and of large bones ingeniously secured together
with strips of whalebone. Five preserved-meat
tins were found; some of them retaining
their original coating of red paint. Doubtless
these were part of the spoils from Navy Board
Inlet depôt. The total absence of fresh wood or
iron was strongly in favor of the old woman’s veracity.
Since yesterday, ice, about 16 miles in
extent, has broken up in the inlet, and is drifting
out into Baffin’s Bay.

During my absence our shooting parties have
twice visited a loomery upon Cape Graham Moore,
and each time have brought on board 300 looms.
Very few birds and no other animals were seen
during our walk over the rich mossy slopes to-day.
I saw a pair of Canadian brown cranes, the first
of the species I have ever seen so far north,
though Sir Robert M’Clure found them, I know,
on Banks Land.

The lands enjoying a southern aspect, even to
the summits of hills 700 or 800 feet in height,
were tinged with green; but these hills were protected
by a still loftier range to the north. Upon
many well-sheltered slopes we found much rich
grass. All the little plants were in full flower;[138]
some of them familiar to us at home, such as the
buttercup, sorrel, and dandelion. I have never
found the latter to the north of 69° before.

The old woman is much less excited to-day;
she says there was a wreck upon the coast when
she was a little girl; it lies a day and a half’s
journey, about 45 miles, to the north; and came
there without masts and very much crushed; the
little which now remains is almost buried in the
sand. A piece of this wreck was found near her
abode,—she has neither hut nor tent, but a sort of
lair constructed of a few stones and a seal-skin
spread over them, so that she can crawl underneath.
This fragment is part of a floor timber,
English oak, 7½ inches thick; it has been brought
on board.

ASCEND POND’S INLET.

30th.—A gale of wind and deluge of rain has
detained the ship until this evening; we are now
steaming up the inlet, having the old lady and
the boy on board as our pilots; they are delighted
at the prospect of rejoining their friends, from
whom they were effectually cut off until the return
of winter should freeze a safe pathway for
them; they had, however, abundance of looms
stored up en câche for their subsistence. She has
drawn me another chart, much more neatly than
the former, but so like it as to prove that her
geographical knowledge, and not her powers of
invention, have been taxed. She is a widow; her
daughter is married, and lives at a place called[139]
Igloolik, which is six or seven days’ journey from
here,—three days up the inlet, then about three
days overland to the southward, and then a day
over the ice.

ESQUIMAUX INFORMATION.

Thinking it not quite impossible that this Igloolik
might be the place where Parry wintered
in 1822-3, I told Petersen to ask whether ships
had ever been there? She answered, “Yes, a ship
stopped there all one winter; but it is a long time
ago.” All she could distinctly recollect having
been told about it was, that one of the crew died,
and was buried there, and his name was Al-lah
or El-leh. On referring to Parry’s ‘Narrative,’ I
found that the ice-mate, Mr. Elder, died at Igloolik!
This is a very remarkable confirmation of
the locality,—for there are several places called
Igloolik. She also told us it was an island, and
near a strait between two seas. The Esquimaux
take considerable pains to learn, and remember
names; this woman knows the names of several
of the whaling captains, and the old chief at De
Ros Islet remembered Captain Inglefield’s name,
and tried hard to pronounce mine.

She now told us of another wreck upon the
coast, but many days’ journey to the south of
Pond’s Bay; it came there before her first child
was born. Her age is not less than forty-five.

Aug., 1858.

August 4th.—Our Esquimaux friends have departed
from us with every demonstration of friendship,
to return to their village. We have had[140]
free communication with them for four days—not
only through Mr. Petersen, but also through
our two Greenlanders; the result is, that they
have no knowledge whatever of either of the
missing or the abandoned searching ships. Neither
wrecked people nor wrecked ships have
reached their shores. They seemed to be much
in want of wood; most of what they have consists
of staves of casks, probably from the Navy
Board Inlet depôt.

TOOLS USED BY THE ESQUIMAUX.

In their bartering with us, saws were most
eagerly sought for in exchange for narwhal’s
horns; they are used by them in cutting up the
long strips of the bones of whales with which
they shoe the runners of their sledges, also the
ivory and bone used to protect the more exposed
parts of their kayaks and the edges of their paddles
from the ice.

Files were also in great demand, and I found
were required to convert pieces of iron-hoop into
arrow and spear heads. If any suspicion existed
of their having a secret supply of wood such as a
wreck or even a boat would afford, it was removed
by their refusing to barter the most trifling things
for axes or hatchets.

But I must relate the events of the last few
days as they occurred. When 17 miles within
the inlet we reached the unbroken ice and made
the ship fast. Here the strait—originally named
Pond’s Bay, and more recently Eclipse Sound—appears[141]
to be most contracted, its width not exceeding
7 or 8 miles. Both its shores are very
bold and lofty, often forming noble precipices.
The prevailing rock is grey gneiss, generally dipping
at an angle of 35° to the west.

Early on the 1st of August I set out for the native
village with Hobson, Petersen, two men, and
the two natives from Button Point. Eight miles
of wet and weary ice-travelling, which occupied
as many hours, terminated our journey; the surface
of the ice was everywhere deeply channelled
and abundantly flooded by the summer’s thaw;
we were almost constantly launching our small
boat over the slippery ridges which separated
pools or channellings through which it was generally
necessary to wade.

ARCTIC SUMMER ABODES.

After toiling round the base of a precipice, we
came rather suddenly in view of a small semicircular
bay; the cliffs on either side were 800 or 900
feet high, remarkably forbidding and desolate; the
mouth of a valley or wide mountain gorge opens
out into its head. Here, in the depth of the bay,
upon a low flat strip of land, stood seven tents,—the
summer village of Kaparōktolik. I never
saw a locality more characteristic of the Esquimaux
than that which they have here selected for
their abode; it is widely picturesque in the true
Arctic application of the term.

AN ARCTIC VILLAGE.

Although August had arrived, and the summer
had been a warm one, the bay was still frozen[142]
over; and if there was an ice-covered sea in front,
there was also abundance of ice-covered land in the
rear—a glacier occupied the whole valley behind
and to within 300 yards of the chosen spot!

The glacier’s height appeared to be from 150
to 200 feet; its sea-face extending across the
valley,—a probable width of 300 or 400 yards,—was
quite perpendicular, and fully 100 feet high.
All last winter’s snow had thawed away from off
it and exposed a surface of mud and stones, fissured
by innumerable small rivulets, which threw
themselves over the glacier cliffs in pretty cascades,
or shot far out in strong jets from their
deeply serried channels in its face; whilst other
streamlets near the base burst out through sub-glacial
tunnels of their own forming.

What a strange people to confine themselves to
such a mere strip of beach! Upon each side they
have towering rocky hills rising so abruptly from
the sea, that to pass along their bases or ascend
over their summits, is equally impossible; whilst
a threatening glacier immediately behind, bears
onward a sufficient amount of rock and earth from
the mountains whence it issues, to convince even
the unreflecting savage of its progressive motion.


The Village and Glacier of Kaparōktolik, Greenland.

The land is devoid of game, although lemmings
and ermines are tolerably numerous; it only supplies
the moss which the natives burn with blubber
in their lamps, and the dry grass which they
put in their boots; even the soft stone, lapis ollaris,[143]
out of which their lamps and cooking vessels
are made and the iron pyrites with which they
strike fire, are obtained by barter from the people
inhabiting the land to the west of Navy Board
Inlet. But the sea compensates for every deficiency.
The assembled population amounted to
only 25 souls: 9 men, the rest women and children.

All of them evinced extreme delight at seeing
us; as we approached the huts the women and
children held up their arms in the air and shouted
“Pilletay” (give me), incessantly; the men
were more quiet and dignified, yet lost no opportunity,
either when we declined to barter, or when
they had performed any little service, to repeat
“Pilletay” in a beseeching tone of voice.

We walked everywhere about the tents and
entered some of them, carefully examining every
chip or piece of metal; our visit was quite unexpected.
They had only two sledges; both were
made of 2½ inch oak-planks, devoid of bolt-holes
or treenails, and having but very few nail-holes.
These sledges had evidently been constructed for
several years, the parts not exposed to friction
were covered with green fungus: one of them
measured 14 feet long, the other about 9 feet;
we were told the wood came from a wreck to the
southward of Pond’s Bay. Most of the sledge
cross-bars were ordinary staves of casks. Amongst
the poles and large bones which supported the[144]
tents we noticed a painted fir oar. Some pieces of
iron-hoop and a few preserved-meat tins—one
of which was stamped “Goldner,”—completed
their stock of European articles.

NO INTELLIGENCE OF FRANKLIN.

Petersen questioned all the men separately as to
their knowledge of ships or wrecks; but their accounts
only served to confirm the old woman’s
story. None of them had ever heard of ships or
wrecks anywhere to the westward. Both individually
and collectively we got them to draw charts
of the various coasts known to them, and to mark
upon them the positions of the wrecks. The two
chiefs, Nōo-luk and A-wăh-lah, soon made themselves
known to me, and, when we desired to go
to sleep, sent away the people who were eagerly
pressing round our tent. All these natives were
better-looking, cleaner, and more robust than I
expected to find them.

A-wăh-lah has been to Igloolik; one of his
wives, for each chief has two, has a brother living
there. I spread a large roll of paper upon a rock,
and got him to draw the route overland, and also
round by the coast to it; this novel proceeding
attracted the whole population about us; A-wăh-lah
constantly referred to others when his memory
failed him; at length it was completed to the satisfaction
of all parties. When I gave him the
knife I had promised as his reward, and added
another for his wives, he sprang up on the rock,
flourished the knives in his hands, shouted, and[145]
danced with extravagant demonstrations of joy.
He is a very fine specimen of his race, powerful,
impulsive, full of energy and animal spirits, and
moreover an admirable mimic. The men were all
about the same height, 5 feet 5 in.; they eagerly
answered our questions, and imparted to us all
the geographical knowledge, although at first they
hesitated when we asked them about Navy Board
Inlet, in consequence of the depôt placed there
having been plundered; but we soon found that
they were easily tired under cross-examination,
and often said they knew no more; it was necessary
to humor them.

According to their account the depôt was discovered
and robbed by people living further west.
This is probably true, as so few relics were to be
seen here, which would not be the case if such
active fellows as A-wăh-lah and Nōo-luk had received
the first information of its proximity. These
people of Kaparōktolik are the only inhabitants
of the land lying eastward of Navy Board Inlet,
and live entirely upon its southern shore. In a
similar manner, it is only the southern coast of
the land to the west of Navy Board Inlet that is
inhabited. After distributing presents to all the
women and children, and making a few trifling
purchases from the men, we returned next day to
the ship.

AGAIN IN DANGER.

During my absence more ice had broken away,
involving the ship and almost forcing her on shore.[146]
It required every exertion to save her. For two
hours she continued in imminent danger, and was
only saved by the warping and ice-blasting, by
which at last she got clear of the drifting masses,
four minutes only before these were crushed up
against the rocks!

GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION OF NATIVES.

Four Esquimaux came off to the ship in their
kayaks, bringing whalebone, narwhals’ horns, etc.,
to barter. Next to handsaws and files, they attached
the greatest value to knives and large
needles. These men remained on board for nearly
two days, and drew several charts for us. Nōo-luk
explained that seven or eight days’ journey to
the southward there are two wrecks a short day’s
journey apart. The southern is in an inlet or strait
which contains several islands, but here his knowledge
of the coast terminates. The man A-ra-neet
said he visited these wrecks five winters ago. All
of them agreed that it is a very long time since
the wrecks arrived upon the coast; and Nōo-luk,
who appears to be about forty-five years of age,
showed us how tall he was at the time.

In the ‘Narrative of Parry’s Second Voyage,’ at
p. 437, mention is made of the arrival at Igloolik
of a sledge constructed of ship-timber and staves
of casks; also of two ships that had been driven
on shore, and the crews of which went away in
boats. In August, 1821, nearly two years previous
to the arrival of this report through the Esquimaux
to Igloolik, the whalers ‘Dexterity’ and[147]
‘Aurora’ were wrecked upon the west coast of
Davis’ Strait, in lat. 72°, 70 or 80 miles southward
of Pond’s Bay. The old man, Ow-wang-noot, drew
the coast-line northwards from Cape Graham
Moore to Navy Board Inlet, and pointed out the
position of the northern wreck a few miles east of
Cape Hay. Had it been conspicuous, we must
have seen it when we slowly drifted along that
coast.

These people usually winter in snow-huts at
Green Point, a mile or two within the northern
entrance of Pond’s Bay. They hunt the seal
and narwhal, but when the sea becomes too
open they retire to Kaparōktolik; and when
the remaining ice breaks up—usually about the
middle of August—a further migration takes
place across the inlet to the S.W., where reindeer
abound, and large salmon are numerous in the
rivers. Every winter they communicate with the
Igloolik people. Two winters ago (1856-7) some
people who lived far beyond Igloolik, in a country
called A-ka-nee (probably the Ak-koo-lee of Parry),
brought from there the information of white
people having come in two boats, and passed a
winter in snow-huts at a place called by the
following names:—A-mee-lee-oke, A-wee-lik, Net-tee-lik.

INFORMATION OF RAE’S VISIT.

Our friends pointed to our whale-boat, and
said the boats of the white people were like it,
but larger. These whites had tents inside[148]
their snow-huts; they killed and ate reindeer
and narwhal, and smoked pipes; they bought
dresses from the natives; none died; in summer
they all went away, taking with them two
natives, a father and his son. We could not
ascertain the name of the white chief, nor the
interval of time since they wintered amongst
the Esquimaux, as our friends could not recollect
these particulars.[14]

The name of the locality, A-wee-lik (spelt as
written down at the moment), may be considered
identical with “Ay-wee-lik,” the name of
the land about Repulse Bay in the chart of the
Esquimaux woman, Iligliuk (Parry’s ‘Second Voyage,’
p. 197).

We were of course greatly surprised to find
that Dr. Rae’s visit to Repulse Bay was known to
this distant tribe; and also disappointed to find
they had heard nothing of Franklin’s Back-River
parties through the same channel of communication.
They were anxiously and repeatedly questioned,
but evidently had not heard of any other
white people to the westward, nor of their having
perished there.

Ow-wang-noot lived at Igloolik in his early
days, and made a chart of the lands adjacent,
but said he was so young at the time that “it
seemed like a dream to him.” He was acquainted[149]
with Ee-noo-lōō-apik, the Esquimaux who once
accompanied Captain Penny to Aberdeen, and
told us he had died, lately I think, at a place
to the southward called Kri-merk-sū-malek, but
that his sister still lives at Igloolik.

BARTER WITH NATIVES.

Although they told us the Igloolik people
were worse off for wood than they were themselves,
yet it was evident that here also it is
very scarce. We could not spare them light
poles or oars such as they were most desirous to
obtain for harpoon and lance staves and tent-poles;
and they would willingly have bartered
their kayaks to us for rifles (having already obtained
some from the whaling-ships), but that
they had no other means of getting back to their
homes, nor wood to make the light framework of
others.

They collect whalebone and narwhal’s horns in
sufficient quantity to carry on a small barter with
the whalers. A-wăh-lah showed us about thirty
horns in his tent, and said he had many more at
other stations. A few years ago, when first this
bartering sprang up, an Esquimaux took such a
fancy to a fiddle that he offered a large quantity
of whalebone in exchange for it. The bargain
was soon made, and subsequently this whalebone
was sold for upwards of a hundred pounds!
Each successive year, when the same ship returns
to Pond’s Bay, this native comes on board
to visit his friends, and goes on shore with many[150]
presents in remembrance of the memorable transaction.
It is much better for him thus to receive
annual gifts than to have received a large quantity
at first, as the improvidence of these men
surpasses belief.

TEMPTATIONS TO BARTER.

Of the “rod of iron about four feet long, supposed
to have been at one time galvanized,”
which was brought home in 1856 by Captain
Patterson, and forwarded to the Admiralty, I
could obtain no information. The natives were
shown galvanized iron, and said they had never
seen any before; if their countrymen had any,
it must have come from the whalers; none like
it was found in the wrecks. Rod-iron is very valuable
to Esquimaux for spears and lances, and
narwhals’ horns very tempting to the seamen,
not only as valuable curiosities, but the ivory is
worth half a crown a pound; and I have but
little doubt that many of the things said to have
been stolen by the natives were fraudulently bartered
away by the sailors. That there was no
galvanized iron on board any of the Government
searching-ships, nor in the missing expedition
which sailed from England as far back as
1845, I am almost certain. But is it certain that
this rod was galvanized? The natives gave Captain
Patterson to understand that they got it from
the wreck to the north.

In July, 1854, Captain Deuchars was at Pond’s
Bay, and many natives visited his ship, coming[151]
over the ice on twelve or fourteen sledges made
of ship’s planking. Now at this time Sir Edward
Belcher’s ships were still frozen up in Barrow
Strait. My own impression is that the natives
whom Captain Deuchars communicated with in
1854 were visitors at Pond’s Bay—certainly from
the southward—and probably attracted by the
barter recently grown up at that whaling rendezvous.
Having discovered the use of the saws
obtained by barter from our whalers, they had
successfully applied them to the stout planking
of the old wrecks, which they could not have
stripped off with any tools previously in their
possession.

TRAVELS OF ESQUIMAUX.

That the various tribes, or rather groups of
families, occasionally visit each other, sometimes
for change of hunting-grounds, but more frequently
for barter, is well known. Captain Parker
told me that a native whom he had met one
summer at Durbin Island, came on board his ship
at Pond’s Bay the following year. The distance
between the two places, as travelled by this man
in a single winter, is scarcely short of 500 miles;
and the information given us of Rae’s wintering
at Repulse Bay, information which must have
travelled here in two winters, shows that these
natives communicate at still greater distances.

Did other wrecks exist nearer at hand, our
Pond’s Bay friends would be much better supplied
with wood. If the Esquimaux knew of any within[152]
300, 400, or even 500 miles, the Pond’s Bay
natives would at least have heard of them, and
could have had no reason for concealing it from
us. I only regret that we had not the good fortune
to see more than a few natives, and but two
sledges of ship’s planking; otherwise our own information
might have been more copious, and the
origin of the fresh supply of planking decisively
ascertained.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] Dr. Rae wintered at Repulse Bay in stone huts in 1846-7. Again
wintered there in snow huts in 1853-4.


[153]

CHAPTER X.

Leave Pond’s Bay—A gale in Lancaster Sound—The Beechey Island
Depôt—An Arctic monument—Reflections at Beechey Island—Proceed
up Barrow’s Strait—Peel Sound—Port Leopold—Prince Regent’s
Inlet—Bellot Strait—Flood-tide from the west—Unsuccessful efforts—Fox’s
Hole—No water to the west—Precautionary measures—Fourth
attempt to pass through.
LEAVE POND’S BAY.

6th Aug.Continued calms have delayed us. This
evening we steamed from Pond’s Bay northward,
although our coals have been sadly reduced by
the almost constant necessity for steam-power
since leaving the Waigat. The three steam-whalers
have gone southward; none others have
arrived. They appear to us to be leaving the
whales behind them; we saw many whilst up the
strait, and at the edge of the remaining ice. The
natives said they would remain as long as the ice
remained, but when it all broke up they would
return into Baffin’s Bay and go southward; and
that these animals arrive in early spring, and do
not pass through the strait into any other sea
beyond.

GALE IN LANCASTER SOUND.

Monday evening, 9th.—On the night of the 6th
a pleasant, fair breeze sprang up, and enabled us
to dispense with the engine. An immense bear
was shot; he measured 8 feet 7 inches in length,[154]
and is destined for the museum of the Royal
Dublin Society. On the 7th the wind gradually
freshened and frustrated my intention of examining
the wreck spoken of near Cape Hay; at night
it increased to a very heavy gale. Although past
Navy Board Inlet, very little ice had yet been
met with. The weather, and fear of ice to leeward,
obliged us to heave the vessel to, under
main trysail and fore staysail. The squalls were
extremely violent and seas unusually high.

All Sunday, the 8th, the gale continued, although
not with such extreme force; the deep
rolling of the ship, and moaning of the half-drowned
dogs amidst the pelting sleet and rain,
was anything but agreeable. Notwithstanding
that I had been up all the previous night, I felt
too anxious to sleep; the wind blew directly up
Barrow Strait, drifting us about two miles an
hour. Occasionally she drifted to leeward of
masses of ice, reminding us that if any of the
dense pack which covered this sea only three
weeks ago remained to leeward of us, we must be
rapidly setting down upon its weather edge. The
only expedient in such a case is to endeavor to
run into it—once well within its outer margin a
ship is comparatively safe—the danger lies in the
attempt to penetrate; to escape out of the pack
afterwards is also a doubtful matter.

In the evening we were glad to see the land,
and find ourselves off the north shore near Cape[155]
Bullen, for the violent motion of the ship and
very weak horizontal magnetic force had rendered
our compasses useless. This morning, the
9th, the gale broke, and the sea began to subside
rapidly; by noon it was almost calm, but a thick
gloom prevailed, ominous, it might be, of more
mischief. All along the land there is ice, but,
broken up into harmless atoms. We have carried
away a main gaff and a jibstay, but have come remarkably
well through such a gale with such trifling
damage.

BEECHEY ISLAND DEPÔT.

11th.—Before noon to-day we anchored inside
Cape Riley, and immediately commenced preparations
for embarking coals. I visited Beechey
Island house, and found the door open; it must
have been blown in by an easterly gale long ago,
for much ice had accumulated immediately inside
it. Most of the biscuit in bags was damaged, but
every thing else was in perfect order. Upon the
north and west sides of the house, where a wall
had been constructed, there was a vast accumulation
of ice, in which the lower tier of casks between
the two were embedded, and its surface
thawed into pools. Neither casks nor walls should
have been allowed to stand near the house. The
southern and eastern sides were clear and perfectly
dry. The ‘Mary’ decked boat, and two 30-feet
lifeboats, were in excellent order, and their paint
appeared fresh, but oars and bare wood were
bleached white.[156]

The gutta-percha boat was useless when left
here, and remains in the same state. Two small
sledge travelling boats were damaged; one of them
had been blown over and over along the beach
until finally arrested by the other. The bears
and foxes do not appear to have touched any
thing. I have taken on board all letters left here
for Franklin’s or Collinson’s expeditions and also
a 20-feet sledge-boat for our own travelling purposes.

Last night we steamed very close round Cape
Hurd in a dense fog, and crept along the land as
our only guide: we were thus led into Rigby Bay,
and discovered a shoal off its entrance by grounding
upon it. After a quarter of an hour we
floated off unhurt.

In lowering a boat to pursue a bear, Robert
Hampton fell overboard; fortunately he could
swim, and was very soon picked up, but the intense
cold of the water had almost paralyzed his
limbs. The bear was shot and taken on board.

Sunday, 15th, 9 P.M.—Our coaling was completed
yesterday, and the ship brought over and anchored
off the house in Erebus and Terror Bay.
A small proportion of provisions and winter clothing
has been embarked to complete our deficiencies;
the ice has been scraped out of the house
and its roof thoroughly repaired, a record deposited,
and door securely closed.

AN ARCTIC MONUMENT.

I found lying at Godhavn a marble tablet[157]
which had been sent out by Lady Franklin, in
the American expedition of 1855 under Captain
Hartstein, for the purpose of being erected at
Beechey Island. Circumstances prevented the
Americans executing this kindly service, and it
fell to my lot to convey it to the site originally
intended. The tablet was constructed in New
York, under the direction of Mr. Grinnell, at the
request of Lady Franklin, in order that the only
opportunity which then offered of sending it to
the Arctic regions might not be lost. I placed
the monument upon the raised flagged square in
the centre of which stands the cenotaph recording
the names of those who perished in the Government
expedition under Sir Edward Belcher.
Here also is placed a small tablet to the memory
of Lieutenant Bellot. I could not have selected
for Lady Franklin’s memorial a more appropriate
or conspicuous site. The inscription runs as follows:—

THE INSCRIPTION.

[158]

TO THE MEMORY OF
FRANKLIN,
CROZIER, FITZJAMES,
AND ALL THEIR
GALLANT BROTHER OFFICERS AND FAITHFUL
COMPANIONS WHO HAVE SUFFERED AND PERISHED
IN THE CAUSE OF SCIENCE AND
THE SERVICE OF THEIR COUNTRY.

THIS TABLET
IS ERECTED NEAR THE SPOT WHERE
THEY PASSED THEIR FIRST ARCTIC
WINTER, AND WHENCE THEY ISSUED
FORTH TO CONQUER DIFFICULTIES OR

TO DIE.

IT COMMEMORATES THE GRIEF OF THEIR
ADMIRING COUNTRYMEN AND FRIENDS,
AND THE ANGUISH, SUBDUED BY FAITH,
OF HER WHO HAS LOST, IN THE HEROIC
LEADER OF THE EXPEDITION, THE MOST
DEVOTED AND AFFECTIONATE OF
HUSBANDS.


“AND SO HE BRINGETH THEM UNTO THE
HAVEN WHERE THEY WOULD BE.”

1855.


This stone has been entrusted to be affixed in its place by the Officers
and Crew on the American Expedition, commanded by Lt. H. J. Hartstein,
in search of Dr. Kane and his Companions.
This Tablet having been left at Disco by the
American Expedition, which was unable to
reach Beechey Island, in 1855, was put on
board the Discovery Yacht Fox, and is now
set up here by Captain M’Clintock, R.N.,
commanding the final expedition of search
for ascertaining the fate of Sir John Franklin
and his companions, 1858.

We are now ready to proceed upon our voyage[159]
from Beechey Island, and there is no ice in sight;
but having worked almost unceasingly since our
arrival up to the present hour, the men require a
night’s rest. Nearly forty tons of fuel have been
embarked.

REFLECTIONS AT BEECHEY ISLAND.

The total absence of ice in Barrow Strait is
astonishing. No less so are the changes and
chances of this singular navigation. Twelve days
later than this in 1850, when I belonged to Her
Majesty’s ship ‘Assistance,’ with considerable difficulty
we came within sight of Beechey Island;
a cairn on its summit attracted notice; Captain
Ommanney managed to land, and discovered the
first traces of the missing expedition. Next day
the United States schooner ‘Rescue’ arrived; the
day after, Captain Penny joined us, and subsequently
Captain Austin, Sir John Ross, and Captain
Forsyth,—in all, ten vessels were assembled
here. This day six years, when in command of
the ‘Intrepid,’ we sailed from here for Melville
Island in company with the ‘Resolute.’ Again I
was here at this time in 1854,—still frozen up,—in
the ‘North Star,’ and doubts were entertained
of the possibility of escape.

To come down to a later period, it was this day
fortnight only that I set out for the native village
in Pond’s Inlet, under the guidance of an old
woman; the trip was interesting, but we failed to
obtain the slightest clue to the “whereabouts” of[160]
the missing ships; moreover, our own little vessel
had a most providential escape from being crushed
against the cliffs; and this day week was spent in
contending with a furious gale, during which the
ship had nearly been driven to leeward and dashed
to pieces by the sea-beaten pack. Yet these are
only preliminaries,—we are only now about to
commence the interesting part of our voyage. It
is to be hoped the poor ‘Fox’ has many more
lives to spare.

CAPE HOTHAM.

Monday night, 16th Aug.—Sailed from Beechey
Island this morning, and in the evening landed at
Cape Hotham. A small depôt of provisions and
three boats were left there by former expeditions.
Of the depôt all has been destroyed with the exception
of two casks landed in 1850. The boats
were sound, but several of their oars, which had
been secured upright, were found broken down
by bears—those inquisitive animals having a
decided antipathy to anything stuck up—stuck
up things in general being, in this country, unnatural.
Fragments of the depôt and the broken
oars were tossed about in every direction. Numerous
records were found; to the most recent a
few lines were added, stating that we had removed
the two whale-boats—one to be left at Port
Leopold, the other to replace our own crushed by
the ice.

PROCEED DOWN PEEL STRAIT.

17th.—Last night battling against a strong foul
wind with sea, in rain and fog. To-day much loose[161]
ice is seen southward of Griffith’s Island. The
weather improved this afternoon, and we shot
gallantly past Limestone Island, and are now
steering down Peel Strait; all of us in a wild state
of excitement—a mingling of anxious hopes and
fears!

18th.—For 25 miles last evening we ran unobstructedly
down Peel Strait, but then came in
sight of unbroken ice extending across it from
shore to shore! It was much decayed, and of one
year’s growth only; yet as the strait continues to
contract for 60 miles further, and it appeared to
me to afford so little hope of becoming navigable
in the short remainder of the season, I immediately
turned about for Bellot Strait, as affording
a better prospect of a passage into the western
sea discovered by Sir James Ross from Four River
Point in 1849. Our disappointment at the interruption
of our progress was as sudden as it was
severe. We did not linger in hope of a change,
but steered out again into the broad waters of
Barrow Strait. However, should Bellot Strait
prove hopeless, I intend to return hither to make
one more effort before the close of the season.

We are now approaching Port Leopold, where
it is necessary to stop for a few hours to examine
the state of the steam launch, provisions and stores,
left there in 1849, as adverse circumstances may
oblige me to fall back upon it as a point of support.[162]

PORT LEOPOLD.

19th.—At anchor in Port Leopold; it is perfectly
clear of ice; we arrived here in the night.
How astonishingly bare the land looks; it is more
barren than Beechey Island, whilst the rock contains
far fewer fossils! On this day nine years
ago the harbor and sea continued covered with
ice, and the ships (‘Enterprise’ and ‘Investigator’)
were unable to escape. At some period since then
the ice has been pressed in upon the low shingle
point; it has forced the launch up before it, and
left her broadside on to the beach, with both bows
stove in, and in want of considerable repairs, but
the means are all at hand for executing them.
We tried to haul her further up, but she was
firmly imbedded and frozen into the ground.
Many things appear to have been covered with
the loose shingle, bags of coal and coke just appearing
through it scarcely above high-water mark.
Amongst the missing articles is the steam-engine.

Although the flag-staff upon the summit of
North East Cape is still standing, the one erected
upon this point and almost the whole of the
framing of the house lies prostrate. The provisions
appeared to be sound, but were not generally
examined. The whale-boat we removed
from Cape Hotham was landed here, and a record
of our proceedings added to the many which have
accumulated here during the last ten years. Some
coke and a few things useful to us and merely
decaying here were taken on board, and by[163]
evening we were again speeding onward with
augmented resources, and the confidence inspired
by a secure depôt in our rear; buoyed up moreover
by the joyful anticipation of soon reaching
the goal of our long-deferred hopes.

OFF FURY POINT.

20th.—Noon. Exactly off Fury Point. There
is one large iceberg far off in the S.E.; no other
ice in sight! I would have landed at Fury Beach
to examine the remaining supplies there, but a
snow shower prevented our distinguishing anything,
and a strong tide carried us past before we
were aware of it.

We feel that the crisis of our voyage is near at
hand. Does Bellot Strait really exist? if so, is it
free from ice?

A depôt of provisions is being got ready to be
landed, should it be practicable for us to push
through and proceed to the southward.

DEPÔT BAY.

21st.—On approaching Brentford Bay last
evening packed ice was seen streaming out of
it, also much ice in the S.E. The northern point
of entrance was landed upon by Sir John Ross
in 1829, and named Possession Point; we rounded
it closely, and could distinguish a few stones piled
up upon a large rock near its highest part—this
is his cairn. As we passed westward between the
point and Browne’s Island, through a channel a
mile in width, a close pack was discovered a few
miles ahead; and it being past ten o’clock, and
almost dark, the ship was anchored in a convenient[164]
bay three or four miles within Possession
Point. Here our depôt is to be landed, therefore
we shall name this for the present Depôt Bay; a
very narrow isthmus between its head and Hazard
Inlet unites the low limestone peninsula, of
which Possession Point is the extreme, to the
mainland.

To-day an unsparing use of steam and canvas
forced the ship eight miles further west; we were
then about half-way through Bellot Strait! Its
western capes are lofty bluffs, such as may be distinguished
fifty miles distant in clear weather; between
them there was a clear broad channel, but
five or six miles of close heavy pack intervened—the
sole obstacle to our progress. Of course
this pack will speedily disperse;—it is no wonder
that we should feel elated at such a glorious
prospect, and content to bide our time in the
security of Depôt Bay. A feeling of tranquillity—of
earnest, hearty satisfaction—has come over
us. There is no appearance amongst us of anything
boastful; we have all experienced too keenly
the vicissitudes of Arctic voyaging to admit of
such a feeling.

At the turn of tide we perceived that we were
being carried, together with the pack, back to the
eastward; every moment our velocity was increased,
and presently we were dismayed at seeing
grounded ice near us, but were very quickly
swept past it at the rate of nearly six miles an[165]
hour, though within 200 yards of the rocks, and
of instant destruction! As soon as we possibly
could we got clear of the packed ice, and left it
to be wildly hurled about by various whirlpools
and rushes of the tide, until finally carried out
into Brentford Bay. The ice-masses were large,
and dashed violently against each other, and the
rocks lay at some distance off the southern shore;
we had a fortunate escape from such dangerous
company. After anchoring again in Depôt Bay,
a large stock of provisions and a record of our
proceedings were landed, as there seems every
probability of advancing into the western sea in
a very few days.

BELLOT STRAIT.

The appearance of Bellot Strait is precisely
that of a Greenland fiord; it is about 20 miles
long and scarcely a mile wide in the narrowest
part, and there, within a quarter of a mile of the
north shore the depth was ascertained to be 400
feet. Its granitic shores are bold and lofty, with
a very respectable sprinkling of vegetation for
lat. 72°. Some of the hill-ranges rise to about
1500 or 1600 feet above the sea.

The low land eastward of Depôt Bay is composed
of limestone, destitute alike of fossils and
vegetation. The granite commences upon the
west shore of Depôt Bay, and is at once bold and
rugged. Many seals have been seen; a young
bear was shot, and Walker took a photograph of
him as he lay upon our deck, the dogs creeping
near to lick up the blood.[166]

FLOOD TIDE FROM THE WEST.

The great rapidity of the tides in Bellot Strait
fully accounts for the spaces of open water seen
by Mr. Kennedy[15] when he travelled through,
early in April. The strait runs very nearly east
and west, but its eastern entrance is well masked
by Long Island; when half-way through both
seas are visible. As in Greenland, the night tides
are much higher than the day tides; last night it
was high water at about half-past eleven; as
nearly as we can estimate, the tide runs through
to the west, from two hours before high water
until four hours after it; that is, the flood-tide
comes from the west! Such is also the case in
Hecla and Fury Strait; in both places the tide
from the west is much the strongest. I am not
sufficiently informed to discuss this subject, but
infer the existence of a channel between Victoria
and Prince of Wales’ Land. The rise and fall is
much less upon the western side of the Isthmus
of Boothia than upon the east, and it likewise
decreases, we know, in Barrow Strait, as we advance
westward.

23rd.—Yesterday Bellot Strait was again examined,
but the five miles of close pack occupied
precisely the same position as if heaped together
by contending tides; considerable augmentations
were moreover seen drifting in from the western
sea. Finding nothing could be effected in Bellot[167]
Strait, we sought in vain for the more southern
channel which should exist to form Levesque
Island: we did, however, find a beautiful harbor,
and are now securely anchored in its north-west
arm; I have named it after the gentleman whose
former island I have thus reluctantly converted
into the northern extreme of the Boothian Peninsula,
and consequently of the American continent.
The south-western angle of Brentford Bay is still
covered with unbroken ice.

This evening we all landed to explore our new
ground. Young and Petersen shot some brent
geese; Walker saw two deer, but he was botanizing,
and had no gun; others were seen by some
of the men, and followed, but without success.

RAMBLE INLAND.

I enjoyed a delightfully refreshing ramble, a
mile or two inland, through a gently ascending
valley, then two miles along the narrow margin
of a pretty little lake between mountains, beyond
which lay a much larger one, four or five miles
in diameter; this farther lake was only partially
divested of its winter ice. Here the scenery was
not only grand, but beautiful; there was enough
of vegetation to tint the craggy hill-sides and
to make the sheltered hollows absolutely green;
deer-tracks and the foot-prints of wildfowl were
everywhere numerous along the water-side. I
saw two decayed skulls of musk oxen, and circles
of stones by the little lake, doubtless at some remote
period the summer residence of wandering[168]
Esquimaux; hence I infer that fish abound in the
lake, and that this valley is a favorite deer-pass.

But the contemplation of these objects, although
agreeable, was not the object of my solitary ramble;
I came on shore to cogitate undisturbed in
a leisurely and philosophic manner. We hoped
very soon to enter an unknown sea; discoveries
were to be made, contingencies provided for, and
plans prepared to meet them.

Yesterday Petersen shot an immense bearded
seal; it sank, but floated up an hour afterwards.
This animal measured 8 feet long, and weighed
about 500 lbs. We prefer its flesh to that of the
small seals, and its blubber will afford a valuable
addition to our stock of lamp oil for the coming
winter.

25th.—In Depôt Bay. We remained but
twenty-four hours in Levesque Harbor; a change
of wind led us to hope for a removal of the ice
in Bellot Strait, therefore I determined to make
another attempt.

FOX’S HOLE.

When off the table-land, where the depth is not
more than from 6 to 10 fathoms, and the tides
run strongest, the ship hardly moved over the
ground, although going 6½ knots through the
water! Thus delayed, darkness overtook us, and
we anchored at midnight in a small indentation of
the north shore, christened by the men Fox’s Hole,
rather more than half-way through.

For several hours we had been coquetting with[169]
huge rampant ice-masses that wildly surged about
in the tideway, or we dashed through boiling eddies,
and sometimes almost grazed the tall cliffs;
we were therefore naturally glad of a couple or
three hours’ rest, even in such a very unsafe position.
At early dawn we again proceeded west,
but for three miles only; the pack again stopped
us, and we could perceive that the western sea
was covered with ice: the east wind, which could
alone remove it, now gave place to a hard-hearted
westerly one.

All the strait to the eastward of us, and the
eastern sea, as far as could be seen from the hill-tops,
is perfectly free from ice, whereas in the
direction we wish to proceed there is nothing but
packed-ice, or water which cannot be reached.
Bitterly disappointed we are, of course; yet there
is reasonable ground for hope; grim winter will
not ratify the obstinate proceedings of the western
ice for nearly four weeks.

PERILOUS AMUSEMENT.

Last evening’s amusement was most exciting, nor
was it without its peculiar perils. With cunning
and activity worthy of her name, our little craft
warily avoided a tilting-match with the stout blue
masses which whirled about, as if with wilful impetuosity,
through the narrow channel; some of
them were so large as to ground even in 6 or 7
fathoms water. Many were drawn into the eddies,
and, acquiring considerable velocity in a contrary
direction, suddenly broke bounds, charging out[170]
into the stream and entering into mighty conflict
with their fellows. After such a frolic the masses
would revolve peaceably or unite with the pack,
and await quietly their certain dissolution; may
the day of that wished-for dissolution be near at
hand! Nothing but strong hope of success induced
me to encounter such dangerous opposition.
I not only hoped, but almost felt, that we deserved
to succeed.

PRECAUTIONARY MEASURES.

Two plans were now occupying my thoughts,
both of them resulting from the conviction that
we should probably be compelled to winter to the
eastward of Bellot Strait: the most important of
these plans is that of finding some series of valleys,
chain of lakes, or continuous low land, practicable
as an overland sledge-route to the western coast,
along which we may transport depôts of provisions
this autumn; for it is certain that the strong
tides will prevent Bellot Strait being frozen over
till winter is far advanced, and its surface will
afford us no means of passing westward with our
sledges.

The other plan, and that which we are now
about to execute, is to land a small depôt of provisions
60 or 70 miles to the southward, and down
Prince Regent’s Inlet, in order to facilitate communication
with the Esquimaux either this autumn
or in early spring.

This precautionary step became so necessary in
the event of the west coast presenting unusual[171]
difficulties, that I determined to carry it at once
into execution. Quitting the “Fox’s Hole,” and
resting for one night in Depôt Bay, we sailed
thence on the 26th; a fine breeze carried us rapidly
southward along the coast of Regent Inlet; there
was but little obstruction; occasionally it was
necessary to pass through a stream of loose ice;
but we saw little of any kind, compared to the experiences
of Sir John Ross in 1829.

STILLWELL BAY.

About dusk (nine o’clock) much loose ice to the
southward prevented our making any attempt at
further progress; we therefore anchored off the
coast—in Stillwell Bay, I think—about 45 miles
from the Depôt Bay. Here the depôt, consisting
of 120 rations, was landed. I observe that it has
only been on penetrating into Brentford Bay that
we have found the primary rocks washed by the
sea; the coast-line both north and south, as far as,
and beyond our present position, is a low shore of
pale limestone, destitute of fossils; we can, however,
see granitic hill-ranges far in the interior.

On the 27th we commenced beating back to
the northward, tacking between the land and the
ice which lay about 15 miles off shore. Towards
night the wind greatly increased, and the ship,
under reefed sail plunged violently into the short,
swift, high seas; we also felt quite as uneasy and
restless as the ship, in our great anxiety to get
back and ascertain what changes were likely to
be effected by the gale.[172]

28th.—To-night the weather is more pleasant;
the keen and contrary wind has given place to a
gentle, fair breeze, the swell has almost subsided,
no ice has been seen to-day, and the night is dark
and unusually mild. I can hardly fancy that the
sea which gently rocks us is not the ocean, and
the soft air the breath of our own temperate region!
The delusion is charming.

ROSS’ CAIRN.

30th.—Yesterday after anchoring in Depôt Bay
I walked over to Possession Point, to visit Ross’
cairn. I found a few stones piled up on two large
boulders, and under each a halfpenny, one of which
I pocketed. Upon the ground lay the fragments
of a bottle which once contained the record, and
near it a staff about 4 feet long. Having calculated
upon finding the bottle sound, I was obliged
to make an impromptu record-case of its long
neck, into which I thrust my brief document, and
consigned it to the safe custody of a small heap of
stones, the staff being erected over it.

MT. WALKER.

It was dark before I got on board again. The
strait had been reconnoitred from the hills, and
was reported to be perfectly clear of ice! This
morning we made a fourth attempt to pass
through; but Bellot Strait was by no means
clear; the same obstruction existed which defeated
our last attempt, and in precisely the same
place. Returning eastward, we entered a narrow
arm of the sea, nearly a couple of miles to the[173]
west of Depôt Bay, and anchored in a small creek
perfectly sheltered and land-locked, at the foot of
a sugarloaf hill.[16] The temperature is falling; last
night it stood at 24°.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] Mr. Kennedy discovered this important passage when in command
of the ‘Prince Albert’ in 1851.

[16] Subsequently named Mount Walker.


[174]

CHAPTER XI.

Proceed westward in a boat—Cheerless state of the western sea—Struggles
in Bellot Strait—Falcons, good Arctic fare—The resources of
Boothia Felix—Future sledge travelling—Heavy gales—Hobson’s
party start—Winter quarters—Bellot Strait—Advanced depôt
established—Observatories—Intense cold—Autumn travellers—Narrow
escape.
PROCEED WESTWARD IN A BOAT.

Most anxious to know the real state of the ice in
the western sea—upon which our hopes so entirely
depend—I intend starting this evening by
boat, as far through Bellot Strait as the ice will
permit, then land and ascend the western coast-hills.

Sept., 1858.

1st Sept.—My boat party consisted of four men
and the doctor, who came with me for the novelty
of the cruise, bringing his camera to fasten
upon any thing picturesque. We landed near
Half-way Island, and pitched our tent for the
night. Early next morning I commenced the
rather formidable undertaking of ascending the
hills, for it is not possible to pass under the cliffs,
and at last I gained the summit of the loftiest,
overlooking Cape Bird at a distance of 3 or 4
miles, and affording a splendid view to the westward,
as well as glimpses between the hills of the[175]
blue eastern sea. Long and anxiously did I survey
the western sea, ice, and lands, and could not
but feel that in all probability we should not be
permitted to pass beyond our present position.


M’Clintock in his Boat sailing through Bellot Strait.
FOUR RIVER POINT.

To the northward Four River Point—Sir
James Ross’ farthest in 1849—was at once recognized;
rather more than nine years ago I stood
upon it with him, and gazed almost as anxiously
in this direction! My present view confirmed
the impression then received, of a wide channel
leading southward. The outline of the western
land is very distant; it is of considerable but uniform
elevation, and slopes gradually down to the
strait, which is between 30 and 40 miles wide.
This western land appears to be limestone, and
without off-lying islands. Our side of the strait or
sea, on the contrary, is primary rock, and fringed
with islets and rocks; its southern extreme bears
S.S.W., and is probably 30 miles distant.

Now for the ice. Although broken up, it lies
against this shore in immense fields: there is but
little water or room for ice-movement. Along
the west shore I can distinguish long faint streaks
of water. There is no appearance of disruption
about Four River Point or in the contracted part
of Peel Strait—we have nothing to hope for in
that quarter; neither is there any evidence of
current or pressure; the ice appears much decayed,
but, as I am surveying it from a height of
about 1600 feet, I may be deceived.[176]

CHEERLESS STATE OF WESTERN SEA.

The strong contrast between the eastern and
western seas and lands is very unfavorable to the
latter.

Apart from the ice, I was fortunate, however, in
discovering a long narrow lake, occupying a valley
which lies between a small inlet near Cape
Bird and Hazard Inlet—in fact, a sort of echo of
Bellot Strait—and I look upon it as our sledge
route for the autumn, since it appears probable
we shall winter in our present position.

This is a wonderous rough country to scramble
over; one never ceases to wonder how such huge
blocks of rock can have got into such strange positions.
I noticed two masses in particular, each
of them perched upon three small stones. The
rock is gneiss; there is also much granite. Even
upon the hill-tops pieces of limestone are occasionally
met with.

My walk occupied eleven hours, and, although
I everywhere saw traces of animals, the only living
thing seen was a grey falcon. During my
absence from the tent the men rambled all over
the hills, but saw no game, our encampment was
therefore shifted to a better position near the
eastern termination of the table-land. This morning
we explored the neighboring valleys; saw
three deer, and shot one, returning on board the
‘Fox’ in time for dinner.

Many deer had been seen not far from the
ship, and Hobson had shot a bearded seal. I have[177]
organized another boat party; Young will start
with it to-morrow morning to seek a sledge route
from the southern angle of Brentford Bay to the
western sea.

5th.—Young returned this morning; he reports
the south-west angle of the bay not to run in so
far as we expected, and to be environed by very
high land, impracticable for sledges.

Our Esquimaux, Samuel, shot a fawn to-day.

Strong northerly winds have latterly prevailed;
Bellot Strait is quite clear of ice; to-morrow morning,
therefore, we shall make our fifth attempt to
get the ‘Fox’ through.

STRUGGLES IN BELLOT STRAIT.

6th.—Steamed through the clear waters of Bellot
Strait this morning, and made fast to the ice
across its western outlet at a distance of two miles
from the shore, and close to a small islet which
we have already dubbed Pemmican Rock, having
landed upon it a large supply of that substantial
traveller’s fare, with other provisions for our future
sledging-parties. This ice is in large stout
fields, of more than one winter’s growth, apparently
immovable in consequence of the numerous
islets and rocks which rise through and hold it
fast. If the weather permits, we shall remain
here for a few days and watch the effect of winds
and tides upon it; that the ship will get any further
seems improbable.

10th.—I have explored a small inlet near Cape
Bird, which we have named False Strait, from its[178]
striking resemblance to the true one, and find it
is only separated from the long lake by half a
mile of low land; the lake we have ascertained
to be about 12 miles long, and from it valleys extend
eastward and southward, so that we are sure
of a good sledge-route,—an important matter, as
the hills rise to 1600 feet above the sea.

CAPE BIRD.

Cape Bird is 500 feet high; from its summit
we carefully observe the ice. This granite coast
presents a jagged appearance; it is deeply indented
and studded with islets. The ice in the
western sea (or Peel’s Strait) is much more broken
up than it was upon the 31st ultimo; there is no
longer any fixed ice except within the grasp of
the islets. Birds and animals have become very
scarce; three seals have been shot, and a bear
seen. To-morrow we shall return to our harbor,
and endeavor to procure a few more reindeer before
they migrate southward.

12th.—Yesterday we anchored within the entrance
of our creek, being a more convenient
position than up at its head. We are already in
our wintering position, and, being without occupation,
one day seems most remarkably like
another! Although the fondly cherished hope
of pushing farther in our ship can no longer be
entertained, yet as long as the season continues
navigable it is our duty to be in readiness to avail
ourselves of any opportunity, however improbable,
of being able to do so.[179]

FALCONS GOOD ARCTIC FARE.

Once firmly frozen in, our autumn travelling
will commence, and afford welcome occupation.
Almost all on board have guns; ammunition is
supplied, and a sailor with a musket is a very contented
and zealous sportsman, if not always a
successful one; it is a powerful incentive to exercise.
To-day the ramblers saw only two hares,
an ermine, and an owl. Some peregrine falcons
have lately been shot; Petersen declares they
are “the best beef in the country, and the young birds
tender and white as chicken!

A few days ago a large cask of biscuit was
opened, and a living mouse discovered therein!
it was small, but mature in years. The cask, a
strong watertight one, was packed on shore at
Aberdeen, in June, 1857, and remained ever afterwards
unopened; there was no hole by which the
mouse could have got in or out, besides it is the
only one ever seen on board. Ship’s biscuit is
certainly dry feeding, but who dares assert, after
the experience of our mouse, that it is not wonderfully
nutritious?

15th.—Two nights ago a comet was observed
just beneath the constellation of the Great Bear;
a series of measurements were commenced for determining
its path. Yesterday I walked through
the most promising valleys for eight hours, but
did not see a living creature; yet there is a very
fair show of vegetation, much more than at Melville
Island, where the game is abundant. To the[180]
east there is not a speck of ice, excepting only a
huge iceberg, probably the same we saw off Fury
Point, a very unusual visitor from Baffin’s Bay,
whence it must have been driven by those long-continued
east winds (of painful memory) in June
and July.

Hobson and two men encamped out for three
days in order to scour the country; they have
only seen one hare and one lemming! Walker
geologizes; amongst other things he finds much
iron pyrites. The dredge has been used, but with
very little success. The thermometer ranges between
20° and 30°. Fresh water pools are frozen
over, sea-ice forms in every sheltered angle of the
creeks. There is no snow upon the land, and this
is one cause of the difficulty of finding game.

PORT KENNEDY.

I have determined upon naming this beautiful
little anchorage Port Kennedy, after my predecessor,
the discoverer of Bellot Strait, of which
it is decidedly the port. This is not a compliment
to him, but an agreeable duty to me, and
nowhere could Mr. Kennedy’s name be more
appropriately affixed than in close proximity
with his interesting discovery. And now having
made this acknowledgment, I may venture
to confer our little vessel’s name upon the islets
which protect its entrance.

The island upon which Mr. Kennedy and
Lieutenant Bellot encamped was Long Island,
about three miles further to the south-east.[181]

FUTURE SLEDGE TRAVELLING.

17th.—Of late we have been preparing provisions
and equipments for our travelling parties.
My scheme of sledge search comprehends three
separate routes and parties of four men; to each
party a dog-sledge and driver will be attached;
Hobson, Young, and I will lead them.

My journey will be to the Great Fish River,
examining the shores of King William’s Land
in going and returning; Petersen will be with
me.

Hobson will explore the western coast of
Boothia as far as the magnetic pole, this autumn,
I hope, and from Gateshead Island westward
next spring.

Young will trace the shore of Prince of Wales’
Land from Lieutenant Browne’s farthest, to the
south-westward to Osborn’s farthest, if possible,
and also examine between Four River Point and
Cape Bird.

Our probable absence will be sixty or seventy
days, commencing from about the 20th March.

In this way I trust we shall complete the
Franklin search and the geographical discovery
of Arctic America, both left unfinished by the
former expeditions; and in so doing we can
hardly fail to obtain some trace, some relic, or,
it may be, important records of those whose
mysterious fate it is the great object of our
labors to discover. But previous to setting forth
upon these important journeys, I must communicate[182]
with the Boothians, if possible, either upon
the west or east coast, in November or February.
Sir John Ross’ ‘Narrative’ informs us that they
sometimes winter as far north upon the east coast
as the Agnew River; and we know that upon the
west, at the magnetic pole, their abandoned snow-huts
were occupied in June by Sir James Ross.

STEAM THROUGH BELLOT STRAIT.

19th.—Yesterday we steamed once more
through Bellot Strait, and took up our former
position at the ice-edge, off its western entrance;
the ice, hemmed in by islets has not moved.

From the summit of Cape Bird I had a very
extensive view this morning: there is now much
water in the offing, only separated from us by
the belt of islet-girt ice scarcely four miles in width!
My conviction is that a strong east wind would
remove this remaining barrier; it is not yet too
late. The water runs parallel to this coast, and
is four or five miles broad; beyond it there is ice,
but it appears to be all broken up.

Yesterday Young went upon a dog-sledge to
the nearest south-western island, distant 7 or 8
miles. He reports the intervening ice cracked
and weak in some places, but practicable for
loaded sledges; the far side of the island is
washed by a clear sea, and a bear which he shot
plunged into it, and, drifting away, was lost.
Young is in favor of carrying out the depôt provisions
to or beyond this island by boat; but as
the temperature fell to 18° last night, and new[183]
ice forms wherever it is calm, I prefer the safer,
although more laborious mode of sledging; accordingly
to-day our dogs carried out two sledge-loads
of the provisions intended for the use of
our parties hereafter.

22nd.—All the provisions have now been carried
out to the nearest island, which I shall temporarily
name Separation,[17] as there our spring
parties will divide; and a portion intended for
Hobson’s party and my own has been carried on
to the next island 7 or 8 miles further. Our
travelling boat and a small reserve depôt have
been placed upon Pemmican Rock, so already
something has been done. Animal life is very
scarce; a few seals, an occasional gull, and three
brown falcons, are the only creatures we have
seen for several days past. Last evening at eight
o’clock a very vivid flash of lightning was observed;
its appearance in these latitudes is very
rare; once only have I seen it before—in September,
1850.

HOBSON’S PARTY START.

25th.—Saturday night. Furious gales from
N. and S.W., but our barrier of coast-ice remains
undiminished. This morning Hobson set off upon
a journey of fourteen or fifteen days’ duration,
with seven men and fourteen dogs; he is to advance
the depôts along shore to the south, and if
successful will reach latitude 71°.[184]

The temperature is mild (+17), but it is snowy
and disagreeable weather; there is already enough
snow upon the old ice to make walking laborious,
and the land has also assumed its wintry complexion.

28th.—The ship was kept available for prosecuting
her voyage up to the latest hour; it was
only yesterday that we left the western ice, and
in consequence of the vast accumulation of young
ice in Bellot Strait we had considerable difficulty
in reaching the entrance of Port Kennedy: all
within was so firmly frozen over that after three
hours’ steaming and working we only penetrated
100 yards; however, we are in an excellent position,
although our wintering place will be farther
out by a quarter of a mile than I intended.

WINTER QUARTERS.

To-day we are unbending sails and laying up
the engines—uncertainty no longer exists—here
we are compelled to remain; and if we have not
been as successful in our voyaging as a month
ago we had good reason to expect, we may still
hope that Fortune will smile upon our more humble,
yet more arduous, pedestrian explorations—”Hope
on, hope ever.” In the mean time the
sudden transition, from mental and physical wear
and tear, to the security and quiet of winter quarters,
is an immense relief.

Oct., 1858.
ERMINE HUNT.

2nd Oct.—M. Petersen has shot two very fine
bucks; one is a magnificent fellow, weighing 354
lbs. (minus the paunch). Several deer have been[185]
seen; they come from the N. along the slopes of
the eastern hills. An ermine came on board a few
nights ago and kept the dogs in a violent state of
excitement, being much too wary to come out
from under the boat to be caught by them; at
length one of the men secured it. This beautiful
little animal does not appear to be full grown; its
extreme length is 13 inches. Two others came
off to the ship, and to our great amusement eluded
the men who gave chase, by darting into the soft
snow—which is now a foot deep—and re-appearing
several yards off.

The weather is too mild to satisfy us; we wish
for severe frost to seal us up securely, and make
the ice strong enough to bear the sledge-loads of
provisions, etc., which are to be landed for the
purpose of making more room in the ship.

HOBSON’S PARTY RETURNED.

6th.—A herd of a dozen reindeer crossed the
harbor to-day. Last night Hobson and his companions
returned, all well. They were stopped
by the sea washing against the cliffs in latitude
71½°, and to that point they have advanced
the depôts. Although the weather has been
stormy here, they have been able to travel every
day. They found the coast still fringed with
islets, and deeply indented; upon every point,
moss-grown circles of stones indicated the abodes
of Esquimaux in times long since gone by.

One night they muzzled a dog, as she was in
the habit of gnawing her harness: in this defenceless[186]
state, unable even to bark and arouse the
men, her amiable sisterhood attacked her so fiercely
that she died next day!

In honor of so important and successful a commencement
of our travelling, as that accomplished
by Hobson, we had a feast of good venison, plum
pudding, and grog. It is quite evident that no
more travelling can be accomplished until the ice
forms a pathway alongshore; in this, as in some
other respects, we anxiously await the advance of
the season. The weather is mild; Bellot Strait is
almost covered with ice, which drifts freely with
every tide. Reindeer are seen almost daily; they
too are awaiting the freezing over of the sea to
continue their southern travels. Our harbor-ice
is weak and covered a foot deep with a sludgy
compound of snow and water.

8th.—Yesterday an ermine was caught in a
trap; hitherto these most active little skirmishers
have successfully robbed our fox-traps of their
baits as fast as they could be renewed. To-day
Petersen shot another reindeer; it weighs 130 lbs.;
many others were seen, also a wolf. Sometimes
a few ptarmigan are met with, but hares very
rarely.

12th.—Fine weather generally prevails. We
have landed about 100 casks, all our boats, and
much lumber, so we shall have abundance of room
on board. I enjoyed a long and exhilarating ramble
upon snow-shoes to-day; without them I could[187]
not have gone over half the distance—the snow
lies so deep and soft—but I only saw one reindeer.

14th.—One of our magnetic observatories has
been built; it stands upon the ice, 210 yards S.
(magnetic) from the ship, and is built of ice sawed
into blocks—there not being any suitable snow;
it is just large enough to hold the declinometer
for hourly observations, to be noted throughout
the winter. The housings have been put over the
ship already, as Hobson will leave us again in a
few days to advance his depôt and my own to the
vicinity of the magnetic pole if possible. I would
also send Young upon a similar duty, but the
western sea cannot have frozen over yet.

FREQUENT GALES.

19th.—All the 17th a N.W. gale blew with
fearful violence; yesterday it abated, but not sufficiently
to allow our party to start. This morning
Hobson got away with his nine men and ten
dogs; his absence may be from eighteen to twenty
days. Autumn travelling is most disagreeable;
there is so much wind and snow, the latter being
soft, deep, and often wet; the sun is almost always
obscured by mist, and is powerless for
warmth or drying purposes, and the temperature
is vary variable. Moreover there are now only
eight hours of misty daylight. To-day the morning
was fine, and temperature +8°. Having
completed the preliminary observations of the
times of horizontal and vertical vibrations, also[188]
of the magnetic intensity, I set up to-day the
declinometer, and commenced the hourly series
of observations on the diurnal variation. I trust
it may continue unbroken until we all set out
upon our spring travels in March. A hare has
been shot, but no other animals seen.

ANOTHER OBSERVATORY BUILT.

29th.—It generally blows a gale of wind here;
the only advantage in return for so much discomfort
is that the snow is the more quickly packed
hard. As we have only three working men and
an Esquimaux left on board for ship’s duties, I was
assisted a few days ago by the doctor, the engineer,
and the interpreter, in building another observatory,
intended for certain monthly magnetic
observations. This edifice is constructed of snow.
Whenever we have a calm night we can hear the
crushing sound of the drift-ice in Bellot Strait,
which continues open to within 500 yards of the
Fox Islands, and emits dark chilling clouds of
hateful, pestilent, abominable mist.


Interior of the Observatory.

The last two days have been very fine and
calm: the men visited their fox and ermine traps,
which are secreted amongst the rocks in a most
mysterious manner—one ermine only has been
taken. Seven or eight reindeer and some ptarmigan
were seen; two of the latter and a hare were
shot. We have commenced brewing sugar beer.

Nov., 1858.

2nd Nov.—Very dull times. No amount of ingenuity
could make a diary worth the paper it
is written on. An occasional raven flies past, a[189]
couple more ptarmigan have been shot: another
N.W. gale is blowing, with temperature down
to -12°.

6th.—Saturday Night. The N.W. gale blew
without intermission for seventy hours, the temperature
being about -15°: we hoped that our
absent shipmates might be housed safely in snow-huts.
This afternoon all doubts respecting them
were dispelled by their arrival in good health, but
they evidently have suffered from cold and exposure
during their absence of nineteen days.
For the first six days they journeyed outward successfully;
on that night they encamped upon the
ice; it was at spring-tide, a N.E. gale sprang up,
and blowing off shore detached the ice and drifted
them off! The sea froze over on the cessation
of the gale, and two days afterwards they fortunately
regained the land near the position from
which they were blown off; they have indeed
experienced much unusual danger and suffering
from cold.

NARROW ESCAPE.

As soon as they discovered that the ice was
drifting off shore with them, they packed their
sledges, harnessed their dogs, and passed the night
in anxious watching for some chance to escape.
When the ice got a little distance off shore, it
broke up under the influence of the wind and sea,
until the piece they were upon was scarce 20
yards in diameter; this drifted across the mouth[190]
of a wide inlet[18] until brought up against the opposite
shore. The gale was quickly followed by
an intense frost, which in a single night formed
ice sufficiently strong to bear them in safety to
the land, although it bent fearfully beneath their
weight.

ADVANCED DEPÔTS.

The depôts were eventually established in latitude
71°; beyond this Lieutenant Hobson did not
attempt to advance, not only because their remaining
provisions would not have warranted a
longer absence, but because the open sea was seen
to beat against the next headland. They have
lived in tents only, and have not experienced
the heavy gales so frequent here, and which are
probably due mainly to our position in Bellot
Strait, which performs the part of a funnel for
both winds and tides between the two seas.

That the western sea should still remain open
argues a vast space southward for the escape of
the ice, and prevents our western party from carrying
across their depôt: the attempt to do so
would be extremely hazardous. We must only
be stirring earlier in the spring. I am truly
thankful for the safe return of our travellers,—all
this toil and exposure of ten persons and ten
dogs has only advanced the depôts 30 miles further—i.e., from[191]
60 to 90 miles distant from the
ship.

EFFECT OF GALES.

Hardly a particle of snow remains upon the
harbor-ice, the recent gales having swept it away;
and the porch of my snow-hut has been fretted
away to a mere cobweb by the attrition of the
snow-drift: the doctor and I rebuilt it to-day.
Three reindeer and a wolf have been seen.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] Subsequently named after my excellent friend A. Arcedeckne, Esq.,
Commodore of the Royal London Yacht Club.

[18] Named after Lord Wrottesley, in remembrance of the support given by
him to the expedition, his advocacy of it in the House of Lords, and of
the facilities granted me by the Royal Society—of which he was President—for
the pursuit of scientific observations.


[192]

CHAPTER XII.

Death of our engineer—Scarcity of game—The cold unusually trying—Jolly,
under adverse circumstances—Petersen’s information—Return
of the sun of 1859—Early spring sledge-parties—Unusual severity of
the winter—Severe hardships of early sledging—The western shores
of Boothia—Meet the Esquimaux—Intelligence of Franklin’s ships—Return
to the ‘Fox’—Allen Young returns.
DEATH OF OUR ENGINEER.

Nov. 7th.Sunday evening.Brief as is the interval
since my last entry, yet how awful, and, to
one of our small company, how fatal it has been!
Yesterday Mr. Brand was out shooting as usual,
and in robust health; in the evening Hobson sat
with him for a little time. Mr. Brand turned the
conversation upon our position and employments
last year; he called to remembrance poor Robert
Scott, then in sound health, and the fact of his
having carried our “Guy Fawkes” round the ship
on the preceding day twelvemonth, and added
mournfully, “Poor fellow! no one knows whose
turn it may be to go next.” He finished his
evening pipe, and shut his cabin door shortly
after nine o’clock. This morning, at seven o’clock,
his servant found him lying upon the deck, a
corpse, having been several hours dead. Apoplexy
appears to have been the cause. He was a
steady, serious man, under forty years of age, and[193]
leaves a widow and three or four children; what
their circumstances are I am not aware.

THE FUNERAL.

10th.—This morning the remains of Mr. Brand,
inclosed in a neat coffin, were buried in a grave
on shore. A suitable headboard and inscription
will be placed over it. From all that I have
gathered, it appears that his mind had been somewhat
gloomy for the last few days, dwelling much
upon poor Scott’s sudden death. Whether he
really saw three reindeer on Saturday, watched
their movements, and fired his Minié rifle at them
when 700 yards distant, or whether it was the
creation of a disordered brain, none can tell. On
his first return on board he said he had seen deer
tracks only.

We are now without either engineer or engine-driver:
we have only two stokers, and they know
nothing about the machinery. Our numbers are
reduced to twenty-four, including our interpreter
and two Greenland Esquimaux.

15th.—We have enjoyed ten days of moderate
winds and calms, but the temperature has fallen
as low as -31°. This causes frost-cracks in the ice
across the harbor; they will freeze over, and others
will form, and gape, and freeze at intervals, so that
by next spring we shall probably be moved several
inches, perhaps feet, off shore.

Mists have obscured the sun of late, and now
it does not rise at all. We are indifferent; its departure[194]
has become to us a matter of course.
The usual winter covering of snow has been
spread upon deck rather more than a foot thick.
Its utility in preventing the escape of heat became
at once strikingly apparent. Nothing has
been seen but a few ptarmigan and one reindeer,
which trotted off towards the ship. Our bullets
missed him, and the dogs unfortunately caught
sight and chased him away. I do not think any
dogs could overtake a reindeer in this rough
country; the rocks would speedily lame them,
and the snow, in many places, is quite deep
enough to fatigue them greatly, whereas it offers
but slight impediment to the deer, furnished as he
is with long legs and spreading hoofs.

SCARCITY OF GAME.

29th.—Animals have become very scarce. A
few ptarmigan and willow-grouse have been seen,
and three shot. Two days ago I saw two reindeer.
The eastern sea is frozen over, and our old
acquaintance the iceberg in Prince Regent’s Inlet
is still visible on a clear day. We brew sugar-beer,
and we set nets for seals, but catch none.
The nets have been made and set in favorable
positions under the ice by the Greenlanders, so we
suppose the seals also have migrated elsewhere;
if so, the Esquimaux could not winter here. We
have no regular school this winter, but five of the
men study navigation every evening under the
guidance of Young. Hobson and I are doing all[195]
we can to make the ship dry, warm, and comfortable:
our large snow porches over the hatchways
are a great improvement.

Dec., 1858.

5th Dec.—Cold, windy weather, with chilling
mists from the open water in Bellot Strait. We
can seldom leave the shelter of the ship for a
walk on shore, and, when we do, rarely see even
a ptarmigan.

SEVERE WEATHER.

12th.—Very cold weather: thermometer down
to -41°, and the breeze comes to us loaded with
mist from the open water, causing the air to feel
colder than it otherwise would. Bellot Strait has
become a nuisance, not only from this cause, but
from the strong winds—purely local—which
seldom cease to blow through it.

The seal nets have produced nothing; and as
there are no seals, we no longer wonder at not
seeing bears. Three foxes have been trapped and
a hare seen. Our canine force numbers twenty-four
serviceable dogs and six puppies; but these,
I fear, will not be strong enough for sledging by
March. The monotony of our lives is vastly increased
by want of occupation, and confinement,
by severe gales, to the ship for five days out
of every seven. The general health is good,
but there is a natural craving for fresh meat and
fresh vegetables—in great measure, perhaps,
because they cannot be obtained; but a well-filled
letter-bag would be more welcome than
anything I know of.[196]

COLD UNUSUALLY TRYING.

26th.—Upon four days only during the last
fourteen has the weather permitted us to walk.
I allude to the wind as the obstacle to our exercise;
for temperature, when the air is still, is no
bar to any reasonable amount of it. Three or
four coveys of ptarmigan have been seen, and of
these I shot one brace. The cold increases:
thermometer has fallen to -47½°, although blowing
a moderate gale at the time, and the atmosphere
dense with mist.

Our Christmas has been spent with a degree of
loyalty to the good old English custom at once
spirited and refreshing. All the good things
which could possibly be collected together appeared
upon the snow-white deal tables of the
men, as the officers and myself walked (by invitation)
round the lower deck. Venison, beer,
and a fresh stock of clay pipes, appeared to be
the most prized luxuries; but the variety and
abundance of the eatables, tastefully laid out, was
such as might well support the delusion which all
seemed desirous of imposing upon themselves—that
they were in a land of plenty—in fact, all
but
at home! We contributed a large cheese and
some preserves, and candles superseded the ordinary
smoky lamps. With so many comforts, and
the existence of so much genuine good feeling,
their evening was a joyous one, enlivened also by
songs and music.

Whilst all was order and merriment within the[197]
ship, the scene without was widely different. A
fierce north-wester howled loudly through the
rigging, the snow-drift rustled swiftly past, no
star appeared through the oppressive gloom, and
the thermometer varied between 76° and 80° below
the freezing point
. At one time it was impossible
to visit the magnetic observatory, although only
210 yards distant, and with a rope stretched along,
breast high, upon poles the whole way. The officers
discharged this duty for the quarter-masters
of the watches during the day and night.

Jan., 1859.
NEW YEAR’S DAY.

1st Jan., 1859.—This being Saturday night as
well as New Year’s Day, “Sweethearts and Wives”
were remembered with even more than the ordinary
feeling. New year’s eve was celebrated with
all the joyfulness which ardent hope can inspire:
and we have reasonable ground for strong hope. At
midnight the expiration of the old year and commencement
of the new one was announced to me
by the band—flutes, accordion, and gong—striking
up at my door. Some songs were sung, and
the performance concluded with “God save the
Queen;” the few who could find space in our
mess-room sang the chorus; but this by no means
satisfied all the others who were without and unable
to show themselves to the officers, so they
echoed the chorus, and the effect was very pleasing.
Our new year’s day has been commemorated
with all the substantials of Christmas fare,
but without so much display,—less tailoring in[198]
pastry, not quite so much clipping of dough into
roses, and anchors, and nondescript animals, &c.,
&c. The past week has been cold and stormy;
it now blows strong, and the temperature is -44°.

On the 29th a few fresh tracks of animals and
a ptarmigan were seen: yesterday I saw three
ptarmigan. December proved to be an unusually
cold month, its mean temperature being -33°;
and it was rendered more than ordinarily dark
and gloomy by continual mists from Bellot Strait.
This open water adds seriously to the drawbacks
of a spot already sufficiently cheerless, gameless,
and “wind-loved.”

INTENSE COLD.

9th.—Another week of uniform temperature
of -40°, and confinement to the ship by strong
winds; the atmosphere is loaded with enveloping
mists which impart a raw and surprisingly keen
edge to the chilling blasts, blasts that no human
nose can endure without blanching, be its proportions
what they may. It is wonderful how the
dogs stand it, and without apparent inconvenience,
unless their fur happen to be thin. They lie upon
the snow under the lee of the ship, with no other
protection from the weather.

To-day, the winds being light and temperature
up to-30°, we enjoyed walks on shore, although
the mist continued so dense as to limit our view
to a couple of hundred yards.

PETERSEN’S INFORMATION.

I learn from Petersen that the natives of Smith’s
Sound are well acquainted with the continuation[199]
of its shores considerably beyond the farthest
point reached by Kane’s exploring parties, but
unfortunately no one thought of getting them
to delineate their local knowledge upon paper.
They spoke much of a large island near the west
coast called “Umingmak” (musk ox) Island,
where there was much open water, abounding
with walrus, and where some of their people
formerly lived.[19]

Esquimaux exist upon the east coast of Greenland
as far north as lat. 76°; how much farther
north is not known. They are separated from the
South Greenlanders by hundreds of miles of ice-bound
coasts and impassable glaciers.

Many centuries ago a milder climate may and
probably did exist, and a corresponding modification
of glacier and a sea less ice-encumbered might
have rendered the migration of these poor people
from the south to their present isolated abodes
practicable; but to me it appears much more easy
to suppose that they migrated eastward from the
northern outlet of Smith’s Sound.

21st.—More pleasant weather since my last
entry; and although last night the temperature
fell to -47°, yet it has generally been mild; once
it rose to -14°, but amply made amends by falling
to -38° within twelve hours. We have enjoyed[200]
much of the moon’s presence for the last ten days,
but now she is waning and hastening away to the
south. Daylight increases in strength and duration,
consequently we walk more, and see more,
and the winter’s gloom gives place to activity and
cheerfulness. Several ptarmigan, three or four
hares, a snowy owl, and a bear-track, have at
various times been seen. Young has shot four
ptarmigan, and I have shot a couple more and a
hare, and the men have trapped two foxes.

On board the ship the preparations for travelling
take precedence of all other occupations.

RETURN OF THE SUN, 1859.

26th.—Part of the sun’s disc loomed above the
horizon to-day, somewhat swollen and disfigured
by the misty atmosphere, but looking benevolent
withal. I happened to be diligently traversing
the rocky hill-sides in the hope of finding some
solitary hare dozing in fancied security, when the
sun thus appeared in view, and halted to feast my
eyes upon the glorious sight, and scan the features
of our returning friend. Hope and promise mingled
in his bright beams. Again I moved upward,
and with more elastic step; for now the sun of
1859 was shining upon all nature around me.

Feb., 1859.

2nd February.—A lovely, calm, bright day, and
beautifully clear, except over the water-space in
Bellot Strait, where rests a densely black mist,
very strongly resembling the West Indian rain-squall
as it looms upon the distant horizon. The[201]
increasing sunlight is cheering, but void of heat,
and the mercury is often frozen. A few more
ptarmigan have been shot.

EARLY SPRING SLEDGE-PARTIES.

Our remaining serviceable dogs, twenty-two in
number, have been divided with great care into
three teams of seven each; the odd dog is added
to my team, as my journey is expected to be the
longest. The different sledge-parties will now
feed up their dogs without limit, so that the
utmost degree of work may be got out of them
hereafter.

January has been slightly colder than December,
mean temperature being -33½°, but there has
been rather less wind.

8th.—All will be ready for the departure of
Young and myself upon our respective journeys
upon the morning of the 14th.

Mr. Petersen and Alexander Thompson accompany
me, with two dog-sledges, and fifteen dogs,
dragging twenty-four days’ provisions. My object
is to communicate with the Boothians in the
vicinity of the magnetic pole. Young takes his
party of four men and his dog-sledge; he will
carry forward provisions for his spring exploration
of the shores of Prince of Wales’ Land, between
the extreme points reached by Lieutenants Osborn
and Brown in 1851.

On the 3d I walked for seven and a half hours,
and saw two reindeer, but could not approach
within shot. Young examined the water-space in[202]
the strait, and finds it washes both shores, but extends
east and west only about one mile. The
Doctor has seen a seal and a dovekie sporting
in it.

For the last four days strong winds and intense
cold have prevented us from rambling over the
hills, besides which the minor preparations for
travelling have given us more occupation on
board.

ATTACK OF SCURVY.

James Pitcher has got a slight touch of scurvy;
his gums are inflamed; and now it comes
out that he dislikes preserved meats, and has not
eaten any since he has been in the ship! He has
lived upon salt meat and preserved vegetables,
except for the very short periods in summer when
birds could be obtained. He is rather a “used-up”
old fellow, too much so for our severe sledge-work,
therefore is one of the few who will remain to
take care of the ship. That he should have retained
his health for seventeen months, under the
circumstances, speaks well for the wholesomeness
and quality of our provisions, and the ventilation
and cleanliness of the ship.

10th.—Extremely cold, with dense mists from
the open water. Yesterday eight ptarmigan and
a sooty fox were seen. We have consumed the
last of our venison; it supplied us for three days.
We are drinking out a cask of sugar-beer, which
is a very mild but agreeable beverage; we make
it on board.[203]

Sunday night, 13th.—To-morrow morning, if fine,
Young and I set off upon our travels. He has
advanced a portion of his sledge-load to the west
side of the water in Bellot Strait, having been
obliged to carry it overland for about a mile in
order to get there. I have explored the route to
the long lake, and find we can reach it without
crossing elevated or uncovered land. I saw two
reindeer, and Young saw about twenty ptarmigan.

UNUSUALLY SEVERE WEATHER.

The mean temperature of February up to this
date is -33·2°, being an exact continuation of
January. I confess to some anxiety upon this
point, as hitherto the winter has been unusually
severe, and the journeys to be performed will
occupy more than twenty days. Besides, we
shall be earlier in motion than any of the previous
travellers, unless we are to make an exception
in favor of Mr. Kennedy’s trip of 30 miles
from Batty Bay to Fury Beach, between the 5th
and 10th January, during which time the lowest
temperature registered was only -25°. Should
either Young or myself remain absent beyond
the period for which we carry provisions, Hobson
is to send a party in search of us. A sooty fox
has been captured lately.

15th.—A strong N.W. wind, with a temperature
of -40°, confines us on board. One cannot
face these winds, therefore it is fortunate that we[204]
did not start, the ship being much more comfortable
than a snow-hut.


Mar., 1859.
JOURNEY TO CAPE VICTORIA.

20th March.—Already I have been a week on
board, and so difficult is it to settle down to anything
like sedentary occupation, after a period of
continued vigorous action, that even now I can
scarcely sit still to scribble a brief outline of my
trip to Cape Victoria.

On the morning of the 17th February the
weather moderated sufficiently for us to set out;
the temperature throughout the day varied between
-31° and -42½°. Leaving Young’s party
to pass on through the strait, I proceeded by way
of the Long Lake, which I found to be 10½ geographical
miles in length, with an average width
of half a mile.

We built our snow-hut upon the west coast,
near Pemmican Rock, after a march of 19 or 20
geographical miles. We always speak of geographical
miles with reference to our marches; six
geographical are equal to seven English miles.

On the following day the old N.W. wind sprang
up with renewed vigor, and the thermometer fell
to -48°; the cold was therefore intense.

On the third day our dogs went lame in consequence
of sore feet; the intense cold seems to
be the principal, if not the only cause, having
hardened the surface-snow beyond what their feet
can endure. I was obliged to throw off a part of[205]
the provisions; still we could not make more than
12 or 18 miles daily. We of course walked, so
that the dogs had only the remaining provisions
and clothing to drag, yet several of them repeatedly
fell down in fits.

TRAVELLING ROUTINE.

For several days this severe weather continued,
the mercury of my artificial horizon remaining
frozen (its freezing-point is -39°); and our rum,
at first thick like treacle, required thawing latterly,
when the more fluid and stronger part had
been used. We travelled each day until dusk,
and then were occupied for a couple of hours in
building our snow-hut. The four walls were run
up until 5½ feet high, inclining inwards as much
as possible; over these our tent was laid to form
a roof; we could not afford the time necessary to
construct a dome of snow.

Our equipment consisted of a very small
brown-holland tent, macintosh floor-cloth, and felt
robes; besides this, each man had a bag of double
blanketing, and a pair of fur boots, to sleep in.
We wore mocassins over the pieces of blanket in
which our feet were wrapped up, and, with the
exception of a change of this foot-gear, carried no
spare clothes. The daily routine was as follows:—I
led the way; Petersen and Thompson followed,
conducting their sledges; and in this manner
we trudged on for eight or ten hours without
halting, except when necessary to disentangle the
dog-harness. When we halted for the night,[206]
Thompson and I usually sawed out the blocks of
compact snow and carried them to Petersen, who
acted as the master-mason in building the snow-hut:
the hour and a half or two hours usually
employed in erecting the edifice was the most
disagreeable of the day’s labor, for, in addition to
being already well tired and desiring repose, we
became thoroughly chilled whilst standing about.
When the hut was finished, the dogs were fed,
and here the great difficulty was to insure the
weaker ones their full share in the scramble for
supper; then commenced the operation of unpacking
the sledge, and carrying into our hut
everything necessary for ourselves, such as provision
and sleeping gear, as well as all boots, fur
mittens, and even the sledge dog-harness, to prevent
the dogs from eating them during our sleeping
hours. The door was now blocked up with
snow, the cooking-lamp lighted, foot-gear changed,
diary written up, watches wound, sleeping bags
wriggled into, pipes lighted, and the merits of the
various dogs discussed, until supper was ready; the
supper swallowed, the upper robe or coverlet was
pulled over, and then to sleep.

Next morning came breakfast, a struggle to get
into frozen mocassins, after which the sledges were
packed, and another day’s march commenced.

In these little huts we usually slept warm
enough, although latterly, when our blankets and
clothes became loaded with ice, we felt the cold[207]
severely. When our low doorway was carefully
blocked up with snow, and the cooking-lamp alight
the temperature quickly rose so that the walls
became glazed, and our bedding thawed; but the
cooking over, or the doorway partially opened, it
as quickly fell again, so that it was impossible to
sleep, or even to hold one’s pannikin of tea, without
putting our mitts on, so intense was the cold!

On the 21st I visited our main depôt laid out
last October; it was safe, but unfortunately had
been carried far into Wrottesley Inlet, and only
40 miles south of Bellot Strait.

On the 22d an easterly gale prevented our
marching, but we had the good fortune to shoot a
bear, so consoled ourselves with fresh steaks, and
the dogs with an ample feed of unfrozen flesh—a
treat they had not enjoyed for many months.

WESTERN SHORES OF BOOTHIA.

We coasted along a granitic land, deeply indented
and fringed with islands, and found it to
be the general characteristic of the Boothian
shore from Bellot Strait, until we had accomplished
half the distance to the magnetic pole;
limestone then appeared, and the remainder of
our journey was performed along a low, straight
shore, which afforded us much greater facility for
sledging.

Throughout the whole distance we found a
mixture of heavy old ice and light ice of last
autumn, in many places squeezed up into pack;[208]
but as we advanced southward aged floes were
less frequently seen.

On the first of March we halted to encamp at
about the position of the magnetic pole—for no
cairn remains to mark the spot. I had almost
concluded that my journey would prove to be
a work of labor in vain, because hitherto no
traces of Esquimaux had been met with, and, in
consequence of the reduced state of our provisions
and the wretched condition of the poor dogs—six
out of the fifteen being quite useless—I
could only advance one more march.

WAGES OF NATIVE BUILDERS.

But we had done nothing more than look
ahead; when we halted, and turned round, great
indeed was my surprise and joy to see four men
walking after us. Petersen and I immediately
buckled on our revolvers and advanced to meet
them. The natives halted, made fast their dogs,
laid down their spears, and received us without
any evidence of surprise. They told us they had
been out upon a seal hunt on the ice, and were
returning home: we proposed to join them, and
all were soon in motion again; but another hour
brought sunset, and we learned that their snow
village of eight huts was still a long way off, so
we hired them, at the rate of a needle for each
Esquimaux, to build us a hut, which they completed
in an hour; it was 8 feet in diameter, 5½
feet high, and in it we all passed the night. Perhaps[209]
the records of architecture do not furnish
another instance of a dwelling-house so cheaply
constructed!

INFORMATION FROM ESQUIMAUX.

We gave them to understand that we were
anxious to barter with them, and very cautiously
approached the real object of our visit. A naval
button upon one of their dresses afforded the opportunity;
it came, they said, from some white
people who were starved upon an island where
there are salmon (that is, in a river); and that the
iron of which their knives were made came from
the same place. One of these men said he had
been to the island to obtain wood and iron, but
none of them had seen the white men. Another
man had been to “Ei-wil-lik” (Repulse Bay), and
counted on his fingers seven individuals of Rae’s
party whom he remembered having seen.

BARTER WITH NATIVES.

These Esquimaux had nothing to eat, and no
other clothing than their ordinary double dresses
of fur; they would not eat our biscuit or salt pork,
but took a small quantity of bear’s blubber and
some water. They slept in a sitting posture, with
their heads leaning forward on their breasts. Next
morning we travelled about 10 miles further, by
which time we were close to Cape Victoria; beyond
this I would not go, much as they wished to
lead us on; we therefore landed, and they built
us a commodious snow-hut in half an hour; this
done, we displayed to them our articles for barter—knives,
files, needles, scissors, beads, etc.—expressed[210]
our desire to trade with them, and promised
to purchase everything which belonged to
the starved white men, if they would come to
us on the morrow. Notwithstanding that the
weather was now stormy and bitterly cold, two
of the natives stripped off their outer coats of
reindeer skin and bartered them for a knife each.

Despite the gale which howled outside, we
spent a comfortable night in our roomy hut.

Next morning the entire village population
arrived, amounting to about forty-five souls, from
aged people to infants in arms, and bartering
commenced very briskly. First of all we purchased
all the relics of the lost expedition, consisting
of six silver spoons and forks, a silver medal,
the property of Mr. A. M’Donald, assistant surgeon,
part of a gold chain, several buttons, and knives
made of the iron and wood of the wreck, also
bows and arrows constructed of materials obtained
from the same source. Having secured these, we
purchased a few frozen salmon, some seals’ blubber
and venison, but could not prevail upon them to
part with more than one of their fine dogs. One
of their sledges was made of two stout pieces of
wood, which might have been a boat’s keel.

INTELLIGENCE OF FRANKLIN’S SHIPS.

All the old people recollected the visit of the
‘Victory.’ An old man told me his name was
“Ooblooria:” I recollected that Sir James Ross
had employed a man of that name as a guide, and
reminded him of it; he was, in fact, the same individual,[211]
and he inquired after Sir James by his
Esquimaux name of “Agglugga.”

I inquired after the man who was furnished with
a wooden leg by the carpenter of the ‘Victory:’
no direct answer was given, but his daughter was
pointed out to me. Petersen explained to me
that they do not like alluding in any way to the
dead, and that, as my question was not answered,
it was certain the man was no longer amongst the
living.

None of these people had seen the whites; one
man said he had seen their bones upon the island
where they died, but some were buried. Petersen
also understood him to say that the boat was
crushed by the ice. Almost all of them had part
of the plunder; they say they will be here when
we return, and will trade more with us; also that
we shall find natives upon Montreal Island at the
time of our arriving there.

Next morning, 4th March, several natives came
to us again. I bought a spear 6½ feet long from a
man who told Petersen distinctly that a ship having
three masts had been crushed by the ice out
in the sea to the west of King William’s Island,
but that all the people landed safely; he was not
one of those who were eye-witnesses of it; the ship
sunk, so nothing was obtained by the natives from
her; all that they have got, he said, came from
the island in the river. The spear staff appears
to have been part of the gunwale of a light boat.[212]
One old man, “Oo-na-lee,” made a rough sketch
of the coast-line with his spear upon the snow, and
said it was eight journeys to where the ship sank,
pointing in the direction of Cape Felix. I can
make nothing out of his rude chart.

RAE’S STATEMENTS CONFIRMED.

The information we obtained bears out the
principal statements of Dr. Rae, and also accounts
for the disappearance of one of the ships; but it
gives no clue to the whereabouts of the other, nor
the direction whence the ships come. One thing
is tolerably certain—the crews did not at any
time land upon the Boothian shore.

These Esquimaux were all well clothed in reindeer
dresses, and looked clean; they appeared to
have abundance of provisions, but scarcely a scrap
of wood was seen amongst them which had not
come from the lost expedition. Their sledges,
with the exception of the one already spoken of,
were wretched little affairs, consisting of two
frozen rolls of seal-skins coated with ice, and attached
to each other by bones, which served as
the cross-bars. The men were stout, hearty fellows,
and the women arrant thieves, but all were good-humored
and friendly. The women were decidedly
plain; in fact, this term would have been
flattering to most of them; yet there was a degree
of vivacity and gentleness in the manners of some
that soon reconciled us to these Arctic specimens
of the fair sex. They had fine eyes and teeth, as
well as very small hands, and the young girls had[213]
a fresh rosy hue not often seen in combination
with olive complexions.

Esquimaux mothers carry their infants on their
backs within their large fur dresses, and where
the babes can only be got at by pulling them out
over the shoulder. Whilst intent upon my bargaining
for silver spoons and forks belonging to
Franklin’s expedition, at the rate of a few needles
or a knife for each relic, one pertinacious old
dame, after having obtained all she was likely to
get from me for herself, pulled out her infant by
the arm, and quietly held the poor little creature
(for it was perfectly naked) before me in the
breeze, the temperature at the time being 60°
below freezing point! Petersen informed me
that she was begging for a needle for her child.
I need not say I gave it one as expeditiously as
possible; yet sufficient time elapsed before the
infant was again put out of sight to alarm me
considerably for its safety in such a temperature.
The natives, however, seemed to think nothing
of what looked to me like cruel exposure of a
naked baby.

RETURN TO THE ‘FOX.’

We now returned to the ship with all the speed
we could command; but stormy weather occasioned
two days’ delay, so that we did not arrive
on board until the 14th March. Though considerably
reduced in flesh, I and my companions were
in excellent health, and blessed with insatiable
appetites. On washing our faces, which had become[214]
perfectly black from the soot of our blubber
lamp, sundry scars, relics of frost-bites, appeared;
and the tips of our fingers, from constant frost-bites,
had become as callous as if seared with hot
iron.

In this journey of twenty-five days we travelled
360 geographical miles (420 English), and
completed the discovery of the coast-line of continental
America, thereby adding about 120 miles
to our charts. The mean temperature throughout
the journey was 30° below zero of Fahrenheit, or
62° below the freezing point of water.

On reaching the ship, I at once assembled my
small crew, and told them of the information we
had obtained, pointing out that there still remained
one of the ships unaccounted for, and
therefore it was necessary to carry out all our
projected lines of search.

ARCTIC FARE.

During this journey I acquired the Arctic accomplishment
of eating frozen blubber, in delicate
little slices, and vastly preferred it to frozen
pork. At the present moment I do not think I
could even taste it, but the same privation and
hunger which induced me to eat of such food
would doubtless enable me again to partake of it
very kindly.

I shot a couple of foxes which came playing
about the dogs; conscious of their superior
speed, they were very impudent, snapping at the
dogs’ tails, and passing almost under their noses.[215]
I shot these foxes, intending to eat them; but
the dogs anticipated me with respect to one;
the other we feasted off at our mess-table, and
thought it by no means bad; it was insipid, but
decidedly better to our tastes than preserved
meat.

CAPTAIN YOUNG’S JOURNEY.

Captain Allen Young and his party had returned
on board on the 3rd of March, having
placed their depôt upon the shore of Prince of
Wales’ Land, about 70 miles S.W. of the ship.
Young found the ice in Bellot Strait so rough as
to be impassable, and was obliged to adopt the
lake route. Prince of Wales’ Land was found to
be composed of limestone; the shore was low,
and fringed for a distance of ten miles to seaward
with an ancient land-floe. The remaining
width of the strait between this land (North
Somerset) and Prince of Wales’ Land was about
15 miles, and this space was composed of ice
formed since September last; this was the water
we looked at so anxiously last autumn from
Cape Bird and Pemmican Rock. His party lived
in their tent, protected from the wind by snow
walls, and, like ourselves, escaped with a few
trivial frost-bites. So far all was very satisfactory,
the general health good, and the eagerness
of my crew to commence travelling quite charming.

SUGAR MISSING.

Young proposed carrying out another depôt to
the north-west, in order to explore well up Peel[216]
Strait, and would have started on the 17th, but
the weather was too severe. The day was spent
in a fruitless search for three casks of sugar—a
serious and unaccountable deficiency—but, as
it was important to replace them with as little
delay as possible, Young set off on the 18th, although
it blew a N.W. gale at the time, with two
men and eighteen dogs, for Fury Beach; failing
to find the requisite quantity there, he will go on
to Port Leopold.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] Petersen conversed with two men who had themselves been up to
Umingmak Island.


[217]

CHAPTER XIII.

Dr. Walker’s sledge journey—Snow-blindness attacks Young’s party—Departure
of all sledge-parties—Equipment of sledge-parties—Meet
the same party of natives—Intelligence of the second ship—My depôt
robbed—Part company from Hobson—Matty Island—Deserted
snow-huts—Native sledges—Land on King William Land.
DR. WALKER’S SLEDGE JOURNEY.

Doctor Walker’s zeal for travelling was not to be
restrained; I therefore gladly availed myself of
his willingness to go with a party to Cape Airey
and bring back the depôt of provisions left there
in August last. These trips will delay our spring
journeys for a few days.

During my absence from the ‘Fox’ the weather
was often stormy, and temperature unusually
low; the mean for the month of February was
-36°, showing it to be one of the coldest on record.
When possible the men were allowed to go out
shooting, and obtain fifty or sixty ptarmigan and
a hare; a few foxes were taken in traps, and two
reindeer were seen.

Yesterday two bears came near the ship, but
were frightened away by the dogs. Hobson shot
three ptarmigan. To-day I rambled over the hills,
the weather being fine, and saw a hare.

29th.—Continued fine weather. A couple
more foxes and a lemming in its brown coat have[218]
been captured, and a hare and four ptarmigan shot.
This fine bright weather seems to have awakened
the lemmings and ermines; their tracks, which
were very rarely seen during winter, are now
tolerably numerous; foxes appear in greater numbers,
probably following up the ptarmigan from
the south. The thermometer ranges between
zero and -20°; it has once been up to +13°.
When exposed to a noonday sun against the
ship’s side it rises 50° higher. The earth-thermometer—placed
2 feet 2 inches beneath the
surface—which gradually fell until the 10th of
this month, has now begun to ascend; its minimum
was +½°; much snow also lay over it, 6 feet
deep at this season.

DR. WALKER’S RETURN.

On the 25th Dr. Walker and his party returned,
not having been able to find the depôt.
They found a barrel of flour upon the beach a
few miles south of Brentford Bay; it appeared to
have lain there for years, just inside a shingle
projection, which kept off the ice pressure, so that
it had not been forced up high upon the beach;
the ice which bore it there—probably from Port
Leopold—had disappeared, and the cask was
frozen into the shingle. The heading has been
brought on board, but the “scribing” upon it is
very indistinct, and unintelligible to us. The
flour is of the ordinary description used in the
navy, and known as “seconds;” most of it was
good, and a plain pudding made of it for our mess[219]
could not be distinguished from fresh flour. A
specimen has been preserved with the view of
identifying it with the Fury Beach or Port Leopold
stores of flour. With the exception of a solitary
bear, the party saw no living creatures. The
shore along which they travelled was a very low
shingly limestone.

RETURN OF CAPTAIN YOUNG.

SNOW BLINDNESS.

Last evening I was delighted to see Young and
his two dog-sledges heave in sight; he brought
about 8 cwt. of sugar from Fury Beach, but not
without much difficulty, owing to the roughness
of the pack in Creswell Bay, and also to the
breaking down of one of his sledges; to avoid
this pack he found it necessary to travel nearly
all round Creswell Bay. Cape Garry he describes
as a gradually curved extent of flat land,
and not the decided cape it appears to be upon
the chart; two reindeer were seen near it, and
during the journey four bears; no other animals
were met with. His labors had been very severe;
one sledge broke down and all the sugar had to
be piled upon the other: the consequence was
that the sledge was so heavily loaded that it
would only run freely after the dogs on smooth
ice; and directly any hummocks were encountered,
the dogs, with their usual instinct, not to
drag a sledge unless it does run freely, would lie
down, and oblige Captain Young and his two men
to unload and carry the packages, over the obstacle,
upon their own backs. After this, snow-blindness[220]
came on; Young and one of his men became
blind as kittens; and the third man had to
load, lead, and unload them, when these portages
occurred. Young’s Esquimaux dog-driver, Samuel,
was quite blind when the party reached the
ship. Two dogs, not choosing to allow themselves
to be caught and put in harness, had been
still left behind at the last encampment.

There still remains at Fury Beach an immense
stack of preserved vegetables and soups; the
party supped off them and found them good.
Young brought me back two specimen tins of
“carrots plain” and “carrots and gravy.” All
small casks and packages were covered with
snow; of the large ones which appeared through
it, he saw thirty-four casks of flour, five of split
peas, five of tobacco, and four of sugar. Only a
very few tons of coals remained. There were
two boats, a short four-oared gig and a large cutter;
the former required nothing but caulking to make
her serviceable, but the latter had a large portion
of one bow and side cut out, as if for making, or
repairing flat sledges. No record was found.

We have now enough sugar to last us for seven
or eight months, but by the survey of provisions
which has just been completed, we find a deficiency
of many other articles, including three casks
of salt beef. Fortunately this is of no consequence
as we have abundance of both salt and preserved
meat, but it shows the alarming extent to which[221]
a negligent steward may mislead one. This unfortunate
man has now got scurvy; want of exercise
and fresh air is the apparent cause, combined
with irregular living; the spirits have hitherto
been in his charge.

PREPARATION OF SLEDGE-PARTIES.

The bustle of preparation for the extended
searching journeys has been exciting. Hobson’s
party and my own are now all prepared, and
Young having returned, we propose setting out
on the 2d April—God willing. Young’s new
sledge will be ready, and he will also start a few
days after us. All our winter defences of snow,
our porches, our deck-layer, and our external embankment,
have been removed. Dr. Walker, of
necessity, remains in charge of the ship, with two
stewards, a cook, a carpenter, and a stoker. My
party, as well as Hobson’s, will be provisioned, including
the depôts, for an absence of about eighty-four
days; but not being able to afford auxiliary
or supporting sledge-parties, much time will be
occupied in transporting our depôts further out,
in order that we may start with as much as we
can possibly carry, from the Magnetic Pole, besides
leaving there a depôt for our return.

The declinometer was taken on board two days
ago; hourly observations have been made with it
for more than five months: we can no longer
spare any one for this interesting duty.


24th June.—One thing is certain, the wild sort[222]
of tent-life we lead in Arctic exploration quite
unfits one for such tame work as writing up a
journal; my present attempt will illustrate the
fact,—yet with such ample materials what a
deeply interesting volume might be written!
Since I last opened this familiar old diary—the
repository alike of dry facts and the most trivial
notes—winter has passed away, summer is far
advanced, and the glorious sun is again returning
southward. We too have endeavored to move on
with the times and seasons.

As for myself—I have visited Montreal Island,
completed the exploration and circuit of King
William’s Island, passing on foot through the only
feasible North-West Passage; but all this is as
nothing to the interest attached to the Franklin
records
picked up by Hobson, and now safe in my
possession! We now know the fate of the ‘Erebus’
and ‘Terror.’ The sole object of our voyage has
at length been completed, and we anxiously await
the time when escape from these bleak regions
will become practicable.


Apr., 1859.
THE START.

The morning of April 2nd was inauspicious, but
as the day advanced the weather improved, so
that Hobson and I were able to set out upon our
journeys; we each had a sledge drawn by four
men, besides a dog-sledge, and dog-driver. Mr.
Petersen having volunteered his services to drive
my dogs,—an offer too valuable to be declined—managed[223]
my dog-sledge throughout. Our five
starveling puppies were harnessed, for the first
time in their lives, to a small sledge which I drove
myself, intending to sell them to the Esquimaux,
if I could get them to drag their own supply of
provisions so far. The procession looked imposing—it
certainly was deeply interesting; there were
five sledges, twelve men, and seventeen dogs, the
latter of all sizes and shapes. The ship hoisted
the Royal Harwich Yacht flag, and our sledges
displayed their gay silk banners; mine was a
very beautiful one, given me by Lady Franklin;
it bears her name in white letters upon a red
ground, and is margined with white embroidery;
it was worked by the sisters of Captain Collinson.

EQUIPMENT OF SLEDGE-PARTIES.

The equipment of my sledge-party and the
weights were as follows: those of Hobson and
Young were almost precisely similar.

lbs. weight.
Two sledges and fitting complete110
Tent, waterproof blanket, floor-cloth, two sleeping-robes, and six blanket sleeping-bags90
Cooking-utensils, shovel, saw, snow-knife, and sundry small articles40
Sledge-gun and ammunition20
Magnetic and astronomical instruments60
Six knapsacks, containing spare clothing60
Various tins and bags, in which provision and fuel were stored50
Articles for barter40
Provisions930
Total1400

The load for each man to drag was fixed at[224]
200 lbs., and for each dog 100 lbs. Our provisions
consisted mainly of pemmican, biscuit, and
tea, with a small addition of boiled pork, rum, and
some tobacco.

SLOW PROGRESS.

The men being untrained to the work, and
sledges heavily laden, our march was fatiguing
and slow. We encamped that night upon the
long lake. On the second day we reached the
western sea, and upon the third, aided by our
sledge sails, we advanced some miles beyond
Arcedeckne Island.

The various depôts carried out with so much
difficulty and danger in the autumn, were now
gathered up as we advanced, until at length we
were so loaded as to be compelled to proceed with
one-half at a time, going three times over the
same ground. For six days this tedious mode
of progression was persevered in, by which time
(15th April) we reached the low limestone shore
in latitude 71° 7′ N., and which continues thence
in almost a straight line southward for 60 or 70
miles. We now commenced laying down provisions
for our consumption upon the return journey;
and the snow being unusually level, we were
able to advance with the whole of our remaining
provisions, amounting to nearly sixty days’ allowance.

Hitherto the temperature continued low, often
nearly 30° below zero, and at times with cutting
north winds, bright sun, and intensely strong[225]
snow glare. Although we wore colored spectacles,
yet almost all suffered great inconvenience
and considerable pain from inflamed eyes. Our
faces were blistered, lips and hands cracked,—never
were men more disfigured by the combined
effects of bright sun and bitterly cold winds; fortunately
no serious frost-bites occurred, but frost-bitten
faces and fingers were universal.

MEET OLD ACQUAINTANCE.

On the 20th April, in latitude 70½° N., we met
two families of natives, comprising twelve individuals;
their snow-huts were upon the ice three-quarters
of a mile off shore, and their occupation
was seal-hunting. They were the same people
with whom I had communicated at Cape Victoria
in February.

Old Oo-na-lee laid his hands on Petersen’s
shoulders to measure their width, and said, “He
is fatter now:” true enough, the February temperature
and sharp marching had caused us both
at that time to shrink considerably.

SNOW-HUTS OF NATIVES.

Their snow-huts were built in the above form,
the common entrance and both passages being[226]
just sufficiently high to get in without having
to crawl upon our hands and knees. A slab of
ice in the roof admitted sufficient light. A snow
bank or bench two feet high, and occupying half
the area of each hut, was covered with reindeer
skins, and formed the family place of repose. An
angular snow bench served as the kitchen table,
and immediately beside it sat the lady of the
establishment attending the stone lamp which
stood thereon, and the stone-cooking vessel suspended
over it. The lamp was a shallow open
vessel, the fuel seal oil, and the wick dried moss.
Her “tinder-box” was a little seal-skin bag of soft
dry moss, and with a lump of iron pyrites and a
broken file she struck fire upon it. I purchased
the file because it was marked with the Government
broad arrow.

We saw two large snow shovels made of mahogany
board, some long spear handles, a bow of
English wood, two preserved-meat tins, and a deal
case which might have once contained a large
telescope or a barometer; it measured 3 feet 1
inch in length by 9 inches wide and 3½ inches
deep; there was no lid, but part of the brass
hinges remained.

I also purchased a knife which had some indistinct
markings upon it, such as ship’s cutlasses or
swords usually have; the man told us it had been
picked up on the shore near where a ship lay
stranded; that it was then about the length of[227]
his arm, but his countryman who picked it up
broke it into lengths to make knives.

INTELLIGENCE OF SECOND SHIP.

After much anxious inquiry we learned that
two ships had been seen by the natives of King
William’s Island; one of them was seen to sink
in deep water, and nothing was obtained from
her, a circumstance at which they expressed
much regret; but the other was forced on shore
by the ice, where they suppose she still remains,
but is much broken. From this ship they have
obtained most of their wood, &c.; and Oot-loo-lik
is the name of the place where she
grounded.

Formerly many natives lived there, now very
few remain. All the natives have obtained plenty
of the wood.

The most of this information was given us by
the young man who sold the knife. Old Oo-na-lee,
who drew the rough chart for me in March,
to show where the ship sank, now answered our
questions respecting the one forced on shore; not
a syllable about her did he mention on the former
occasion, although we asked whether they knew
of only one ship? I think he would willingly
have kept us in ignorance of the wreck being
upon their coasts, and that the young man unwittingly
made it known to us.

The latter also told us that the body of a man
was found on board the ship; that he must have
been a very large man, and had long teeth; this[228]
is all he recollected having been told, for he was
quite a child at the time.

They both told us it was in the fall of the year—that
is, August or September—when the ships
were destroyed; that all the white people went
away to the “large river,” taking a boat or boats
with them, and that in the following winter their
bones were found there.

These two Esquimaux families had been up as
far north as the Tasmania Group[20] in latitude
71¼° N., and were returning to Nĕitchīllĕe, hunting
seals by the way; those we met at Cape
Victoria had already gone there. The nearest
natives to us at present, they said, were residing
at the island of Amitoke, ten days’ journey
distant from here. Can this Amitoke be Matty
Island?

BARTER WITH NATIVES.

DEPÔT ROBBED.

We purchased some seal’s blubber and flesh, as
well as their two only dogs; but next morning
Oo-na-lee repented his bargain, or feigned to do so,
but as he came without the knife to exchange
back we retained his dog; he tried to steal a
tin vessel off one of the sledges, and perhaps it
was for the purpose of regaining our favor that
he made known to us, just as we were starting,
that his countrymen had followed my homeward[229]
track in March, discovering my depôt of blubber,
articles for barter, and two revolvers, and
carried them all off to Nĕitchīllĕe,—by no means
pleasant intelligence; their dogs must have
enabled them to find the blubber by scenting
it, for it was buried under 4 feet of snow, and
strong winds obliterated all traces upon the
surface.

I was now glad we had purchased both the
dogs of the men, as it would probably prevent
their seeking for our depôts to the northward;
the knowledge of the insecurity of all depôts
amongst these people will keep us on our guard
for the future. I regretted the loss of the pistols,
as it left my party with no other arms than two
guns.

Oo-na-lee told us when we first met him that
one of his countrymen was very sick; not seeing
a sick man in their huts, we forgot all about it
until after starting, when Petersen interpreted to
me Oo-na-lee’s parting information, and told me
how he described that the breech of the revolver
turned round; it then occurred to me that one of
the men might have been wounded,—they had
discovered how to cock the locks, and the pistols
were loaded and capped.

Oo-na-lee was well acquainted with the coast-line
up to Bellot Strait, and had names for the
different headlands, although he had never been
so far north; he made many inquiries about the[230]
position of our ship, her size, and the number of
men. Had he been able to travel so far with his
wife and several young children, and without
sledge or dogs, I think he certainly would have
gone up to Port Kennedy; we did not give him
any encouragement to do so. His wife was one
of the most importunate of the many women we
saw at Cape Victoria in March. She was the
woman who plucked out an infant by its arm
from inside her dress, and exposed it regardless
of -30° and a fresh wind, as I have previously
told.

The information respecting both the missing
ships was most important, and it remained for us
to discover, if possible, the stranded ship.

PART COMPANY FROM HOBSON.

Continuing our journey, we crossed a wide bay
upon level ice, and the most perfectly smooth
hard snow I ever saw; there must have been
much open water here late last autumn. Seven
or eight snow-huts, recently abandoned, were
found near the magnetic pole. During the 25th,
26th, and 27th, we were confined to our tents by
a very heavy south-east gale, with severe cold.
Early on the 28th we reached Cape Victoria;
here Hobson and I separated. He marched direct
for Cape Felix, King William’s Land, whilst
I kept a more southerly course. Not daring to
leave depôts upon this coast, we carried on our
whole supply, intending to deposit a small portion
upon the Clarence Islands.[231]

Hobson was unwell when we parted, complaining
of stiffness and pain in his legs; neither of
us then suspected the cause. I gave him directions
to search the west coast of King William’s
Island for the stranded ship and for records, and
to act upon such information as he might obtain
in this way, or from the natives; but should that
shore prove destitute of traces, to carry out if
possible our original plan for the completion of
discovery and search upon Victoria Land, comprising
the blank space between the extremes
visited by Captain Collinson and Mr. Wynniatt.

MISS THE CLARENCE ISLANDS.

I soon found that my party had to labor across
a rough pack; nor was it until the third day that
we completed the traverse of the strait, and encamped
near to the entrance of Port Parry, in
King William’s Island. Although the weather was
clear, and that by our reckoning we passed directly
over the assigned position of the two southern
of the Clarence Islands, yet we saw nothing
of them.

A day was devoted to securing a depôt in a
huge mass of grounded ice, and in repairing and
drying equipment, or, to speak more correctly,
in getting rid of the ice which encumbered our
sleeping bags and gear; this we effected by beating
them well and exposing them to the direct
rays of the sun. Magnetic and other observations
gave me ample employment, the only immediate[232]
result of which was my being almost snow-blind
for the two following days.

May, 1859.

On May 2nd we set off again briskly; our load
being diminished to thirty days’ provisions, and
the sledge sail set, we soon reached the land, and
travelled along it for Cape Sabine; it was very
thick weather, and we were unable to see any
distance in consequence of the mist and snow-drift.
The following day was no better, and the
shore, which we dared not leave to cross the bays,
was extremely low.

MATTY ISLAND.

We soon discovered that we had strayed inland;
but, guided by the wind, continued our
course. Upon May 4th we descended into Wellington
Strait, and the weather being tolerably
clear, crossed over to the south-west extreme of
Matty Island, in the hope of meeting with natives,
no traces of them having been met with since
leaving Cape Victoria. Off this south-west point
we found a deserted village of nearly twenty
snow-huts, besides several others, within a few
miles upon either side of it; in all of them I
found shavings or chips of different kinds of wood
from the lost expedition; they appeared to have
been abandoned only within a fortnight or three
weeks. Abundance of blubber was gathered up
to increase our stock of fuel, and had we encamped
here, the dogs would have feasted sumptuously
off the scraps and bones of seals strewed
about.[233]

NATIVE SLEDGES.

The runners (or sides) of some old sledges left
here were very ingeniously formed out of rolls of
seal-skin, about 3½ feet long, and flattened so as to
be 2 or 3 inches wide and 5 inches high; the seal-skins
appeared to have been well soaked and then
rolled up, flattened into the required form and allowed
to freeze. The underneath part was coated
with a mixture of moss and ice laid smoothly on
by hand before being allowed to freeze, the moss,
I suppose, answering the purpose of hair in mortar,
to make the compound adhere more firmly.

From this spot the shore-line of Matty Island
turned sharply to the N.N.E.; there were some
considerable islands to the east, but thinking the
most southerly of this group, named “Owut-tā”
by the Esquimaux, the most likely place to find
the natives, I pushed on in that direction until
we encamped. Thick fog enveloped us for the
next two days; we could not find the island, but
found a very small islet near it, off which was
another snow-village very recently abandoned,
the sledge tracks plainly showing that the inhabitants
had gone to the E.N.E., which is straight for
Nĕitchīllĕe. It was now evident that these places
of winter resort were deserted, and that here at
least we should not find any natives; I was the[234]
more sorry at having missed them, as, from the
quantity of wood chips about the huts, they probably
had visited the stranded ship alluded to by
the last Esquimaux we had met, and the route to
which lies up an inlet visible from here, and then
overland three or four days’ journey to the westward,
until the opposite coast of King William’s
Land is reached.

NATIVE HUTS.

The largest huts measured 12 feet in diameter,
by 6 or 7 feet high; the greater part were constructed
in pairs, having a passage 20 or 25 feet
long, serving as the common entrance; where the
passage divides into two branches, there was a
small hut, which served as a sort of ante-chamber
for the reception of such articles as were intended
to remain frozen.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] These islands were so named by me, at the request of Lady Franklin,
in grateful acknowledgment of many proofs of affectionate sympathy received
from the colony over which her husband presided for several years,
and, in particular, of the large contributions raised there in aid of her
expeditions of search.


[235]

CHAPTER XIV.

Meet Esquimaux—News of Franklin’s people—Frighten a solitary
party—Reach the Great Fish River—On Montreal Island—Total
absence of all relics—Examine Ogle Peninsula—Discover a skeleton—Vagueness
of Esquimaux information—Cape Herschel—Cairn.
MEET ESQUIMAUX.

7th May.To avoid snow-blindness, we commenced
night-marching. Crossing over from
Matty Island towards the King William Island
shore, we continued our march southward until
midnight, when we had the good fortune to arrive
at an inhabited snow-village. We found here ten
or twelve huts and thirty or forty natives of King
William’s Island; I do not think any of them had
ever seen white people alive before, but they
evidently knew us to be friends. We halted at a
little distance, and pitched our tent, the better to
secure small articles from being stolen whilst we
bartered with them.

PURCHASE OF RELICS.

I purchased from them six pieces of silver
plate, bearing the crests or initials of Franklin,
Crozier, Fairholme, and McDonald; they also sold
us bows and arrows of English woods, uniform and
other buttons, and offered us a heavy sledge made
of two short stout pieces of curved wood, which
no mere boat could have furnished them with, but[236]
this of course we could not take away; the silver
spoons and forks were readily sold for four needles
each.

They were most obliging and peaceably disposed,
but could not resist the temptation to steal,
and were importunate to barter everything they
possessed; there was not a trace of fear, every
countenance was lighted up with joy; even the
children were not shy, nor backward either, in
crowding about us, and poking in everywhere.
One man got hold of our saw, and tried to retain
it, holding it behind his back, and presenting his
knife in exchange; we might have had some trouble
in getting it from him, had not one of my
men mistaken his object in presenting the knife
towards me, and run out of the tent with a gun
in his hand; the saw was instantly returned, and
these poor people seemed to think they never
could do enough to convince us of their friendliness;
they repeatedly tapped me gently on the
breast, repeating the words “Kammik toomee”
(We are friends).

Having obtained all the relics they possessed,
I purchased some seal’s flesh, blubber, frozen
venison, dried and frozen salmon, and sold some
of my puppies. They told us it was five days’
journey to the wreck,—one day up the inlet
still in sight, and four days overland; this would
carry them to the western coast of King William
Land; they added that but little now remained[237]
of the wreck which was accessible, their countrymen
having carried almost everything away. In
answer to an inquiry, they said she was without
masts; the question gave rise to some laughter
amongst them, and they spoke to each other about
fire, from which Petersen thought they had burnt
the masts through close to the deck in order to
get them down.

There had been many books they said, but all
have long ago been destroyed by the weather;
the ship was forced on shore in the fall of the
year by the ice. She had not been visited during
this past winter, and an old woman and a boy
were shown to us who were the last to visit the
wreck; they said they had been at it during the
winter of 1857-8.

NEWS OF FRANKLIN’S PEOPLE.

Petersen questioned the woman closely, and
she seemed anxious to give all the information
in her power. She said many of the white men
dropped by the way as they went to the Great
River; that some were buried and some were not;
they did not themselves witness this, but discovered
their bodies during the winter following.

We could not arrive at any approximation to
the numbers of the white men nor of the years
elapsed since they were lost.

This was all the information we could obtain,
and it was with great difficulty so much could be
gleaned, the dialect being strange to Petersen, and
the natives far more inclined to ask questions[238]
than to answer them. They assured us we should
find natives upon the south shore of King William’s
Island only three days’ journey from here,
and also at Montreal Island; moreover they said
we might find some at the wreck. For these
reasons I did not prolong my stay with them beyond
a couple of hours. They seemed to have
but little intercourse with other communities, not
having heard of our visit to the Boothians two
months before; one man even asked Petersen if
he had seen his brother, who lived in Boothia,
not having heard of him since last summer.

JOURNEY CONTINUED.

It was quite a relief to get away from these
good-humored, noisy thieves, and rather difficult
too, as some of them accompanied us for miles.
They had abundance of food, were well clothed,
and are a finer race than those who inhabit North
Greenland, or Pond’s Inlet: the men had their
hair cropped short, with the exception of one
long, straggling lock hanging down on each side
of the face; like the Boothians, the women had
lines tattooed upon their cheeks and chins.

We now proceeded round a bay which I named
Latrobe in honor of the late Governor of Victoria,
and of his brother, the head of the Moravian
Church in London, both esteemed friends of
Franklin.

FRIGHTEN A SOLITARY PARTY.

Finding the “Mathison Island” of Rae to be a
flat-topped hill, we crossed over low land to the
west of it, and upon the morning of the 10th May[239]
reached a single snow-hut off Point Booth. I
was quite astonished at the number of poles and
various articles of wood lying about it, also at the
huge pile of walrus’ and reindeer’s flesh, seal’s
blubber, and skins of various sorts. We had
abundance of leisure to examine these exterior
articles before the inmates would venture out;
they were evidently much alarmed by our sudden
appearance.

A remarkably fine old dog was tied at the entrance—the
line being made fast within the
long passage—and although he wagged his tail,
and received us as old acquaintances, we did not
like to attempt an entrance. At length an old
man and an old woman appeared; they trembled
with fear, and could not, or would not, say
anything except “Kammik toomee:” we tried
every means of allaying their fears, but their
wits seemed paralyzed, and we could get no information.
We asked where they got the wood?
They purchased it from their countrymen. Did
they know the Great River? Yes, but it was a
long way off. Were there natives there now?
Yes. They even denied all knowledge of white
people having died upon their shores. A fine
young man came out of the hut, but we could
learn nothing of him; they said they had nothing
to barter, except what we saw, although we
tempted them by displaying our store of knives
and needles.[240]

The wind was strong and fair, and the morning
intensely cold, and as I could not hope to overcome
the fears of these poor people without encamping,
and staying perhaps a day with them, I
determined to push on, and presented the old
lady with a needle as a parting gift.

The principal articles which caught my attention
here were eight or ten fir poles, varying in
length from 5 to 10 feet, and up to 2½ inches in
diameter (these were converted into spear handles
and tent poles), a kayak paddle constructed out
of the blade of two ash oars, and two large snow
shovels 4 feet long, made of thin plank, painted
white or pale yellow; these might have been
the bottom boards of a boat. There were many
smaller articles of wood.

GREAT FISH RIVER.

Half a mile further on we found seven or eight
deserted snow-huts. Bad weather had now fairly
set in, accompanied by a most unseasonable degree
of cold. On the morning of the 12th May
we crossed Point Ogle, and encamped upon the
ice in the Great Fish River the same evening;
the cold and the darkness of our more southern
latitude, having obliged us to return to day-travelling.
All the 13th we were imprisoned in our
tent by a most furious gale, nor was it until late
on the morning of the 14th that we could proceed;
that evening we encamped 2 miles from
some small islands which lie off the north end of
Montreal Island.[241]

MONTREAL ISLAND.

On the morning of the 15th we made only a
short march of 6 miles, as one of the men suffered
severely from snow-blindness, and I was anxious
to recommence night-travelling; encamped in a
little bay upon the N.E. side of Montreal Island.
The same evening we again set out, although it
was blowing very strongly, and “snowing for a
wager,” as the men expressed it, but it was only
necessary for us to keep close along the shore of
the island: we discovered, however, a narrow and
crooked channel which led us through to the west
side of the island, and, one of the men appearing
seriously ill, we encamped about midnight.

Whilst encamped this day, explorations were
made about the N.E. quarter of the island; islets
and rocks were seen to abound in all directions;
eventually it proved to be a separate island upon
which we had encamped. The only traces or
relics of Europeans found were the following articles,
discovered by Petersen, beside a native
mark (one large stone set upright on the top
of another), at the east side of the Main—or
Montreal—island:—A piece of preserved-meat
tin, two pieces of iron hoop, some scraps of copper,
and an iron-hoop bolt. These probably are
part of the plunder obtained from the boat, and
were left here until a more favorable opportunity
should offer, or perhaps necessity should compel
the depositor to return for them.

All the 16th we were unable to move, not only[242]
because Hampton was ill, but the weather was
extremely bad, and snow thickly falling with temperature
at zero; certainly strange weather for
the middle of May! We have not had a single
clear day since the 1st of the month.

SEARCH FOR RELICS.

On the 17th the weather, though dull, was
clear, so Mr. Petersen, Thompson, and I, set off
with the dog-sledge to complete the examination
of Montreal Island, leaving the other three men
with the tent: we hoped also to find natives, but
had not seen any recent traces of them since
passing Point Booth. Petersen drove the dog-sledge
close along shore round the island to the
south, and as far up the east side as to meet our
previously explored portion of it, whilst Thompson
and I walked along on the land, the one close
down to the beach, and the other higher up, examining
the more conspicuous parts: in this order
we traversed the remaining portion of the island.

Although the snow served to conceal from us
any traces which might exist in hollows or sheltered
situations, yet it rendered all objects intended
to serve as marks proportionably conspicuous;
and we may remember that it was in
its winter garb that the retreating crews saw
Montreal Island, precisely as we ourselves saw it.
The island was almost covered with native marks,
usually of one stone standing upright upon another,
sometimes consisting of three stones; but
very rarely of a greater number.[243]

TOTAL ABSENCE OF RELICS.

No trace of a cairn could be found.

In examining, with pickaxe and shovel, a collection
of stones which appeared to be arranged
artificially, we found a quantity of seal’s blubber
buried beneath; this old Esquimaux câche was
near the S.E. point of the island. The interior of
the island and the principal islets adjacent were
also examined without success, nor was there the
slightest evidence of natives having been here
during the winter: it is not to be wondered at
that we returned in the evening to our tent somewhat
dispirited. The total absence of natives
was a bitter disappointment; circles of stones,
indicating the sites of their tenting places in summer,
were common enough.

Montreal Island is of primary rock, chiefly grey
gneiss, traversed with whitish vertical bands in a
N. and S. direction (by them I often directed my
route when crossing the island). It is of considerable
elevation, and extremely rugged. The
low beaches and grassy hollows were covered
with a foot or two of hard snow, whilst all the
level, the elevated, or exposed parts were swept
perfectly bare; had a cairn, or even a grave existed
(raised as it must be, the earth being frozen
hard as rock), we must at once have seen it. If
any were constructed they must have been levelled
by the natives; every doubtful appearance
was examined with the pickaxe.

A remark made by my men struck me as being[244]
shrewd; they judged from the washed appearance
of the rock upon the east side of Montreal
Island that it must be often exposed to a considerable
sea, such as would effectually remove
everything not placed far above its reach; when
looking over the smooth and frozen expanse one
is apt to forget this.

Since our first landing upon King William’s
Island we have not met with any heavy ice; all
along its eastern and southern shore, together
with the estuary of this great river, is one vast
unbroken sheet formed in the early part of last
winter where no ice previously existed; this I fancy
(from the accounts of Back and Anderson) is
unusual, and may have caused the Esquimaux to
vary their seal-hunting localities. Mr. Petersen
suggested that they might have retired into the
various inlets after the seals; and therefore I
determined to cross over into Barrow’s Inlet as
soon as we had examined the Point Ogle Peninsula.

SHOOTING GAME.

Upon Montreal Island I shot a hare and a brace
of willow-grouse. Up to this date we had shot
during our journey only one bear and a couple
of ptarmigan. The first recent traces of reindeer
were met with here.

On the 18th May crossed over to the mainland
near Point Duncan, but Hampton again complaining,
I was obliged to encamp. When away from
my party, and exploring along the shore towards[245]
Elliot Bay, I saw a herd of eight reindeer and
succeeded in shooting one of them. In the
evening Petersen saw another. Some willow-grouse
also were seen. Here we found much
more vegetation than upon King William’s Island,
or any other Arctic land I have yet seen.

RETURN JOURNEY COMMENCED.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE DOGS.

On the evening of the 19th we commenced
our return journey, but for the three following
weeks our route led us over new ground.
Hampton being unable to drag, I made over
my puppy-team to him, and was thus left free
to explore and fully examine every doubtful
object along our route. I shall not easily forget
the trial my patience underwent during the
six weeks that I drove that dog-sledge. The
leader of my team, named “Omar Pasha,” was
very willing, but very lame; little “Rose” was
coquettish, and fonder of being caressed than
whipped; from some cause or other she ceased
growing when only a few months old; she was
therefore far too small for heavy work; “Darky”
and “Missy” were mere pups; and last of all
came the two wretched starvelings, reared in the
winter, “Foxey” and “Dolly.” Each dog had its
own harness, formed of strips of canvas, and was
attached to the sledge by a single trace 12
feet long. None of them had ever been yoked
before, and the amount of cunning and perversity
they displayed to avoid both the whip and the
work, was quite astonishing. They bit through[246]
their traces, and hid away under the sledge, or
leaped over one another’s backs, so as to get into
the middle of the team out of the way of my
whip, until the traces became plaited up, and the
dogs were almost knotted together; the consequence
was I had to halt every few minutes, pull
off my mitts, and, at the risk of frozen fingers,
disentangle the lines. I persevered, however, and,
without breaking any of their bones, succeeded
in getting a surprising amount of work out of
them. Hobson drove his own dog-sledge likewise,
and as long as we were together we helped
each other out of difficulties, and they were frequently
occurring, for, apart from those I have
above mentioned, directly a dog-sledge is stopped
by hummock, or sticks fast in deep snow, the
dogs, instead of exerting themselves, lie down,
looking perfectly delighted at the circumstance,
and the driver has to extricate the sledge with a
hearty one, two, three haul! and apply a little
gentle persuasion to set his canine team in motion
again.

Having searched the east shore of this land
for 7 or 8 miles further north, we crossed over
into Barrow’s Inlet, and spent a day in its examination,
but not a trace of natives was met
with.

EXAMINE OGLE PENINSULA.

Regaining the shore of Dease and Simpson’s
Strait, some miles to the west of Point Richardson,
we crossed over to King William’s Island[247]
upon the morning of the 24th, striking in upon
it a short distance west of the Peffer River.
The south coast was closely examined as we
marched along towards Cape Herschel. Upon
a conspicuous point, to the westward of Point
Gladman, a cairn nearly five feet high was seen,
which, although it did not appear to be a recent
construction, was taken down, stone by stone, and
carefully examined, the ground beneath being
broken up with the pickaxe, but nothing was
covered.

The ground about it was much exposed to the
winds, and consequently devoid of snow, so that
no trace could have escaped us. Simpson does
not mention having landed here, or anywhere
upon the island except at Cape Herschel, yet it
seemed to me strange that natives should construct
such a mark here, since a huge boulder,
which would equally serve their purpose, stood
upon the same elevation, and within a couple of
hundred yards. We had previously examined a
similar but smaller cairn, a few miles to the eastward.

A SKELETON DISCOVERED.

We were now upon the shore along which
the retreating crews must have marched. My
sledges of course travelled upon the sea-ice
close along the shore; and, although the depth
of snow which covered the beach deprived us
of almost every hope, yet we kept a very sharp
look-out for traces, nor were we unsuccessful.[248]
Shortly after midnight of the 24th May, when
slowly walking along a gravel ridge near the
beach, which the winds kept partially bare of
snow, I came upon a human skeleton, partly
exposed, with here and there a few fragments
of clothing appearing through the snow. The
skeleton—now perfectly bleached—was lying
upon its face, the limbs and smaller bones either
dissevered or gnawed away by small animals.

A most careful examination of the spot was of
course made, the snow removed, and every scrap
of clothing gathered up. A pocket-book afforded
strong grounds of hope that some information
might be subsequently obtained respecting the
unfortunate owner and the calamitous march of
the lost crews, but at the time it was frozen hard.
The substance of that which we gleaned upon
the spot may thus be summed up:—

This victim was a young man, slightly built,
and perhaps above the common height; the dress
appeared to be that of a steward or officer’s servant,
the loose bow-knot in which his neck-handkerchief
was tied not being used by seamen or
officers. In every particular the dress confirmed
our conjectures as to his rank or office in the late
expedition,—the blue jacket with slashed sleeves
and braided edging, and the pilot-cloth great-coat
with plain covered buttons. We found, also, a
clothes-brush near, and a horn pocket-comb. This
poor man seems to have selected the bare ridge[249]
top, as affording the least tiresome walking, and
to have fallen upon his face in the position in
which we found him.

It was a melancholy truth that the old woman
spoke when she said, “they fell down and died as
they walked along.”

I do not think the Esquimaux had discovered
this skeleton, or they would have carried off the
brush and comb: superstition prevents them from
disturbing their own dead, but would not keep
them from appropriating the property of the
white man if in any way useful to them. Dr.
Rae obtained a piece of flannel, marked “F. D. V.,
1845,” from the Esquimaux of Boothia or Repulse
Bay: it had doubtless been a part of poor Des
Vœux’s garments.

VAGUENESS OF INFORMATION.

At the time of our interview with the natives
of King William’s Island, Petersen was inclined to
think that the retreat of the crews took place in
the fall of the year, some of the men in boats, and
others walking along the shore; and as only five
bodies are said to have been found upon Montreal
Island with the boat, this fact favored his opinion,
because so small a number could not have dragged
her there over the ice, although they could very
easily have taken her there by water. Subsequently
this opinion proved erroneous. I mention
it because it shows how vague our information
was—indeed all Esquimaux accounts are naturally
so—and how entirely we were dependent[250]
upon our own exertions for bringing to light the
mystery of their fate.

The information obtained by Dr. Rae was
mainly derived second-hand from the Fish River
Esquimaux, and should not be confounded with
that received by us from the King William’s
Island Esquimaux. These people told us they
did not find the bodies of the white men (that is,
they did not know any had died upon the march)
until the following winter. This is probably true,
as it is only in winter and early spring they can
travel overland to the west shore, or that they
make a practice of wandering along the shore in
search of seals and bears.

The remains of those who died in the Fish
River may very probably have been discovered in
the summer shortly after their decease.

Along the south coast of King William’s Land,
as upon the mainland, I was sadly disappointed in
my expectation of meeting natives. We found
only six or eight deserted snow-huts, showing that
they had recently been here, and consequently
there was the less chance of meeting with them
on our further progress, as the season had now
arrived when they seek the rivers and the favorite
haunts and passes of the reindeer in their
northern migration.

CAPE HERSCHEL.

Hobson was however upon the western coast,
and I hoped to find a note left for me at Cape
Herschel containing some piece of good news.[251]
After minutely examining the intervening coast-line,
it was with strong and reasonable hope I
ascended the slope which is crowned by Simpson’s
conspicuous cairn. This summit of Cape Herschel
is perhaps 150 feet high, and about a quarter of
a mile within the low stony point which projects
from it, and on which there was considerable ice
pressure and a few hummocks heaped up, the first
we had seen for three weeks. Close round this
point, or by cutting across it as we did, the retreating
parties must have passed; and the opportunity
afforded by the cairn of depositing in
a known position—and that, too, where their
own discoveries terminated—some record of
their own proceedings, or, it might be, a portion
of their scientific journals, would scarcely
have been disregarded.

SIMPSON’S CAIRN.

Simpson makes no mention of having left a
record in this cairn, nor would Franklin’s people
have taken any trouble to find it if he had left
one; but what now remained of this once “ponderous
cairn” was only four feet high; the south
side had been pulled down and the central stones
removed, as if by persons seeking for something
deposited beneath. After removing the snow with
which it was filled, and a few loose stones, the
men laid bare a large slab of limestone; with
difficulty this was removed, then a second, and
also a third slab, when they came to the ground.
For sometime we persevered with a pickaxe in[252]
breaking up the frozen earth, but nothing whatever
was found, nor any trace of European visitors
in its vicinity. There were many old câches and
low stone walls, such as natives would use to lurk
behind for the purpose of shooting reindeer; and
we noticed some recent tracks of those animals
which had crossed direct hither from the mainland.


[253]

CHAPTER XV.

The cairn found empty—Discover Hobson’s letter—Discovery of Crozier’s
record—The deserted boat—Articles discovered about the boat—The
skeletons and relics—The boat belonged to the ‘Erebus’—Conjectures.
THE CAIRN EMPTY.

As the Esquimaux of this land, as well as those of
Boothia and Pond’s Inlet, have long since given
up the practice of building stone dwellings—passing
their winters in snow-huts, and summers
in tents—no other traces of them than those described
remain; so that when or in what numbers
they may have been here one cannot form
any opinion, the same câches and hiding-places
serving for generations.

I cannot divest myself of the belief that some
record was left here
by the retreating crews, and
perhaps some most valuable documents which
their slow progress and fast failing strength would
have assured them could not be carried much further.
If any such were left they have been discovered
by the natives, and carried off, or thrown
away as worthless. Doubtless the natives, when
they ascertained that famine and fatigue had
caused many of the white men “to fall down and
die” upon their fearful march, and heard, as they[254]
might have done, of its fatal termination upon
the mainland, lost no time in following up their
traces, examining every spot where they halted,
every mark they put up, or stone displaced.

APPEARANCE OF CAIRNS.

It is easy to tell whether a cairn has been put
up or touched within a moderate period of years;
if very old, the outer stones have a weathered
appearance, lichens will have grown upon the
sheltered portions and moss in the crevices; but
if recently disturbed, even if a single stone is
turned upside down, these appearances are altered.
If a cairn has been recently built it will
be evident, because the stones picked up from
the neighborhood would be bleached on top by
the exposure of centuries, whilst underneath they
would be colored by the soil in which they were
imbedded. To the eye of the native hunter these
marks of a recent cairn are at once apparent:
and unless Simpson’s cairn (built in 1839) had
been disturbed by Crozier, I do not think the
Esquimaux would have been at the trouble of
pulling it down to plunder the câche; but having
commenced to do so, would not have left any
of it standing, unless they found what they sought.

I noticed with great care the appearance of the
stones, and came to the conclusion that the cairn
itself was of old date, and had been erected many
years ago, and that it was reduced to the state in
which we found it by people having broken down
one side of it; the displaced stones, from being[255]
turned over, looking far more fresh than those in
that portion of the cairn which had been left standing.
It was with a feeling of deep regret and
much disappointment that I left this spot without
finding some certain record of those martyrs to
their country’s fame. Perhaps in all the wide
world there will be few spots more hallowed in
the recollection of English seamen than this cairn
on Cape Herschel.

A few miles beyond Cape Herschel the land becomes
very low; many islets and shingle-ridges
lie far off the coast; and as we advanced we met
with hummocks of unusually heavy ice, showing
plainly that we were now travelling upon a far
more exposed part of the coast-line. We were
approaching a spot where a revelation of intense
interest was awaiting me.

INTEREST ATTACHING TO THE CAIRN.

About 12 miles from Cape Herschel I found a
small cairn built by Hobson’s party, and containing
a note for me. He had reached this his extreme
point, six days previously, without having seen
anything of the wreck, or of natives, but he had
found a record—the record so ardently sought
for, of the Franklin Expedition—at Point Victory,
on the N.W. coast of King William’s Land.

DISCOVERY OF GORE’S RECORD.

That record is indeed a sad and touching relic
of our lost friends, and, to simplify its contents, I
will point out separately the double story it so
briefly tells. In the first place, the record paper
was one of the printed forms usually supplied[256]
to discovery ships for the purpose of being enclosed
in bottles and thrown overboard at sea, in
order to ascertain the set of the currents, blanks
being left for the date and position; any person
finding one of these records is requested to forward
it to the Secretary of the Admiralty, with a
note of time and place; and this request is printed
upon it in six different languages. Upon it
was written, apparently by Lieutenant Gore, as
follows:—

GORE’S RECORD.
“28 of May,
1847.
{H.M. ships ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ wintered in the
ice in lat. 70° 05′ N.; long. 98° 23′ W.
“Having wintered in 1846-7 at Beechey Island, in lat. 74° 43′ 28″ N.,
long. 91° 39′ 15” W., after having ascended Wellington Channel to
lat. 77°, and returned by the west side of Cornwallis Island.
“Sir John Franklin commanding the expedition.
“All well.
“Party consisting of 2 officers and 6 men left the ships on Monday
24th May, 1847.
Gm. Gore, Lieut.
Chas. F. Des Vœux, Mate.”

There is an error in the above document, namely,
that the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ wintered at
Beechey Island in 1846-7,—the correct dates
should have been 1845-6; a glance at the date at
the top and bottom of the record proves this, but
in all other respects the tale is told in as few
words as possible of their wonderful success up to
that date, May, 1847.

We find that, after the last intelligence of Sir[257]
John Franklin was received by us (bearing date
of July, 1845), from the whalers in Melville
Bay, that his Expedition passed on to Lancaster
Sound, and entered Wellington Channel, of
which the southern entrance had been discovered
by Sir Edward Parry in 1819. The ‘Erebus’ and
‘Terror’ sailed up that strait for one hundred
and fifty miles, and reached in the autumn of
1845 the same latitude as was attained eight
years subsequently by H.M.S. ‘Assistance’ and
‘Pioneer.’ Whether Franklin intended to pursue
this northern course, and was only stopped by
ice in that latitude of 77° north, or purposely relinquished
a route which seemed to lead away
from the known seas off the coast of America,
must be a matter of opinion; but this the document
assures us of, that Sir John Franklin’s Expedition,
having accomplished this examination,
returned southward from latitude 77° north, which
is at the head of Wellington Channel, and re-entered
Barrow’s Strait by a new channel between
Bathurst and Cornwallis Islands.

Seldom has such an amount of success been
accorded to an Arctic navigator in a single
season, and when the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’
were secured at Beechey Island for the coming
winter of 1845-6, the results of their first year’s
labor must have been most cheering. These
results were the exploration of Wellington and
Queen’s Channel, and the addition to our charts[258]
of the extensive lands on either hand. In 1846
they proceeded to the south-west, and eventually
reached within twelve miles of the north extreme
of King William’s Land, when their progress
was arrested by the approaching winter of
1846-7. That winter appears to have passed
without any serious loss of life; and when in the
spring Lieutenant Gore leaves with a party for
some especial purpose, and very probably to connect
the unknown coast-line of King William’s
Land between Point Victory and Cape Herschel,
those on board the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ were
“all well,” and the gallant Franklin still commanded.

DISCOVERY OF CROZIER’S RECORD.

But, alas! round the margin of the paper upon
which Lieutenant Gore in 1847 wrote those words
of hope and promise, another hand had subsequently
written the following words:—

“April 25, 1848.—H.M. ships ‘Terror’ and ‘Erebus’ were deserted
on the 22nd April, 5 leagues N.N.W. of this, having been
beset since 12th September, 1846. The officers and crews, consisting
of 105 souls, under the command of Captain F. R. M. Crozier, landed
here in lat. 69° 37′ 42” N., long. 98° 41′ W. Sir John Franklin
died on the 11th June, 1847; and the total loss by deaths in the expedition
has been to this date 9 officers and 15 men.
(Signed)(Signed)
“F. R. M. Crozier,
“Captain and Senior Officer.
James Fitzjames,
“Captain H.M.S. Erebus.
“and start (on) to-morrow, 26th, for
Back’s Fish River.”
ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION.

This marginal information was evidently written[259]
by Captain Fitzjames, excepting only the note
stating when and where they were going, which
was added by Captain Crozier.

There is some additional marginal information
relative to the transfer of the document to its
present position (viz., the site of Sir James Ross’
pillar) from a spot four miles to the northward,
near Point Victory, where it had been originally
deposited by the late Commander Gore. This
little word late shows us that he too, within the
twelvemonth had passed away.

In the short space of twelve months how
mournful had become the history of Franklin’s
expedition; how changed from the cheerful
“All well” of Graham Gore! The spring of
1847 found them within 90 miles of the known
sea off the coast of America; and to men who
had already in two seasons sailed over 500 miles
of previously unexplored waters, how confident
must they have felt that that forthcoming navigable
season of 1847 would see their ships pass
over so short an intervening space! It was ruled
otherwise. Within a month after Lieutenant
Gore placed the record on Point Victory, the
much-loved leader of the expedition, Sir John
Franklin, was dead; and the following spring
found Captain Crozier, upon whom the command
had devolved at King William’s Land, endeavoring
to save his starving men, 105 souls in all,[260]
from a terrible death by retreating to the Hudson
Bay territories up the Back or Great Fish River.

A sad tale was never told in fewer words.
There is something deeply touching in their extreme
simplicity, and they show in the strongest
manner that both the leaders of this retreating
party were actuated by the loftiest sense of duty,
and met with calmness and decision the fearful
alternative of a last bold struggle for life,
rather than perish without effort on board their
ships; for we well know that the ‘Erebus’ and
‘Terror’ were only provisioned up to July, 1848.

DISCREPANCY IN THE RECORD.

Another discrepancy exists in the second part
of the record written by Fitzjames. The original
number composing the expedition was 138 souls,[21]
and the record states the total loss by deaths to
have been 9 officers and 15 men, consequently
that 114 officers and men remained; but it also
states that 105 only landed under Captain Crozier’s
command, so that 9 individuals are unaccounted
for.

Lieutenant Hobson’s note told me that he
found quantities of clothing and articles of all
kinds lying about the cairn, as if these men,
aware that they were retreating for their lives,
had there abandoned everything which they considered
superfluous.

Hobson had experienced extremely bad weather—constant[261]
gales and fogs—and thought he
might have passed the wreck without seeing
her; he hoped to be more successful upon his
return journey.

Encouraged by this important news, we exerted
our utmost vigilance in order that no trace
should escape us.

Our provisions were running very short, therefore
the three remaining puppies were of necessity
shot, and their sledge used for fuel. We were also
enabled to lengthen our journeys, as we had very
smooth ice to travel over, the off-lying islets keeping
the rough pack from pressing in upon the
shore.

CAPE CROZIER.

Upon the 29th of May we reached the western
extreme of King William’s Island, in lat. 69° 08′
N., and long. 100° 08′ W. I named it after Captain
Crozier of the ‘Terror,’ the gallant leader of
that “Forlorn Hope” of which we now just obtained
tidings. The coast we marched along was
extremely low—a mere series of ridges of limestone
shingle, almost destitute of fossils. The
only tracks of animals seen were those of a bear
and a few foxes—the only living creatures a few
willow-grouse. Traces even of the wandering
Esquimaux became much less frequent after leaving
Cape Herschel. Here were found only a few
circles of stones, the sites of tenting-places, but so
moss-grown as to be of great age. The prospect
to seaward was not less forbidding—a rugged[262]
surface of crushed-up pack, including much heavy
ice. In these shallow ice-covered seas, seals are
but seldom found: and it is highly probable that
all animal life in them is as scarce as upon the
land.

DESERTED BOAT.

From Cape Crozier the coast-line was found to
turn sharply away to the eastward; and early in
the morning of the 30th May we encamped alongside
a large boat—another melancholy relic which
Hobson had found and examined a few days before,
as his note left here informed me; but he
had failed to discover record, journal, pocket-book,
or memorandum of any description.

A vast quantity of tattered clothing was lying
in her, and this we first examined. Not a single
article bore the name of its former owner. The
boat was cleared out and carefully swept that
nothing might escape us. The snow was then
removed from about her, but nothing whatever
was found.

ARTICLES FOUND NEAR HER.

This boat measured 28 feet long, and 7 feet
3 inches wide; she was built with a view to lightness
and light draught of water, and evidently
equipped with the utmost care for the ascent of
the Great Fish River; she had neither oars nor
rudder, paddles supplying their place, and as a
large remnant of light canvas, commonly known
as No. 8, was found, and also a small block for
reeving a sheet through, I suppose she had been
provided with a sail. A sloping canvas roof or[263]
rain-awning had also formed part of her equipment.
She was fitted with a weather-cloth 9
inches high, battened down all round the gunwale,
and supported by 24 iron stanchions, so placed
as to serve likewise for rowing thowels. There
were 50 fathoms of deep-sea sounding-line near
her, as well as an ice grapnel. She appeared to
have been originally “carvel” built; but for the
purpose of reducing weight, very thin fir planks
had been substituted for her seven upper strakes,
and put on “clincher” fashion.

DESCRIPTION OF THE BOAT.

The weight of the boat alone was about 700 or
800 lbs. only, but she was mounted upon a sledge
of unusual weight and strength. It was constructed
of two oak planks 23 feet 4 inches in
length, 8 inches in width, and with an average
thickness of 2½ inches. These planks formed the
sides or runners of the sledge; they were connected
by five cross-bars of oak, each 4 feet long,
and 4 inches by 3½ inches thick, and bolted down
to the runners; the underneath parts of the latter
were shod with iron. Upon the cross-bars five
saddles or supporting chocks for the boat were
lashed, and the drag-ropes by which the crew
moved this massive sledge, and the weights upon
it, consisted of 2¾ inch whale-line.

I have calculated the weight of this sledge to
be 650 lbs.; it could not have been less, and may
have been considerably more. The total weight
of boat and sledge may be taken at 1400 lbs.,[264]
which amounts to a heavy load for seven strong
healthy men.

The only markings about the boat were those
upon her stem, by which we learned that she was
built by contract, was received into Woolwich
Dockyard in April, 184 ,[22] and was numbered 61.
There may have been a fourth figure to the right
hand, as the stem had been reduced in order
to lighten the boat. The ground the sledge
rested upon was the usual limestone shingle, perfectly
flat, and probably overflowed at times every
summer, as the stones were embedded in ice.

The boat was partially out of her cradle upon
the sledge, and lying in such a position as to lead
me to suppose it the effect of a violent north-west
gale. She was barely, if at all, above the
reach of occasional tides.

One hundred yards from her, upon the land
side, lay the stump of a fir-tree 12 feet long, and[265]
16 inches in diameter at 3 feet above the roots.
Although the ice had used it roughly during its
drift to this shore, and rubbed off every vestige
of bark, yet the wood was perfectly sound. It
may have been and probably has been lying there
for twenty or thirty years, and during such a period
would suffer less decay in this region of frost
than in one-sixth of the time at home. Within
two yards of it I noticed a few scanty tufts of
grass.

SKELETONS AND RELICS.

But all these were after observations; there
was that in the boat which transfixed us with
awe. It was portions of two human skeletons.
One was that of a slight young person; the other
of a large, strongly-made, middle-aged man. The
former was found in the bow of the boat, but in
too much disturbed a state to enable Hobson to
judge whether the sufferer had died there; large
and powerful animals, probably wolves, had destroyed
much of this skeleton, which may have
been that of an officer. Near it we found the
fragment of a pair of worked slippers,
of which I give the pattern, as they
may possibly be identified. The lines
were white, with a black margin; the
spaces white, red, and yellow. They had originally
been 11 inches long, lined with calf-skin with
the hair left on, and the edges bound with red silk
ribbon. Besides these slippers there were a pair
of small strong shooting half-boots. The other[266]
skeleton was in a somewhat more perfect state,[23]
and was enveloped with clothes and furs; it lay
across the boat, under the after-thwart. Close
beside it were found five watches; and there
were two double-barrelled guns—one barrel in
each loaded and cocked—standing muzzle upwards
against the boat’s side. It may be imagined
with what deep interest these sad relics were
scrutinised, and how anxiously every fragment of
clothing was turned over in search of pockets
and pocket-books, journals, or even names. Five
or six small books were found, all of them scriptural
or devotional works, except the ‘Vicar of
Wakefield.’ One little book, ‘Christian Melodies,’
bore an inscription upon the title page from the
donor to G. G. (Graham Gore?) A small Bible
contained numerous marginal notes, and whole
passages underlined. Besides these books, the
covers of a New Testament and Prayerbook were
found.

RELICS ABOUT THE BOAT.

Amongst an amazing quantity of clothing there
were seven or eight pairs of boots of various
kinds—cloth winter boots, sea boots, heavy ankle
boots, and strong shoes. I noted that there were
silk handkerchiefs—black, white, and figured—towels,
soap, sponge, tooth-brush, and hair-combs;
mackintosh gun-cover, marked outside with paint
A 12, and lined with black cloth. Besides these[267]
articles we found twine, nails, saws, files, bristles,
wax-ends, sailmakers’ palms, powder, bullets, shot,
cartridges, wads, leather cartridge-case, knives—clasp
and dinner ones—needle and thread cases,
slow-match, several bayonet-scabbards cut down
into knife-sheaths, two rolls of sheet-lead, and, in
short, a quantity of articles of one description
and another truly astonishing in variety, and such
as, for the most part, modern sledge-travellers in
these regions would consider a mere accumulation
of dead weight, but slightly useful, and very likely
to break down the strength of the sledge-crews.

The only provisions we could find were tea and
chocolate; of the former very little remained, but
there were nearly 40 pounds of the latter. These
articles alone could never support life in such a
climate, and we found neither biscuit nor meat of
any kind. A portion of tobacco and an empty
pemmican-tin, capable of containing 22 pounds
weight, were discovered. The tin was marked
with an E; it had probably belonged to the ‘Erebus.’
None of the fuel originally brought from
the ships remained in or about the boat, but there
was no lack of it, for a drift-tree was lying on the
beach close at hand, and had the party been in
need of fuel they would have used the paddles
and bottom-boards of the boat.

In the after part of the boat we discovered
eleven large spoons, eleven forks, and four teaspoons,
all of silver; of these twenty-six pieces[268]
of plate, eight bore Sir John Franklin’s crest, the
remainder had the crests or initials of nine different
officers, with the exception of a single fork
which was not marked; of these nine officers,
five belonged to the ‘Erebus,’—Gore, Le Vesconte,
Fairholme, Couch, and Goodsir. Three
others belonged to the ‘Terror,’—Crozier, (a
teaspoon only), Hornby, and Thomas. I do not
know to whom the three articles with an owl engraved
on them belonged, nor who was the owner
of the unmarked fork, but of the owners of those
we can identify, the majority belonged to the
‘Erebus.’ One of the watches bore the crest of
Mr. Couch, of the ‘Erebus,’ and as the pemmican
tin also came from that ship, I am inclined to
think the boat did also; the authorities at Woolwich
could tell (by her number) to which ship
she was supplied; and as one of the pocket chronometers
found in the boat was marked, “Parkinson
and Frodsham 980,” and the other “Arnold
2020,” it could also be ascertained to which ship
they had been issued.[24]

CONJECTURES.

Sir John Franklin’s plate perhaps was issued to
the men for their use, as the only means of saving
it; and it seems probable that the officers generally
did the same, as not a single iron spoon,
such as sailors always use, has been found. Of[269]
the many men, probably twenty or thirty, who
were attached to this boat, it seemed most strange
that the remains of only two individuals were
found, nor were there any graves upon the neighboring
flat land; indeed, bearing in mind the
season at which these poor fellows left their
ships, it should be remembered that the soil was
then frozen hard, and the labor of cutting a grave
very great indeed.

I was astonished to find that the sledge was
directed to the N.E., exactly for the next point
of land for which we ourselves were travelling!

The position of this abandoned boat is about
50 miles—as a sledge would travel—from Point
Victory, and therefore 65 miles from the position
of the ships; also it is 70 miles from the skeleton
of the steward, and 150 miles from Montreal Island;
it is moreover in the depth of a wide bay,
where, by crossing over 10 or 12 miles of very
low land, a great saving of distance would be
effected, the route by the coast-line being about
40 miles.

A little reflection led me to satisfy my own
mind at least, that the boat was returning to the
ships: and in no other way can I account for two
men having been left in her, than by supposing
the party were unable to drag the boat further,
and that these two men, not being able to
keep pace with their shipmates, were therefore
left by them supplied with such provisions as[270]
could be spared to last until the return of the
others from the ship with a fresh stock.

Whether it was the intention of the retroceding
party to await the result of another season
in the ships, or to follow the track of the main
body to the Great Fish River, is now a matter of
conjecture. It seems highly probable that they
had purposed revisiting the boat, not only on account
of the two men left in charge of it, but
also to obtain the chocolate, the five watches,
and many other articles which would otherwise
scarcely have been left in her.

The same reasons which may be assigned for
the return of this detachment from the main
body, will also serve to account for their not having
come back to their boat. In both instances
they appear to have greatly overrated their
strength, and the distance they could travel in a
given time.

Taking this view of the case, we can understand
why their provisions would not last them
for anything like the distance they required to
travel; and why they would be obliged to send
back to the ships for more, first taking from the
detached party all provisions they could possibly
spare. Whether all or any of the remainder of
this detached party ever reached their ships is
uncertain; all we know is, that they did not revisit
the boat, and which accounts for the absence
of more skeletons in its neighborhood; and the[271]
Esquimaux report that there was no one alive in
the ship when she drifted on shore, and that but
one human body was found by them on board of
her.

POINT FRANKLIN.

After leaving the boat we followed an irregular
coast-line to the N. and N.W., up to a very prominent
cape, which is probably the extreme of land
seen from Point Victory by Sir James Ross, and
named by him Point Franklin, which name, as a
cape, it still retains.

I need hardly say that throughout the whole
of my journey along the shores of King William’s
Land I caused a most vigilant look-out to be kept
to seaward for any appearance of the stranded
ship spoken of by the natives; our search was
however fruitless in that respect.

FOOTNOTES:

[21] See Conclusion, p. 317.

[22] Only the first three figures of the date upon her stem remained,
thus—184 .

[23] No part of the skull of either skeleton was found, with the exception
only of the lower jaw of each.

[24] These chronometers, according to the receipts in office, were supplied
one to each ship in 1845; but it is impossible to tell to which ship
the boat belonged, as the number is imperfect.


[272]

CHAPTER XVI.

Errors in Franklin’s records—Relics found at the cairn—Reflections on
the retreat—Returning homeward—Geological remarks—Difficulties
of summer sledging—Arrive on board the ‘Fox’—Navigable
N.W. passage—Death from scurvy—Anxiety for Captain Young—Young
returns safely.
June, 1859.
POINT VICTORY.

On the morning of 2nd June we reached Point
Victory. Here Hobson’s note left for me in the
cairn informed me that he had not found the
slightest trace either of a wreck anywhere upon
the coast, or of natives to the north of Cape Crozier.

Although somewhat short of provisions, I determined
to remain a day here in order to examine
an opening at the Bottom of Back Bay, called
so after Sir George Back, by his friend Sir James
Ross, and which had not been explored. This
proved to be an inlet nearly 13 miles deep, with
an average width of 1½ or 2 miles; I drove round
it upon the dog sledge, but found no trace of human
beings; it was filled with heavy old ice, and
was therefore unfavorable for the resort of seals,
and consequently of natives also.

The direction of the inlet is to the E.S.E.; we
found the land on either side rose as we advanced
up it, and attained a considerable elevation, except[273]
immediately across its head, where alone it
was very low; I have conferred upon it the name
of Collinson, after one who will ever be distinguished
in connection with the Franklin search,
and who kindly relieved Lady Franklin of much
trouble by taking upon himself the financial business
of this expedition.

An extensive bay, westward of Cape Herschel,
I have named after Captain Washington, the hydrographer,
a steadfast supporter of this final
search.

All the intermediate coast-line along which the
retreating crews performed their fearful march is
sacred to their names alone.

Hobson’s note informed me of his having found
a second record, deposited also by Lieut. Gore in
May, 1847, upon the south side of Back Bay, but
it afforded no additional information.

ERRORS IN FRANKLIN’S RECORDS.

It is strange that both these papers state the
ships to have wintered in 1846-7 at Beechey
Island! So obvious a mistake would hardly have
been made had any importance been attached to
these documents. They were soldered up in thin
tin cylinders, having been filled up on board prior
to the departure of the travellers; consequently
the day upon which they were deposited was not
filled in; but already the papers were much damaged
by rust,—a very few more years would
have rendered them wholly illegible. When the
record left at Point Victory was opened to add[274]
thereto the supplemental information which gives
it its chief value, Captain Fitzjames, as may be
concluded by the color of the ink, filled in the
date—28th—in May, when the record was originally
deposited. The cylinder containing this
record had not been soldered up again; I suppose
they had not the means of doing so; it was found
on the ground amongst a few loose stones which
had evidently fallen along with it from the top of
the cairn. Hobson removed every stone of this
cairn down to the ground and rebuilt it.

Brief as these records are, we must needs be
contented with them; they are perfect models
of official brevity. No log-book could be more
provokingly laconic. Yet, that any record at all
should be deposited after the abandonment of the
ships, does not seem to have been intended; and
we should feel the more thankful to Captains Crozier
and Fitzjames, to whom we are indebted for
the invaluable supplement; and our gratitude
ought to be all the greater when we remember
that the ink had to be thawed, and that writing
in a tent during an April day in the Arctic regions
is by no means an easy task.

Besides placing a copy of the record taken
away by Hobson from the cairn, we both put records
of our own in it; and I also buried one
under a large stone ten feet true north from it,
stating the explorations and discoveries we had
made.[275]

RELICS AT THE CAIRN.

A great quantity and variety of things lay
strewed about the cairn, such as even in their
three days’ march from the ships the retreating
crews found it impossible to carry further.
Amongst these were four heavy sets of boat’s
cooking stoves, pickaxes, shovels, iron hoops, old
canvas, a large single block, about four feet of
a copper lightning conductor, long pieces of hollow
brass curtain rods, a small case of selected
medicines containing about twenty-four phials,
the contents in a wonderful state of preservation;
a deep circle by Robinson, with two needles, bar
magnets, and light horizontal needle all complete,
the whole weighing only nine pounds; and even
a small sextant engraved with the name of
“Frederick Hornby” lying beside the cairn without
its case. The colored eye-shades of the sextant
had been taken out, otherwise it was perfect;
the movable screws and such parts as come in
contact with the observer’s hand were neatly covered
with thin leather to prevent frost-bite in
severe weather.

The clothing left by the retreating crews of the
‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ formed a huge heap four
feet high; every article was searched, but the
pockets were empty, and not one of all these articles
were marked,—indeed sailors’ warm clothing
seldom is. Two canteens, the property of marines,
were found, one marked “88 Co. Wm. Hedges,”
and the other “89 Co. Wm. Hether.” A small[276]
pannikin made out of a two-pound preserved-meat
tin had scratched on it “W. Mark.”

When continuing my homeward march, and, as
nearly as I could judge, 2½ or 2¾ miles to the north
of Point Victory, I saw a few stones placed in line,
as if across the head of a tenting place to afford
some shelter; here it was I think that Lieutenant
Gore deposited the record in May, 1847, which
was found in 1848 by Lieutenant Irving, and
finally deposited at Point Victory. Some scraps
of tin vessels were lying about, but whether they
had been left by Sir James Ross’ party in May,
1830, or by the Franklin Expedition in 1847 or
1848, is uncertain.[25]

Here ended my own search for traces of the
lost ones. Hobson found two other cairns, and
many relics, between this position and Cape Felix.
From each place where any trace was discovered
the most interesting of the relics were taken away,
so that the collection we have made is very considerable.

REFLECTIONS AT THE RETREAT.

Of these northern cairns I will write a description
when I have received Hobson’s account of
his journey; but here it is as well to state his
opinion, as well as my own, that no part of the
coast between Cape Felix and Cape Crozier has
been visited by Esquimaux since the fatal march[277]
of the lost crews in April, 1848; none of the cairns
or numerous articles strewed about—which would
be invaluable to the natives—or even the driftwood
we noticed, had been touched by them.
From this very significant fact it seems quite certain
that they had not been discovered by the
Esquimaux, whose knowledge of the “white men
falling down and dying as they walked along”
must be limited to the shore-line southward and
eastward of Cape Crozier, and where, of course,
no traces were permitted to remain for us to find.
It is not probable that such fearful mortality would
have overtaken them so early in their march as
within 80 miles by sledge-route from the abandoned
ships—such being their distance from Cape
Crozier; nor is it probable that we could have
passed the wreck had she existed there, as there
are no off-lying islands to prevent a ship drifting
in upon the beach; whilst to the southward they
are very numerous; so much so that a drifting
ship could hardly run the gauntlet between them
so as to reach the shore.

The coast from Point Victory northward is considerably
higher than that upon which we have
been so many days; the sea also is not so shallow,
and the ice comes close in; to seaward all was
heavy close pack, consisting of all descriptions of
ice, but for the most part old and heavy.

RETURNING HOMEWARD.

From Walls’ Bay I crossed overland to the
eastern shore, and reached my depôt near the[278]
entrance of Port Parry on the 5th June, after an
absence of thirty-four days. Hence I purposed
travelling alongshore to Cape Sabine, in order to
avoid the rough ice which we encountered when
crossing direct from Cape Victoria in April, and
also hoping to obtain a few more observations for
the magnetic inclination.

The weather became foggy as we approached
Prince George’s Bay, therefore we were obliged
to go well into it before attempting to cross.
We gained the land—upon the opposite side, as
I supposed—and which would lead us direct to
Cape Sabine; but when the weather cleared up
we saw a long low island to seaward of us, which
puzzled me much. Eventually I found we had
discovered a strait leading from Prince George’s
Bay into Wellington Strait, about 8 miles south
of Cape Sabine.

This discovery cost us a day’s delay, and was
therefore unwelcome, as we were then in daily
expectation and dread of the thaw, which renders
all travelling so very difficult; and we were still
230 long miles from our ship. In this strait we
found a deserted snow village of seventeen huts;
one of them was unusually large, its internal
diameter being 14 feet. The men soon scraped
together enough blubber to supply us with fuel
for our homeward march. Strewed about on the
ice or in every snow-hut were shavings and chips
of fresh wood; in one of them I found a child’s[279]
toy—a miniature sledge—made of wood. No
traces of natives were found upon either shore at
this place, nor had I met with any since leaving
the western coast of the island to the southward
of Cape Crozier.

Having passed through nearly to the eastern
end of the strait, we cut off some distance by
crossing overland, so as to reach the sea-coast 3 or
4 miles southward of Cape Sabine. A few willow-grouse,
two foxes, and a young reindeer were seen.
There was some vegetation upon the land, and
animals appeared to resort to this locality in tolerable
abundance; the contrast between it and
the low, barren shore we had so recently come
from was striking indeed!

GEOLOGICAL REMARKS.

Nothing can exceed the gloom and desolation
of the western coast of King William’s Island:
Hobson and myself had some considerable experience
of it; his sojourn there exceeded a month;
its climate seems different from that of the eastern
coast; it is more exposed to north-west winds, and
the air was almost constantly loaded with chilling
fogs. Everywhere upon the shores of the island
I noticed boulders of dark gneiss; upon the west
coast they were generally small, and of a dark
gray color. About the north part of the island
Hobson found a good deal of sandstone, the probable
result of ice-drift from Melville Island or
Banks Land.

This land gives one the idea of its having risen[280]
within a recent geological period from the sea—not
suddenly, but at regular intervals; the numerous
terraces or beach-marks form long horizontal
lines, rising very gradually, and in due proportion
as their distance increases from the sea; near the
shore they are, of course, most distinct. Upon
the west coast some fossils were picked up, chiefly
impressions of shells.

King William’s Island is for the most part extremely
barren, and its surface clotted over with
innumerable ponds and lakes. It is not by any
means the “land abounding with reindeer and
musk oxen” which we expected to find: the natives
told us there were none of the latter and
very few of the former upon it.

BOOTHIA FELIX.

On the 8th June the first ducks and brent
geese were seen flying northward. Passing over
the extreme point of Cape Victoria, Boothia Land,
near which we saw the deserted snow-huts of our
March acquaintances, and shortly afterwards crossing
the mouth of the deep bay to the north of it,
in which, sheltered by the island, a ship would
find security from ice pressure, and very tolerable
winter quarters, we again reached the straight
low limestone coast of Boothia Felix.

THE MAGNETIC INCLINATION.

I was unable to make any delay at the Magnetic
Pole, nor could I find a trace of Ross’
cairn;[26] but at each of our encampments along[281]
the coast the magnetic inclination was carefully
observed. Throughout my whole journey I availed
myself of every opportunity of obtaining these
most interesting observations, often remaining up,
after we had encamped for rest, six or seven hours
in order to do so; but the instruments supplied
for this purpose were not well adapted, and occasioned
me a vast deal of labor and loss of time, so
as to diminish to almost one-third the results I
should otherwise have obtained. Much snow has
disappeared off the land; and the ridges or ancient
beaches, being the parts most free from snow,
showed out strongly in long, dark, horizontal
lines, rising above each other until lost to view
in the interior. Here and there a few fossil shells
and corals were picked up, and four or five willow-grouse
shot.

13th June.—We passed from limestone to granite
in lat. 71° 10′ N. Here the land attains to considerable
elevation. In the hollows of the dark
granite rocks we found abundance of water, and
also in a few places upon the sea-ice; it was quite
evident that in another day or two the snow
would altogether yield to the warmth of summer;
birds were now frequently seen.

We discovered a narrow channel to the eastward
of the one between the Tasmania Group,
through which we had passed with so much difficulty[282]
in April; our new channel was covered
with smooth ice, and was also much shorter.

ILLNESS OF HOBSON.

At one of our depôts lately visited, a note left
by Hobson informed me of his being six days in
advance of me, and also of his own serious illness;
for many days past he had been unable to walk,
and was consequently conveyed upon the sledge;
his men were hastening home with all their
strength and speed, in order to get him under the
Doctor’s care. We also were doing our best to
push on, lest the bursting out of melting snow
from the various ravines should render the ice
impassable.

On the 15th the snow upon the ice everywhere
yielded to the effects of increased temperature; I
was, indeed, most thankful at its having remained
firm so long. To make any progress at all after
this date was of course a very great labor, requiring
the utmost efforts of both the men and the
dogs; nor was the freezing mixture through which
we trudged by any means agreeable; we were
often more than knee-deep in it.

We succeeded in reaching False Strait on the
morning of the 18th June, and pitched our tent
just as heavy rain began to descend; it lasted
throughout the greater part of the day. After
travelling a few miles upon the Long Lake, further
progress was found to be quite impossible,
and we were obliged to haul our sledges up off
the flooded ice, and commence a march of 16 or[283]
17 miles overland for the ship. The poor dogs
were so tired and sore-footed, that we could not
induce them to follow us; they remained about
the sledges. After a very fatiguing scramble
across the hills and through the snow valleys we
were refreshed with a sight of our poor dear
lonely little ‘Fox,’ and arrived on board in time
for a late breakfast on the 19th June.

NAVIGABLE N.W. PASSAGE.

With respect to a navigable North-West Passage,
and to the probability of our having been able
last season to make any considerable advance to
the southward, had the barrier of ice across the
western outlet of Bellot Strait permitted us to
reach the open water beyond, I think, judging
from what I have since seen of the ice in the
Franklin Strait, that the chances were greatly in
favor of our reaching Cape Herschel, on the S.
side of King William’s Land, by passing (as I intended
to do) eastward of that island.

From Bellot Strait to Cape Victoria we found
a mixture of old and new ice, showing the exact
proportion of pack and of clear water at the
setting in of winter. Once to the southward
of the Tasmania Group, I think our chief difficulty
would have been overcome; and south
of Cape Victoria I doubt whether any further
obstruction would have been experienced, as
but little, if any, ice remained. The natives
told us the ice went away, and left a clear
sea every year. As our discoveries show the[284]
Victoria Strait to be but little more than 20
miles wide, the ice pressed southward through
so narrow a space could hardly have prevented
our crossing to Victoria Land, and Cambridge
Bay, the wintering place reached by Collinson,
from the west.

No one who sees that portion of Victoria
Strait which lies between King William’s Island
and Victoria Land, as we saw it, could
doubt of there being but one way of getting a
ship through it, that way being the extremely
hazardous one of drift through in the pack.

The wide channel between Prince of Wales’
Land and Victoria Land admits a vast and continuous
stream of very heavy ocean formed ice
from the N.W., which presses upon the western
face of King William’s Island, and chokes up
Victoria Strait in the manner I have just described.
I do not think the North-West Passage
could ever be sailed through by passing westward—that
is, to windward—of King William’s
Island.

If the season was so favorable for navigation
as to open the northern part of this western sea[27]
(as, for instance, in 1846, when Sir J. Franklin
sailed down it), I think but comparatively little
difficulty would be experienced in the more
southern portion of it until Victoria Strait was[285]
reached. Had Sir John Franklin known that
a channel existed eastward of King William’s
Land (so named by Sir John Ross), I do not
think he would have risked the besetment of
his ships in such very heavy ice to the westward
of it; but had he attempted the north-west
passage by the eastern route, he would
probably have carried his ships safely through
to Behring Strait. But Franklin was furnished
with charts which indicated no passage
to the eastward of King William’s Land, and
made that land (since discovered by Rae to be
an island) a peninsula attached to the continent
of North America; and he consequently had but
one course open to him, and that the one he
adopted.

My own preference for the route by the east
side of the island is founded upon the observations
and experience of Rae and Collinson in
1851-2-4. I am of opinion that the barrier of
ice off Bellot Strait, some 3 or 4 miles wide,
was the only obstacle to our carrying the ‘Fox,’
according to my original intention, southward
to the Great Fish River, passing east of King
William’s Island, and from thence to a wintering
position on Victoria Land. Perhaps some
future voyager, profiting by the experience so
fearfully and fatally acquired by the Franklin
expedition, and the observations of Rae, Collinson,
and myself, may succeed in carrying his[286]
ship through from sea to sea: at least he will
be enabled to direct all his efforts in the true
and only direction. In the mean time to Franklin
must be assigned the earliest discovery of the
North-West Passage, though not the actual accomplishment
of it in his ships.[28]

July, 1859.

Saturday, 2nd July.—Upon my arrival on board
on the morning of the 19th June, my first inquiries
were about Hobson; I found him in a worse
state than I expected. He reached the ship on
the 14th, unable to walk, or even stand without
assistance; but already he was beginning to
amend, and was in excellent spirits. Christian
had shot several ducks, which, with preserved potato,
milk, strong ale, and lemon-juice, completed
a very respectable dietary for a scurvy-stricken
patient. All the rest were tolerably well; slight
traces only of scurvy in two or three of the men.
The ship was as clean and trim as I could expect,
and all had well and cheerfully performed their
duties during my absence; hardly any game had
been shot, except one bear.

DEATH FROM SCURVY.

The Doctor now acquainted me with the death
of Thomas Blackwell, ship’s steward, which occurred[287]
only five days previously, and was occasioned
by scurvy. This man had scurvy when I
left the ship in April, and no means were left
untried by the Doctor to promote the recovery
and rally his desponding energies; but his mind,
unsustained by hope, lost all energy, and at last
he had to be forcibly taken upon deck for fresh
air. For months past the ship’s spirits had been
of necessity removed from under his control.

When too late his shipmates made it known
that he had a dislike to preserved meats, and had
lived the whole winter upon salt pork! He also
disliked preserved potato, and would not eat it
unless watched, nor would he put on clean clothes
which others in charity prepared for him. Yet
his death was somewhat unexpected; he went on
deck as usual to walk in the middle of the day,
and, when found there, was quite dead. His remains
were buried beside those of our late shipmate
Mr. Brand.

ANXIETY FOR CAPTAIN YOUNG.

The news of our success to the southward in
tracing the footsteps of the lost expedition greatly
revived the spirits of my small crew; we
wished only for the safe and speedy return of
Young and his party.

Captain Young commenced his spring explorations
on the 7th April, with a sledge-party of four
men, and a second sledge drawn by six dogs
under the management of our Greenlander, Samuel;
finding in his progress that a channel existed[288]
between Prince of Wales’ Land and Victoria
Land whereby his discovery and search would be
lengthened, he sent back one sledge, the tent,
and four men to the ship, in order to economise
provisions, and for forty days journeyed with
one man (George Hobday) and the dogs, encamping
in such snow lodges as they were able to
build.

This great exposure and fatigue, together with
extremely bad weather, and a most difficult coast-line
to trace, greatly injured his health; he was
compelled to return to the ship on 7th June for
medical aid, but proposing at all hazards to renew
his explorations almost immediately. Dr. Walker
met this determination by a strong protest in
writing against his leaving the ship again, his
health being quite unequal to it; but after three
days Young felt himself somewhat better, and,
with a zeal which knew no bounds, set off to complete
his branch of the search, taking with him
both his sledge-parties.

From the Doctor’s account I felt most anxious
for his return, lest his health, or that of his companions,
should receive permanent injury; in fact
this was now my only cause of anxiety. The
season was rather forward here, and advancing
with unusual rapidity, rain and wind dissolving
the snow and ice; there was much water in Bellot
Strait, extending from Half-way Island eastward
to the table-land, and thence in a narrow lane to[289]
Long Island. After a day or two I could perceive
a vast improvement in Hobson; and my own
four men, with the exception of Hampton, who required
rest, were in sound health; so also was my
companion Petersen. On 24th June Christian
shot two small reindeer, which gave us 170 lbs. of
meat; a few days before that he shot a seal,
which afforded two sumptuous meals for all on
board.

TREATMENT OF DOGS.

The time having elapsed during which Young
expected to remain absent, and the difficulties of
the transit from the western sea having become
greatly increased, I set off early on the 25th June
with my four men, intending to visit Pemmican
Rock; but failing to come across him there, I resolved
to carry on provisions as far as Four River
Point, in the hope of meeting with him, and of facilitating
his return. To our surprise the water
had all drained off the frozen surface of the Long
Lake, and it therefore afforded excellent travelling.
We found the poor dogs lying quietly beside
our sledges; they had attacked the pemmican,
and devoured a small quantity which was not
secured in tin, also some blubber, some leather
straps, and a gull that I had shot for a specimen;
but they had not apparently relished the biscuit.
Poor dogs! they have a hard life of it in these regions.
Even Petersen, who is generally kind and
humane, seems to fancy they must have little or
no feeling: one of his theories is, that you may[290]
knock an Esquimaux dog about the head with
any article, however heavy, with perfect impunity
to the brutes. One of us upbraided him the
other day because he broke his whip-handle over
the head of a dog. “That was nothing at all,” he assured
us: some friend of his in Greenland found
he could beat his dogs over the head with a heavy
hammer,—it stunned them certainly,—but by
laying them with their mouths open to the wind,
they soon revived, got up and ran about “all
right
.”

We lost no time in giving them a good feed,
the first for seven days, yet they did not seem
unusually hungry, and soon coiled themselves up
to sleep again. Whilst the men and dogs were
employed next day in conveying a sledge to the
east end of the lake, I walked to Cape Bird to
look out for the absent party, but they had not
yet returned to Pemmican Rock.

When vainly endeavoring, with felonious intentions,
to climb up a steep cliff to the breeding-places
of some silvery gulls, I saw and shot a
brent goose, seated upon an accessible ledge, and
made a prize of four eggs; it seems strange that
this bird should have selected so unusual a breeding-place.
Many seals were basking on the ice,
and the watercourse by which our sledges ascended
a week before to the Long Lake was now
a strong and rapid stream. A few reindeer were
seen.[291]

YOUNG RETURNS SAFELY.

On the 27th I sent three of the men back to
the ship, and with Thompson and the dogs went
on to Pemmican Rock, where, to our great joy,
we happily met Young and his party, who had
but just returned there, after a long and successful
journey the particulars of which I will give
hereafter.

Young was greatly reduced in flesh and strength,
so much weakened indeed that for the last few
days he had travelled on the dog sledge; Harvey—also
far from well—could just manage to keep
pace with the sledge; his malady was scurvy.
Their journeys had been very depressing; most
dismal weather, low, dreary limestone shores devoid
of game, and no traces of the lost expedition.
The news of our success in the southern journeys
greatly cheered them. On the following day we
were all once more on board, and indulging in
such rapid consumption of eatables as only those
can do who have been much reduced by long-continued
fatigue and exposure to cold. Venison,
ducks, beer and lemon-juice, daily; preserved
apples and cranberries three times a week; and
pickled whale-skin—a famous antiscorbutic—ad
libitum
for all who liked it. The weather, which
for the last week had been wet, windy, and miserable,
now set in fair. The carpenter’s hammer,
and the men’s voices at their work, were new and
animating sounds.

FOOTNOTES:

[25] It is a remarkable circumstance that when, in 1830, Sir James Ross
discovered Point Victory, he named two points of land, then in sight,
Cape Franklin and Cape Jane Franklin respectively. Eighteen years
afterwards Franklin’s ships perished within sight of those headlands.

[26] This cairn, as well as the one built on Point Victory in 1830, was
removed by the natives; fortunately they had not visited Point Victory
whilst the Franklin cairn and record remained there, otherwise neither
cairn nor record would have remained for us to discover.

[27] This channel is now named after the illustrious navigator, Admiral
Sir John Franklin.

[28] This will be understood when it is recollected that W. of Simpson’s
Straits or Victoria Land, a navigable passage to Behring Strait is known
to exist along the coast of North America. Franklin himself, with his
companion Richardson, surveyed by far the greater portion of that distance.
Franklin’s and Parry’s discoveries overlap each other in longitude,
and for the last thirty years or more the discovery of the North-West
Passage has been reduced to the discovery of a link uniting the
two.


[292]

CHAPTER XVII.

Signs of release—Dearth of animal life—Owl is good beef—Beat out
of winter quarters—Our game-list—Reach Fury Beach—Escape from
Regent’s Inlet—In Baffin’s Bay—Captain Allen Young’s journey—Disco;
sad disappointment—Part from our Esquimaux friends—Adieu
to Greenland—Arrive home.
SIGNS OF RELEASE.

To-day (2nd July) I took a long and delightful
walk, but shot only two ducks; Petersen went
in another direction, and got nothing; Christian,
after toiling all day in his kayak, returned with
only two divers and a duck. Lately he has obtained
for us several king and long-tailed ducks
(no eider ducks have been seen), two red-throated
divers, and two brent geese, and caught an ermine
in its summer coat. Yesterday one of the
men brought on board a trout weighing 2 lbs.;
he saw a glaucous gull and a fox disputing for it;
the former seems to have killed and brought it
to land.

The water now washes the south side of the
Fox Islands, and extends to the south point of
Long Island. The month of June has been somewhat
warmer than usual, its mean temperature
being +35½°.

9th.—The ship has been thoroughly cleaned and[293]
restowed, remaining provisions examined, tanks
filled with fresh water, 12 tons of stone ballast
taken in, and everything brought on board that
was landed last autumn. Hobson is the only one
upon the sick list; but he is able to walk about
and does duty. Very few birds, and only one
small seal, have been obtained during the week;
an occasional great northern diver is seen, and a
rare land bird has been shot. We cannot discover
the nests of either ducks or geese, and the
breeding cliffs of the gulls being inaccessible, we
have not got any eggs. I am a close prisoner at
the corner of my table, poring over my observation
and angle book, and have at length laid
down upon paper the west coast of King William’s
Land to my satisfaction. Tidal observations
are commenced; and the aneroid and mercurial
barometers are again being compared in
order to verify the former.

SHOOTING SEALS.

16th. Saturday night.—We are now almost ready
for sea. There is a much larger space of water
in Bellot Strait, reaching within 300 or 400 yards
of us. Long cracks or lanes of water have been
seen in Prince Regent’s Inlet. The decay of the
ice continues, though not with equal rapidity,
yet with very satisfactory despatch. Westerly
winds and clear weather prevail. Christian has
seen two reindeer this week, and has shot a very
few birds, and seven seals. As these creatures
lie basking upon the ice, he crawls up to them[294]
behind a small calico screen, fitted upon a miniature
sledge about a foot long, on which there is a
rest for the muzzle of his rifle, and a slit in the
calico through which he fires it. The seals afford
an average weight of thirty pounds of excellent
fresh meat, which we relish greatly, and consider
much better suited to our present condition than
such poor venison as reindeer would furnish at
this season. A single hare has been shot; the
white fur has nearly all disappeared, and left exposed
the summer coat of dull lead color. Several
small birds not common to the northward
are found here. Insects abound; the Doctor is
perpetually in chase, unless busily occupied in
grubbing up plants. Young is surveying the
harbor. Hobson fully occupied in preparing the
ship for sea. I have been giving some attention
to the engines and boiler, and hope, with the help
of the two stokers, to be able to make use of our
steam power.

The men have received my hearty thanks for
their great exertions during the travelling period.
I told them I considered every part of our search
to have been fully and efficiently performed.
Our labors have determined the exact position of
the extreme northern promontory of the continent
of America; I have affixed to it the name
of Murchison, after the distinguished President of
the Royal Geographical Society—the strenuous
advocate for this “further search”—and the able[295]
champion of Lady Franklin when she needed all
the support which private friendship and public
spirit could bestow.


Walruses—A Family Party.
DEARTH OF ANIMAL LIFE.

23rd.—The ice in Prince Regent’s Inlet is
broken up into pack, but the prevalence of easterly
winds keeps it in close upon the shore. The
ice about us is very much decayed, holes through
it in many places. No reindeer seen this week,
and only two seals procured; one of them shot by
Christian, the other was killed by a bear, which
ran off before Samuel could come within shot of
him. A fox, a gull, a couple of ducks, and one or
two lemmings; complete our game list for the
week, yet our two Esquimaux are indefatigable in
the pursuit. We eat all the birds and seals we
can shoot, as well as mustard and cress as fast as
we can grow it, but the quantity is very small.
We sometimes refresh ourselves with a salad of
sorrel-leaves, or roots of the little plant with lilac
flower of snapdragon shape, named Pedicularis
hirsuta
.

The seine has been hauled in the narrow lake
at the head of the harbor, but, as it was not well
managed, only a dozen small trout were taken,
though several were seen. We have tried for rock cod,
but without success. The relics of the lost
expedition have been aired, exhibited to the crew,
labelled, and packed away. The Doctor has been
dredging lately. A record detailing our proceedings[296]
has been placed in a cairn upon the west
point of Depôt Bay.

Aug., 1859.

1st August.—A long continuance of unusually
calm, bright, and warm weather has been favorable
to our painting and cleaning the ship, scraping
masts, and so forth. The result is that she
looks unusually smart and gay, and our impatience
to exhibit her, and ourselves at home is
much increased. With the exception of a few
gulls, and a duck, our hunters have shot nothing
lately, although constantly out, either darting
about in their kayaks or ranging over the hills;
in fact there is nothing which they can shoot; the
ducks are tolerably numerous, but extremely
wild; the valleys are respectably clothed with
vegetation, yet only one animal—a hare—has
been seen. I was so fortunate as to shoot a
snowy owl, the flesh of which was white and tender,
but, to my palate, tasteless, although Petersen
considers that “owl is the best beef in the
country.”

OUT OF WINTER QUARTERS.

On Thursday night we found the harbor-ice to
be quietly drifting out, of course taking us with
it. The night was calm, the current in Bellot
Strait very strong; we were almost helpless
under the circumstances, and therefore felt the
danger of our position. To warp the ship along
the ice-edge, out of the way of the shore and
rocks as it turned round and drifted along the[297]
cliffs to the westward, gave us some hours’ occupation.
At length it stuck fast between Fox Island
and the main.

At turn of tide on Friday morning it began to
drift eastward, and by this time being much
broken up, and a breeze coming to our aid, we
managed to extricate ourselves and reach a secure
anchorage in Point Kennedy.

On Saturday night some ice that was left came
drifting out of the inner harbor, and obliged us to
slip our cable; but after a few hours we regained
our berth in safety, and have since been undisturbed.
There is no immediate prospect of
escape, but we expect a prodigious smashing up
of the ice whenever a strong wind springs up to
set it in motion. To-day the steam was got up,
and with the help of our two stokers I worked
the engines for a short time. It is very cheering
to know that we still have steam power at our
command, although, by the deaths of poor Mr.
Brand and Robert Scott, we were deprived of our
engineer and engine-driver.

The mean temperature for July has been 40·14°,
which is above the average for this region; the
July temperatures have usually varied from 36°
to 42°.

All are now in good health, but Hobson still a
little lame. The issue of lemon-juice has been reduced
to the ordinary allowance of half an ounce
daily (as we have but little that is really good),[298]
lest another winter should become inevitable,
which, I can devoutly say, may God forbid!

WAITING TO ESCAPE.

Monday night, 8th.—Very anxiously awaiting
an opportunity to escape. We have constantly
watched the ice from the neighboring hills, including
the lofty summit of Mount Walker—named
after the Doctor, who was the first to ascend it
(1123 feet)—from which Fury Point can be distinguished,
but nothing very cheering has been
seen. We had a N.E. gale, accompanied by rain
and a considerable fall of the barometer, a few
days ago; and as it blew freshly from the westward
this morning, I went to a hill-top and saw that
much ice had been broken up in Brentford Bay,
and that there were streaks of water along the
land between Possession Point and Hazard Inlet;
this water, however, was not accessible to us.

The ice about Pemmican Rock was much in
the same position as we found it last year, but
Bellot Strait was perfectly clear. All the ice in
this harbor, in Depôt Bay, and Hazard Inlet, is
gone, by far the greater part having decayed, not
drifted away.

Later in the day and from loftier hill-tops, a
good deal of water was seen off Cape Garry, and
a water-sky beyond. It now blows very strongly
from the S.W., the most desirable quarter; and
as the anxious desire to escape has become oppressive,
it is not to be wondered at that now our
hopes have become extravagant. We may even[299]
make a start to-morrow! On the other hand, a
careful examination of our provision store shows
that, should we be obliged to spend another winter
here, we must curtail our allowance of meat—fresh
and salt—to three-quarters of a pound,
and have to use but very indifferent lemon-juice.
The spirits, I rejoice to say, will very shortly be
entirely expended.

GAME LIST.

On the morning of the 3rd instant, when the
rain ceased and N.E. gale sprang up, two claps of
thunder were distinctly heard; this occurs but
very rarely in these latitudes. There is ample
occupation for the men but not much for the
officers; as for myself, I write a great deal, and
work occasionally at our chart of discoveries; the
only refreshment I indulge in is an occasional
dive into packets of old letters. All yesterday
the harbor was full of ice set in by southerly and
westerly winds, and so closely packed that one
might have walked over it to the shore; to-day it
has nearly all drifted out again. The subjoined
list will show what game we have been able to
obtain by constant and arduous labor from the
resources of these regions during nearly two
years’ sojourn.

Game List.

8 Months in the Pack, 1857-8.11 Months in Port Kennedy, 1858-9.
Bears.

2

Seals.

73

Dovekies.

38

Foxes.

1

Bears.

2

Deer.

8

Hares.

9

Foxes.

19

Ptarmigan.

82

Wild Fowl.

98

Seals.

18

At Port Kennedy several ermines and lemmings were also caught.

The ptarmigan all disappeared after 1st April.

[300]Only 2 dovekies were seen, 1 in winter, and 1 in summer plumage.

A few seals were seen as early as the month of February.

Ducks, geese, and gulls were the usual kind of wild fowl killed.

During the 4 months occupied in sailing from Davis Strait to Bellot
Strait, many looms and rotchies, and 5 or 6 bears were shot.

Wednesday, 10th.—The S.W. wind proved a
good friend to us; by the morning of the 9th it
had moved the ice off shore, and cleared away a
passage for us out of Brentford Bay. We started
under steam at eleven o’clock yesterday morning,
and, passing round Long Island, made sail along
the land towards Cape Garry, there being a channel
about 2 or 3 miles wide between the pack and
the shore.

CRESWELL BAY.

The wind now failed us, and I experienced
some little difficulty in the management of the
engines and boiler; the latter primed so violently
as to send the water over our top gallant yard,
and the tail valve of the condenser by some means
had got out of its seat, and admitted air to the
condenser; but eventually we got the engines
to work well, and steamed across Creswell Bay
during the night. The pack rested against Fury
Point, and an east wind springing up, we made
fast to a large grounded mass of ice in Adelaide
Bay, about ¼ mile off shore, and in 3 fathoms
water, at eleven o’clock this morning. Having
managed the engines for twenty-four consecutive
hours, I was not sorry to get into bed. We were
hardly out of Brentford Bay when fulmar petrels
and white whales were seen; the first we have[301]
noticed for eleven and a half months. Dovekies
are likewise abundant, and a seal has already been
shot. Creswell Bay is perfectly clear of ice, but
this pale limestone land is the perfection of sterility,
even with the rugged hills of Brentford Bay
in lively recollection.

Upon the east side of Port Kennedy the bones
of whales were found in two places a mile apart
from each other; the lowest of them was 180 feet
above the sea, the second was more than 300 feet
high. The latter I examined, and found a jaw-bone,
two ribs, a joint of the vertebræ, and fragments
of other bones, all more or less buried in
the soil, and much heavier than the bones of a
recent animal; they lay within 40 or 60 yards of
each other, and upon a little flat patch of rather
rich earth, a rocky hill above, and steep slope
below;—they are also nearly a mile inland.

TRACES OF OUR VISIT.

Of the traces which we have left behind us, the
most considerable are the graves of our two shipmates
within the western point of our little harbor;
they were tastefully sodded round, and planted
over with the usual Arctic flowers. There is
our record in a conspicuous cairn at the west
point of Depôt or Transition Bay: we left also
three cases of pemmican near the east end of
the Long Lake, and our travelling boat near its
west end, at the head of False Strait.

A WHITE WHALE SHOT.

Monday, 15th.—Strong east winds, with much
rain, have imprisoned us here for the last four[302]
days, and driven the whole pack close in, completely
filling up Creswell Bay. We remain fast
to the grounded ice, which shields us from pressure,
otherwise we should have been driven irretrievably
on shore. A couple more seals and a
white whale have been shot; the latter measured
13½ feet long, and proved to be a female of ordinary
dimensions, and of an uniform cream color;
the eyes are extremely small, and orifices of the
ears scarcely large enough to admit a crow-quill.
We dined off steaks of the flesh, and prefer it to
seal, which it very much resembles, but it is not
quite so tender; the skin is greatly prized by the
Greenlanders as an antiscorbutic; it is a sort of
gristly gelatinous substance, nearly half an inch
thick, and possessing very little taste; fried and
eaten with fish-sauce, it reminded me of cod
sound, though not so good.

The blubber fills two twenty-gallon casks; it
produces oil of a quality superior to seal oil; not
an ounce of the flesh or skin of this huge animal
has been thrown away, the men having a wholesome
dread of scurvy, and unbounded confidence
in “blood-meat,” such as this! The Doctor has
picked up a few fossils very similar to those formerly
brought home from Port Leopold.

PASS FURY BEACH.

To our great joy the east wind died away this
morning, and immediately a west wind sprang
up, which very quickly freshened to a smart gale.
At four o’clock this afternoon we were able to[303]
make sail, the ice having moved about 3 miles
off shore. Passed within a mile of Fury Beach
two hours afterwards, and saw the framing of the
house, the boats and casks very distinctly.

17th.—After passing Fury Beach it fell calm,
so we steamed up as far as Batty Bay. On Tuesday
afternoon we were off Port Leopold, running
fast, when thick fog came on, and we got
involved in loose ice, and seriously damaged our
rudder. The boats and stores at Port Leopold
appeared to remain as we left them last year.
The flag-staff on the summit of North-east Cape
(over Whale Point) is still standing, but not
erect.

Fog and ice obstructed our progress during
the night; but this morning when I came on
deck at eight o’clock, the day was bright, clear,
and charming; no ice visible, except about
Leopold Island, which was now some miles behind
us. Towards evening the wind became
contrary.

Sunday evening, 21st.—At sea—out of sight of
land!

On the 19th we were somewhat delayed by
loose ice off Cape Hay, but by noon yesterday
were close off Cape Burney, and whilst almost
becalmed there, a mother bear swam off to us
with two interesting cubs about the size of very
large dogs. Foolish creatures! a volley of rifles
decided their fate in a very few seconds. Not[304]
finding any whaling vessels off Pond’s Inlet, the
land-ice which shelters the whales having all disappeared,
we therefore concluded that the whalers
had left in consequence, so, without seeking for
them further south, at once changed our course
for Disco.

To-day only a few icebergs have been seen.
There is a good deal of swell, so we tumble
about. Roast veal has appeared amongst the
delicacies of our table since the battue of yesterday,
and Christian has asked for a portion
of the old bear to carry home to his mother.
Bear’s flesh is really considered a delicacy in
Greenland.

25th.—Becalmed off Hare Island, and getting
the steam ready. We are only 108 miles from
Godhavn, and the anxiety to clutch our letters
has become intolerable. No pack-ice has been
met with in our passage across Baffin’s Bay, but
many icebergs. This morning the lofty snow-clad
land of Noursoak and Disco was beautifully
distinct; and at the same time the wind
died away, leaving us, at least, the opportunity
to contemplate at our leisure their gloomy grandeur.

CAPTAIN YOUNG’S JOURNEY.

26th.—Steamed for ten hours last night. Fair
winds and calms have alternated since then, but
this evening we are within 20 miles, and hope
soon to get into port. I have been reading over
Young’s report of his spring journey. It comprises[305]
seventy-eight days of sledge-travelling, and
certainly under most discouraging circumstances.
Leaving the ship on 7th April, he crossed the
western strait to Prince of Wales’ Land, and
thence traced its shore to the south and west.
On reaching its southern termination—Cape
Swinburne, so named in honor of Rear-Admiral
Swinburne, a much-esteemed friend of Sir J.
Franklin, and one of the earliest supporters of
this final expedition—he describes the land as
extremely low and deeply covered with snow, the
heavy grounded hummocks which fringed its monotonous
coast alone indicating the line of demarcation
betwixt land and sea. To the north-east of
this terminal cape the sea was covered with level
floe formed in the fall of last year, whilst all to
the north-westward of the same cape was pack
consisting of heavy ice-masses, formed perhaps
years ago in far distant and wider seas.

Young attempted to cross the channel which
he discovered between Prince of Wales’ Island
and Victoria Land; but from the rugged nature
of the ice, found it quite impracticable with the
means and time remaining at his disposal. Young
expresses his firm conviction that this channel is
so constantly choked up with unusually heavy ice
as to be quite unnavigable; it is, in fact, a continuous
ice-stream
from the N.W. His opinion coincides
with my own, and with those of Captains
Ommanney and Osborn, when those officers explored[306]
the north-western shores of Prince of
Wales’ Land in 1851.

Fearing that his provisions might run short he
sent back one sledge with four men, and continued
his march with only one man and the
dogs for forty days! They were obliged to
build a snow-hut each night to sleep in, as the
tent was sent back with the men; but latterly,
when the weather became more mild, they preferred
sleeping on the sledge, as the constructing
of a snow-hut usually occupied them for two
hours. Young completed the exploration of this
coast beyond the point marked upon the charts
as Osborn’s farthest, up nearly to lat. 73° N., but
no cairn was found. Young, however, recognized
the remarkably shaped conical hills spoken of by
Osborn, when he at his farthest, in 1851, struck
off to the westward.

The coast-line throughout was extremely low;
and in the thick disagreeable weather which he
almost constantly experienced, it was often a
matter of great difficulty to prevent straying
off the coast-line inland. He commenced his
return on the 11th May, and reached the ship on
7th June, in wretched health and depressed in
spirits.

Directly his health was partially re-established,
he, in spite of the Doctor’s remonstrances, as I
have before said, again set out on the 10th with
his party of men and the dogs, to complete the[307]
exploration of both shores of the continuation of
Peel Sound, between the position of the ‘Fox’
and the points reached by Sir James Ross in
1849, and Lieutenant Browne in 1851. This he
accomplished without finding any trace of the
lost expedition, and the parties were again on
board by 28th June. The ice travelled over in
this last journey was almost all formed last autumn.

The extent of coast-line explored by Captain
Young amounts to 380 miles, whilst that discovered
by Hobson and myself amounts to nearly
420 miles, making a total of 800 geographical
miles of new coast-line which we have laid down.

HOBSON’S JOURNEY.

Hobson’s report is a minute record of all that
occurred during his journey of seventy-four days,
and includes a list of all the relics brought on
board, or seen by him. He suffered very severely
in health: when only ten days out from the ship,
traces of scurvy appeared; when a month absent
he walked lame; towards the latter end of the
journey he was compelled to allow himself to be
dragged upon the sledge, not being able to walk
more than a few yards at a time; and on arriving
at the ship on the 14th June, poor Hobson was
unable to stand. How strongly this bears upon
the last sad march of the lost crews! And yet
Hobson’s food throughout the whole journey was
pemmican of the very best quality, the most
nutritious description of food that we know of,[308]
and varied occasionally by such game as they
were able to shoot. In spite of this fresh-meat
diet, scurvy advanced with rapid strides.

After leaving me at Cape Victoria, he says—”No
difficulty was experienced in crossing James
Ross Strait. The ice appeared to be of but one
year’s growth; and although it was in many places
much crushed up, we easily found smooth leads
through the lines of hummocks; many very heavy
masses of ice, evidently of foreign formation, have
been here arrested in their drift: so large are they
that, in the gloomy weather we experienced, they
were often taken for islands.”

Again, at Cape Felix, he observes,—”The
pressure of the ice is severe, but the ice itself is
not remarkably heavy in character; the shoalness
of the coast keeps the line of pressure at considerable
distance from the beach; to the northward
of the island the ice, as far as I could see, was
very rough, and crushed up into large masses.”
Here we notice the gradual change in the character
of the ice as Hobson left the Boothian shore
and advanced towards Victoria Strait. The “very
heavy masses of ice, evidently of foreign formation,”
had drifted in from the N.W. through
M’Clure Strait; Victoria Strait was full of it;
and Hobson’s description of the ice he passed
over clearly illustrates how Franklin, leaving
clear water behind him, pressed his ships into the
pack when he attempted to force through Victoria[309]
Strait. How very different the result might and
probably would have been had he known of the
existence of a ship-channel, sheltered by King
William Island from this tremendous “polar
pack”!

Hobson left King William Island on the last
day of May, having spent thirty-one days on its
desolate shores. During that period one bear and
five willow-grouse were shot; one wolf and a few
foxes were seen. One poor fox was either so desperately
hungry, or so charmed with the rare sight
of animated beings, that he played about the
party until the dogs snapped him up, although in
harness and dragging the sledge at the time. A
few gulls were seen, but not until after the first
week in June.

I have already explained how Hobson found
the records and the boat: he exercised his discretionary
power with sound judgment, and completed
his search so well, that, in coming over
the same ground after him, I could not discover
any trace that had escaped him.

I quite agree with him that there may be
many small articles beneath the snow; but that
cairns, graves, or any conspicuous objects could
exist upon so low and uniform a shore, without
our having seen them, is almost impossible.

LETTERS FROM ENGLAND.

Sunday evening, 29th.—Calm, warm, lovely,
weather; and we are thoroughly enjoying it in
the quiet security of Lievely harbor, or Godhavn.[310]
Although Friday night was dark, we managed to
find out the harbor’s mouth, and slowly steamed
into it. The inhabitants were awoke by Petersen
demanding our letters, but great indeed was our
disappointment at finding only a very few letters
and two or three papers, and these for the officers
only! It appears that on the arrival of the
whalers in early spring, the ice prevented their
usual communication with the settlement, therefore
the letters on board of them were unavoidably
carried northward. Some few, however, which
came out in the ‘Truelove,’ were landed at the
neighboring settlement of Noursoak, and from
thence were sent back to Godhavn.

It is rather a nervous thing opening the first
letters after a lapse of more than two years. We
received them in our beds at three o’clock in the
morning; and when we met at breakfast were
able, thank God! to congratulate each other upon
the receipt of cheering home news. Lady Franklin
and Miss Cracroft wrote to me from Bournemouth
in March last. They have travelled more
than we have, I think, having visited almost
all the countries bordering the Mediterranean
and Black Seas, posted through the Crimea, and
steamed up the Danube! I am much gratified to
learn that I have been elected a member of the
Royal Yacht Squadron during my absence.

STAY AT GODHAVN.

Yesterday morning I called upon the inspector,
Mr. Olrik, who has been home to Denmark since I[311]
saw him last spring. In the autumn he took Mrs.
Olrik and his family to Copenhagen, and has but
just returned alone. He received me with his
usual kindness, and promised me such supplies as
we require. It so happens that none of my expected
business letters have arrived, so that I am not
accredited in the slightest degree, nor is there
any hint thrown out as to where I am to take the
‘Fox.’ Mr. Olrik gave me a large bundle of
‘Illustrated London News,’ which was exceedingly
acceptable, and told us that Austria was at
war with France and Sardinia. By the latest
news a battle had been fought and won by the
latter Powers. Most fortunately a ‘Navy List’
had come out to Hobson, otherwise I think we
should have been utterly brokenhearted. We
study its pages daily, and delight in noticing the
advancement of our many friends.

Sept., 1859.

1st Sept., Thursday night.—At sea, on the passage,
and already enjoying, by anticipation, the pleasures
of home! Five busy days were spent in
Godhavn, supplying our little wants, in as far as
they could be supplied, including 100 gallons of
light beer. The natives were very useful, the
men bringing off water, stone ballast, and sand,
and a troop of Esquimaux girls scrubbing the
paintwork and the decks.

Each evening the men went on shore, taking
with them a very limited quantity of rum-punch
for the ladies, and danced for several hours in a[312]
large store; whilst the officers and myself spent
the time with Mr. Olrik or the other Danish gentlemen—Messrs.
Andersen, Bulbrue, and Tyner.
Nothing could exceed their kindness to us, whilst
their good humor and their anecdotes, sometimes
expressed in quaint English, greatly amused us.
We shall always retain very agreeable recollections
of Godhavn; twice has it been to us an Arctic
home.

PART FROM OUR ESQUIMAUX FRIENDS.

Mr. Petersen’s nieces, the belles of the place,
came on board (Miss Sophia with scented cambric
handkerchief and gloves—in other respects she
adheres to the Esquimaux costume); they were
pleased with the organ, although it is out of repair,
and they sang together very sweetly for us.
Our Esquimaux shipmates, Christian and Samuel,
were discharged, and, by their own request their
wages given in charge to Mr. Olrik and Mr. Bulbrue;
they seemed to understand the importance
of husbanding their wealth. Christian said he
thought it would not be all spent under three
years. First of all he intended buying a rifle for
his brother, and then some wood to build a house
for himself.

I was gratified very much when I heard them
say that the men had treated them very well—”all
the same as brothers;” and they really
seemed sorry to leave the ship; they would come
on board and look gravely about at everything
as if regretting the coming separation. Even[313]
our poor dogs seemed to think the ship their natural
abode; although landed at the settlement,
they soon ran round the harbor to the point nearest
the ship, and there, upon the rocks, spent the
whole period of our stay.

On Tuesday night we set off some fireworks on
shore to amuse the natives, for I intended sailing
next day, but the wind prevented my doing so.
The last day was spent in the interchange of
presents between our Danish friends and ourselves;
indeed, the sincere hearty good feeling
which existed between every individual in the
‘Fox’ and the inhabitants of the settlement was
as gratifying as apparent. Almost the only fresh
supplies obtained here were rock cod and salmon-trout
from Disco fiord. During our stay the
weather was delightful; indeed it was the first
really fine weather they had experienced at Godhavn
during the present season, the summer having
been cold and wet.

LEAVE GODHAVN.

10th Sept., Saturday night.—To-day we passed
to the eastward of Cape Farewell, but about 100
miles to the south of it. The last iceberg was
seen to-day; and now we are running along
swiftly before a pleasant N.W. breeze. Hitherto
we have had every variety of wind and weather,
from a calm to a gale, but generally the wind has
been favorable. The change of temperature is
already perceptible.

VOYAGE HOME.

Saturday night, 17th Sept.—A week of favorable[314]
gales has brought us from Cape Farewell to
within 400 miles of Land’s End, or about 1100
miles of distance. But such rough weather is
not pleasant in so small a vessel, however much
“like a duck” she may be; and our two years’
sojourn in the still waters of the frozen North has
made us very susceptible of the change.


[315]

CONCLUSION.

We sailed all the way home from Greenland, yet
the ‘Fox’ made the passage in only nineteen
days, arriving in the English Channel on the 20th
September; on the evening of the 21st I reached
London (having landed at Portsmouth), and made
known to the Admiralty the result of my voyage.

On the 23rd September the ‘Fox’ was taken
into dock at Blackwall; and, through the kindness
and promptitude of the Lords of the Admiralty,
I was enabled on the 27th, when the crew
were assembled for the last time, to present the
Arctic medal to such of my companions as had
not already received it for previous Arctic service,
and also to inform Lieutenant Hobson that
his promotion to the rank of Commander would
speedily take place.

I will not intrude upon the reader, who has
followed me through the pages of this simple
narrative, any description of my feelings on finding
the enthusiasm with which we were all received
on landing upon our native shores. The
blessing of Providence had attended our efforts,[316]
and more than a full measure of approval from
our friends and countrymen has been our reward.
For myself the testimonial given me by the officers
and crew of the ‘Fox’ has touched me perhaps
more than all. The purchase of a gold
chronometer, for presentation to me, was the first
use the men made of their earnings; and as long
as I live it will remind me of that perfect harmony,
that mutual esteem and goodwill, which
made our ship’s company a happy little community,
and contributed materially to the success of
the expedition.

The names I have given to my discoveries are,
with the exception of those by which I have endeavored
to honor the members of the lost expedition,
the names of active supporters of the
recent search, and friends of Franklin and his
companions, though such names are far from
exhausting the number of those who have the
highest claims to distinction on both grounds.

It will be observed that I have refrained from
repeating names which have already been commemorated
by preceding commanders, and which
therefore are already in our charts. Besides
the individuals already mentioned in the narrative,
Sir Thomas D. Acland, one of the most
zealous promoters of the search, both in and
out of the House of Commons; Monsieur De
la Roquette, Vice-President of the Geographical
Society of Paris, and author of an interesting biography[317]
of Franklin; Rear-Admiral Fitzroy; and
Major-General Pasley, R.E., stand high amongst
those whom it has been my privilege to honor.

Although much talent has been brought to
bear upon the deciphering of the letters found in
a pocket-book near Cape Herschel (page 248 ante),
yet, from their being so very much defaced by
time, only a few detached sentences have been
made out, and these do not in the slightest degree
refer to the proceedings of the lost expedition.

It will be seen that I have noticed (page 260)
the discrepancy between the number of souls accounted
for by the Point Victory Record, and the
generally received opinion that 138 individuals
sailed in the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror.’

I am now enabled to state, on the authority
of the Admiralty, that only one hundred and
thirty-four individuals left the United Kingdom,
and of these five men subsequently returned:
one by H.M.S. ‘Rattler,’ and four by the transport
‘Barretto Junior;’ so that only one hundred and
twenty-nine—the exact number mentioned in
the record—actually entered the ice. The five
invalids were—

From H.M.S. ‘Terror,’John Brown, Able seaman.
Robert Carr, Armorer.
James Elliot, Sailmaker.
William Aitken, Marine.
From H.M.S. ‘Erebus,’Thomas Birt, Armorer.

[318]The relics we have brought home have been
deposited by the Admiralty in the United Service
Institution, and now form a national memento—the
most simple and most touching—of those
heroic men who perished in the path of duty,
but not until they had achieved the grand object
of their voyage,—the Discovery of the North-West
Passage
.

London, 24th Nov., 1859.


[319]

APPENDIX.


No. I.

A LETTER TO VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, K.G., &c.,
FROM LADY FRANKLIN.

60, Pall Mall, December 2, 1856.

My Lord,—

I trust I may be permitted, as the widow of Sir
John Franklin, to draw the attention of Her Majesty’s
Government to the unsettled state of a question which
a few months ago was under their consideration, and
to express a well-grounded hope that a final effort may
be made to ascertain the fate and recover the remains
of my husband’s expedition.

Your Lordship will allow me to remind you that a
Memorial[29] with this object in view (of which I enclose
a printed copy) was early in June last presented to,
and kindly received by you. It had been signed
within forty-eight hours by all the leading men of
science then in London who had an opportunity of
seeing it, and might have received an indefinite augmentation
of worthy names had not the urgency of the
question forbidden delay. To the above names were
appended those of the Arctic officers who had been
personally engaged in the search, and who, though[320]
absent, were known to be favorable to another effort
for its completion. And though that united application
obtained no immediate result, it was felt, and by
no one more strongly than myself, that it never could
be utterly wasted.

I venture also to allude to a letter of my own addressed
to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty
in April last, and a copy of which accompanied, I believe,
the Memorial to your Lordship, wherein I earnestly
deprecated any premature adjudication of the
reward claimed by Dr. Rae, on the ground that the
fate of my husband’s expedition was not yet ascertained,
and that it was due both to the living and the
dead to complete a search which had been hitherto
pursued under the greatest disadvantage, for want of
the clue which was now for the first time in our hands.

The Memorial above alluded to, and my own letter
of earlier date, had not yet received any reply, when,
in the month of July, the Lords of the Admiralty
caused prompt inquiries to be made as to the possibility
of equipping a ship at that advanced season,
in time for effective operations in the field of search.
The result was that it was pronounced to be too late,
and the subject was dismissed for that season.

Upon this I addressed a letter to the Board (of
which I take the liberty to enclose a copy), respectfully
showing that by this unfortunate delay the opportunity
had also been taken from me of sending out a vessel
at my own cost, a measure which I had previously felt
myself obliged to state to their Lordships would be the
alternative of any adverse decision on their part. I
pleaded therefore, as the only remedy for the loss of
an entire summer season, that the route by Behring
Strait was by some of the most competent Arctic[321]
officers considered preferable to the eastern route, and
that the equipment of a vessel for this direction need
not take place before the close of the year.

In reply, their Lordships caused me to be informed
that “they had come to the decision not to send any
expedition to the Arctic regions in the present year.”

This communication, however, was in answer merely
to my own letter. The Memorialists had as yet received
no reply, and accordingly the President of the
Royal Society put a question respecting the Memorial
in the House of Lords at the close of the session,
which drew from one of Her Majesty’s Ministers (Lord
Stanley), after some preliminary observations, the assurance
that Her Majesty’s Government would give
the subject their serious consideration during the recess.
I may be permitted to add, that, in the conversation
which followed, Lord Stanley expressed himself
as very favorably disposed towards a proposition
made to him by Lord Wrottesley, that, in the event of
there being no Government expedition, I should be assisted
in fitting out my own expedition; an assurance
which Lord Wrottesley had the kindness to communicate
to me by letter.

But, my Lord, as nothing has occurred within the
last few months to weaken the reasons which induced
the Admiralty, early in July last, to contemplate another
final effort, and as they put it aside at that time
on the sole ground that it was too late to equip a vessel
for that season, I trust it will be felt that I am not
endeavoring to re-open a closed question, but merely
to obtain the settlement of one which has not ceased
to be, and is even now, under favorable consideration.
The time has arrived, however, when I trust I may be[322]
pardoned for pressing your Lordship, with whom I
believe the question rests, for a decision, since by
further delay even my own efforts may be paralyzed.

I have cherished the hope, in common with others,
that we are not waiting in vain. Should, however,
that decision unfortunately throw upon me the responsibility
and the cost of sending out a vessel myself, I
beg to assure your Lordship that I shall not shrink,
either from that weighty responsibility, or from the
sacrifice of my entire available fortune for the purpose,
supported as I am in my convictions by such high
authorities as those whose opinions are on record in
your Lordship’s hands, and by the hearty sympathy of
many more.

But before I take upon myself so heavy an obligation,
it is my bounden duty to entreat Her Majesty’s
Government not to disregard the arguments which
have led so many competent and honorable men to
feel that our country’s honor is not satisfied, whilst a
mystery which has excited the sympathy of the civilized
world, remains uncleared. Nor less would I entreat
you to consider what must be the unsatisfactory
consequences, if any endeavors should be made to
quench all further efforts for this object.

It cannot be that this long-vexed question would
thereby be set at rest, for it would still be true that in
a certain circumscribed area within the Arctic circle,
approachable alike from the east, and from the west,
and sure to be attained by a combination of both
movements, lies the solution of our unhappy countrymen’s
fate. While such is the case, the question will
never die. I believe that again and again would efforts
be made to reach that spot, and that the Government[323]
could not look on as unconcerned spectators, nor be
relieved in public opinion of the responsibility they had
prematurely cast off.

But I refrain from pursuing this argument, though,
if any illustration were wanting of its truth, I think it
might be found in the events that are passing before
our eyes.

It is now about two years ago that one of Her
Majesty’s Arctic ships was abandoned in the ice. In
due time this ship floated away, was picked up by an
American whaler, carried into an American port, and
(all property in her having been relinquished by the
Admiralty) was purchased of her rescuers by the
American Government, by whom she has been lavishly
re-equipped, and is now on her passage to England,
a free gift to the Queen. The ‘Resolute’ is
about to be delivered up in Portsmouth harbor, not
merely in evidence of the cordial relation existing between
the two countries, but as a lively token of the
deep interest and sympathy of the Americans in that
great cause of humanity in which they have so nobly
borne their part. The resolution of Congress expressly
states this motive, and indeed there could be no other,
as it is well known that for any purpose but the Arctic
service those expensive equipments would be perfectly
useless and require removal.

My Lord, you will not let this rescued and restored
ship, emblematic of so many enlightened and generous
sentiments, fail, even partially, in her significant mission.
I venture to hope that she will be accepted in
the spirit in which she is sent. I humbly trust that
the American people, and especially that philanthropic
citizen who has spent so largely of his private fortune
in the search for the lost ships, and to whom was committed[324]
by his Government the entire charge of the
equipment of the ‘Resolute,’ will be rewarded for this
signal act of sympathy, by seeing her restored to her
original vocation, so that she may bring back from the
Arctic seas, if not some living remnant of our long-lost
countrymen, yet at least the proofs that they have
nobly perished.

I need not add that we have as yet no proofs, whatever
may be our melancholy forebodings. That such
is the fact, in a legal point of view, is shown by a case
now or lately pending in the Scotch Courts, in which
the right of succession to a considerable property is not
admitted, on account of the absence of all but conjectural
testimony. In this aspect of the question I have
no personal interest, but it is one that may not be
deemed unworthy of your Lordship’s attention, combined
as it must be with the fact that our most experienced
Arctic officers are willing to stake their
reputation upon the feasibility of reaching the spot
where so many secrets lie buried, if only they are supplied
with the adequate means.

It would be a waste of words to attempt to refute
again the main objections that have been urged against
a renewed search, as involving extraordinary danger
and risking life. The safe return of our officers and
men cannot be denied, neither will it be disputed that
each succeeding year diminishes the risk of casualty;
and indeed, I feel it would be especially superfluous
and unseasonable to argue against this particular objection,
or against the financial one which generally
accompanies it, at a moment when new expeditions
for the glorious interests of science, and which every
true lover of science and of his country must rejoice in,
are contemplated for the interior of Africa and other[325]
parts which are far less favorable to human life than
the icy regions of the north.

But with respect to expenditure, I may perhaps be
allowed, as I have alluded to that topic, again to call
to your Lordship’s attention that the ‘Resolute’ is
ready equipped for Arctic service by the munificence
of another nation, and to add that other Arctic ships,
equally well fitted for the purpose, are lying useless
in Her Majesty’s dockyards, along with accumulated
Arctic stores brought back by the late expeditions, and
therefore long since included in the navy estimates,
and which, besides, are available only for Arctic service,
and, if sold, would be bought at only nominal
prices. In addition to the above sources of supply are
those already existing on the Arctic shores, which are
now studded with depôts of provisions and fuel, left
from the last and former expeditions, and fit as ever
for use, because of the conservative properties of the
climate.

But even were the expenditure greater than can thus
reasonably be expected, I submit to your Lordship that
this is a case of no ordinary exigency. These 135 men
of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ (or perhaps I should
rather say the greater part of them, since we do not
yet know that there are no survivors) have laid down
their lives, after sufferings doubtless of unexampled
severity, in the service of their country, as truly as if
they had perished by the rifle, the cannon-ball, or the
bayonet. Nay more,—by attaining the northern and
already-surveyed coast of America, it is clear that they
solved the problem which was the object of their labors,
or, in the beautiful words of Sir John Richardson,
that “they forged the last link of the North-West passage
with their lives.”[326]

Surely, then, I may plead for such men, that a careful
search be made for any possible survivor, that the
bones of the dead be sought for and gathered together,
that their buried records be unearthed, or recovered
from the hands of the Esquimaux, and above all, that
their last written words, so precious to their bereaved
families and friends, be saved from destruction. A
mission so sacred is worthy of a government which has
grudged and spared nothing for its heroic soldiers and
sailors in other fields of warfare, and will surely be
approved by our gracious Queen, who overlooks none
of Her loyal subjects suffering and dying for their
country’s honor.

This final and exhausting search is all I seek in behalf
of the first and only martyrs to Arctic discovery in
modern times, and it is all I ever intend to ask.

But if, notwithstanding all I have presumed to urge,
Her Majesty’s Government decline to complete the
work they have carried on up to this critical moment,
but leave it to private hands to finish, I must then
respectfully request that measure of assistance in behalf
of my own expedition which I have been led to
expect on the authority of Lord Stanley, as communicated
to me by Lord Wrottesley, and on that of the
First Lord of the Admiralty, as communicated to
Colonel Phipps in a letter in my possession.

It is with no desire to avert from myself the sacrifice
of my own funds, which I devote without reserve to the
object in view, that I plead for a liberal interpretation
of those communications, but I owe it to the conscientious
and high-minded Arctic officers who have generously
offered me their services, that my expedition
should be made as efficient as possible, however restricted[327]
it may be in extent. The Admiralty, I feel
sure, will not deny me what may be necessary for this
purpose, since, if I do all I can with my own means,
any deficiencies and shortcomings of a private expedition
cannot I think be justly laid to my charge.

In conclusion, I would earnestly entreat of Her Majesty’s
Government, while this subject is still under
deliberation, that they would be pleased to obtain the
opinions of those persons who, in consequence of their
practical knowledge and vast experience, may be considered
best qualified to express them in the present
emergency. And as it must be in the ranks of those
officers who would naturally be selected for command
of any final expedition that these qualifications will
most assuredly be found, I trust I may be pardoned
for directing your Lordship’s attention to the names
(which I put down in the order of their seniority) of
Captains Collinson, Richards, McClintock, Maguire,
and Osborn. All these officers have passed winter
after winter in Arctic service, have carried out those
skilful sledge operations which have added so much to
our knowledge of Arctic Geography, and have ever,
in the exercise of combined courage and discretion,
avoided disaster, and brought home their crews in
health and safety.

I commit the prayer of this letter, for the length of
which I beg much to apologize, to your Lordship’s
patient and kind consideration, feeling assured that,
however the burden of it may pall upon the ear of
some, who apparently judge of it neither by the heart
nor by the head, you will not on that, or on any light
ground, hastily dismiss it. Rather may you be impelled
to feel that the shortest and surest way to set[328]
the importunate question at rest, is to submit it to
that final investigation which will satisfy the yearnings
of surviving relatives and friends, and, what is
justly of higher import to your Lordship, the credit
and honor of the country.

I have the honor to be, etc.,

Jane Franklin.

The Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, K.G.

FOOTNOTES:


[329]

No. II.

MEMORIAL TO THE RIGHT HON. VISCOUNT
PALMERSTON, M.P., G.C.B.

London, June 5th, 1856.

Impressed with the belief that Her Majesty’s missing
ships, the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror,’ or their remains, are
still frozen up at no great distance from the spot
whence certain relics of Sir John Franklin and his
crews were obtained by Dr. Rae,—we whose names
are undersigned, whether men of science and others
who have taken a deep interest in Arctic discovery,
or explorers who have been employed in the search
for our lost countrymen, beg earnestly to impress
upon your Lordship the desirableness of sending out
an Expedition to satisfy the honor of our country,
and clear up a mystery which has excited the sympathy
of the civilized world.

This request is supported by many persons well
versed in Arctic surveys, who, seeing that the proposed
Expedition is to be directed to one limited area only,
are of opinion that the object is attainable, and with
little risk.

We can scarcely believe that the British Government,
which to its great credit has made so many
efforts in various directions to discover even the route
pursued by Franklin, should cease to prosecute research,
now that the locality has been clearly indicated
where the vessels or their remains must lie,—including,
as we hope, records which will throw fresh light
on Arctic geography, and dispel the obscurity in
which the voyage and fate of our countrymen are
still involved.[330]

Although most persons have arrived at the conclusion
that there can now be no survivors of Franklin’s
Expedition, yet there are eminent men in our
own country and in America who hold a contrary
opinion. Dr. Kane, of the United States, for example,
who has distinguished himself by pushing farther to
the north in search of Franklin than any other individual,
and to whom the Royal Geographical Society
has recently awarded its Founders’ Gold Medal, thus
speaks (in a letter to the benevolent Mr. Grinnell):—”I
am really in doubt as to the preservation of human
life. I well know how glad I would have been, had
my duty to others permitted me, to have taken refuge
among the Esquimaux of Smith Strait and Etah Bay.
Strange as it may seem to you, we regarded the coarse
life of these people with eyes of envy, and did not
doubt but that we could have lived in comfort upon
their resources. It required all my powers, moral and
physical, to prevent my men from deserting to the
Walrus Settlements, and it was my final intention
to have taken to Esquimaux life had Providence not
carried us through in our hazardous escape.”

But passing from speculation, and confining ourselves
alone to the question of finding the missing
ships or their records, we would observe that no land
Expedition down the Back River, like that which, with
great difficulty, recently reached Montreal Island, can
satisfactorily accomplish the end we have in view.
The frail birch-bark canoes in which Mr. Anderson
conducted his search with so much ability, the dangers
of the river, the sterile nature of the tract near its
embouchure, and the necessary failure of provisions,
prevented the commencement, even, of such a search
as can alone be satisfactorily and thoroughly accomplished[331]
by the crew of a man-of-war,—to say nothing
of the moral influence of a strong armed party remaining
in the vicinity of the spot until the confidence of
the natives be obtained.

Many Arctic explorers, independent of those whose
names are appended, and who are absent on service,
have expressed their belief that there are several routes
by which a screw-vessel could so closely approach the
area in question as to clear up all doubt.

In respect to one of these courses, or that by Behring
Strait, along the coast of North America, we know
that a single sailing vessel passed to Cambridge Bay,
within 150 miles of the mouth of the Back River, and
returned home unscathed,—its commander having expressed
his conviction that the passage in question is
so constantly open that ships can navigate it without
difficulty in one season. Other routes, whether by
Regent Inlet, Peel Sound, or across from Repulse Bay,
are preferred by officers whose experience in Arctic
matters entitles them to every consideration; whilst
in reference to two of these routes it is right to state
that vast quantities of provisions have been left in their
vicinity.

Without venturing to suggest which of these plans
should be adopted, we earnestly beg your Lordship to
sanction without delay such an expedition as, in the
judgment of a Committee of Arctic Voyagers and
Geographers, may be considered best adapted to secure
the object.

We would ask your Lordship to reflect upon the
great difference between a clearly-defined voyage to a
narrow and circumscribed area, within which the missing
vessels or their remains must lie, and those formerly
necessarily tentative explorations in various directions,[332]
the frequent allusions to the difficulty of which, in
regions far to the north of the voyage now contemplated,
have led persons unacquainted with geography
to suppose that such a modified and limited attempt
as that which we propose involves farther risk and
may call for future researches. The very nature of the
former expeditions exposed them, it is true, to risk,
since regions had to be traversed which were totally
unknown; while the search we ask for is to be directed
to a circumscribed area, the confines of which have
already been reached without difficulty by one of Her
Majesty’s vessels.

Now, inasmuch as France, after repeated fruitless
efforts to ascertain the fate of La Perouse, no sooner
heard of the discovery of some relics of that eminent
navigator, than she sent out a Searching Expedition
to collect every fragment pertaining to his vessels, so
we trust that those Arctic researches which have reflected
much honor upon our country may not be
abandoned at the very moment when an explanation
of the wanderings and fate of our lost navigators seems
to be within our grasp.

In conclusion, we further earnestly pray that it may
not be left to the efforts of individuals of another and
kindred nation, already so distinguished in this cause,
nor yet to the noble-minded widow of our lamented
friend, to make an endeavor which can be so much
more effectively carried out by the British Government.

We have the honor to be, &c.,

F. Beaufort,
R. I. Murchison,
F. W. Beechey,
Wrottesley,
E. Sabine,
Egerton Ellesmere,
W. Whewell,
R. Collinson,
W. H. Sykes,
C. Daubeny,
J. Fergus,
P. E. de Strzelecki,
W. H. Smyth,
A. Majendie,
R. Fitzroy,
E. Gardiner Fishbourne,
R. Brown,
G. Macartney,
L. Horner,
W. H. Fitton,
Lyon Playfair,
T. Thorp,
C. Wheatstone,[333]
W. J. Hooker,
J. D. Hooker,
J. Arrowsmith,
P. La Trobe,
W. A. B. Hamilton,
R. Stephenson,
J. E. Portlock,
C. Piazzi Smyth,
C. W. Pasley,
G. Rennie,
J. P. Gassiot,
G. B. Airy,
J. F. Burgoyne.

The following officers of the Royal Navy, who have
been employed in the search after Franklin, and who
are now absent from London, have previously expressed
themselves to be favorable to the final expedition above
recommended:—

Captains Sir James C.
Ross
, and
Sir Edward
Belcher
;
Commodore Kellett;
Captains Austin,
Bird,
Ommanney,
Sir Robert M’Clure,
Sherard Osborn,
Inglefield,
Captains Maguire,
M’Clintock, and
Richards;
Commanders Aldrich,
Mecham,
Trollope, and
Cresswell;
Lieutenants Hamilton and
Pim.

[334]

No. III.

LIST OF RELICS OF THE FRANKLIN EXPEDITION,

Brought to England in the ‘Fox,’ by Captain M’Clintock.

Relics brought from the boat found in lat. 69° 08′ 43″
N., long. 99° 24′ 42″ W., upon the West Coast of
King William Island, May 30, 1859:—

Two double-barrelled guns, one barrel in each is loaded. Found
standing up against the side in the after part of the boat.

A small Prayer Book; cover of a small book of ‘Family Prayers;’
‘Christian Melodies,’ an inscription within the cover to “G. G.”
(Graham Gore?); ‘Vicar of Wakefield;’ a small Bible, interlined
in many places, and with numerous references written in the margin;
a New Testament in the French language.

Two table knives with white handles—one is marked “W. R.;”
a gimlet; an awl; two iron stanchions, 9 inches long, for supporting
a weather cloth, which was round the boat.

26 pieces of silver plate—11 spoons, 11 forks, and 4 teaspoons;
3 pieces of thin elmboard (tingles) for repairing the boat, and measuring
11 inches by 6 inches, and 3-10ths inch thick.

Piece of canvas:—Bristles for shoemaker’s use, bullets, short clay
pipe, roll of waxed twine, a wooden button, small piece of a port-fire,
two charges of shot tied up in the finger of a kid glove, fragment of
a seaman’s blue serge frock. Covers of a small Testament and Prayer
Book, part of a grass cigar-case, fragment of a silk handkerchief,
thread-case, piece of scented soap, three shot charges in kid glove
fingers, a belted bullet, a piece of silk pocket handkerchief. Two
pairs of goggles, made of stout leather and wire gauze, instead of
glass; a sailmaker’s palm, two small brass pocket compasses, a snooding
line rolled up on a piece of leather, a needle and thread case,
a bayonet scabbard altered into a sheath for a knife, tin water bottle
for the pocket, two shot pouches (full of shot).

Three spring hooks of sword belts, a gold lace band, a piece of
thin gold twist or cord, a pair of leather goggles with crape instead
of glass; a small green crape veil.

Two small packets of blank cartridge in green paper, part of a
cherry-stick pipe stem, piece of a port-fire, a few copper nails, a[335]
leather bootlace, a seaman’s clasp-knife, two small glass stoppered
bottles (full), three glasses of spectacles, part of a broken pair of
silver spectacles, German silver pencil-case, a pair of silver (?)
forceps, such as a naturalist might use for holding or seizing small
insects, etc.; a small pair of scissors rolled up in blank paper, and
to which adheres a printed government paper, such as an officer’s
warrant or appointment; a spring hook of a sword belt, a brass
charger for holding two charges of shot.

A small bead purse, piece of red sealing-wax, stopper of a pocket
flask, German silver top and ring, brass matchbox, one of the glasses
of a telescope, a small tin cylinder, probably made to hold lucifer
matches; a linen bag of percussion caps of three sizes, a very large
and old-fashioned kind, stamped “Smith’s patent;” a cap with a
flange similar to the present musket caps used by Government, but
smaller; and ordinary sporting caps of the smallest size.

Five watches.

A pair of blue glass spectacles, or goggles, with steel frame, and
wire gauze encircling the glasses, in a tin case.

A pemmican tin, painted lead color, and marked “E.” (Erebus)
in black. From its size it must have contained 20 lb. or 22 lb.

Two yellow glass beads, a glass seal with symbol of Freemasonry.

A 4-inch block, strapped, with copper hook and thimble, probably
for the boat’s sheet.

Relics seen in lat. 69° 09′ N., long. 99° 24′ W., not
brought away, 30th of May, 1859:—

A large boat, measuring 28 ft. in extreme length, 7 ft. 3 in. in
breadth, 2 ft. 4 in. in depth. The markings on her stem were—”XXI.
W. Con. N61., APr. 184.” It appears that the fore part of
the stem has been cut away, probably to reduce weight, and part
of the letters and figures removed. An oak sledge under the boat,
23 ft. 4 in. long, and 2 ft. wide; 6 paddles, about 60 fathoms of deep-sea
lead line, ammunition, 4 cakes of navy chocolate, shoemaker’s
box with implements complete, small quantities of tobacco, a small
pair of very stout shooting boots, a pair of very heavy iron-shod knee
boots, carpet boots, sea boots and shoes—in all seven or eight pairs:
two rolls of sheet lead, elm tingles for repairing the boat, nails of
various sizes for boat, and sledge irons, three small axes, a broken
saw, leather cover of a sextant case, a chain-cable punch, silk handkerchiefs[336]
(black, white, and colored), towels, sponge, tooth-brush,
hair comb, a mackintosh, gun cover (marked in paint “A. 12”),
twine, files, knives; a small worsted-work slipper, lined with calf-skin,
bound with red riband; a great quantity of clothing, and a
wolf-skin robe; part of a boat’s sail of No. 8 canvas, whale-line rope
with yellow mark, and white line with red mark; 24 iron stanchions,
9½ inches high, for supporting a weather cloth round the boat; a
stanchion for supporting a ridge pole at a height of 3 ft. 9 in. above
the gunwale.

Relics found about Ross Cairn, on Point Victory, May
and June, 1859, brought away:—

A 6-inch dip circle by Robinson, marked I 22. A case of medicines,
consisting of 25 small bottles, canister of pills, ointment, plaster,
oiled silk, etc. A 2-foot rule, two joints of the cleaning rod of a
gun, and two small copper spindles, probably for dog-vanes of boats.
The circular brass plate broken out of a wooden gun-case, and engraved
“C. H. Osmer, R.N.” The field glass and German silver
top of a 2-foot telescope, a coffee canister, a piece of a brass curtain
rod. The record tin and the record, dated 25th of April, 1848. A
6-inch double frame sextant, on which the owner’s name is engraved,
“Frederick Hornby, R.N.”

Found in a small cairn on the south side of Back
Bay:—

A tin record case and record.

Seen about Ross Cairn, Point Victory, not brought
away:—

Four sets of boat’s cooking apparatus complete, iron hoops, 4 feet
of a copper lightning conductor, hollow brass curtain-rod three quarters
of an inch in diameter, 3 pickaxes, 1 shovel, old canvas, a pile of
warm clothing and blankets 4 feet high, 2 tin canteens stamped “89
Co., Wm. Hedges,” “88 Co., Wm. Heather,” and a third one not
marked. A small pannikin, made on board out of a 2 lb. preserved-meat
tin, and marked “W. Mark;” a small deal box for gun
wadding, the heavy iron work of a large boat, part of a canvas tent,
part of an oar sawed longitudinally and a blanket nailed to its flat
side, three boat-hook staves, strips of copper, a 9-inch single block[337]
strapped, a piece of rope and spun yarn. Among the clothing was
found a stocking marked “W,” green, and a fragment of one marked
“W. S.”

Relics obtained at the Northern Cairn, near Cape
Felix, May, 1859:—

Fragments of a boat’s ensign, metal lid of a powder-case, two eye
pieces of sextant tubes, brass button; worsted glove, colors red, white
and blue; bung-stave of a marine’s water keg or bottle, brass ornaments
to a marine’s shako; brass screw for screwing down lid, also a
copper hinge of the lid of powder-case; a few patent wire cartridges
containing large shot; part of a pair of steel spectacles, glass being
replaced by wood, having a narrow slit in it; two small rib bones,
probably out of salt pork; six or eight packets of needles; small
flannel cartridge containing an ounce of damaged powder; a small,
roughly made copper apparatus for cooking; some brimstone matches.
Piece of white paper folded up found in the North Cairn, two pike-heads,
narrow strip of white paper, found under one of the tent
places; their tent places were within a few yards of the cairn.

Beside a small cairn, about three miles north of Point Victory, was
a pickaxe, with broken handle; brought away an empty tea or coffee
canister.

Articles noticed about the North Cairn, not brought
away:—

Fragments of two broken bottles, several pieces of broken basins
or cups, blue and white delftware, hoops of marine’s water keg, small
iron hoops, fragments of white line, spun yarn, canvas, and twine;
three small canvas tents, under which lay a bear-skin and fragments
of blankets; two blanket frocks, several old mitts, stockings, gloves,
pilot cloth and box cloth jackets and trousers, large shot, piece of
tobacco and broken pipe, metal part of powder-case, top of tin canister,
marked “cheese,” preserved-potato tin, feathers of ptarmigan,
and salt-meat bones.

Seen near Cape Maria Louisa:—

Part of a drift tree, white spruce fir, 18 feet long, 10 inches in
diameter; it appeared to have but recently (i.e., since thrown on
the coast) been sawed longitudinally down the centre, and one-half
of it removed.

[338]

Relics obtained from the Boothian Esquimaux, near
the Magnetic Pole, in March and April, 1859:—

Seven knives made by the natives out of materials obtained from
the last expedition, one knife without a handle, one spear-head and
staff (the latter has broken off), two files; a large spoon or scoop,
the handle of pine or bone, the bowl of musk-ox horn; six silver
spoons and forks, the property of Sir John Franklin, Lieutenants
H. D. Vesconte and Fairholme, A. M’Donald, Assistant-Surgeon, and
Lieutenant E. Couch (supposed from the initial letter T and crest a
lion’s head); a small portion of a gold watch-chain, a broken piece of
ornamental work apparently silver gilt, a few small naval and other
metal buttons, a silver medal obtained by Mr. M’Donald as a prize
for superior attainments at a medical examination in Edinburgh
April, 1838: some bows and arrows, in which wood, iron, or copper
has been used in the construction—of no other interest.

Remarks upon these Articles.

The spear-staff measures 6 feet 3 inches in length, and appears to
have been part of a light boat’s gunwale: it measured (before being
partially rounded to adapt it to its present use) about 1½ by 138
inches, is made of English oak, and upon the side has been painted
white over green. The spear-head is of steel, riveted to two pieces
of hoop, with bone between, and lashed on to the staff. The
rivets are of copper nails. The native who sold it said he himself
got it from the boat in the Fish River. Another spear of the
same kind was seen. The knives are made either of iron or steel,
riveted to two strips of hoop, between which the handle of wood
is inserted, and rivets passed through, securing them together.

The rivets are almost all made out of copper nails, such as would
be found in a copper-fastened boat, but those which have been examined
do not bear the Government mark. It is probable that most
of the boats of the ‘Erebus’ and ‘Terror’ were built by contract,
and therefore would not have the broad arrow stamped upon their
iron and copper work. One small knife appears to have been a
surgical instrument. A large knife obtained in April bears some
marking, such as a sword or a cutlass might have. The man who
sold it said he bought it from another, who picked it up on the land
where the ship was driven ashore by the ice, and where the white
people had thrown it away; it was then about as long as his arm.[339]
This was the first information he received of one of the ships having
drifted on shore. One knife and one file are stamped with the
broad arrow. The handles are variously composed of oak, ash, pine,
mahogany, elm, and bone. The spoons and forks were readily sold
for a few needles each, also the buttons, which they wore as ornaments
on their dresses. Bows and arrows were readily exchanged
for knives. Previously to the stranding on the neighboring shore of
the last expedition these people must have been almost destitute of
wood or iron. Some of them had even got only bone knives and
spear-points. Some of their sledges were seen, consisting of two
rolls of seal-skin, flattened and frozen, to serve as runners, and connected
together by cross bars of bones. Many more knives, bows
and buttons, similar to those brought away, might have been obtained,
but no personal or important relics.

Seen in a Snow-Hut in lat. 70½° deg. N., 20th of April,
1859, not brought away:—

Two wooden shovels, one of them made of mahogany board, some
spear-handles and a bow of English wood, a deal case which might
have served for a telescope or barometer. Its external dimensions
were:—length, 3 ft. 1 in.; depth, 3½ in.; width, 9 in.; two brass
hinges remained attached to it.

Relics obtained from the Esquimaux near Cape Norton,
upon the East Coast of King William Island,
in May, 1859:—

Two tablespoons; upon one is scratched “W. W.,” on the other
“W. G.;” these bear the Franklin crest; two table forks, one bearing
the Franklin crest; the other is also crested, probably Captain
Crozier’s; silversmith’s name is “I. West;” two teaspoons, one engraved
“A. M. D.” (A. M’Donald), the other bears the Fairholme
crest and motto; handle of a dessert knife, into which had been
inserted a razor (since broken off) by Milliken, Strand; buttons,
wood and iron, were here in abundance, but as enough of these had
already been obtained no more were purchased.

Taken out of some deserted snow-huts near here, some scraps of
different kinds of wood, such as could not be obtained from a boat—teak
or African oak.

Found lying about the skeleton, 9 miles eastward of Cape Herschel,[340]
May, 1859:—The tie of black silk neckerchief; fragments of
a double-breasted blue cloth waistcoat, with covered silk buttons, and
edged with braid; a scrap of a colored cotton shirt, silk covered
buttons of blue cloth great-coat, a small clothes-brush, a horn pocket-comb,
a leathern pocket-book, which fell to pieces when thawed and
dried; it contained 9 or 10 letters, a few leaves apparently blank;
a sixpence, date 1831; and a half-sovereign, dated 1844.

Articles seen among the natives at Cape Norton, not purchased,—Bows
made of wood, knives, uniform and plain buttons, a sledge
made of two long pieces of hard wood.

From beside an Esquimaux stone-mark, on the east side of
Montreal Island:—Part of a preserved-meat tin, painted red; part
of the rim of some strong copper case or vessel; pieces of iron hoop,
two pieces of flat iron, an iron hook bolt, a piece of sheet copper.

Articles seen about a snow-hut near Point Booth, not purchased:—Eight
or 10 fir poles, varying from 5 feet to 10 feet in length, the
stoutest being 2½ inches in diameter. Two wooden snow shovels
about 3½ feet long, and made of pieces of plank painted white or
pale yellow; it occurred to me that the pieces of plank might have
been the bottom boards of a boat. There was abundance of wood
fashioned into smaller articles.

Contents of Boat’s Medicine Chest:—

One bottle labelled as zinzib. R. pulv., full; ditto, spirit. rect.,
empty; ditto, mur. hydrarg. seven-eighths full; ditto, ol. caryphyll.,
one-fifth full; ditto, ipec. P. co., full; ditto, ol. menth. pip., empty;
ditto, liq. ammon. fort., three-quarters full; ditto, ol. olivac., full;
ditto, tinct. opii. camph., three-quarters full; ditto, vin. sem. colch.,
full; ditto, quarter full; ditto, calomel, full (broken); ditto, hydrarg.
hit. oxyd., full; ditto, pulv. gregor, full (broken); ditto, magnes.
carb., full; ditto, camphor, full; two bottles tinc. tolut., each quarter
full; one bottle ipec. R. pulv., full; ditto, jalap R. pulv., full; ditto,
scammon. pulv., full; ditto, quinac bisulph., empty; ditto (not labelled),
tinct. opii., three-quarters full; one box (apparently) purgative
pills, full; ditto, ointment, shrunk; ditto, emp. adhesiv., full;
one probang, one pen wrapped up in lint, one lead pencil, one
pewter syringe, two small tubes (test) wrapped up in lint, one
farthing, bandages, oil silk, lint, thread.


[341]

No. IV.

GEOLOGICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ARCTIC ARCHIPELAGO,
DRAWN UP PRINCIPALLY FROM THE SPECIMENS COLLECTED BY
Captain F. L. M’Clintock, R.N.,
From 1849 to 1859.

BY THE REV. SAMUEL HAUGHTON, F.R.S.,
Fellow of Trinity College, Professor of Geology in the University of Dublin, and
President of the Geological Society of Dublin.

The map which accompanies this geological description
is arranged from the specimens brought home by
Captain F. L. M’Clintock, R.N., from the four Arctic
Expeditions in which he served from 1848 to 1859.
These specimens are all deposited in the Museum of
the Royal Dublin Society, and form a more extensive
and better collection of Arctic rocks and fossils than is
to be found in any other museum in Europe.

It will be most convenient to describe the geology
of the Arctic Islands by the formations which are to
be found there, which are the following:—

  1. The Granitic and Granitoid Rocks.
  2. The Upper Silurian Rocks.
  3. The Carboniferous Rocks.
  4. The Lias Rocks.
  5. The Superficial Deposits.

I shall describe these successive formations briefly,
and add a few remarks of a theoretical character, to
indicate the important inferences which may be drawn
from the facts respecting them made known to us by
M’Clintock’s discoveries.[342]

I.—The Granitic and Granitoid Rocks.

These rocks form a considerable part of North
Greenland, on the east side of Baffin’s Bay, and constitute
the rock of the country at the east side of the
island of North Devon, which forms a portion of the
coast-line of the west of Baffin’s Bay, and the north
side of the entrance into Lancaster Sound.

1. Whale Fish Islands, lat. 69° N., are composed of
a very fine-grained, flaggy, black mica schist, composed
of black mica in very small plates, occasionally putting
on a hornblendic lustre, and minute grains of quartz
interstratified with the mica. The softer varieties are
cut by the natives into grissets and cooking utensils of
various shapes, some of which resemble the cambstones
found in Ireland, which are made from a kind of potstone,
abundant in parts of the County Donegal.

2. Upernivik, lat. 72° N., Greenland.—This district
is famous for the occurrence of large quantities of
plumbago, which is found in a metamorphic rock of the
following character. Fine-grained, amorphous, granitoid
rock, composed of minute particles of grey quartz;
a honey-colored felspar of waxy lustre, of unknown
composition; minute particles of red semitransparent
garnet, of conchoidal fracture; and small particles, with
occasional large nests, of plumbago. The plumbago
occurs both amorphous, and in long acicular crystals.
Sometimes the rock becomes of coarser texture and
more crystalline, and the yellow color of the felspar
gives place to a greenish tinge; and it sometimes also
becomes a felspar of perfect cleavage, semitransparent,
and white. The dodecahedral crystals of garnet reach
the diameter of one inch.

The general character of the rocks near Upernivik[343]
is different from that of the rock in which the plumbago
is found; they consist of a fine-grained black mica
schist, with very little felspar or quartz, and intersected
by thin veins of elvan composed of quartz and white
felspar. The cooking utensils of the natives are made
from this fine schist, in preference to any other description
of rock.

3. Woman’s Islands.—These islands, off the west
coast of Greenland, are composed of a garnetiferous
mica slate, formed of black mica in layers, with alternating
plates, composed of white felspar and quartz, and
filled with fine garnets, rose-colored, vitreous in fracture,
and transparent.

4. Cape York, lat. 76° N., Greenland.—This cape is
composed of a fine-grained granite, consisting of
quartz, white felspar, with minute specks of a black
mineral, of pitchy lustre, composition not yet determined.

5. Wolstenholme and Whale Sounds, lat. 77° N.,
Greenland.—At Wolstenholme Sound the granitoid
rocks of Greenland become converted into mica slate
and actinolite slate of a remarkable character. The
mica slate is composed of large plates of an intimate
mixture of black and white mica, the chemical examination
of which will doubtless prove of interest.
These plates of mica are separated by bands of pure
white felspar. The actinolite slate is dark green, and
formed by an almost insensible gradation from the
mica slate. In the low ground between Wolstenholme
and Whale Sounds, the granitic rocks cease, and are
covered by deposits of fine red gritty sandstone, of a
banded structure, and a remarkable coarse white conglomerate.
The boundary between these formations[344]
is also marked by the development of masses of dolerite
and clayey basalt.

6. Carey’s Islands, 76° 40′ N., Greenland, lie to the
westward of Wolstenholme Sound, and are composed
of a remarkable gneissose mica schist, formed of successive
thin layers of quartz granules, containing
scarcely any felspar, and layers of jet black mica, with
occasional facets of white mica. This mica schist
passes into a white gneiss, composed of quartz, white
felspar, and black mica, penetrated by veins, coarsely
crystallised, of the same minerals. Yellow and white
sandstones are also found in small quantity on the
islands, reposing upon the granitoid rocks.

7. Capes Osborn and Warrender, lat. 74° 30′ N.,
North Devon.—The granitoid rocks between these
two capes are composed of graphic granite, consisting
of quartz (grey) and white felspar; this graphic granite
passes into a laminated gneiss, consisting of layers of
black mica and white translucent felspar, sparingly
mixed with quartz: with the gneiss are interstratified
beds of garnetiferous mica slate, consisting of quartz,
pale greenish white felspar, black and white mica in
minute spangles, and crystals of garnet, rose-colored,
disseminated regularly through the mass. Quartziferous
bands of epidotic hornstone occur with the foregoing
beds; and the whole series is overlaid by red sandstones,
of banded structure, which bear a striking resemblance
to those that overlie the granitoid beds of
Wolstenholme Sound.

8. North Somerset.—The granitoid rocks are found
again on the west side of the island of North Somerset,
where they form the eastern boundary of Peel Sound.
Boulders of granite are found at a considerable distance
(100 miles) to the north-eastward of the rock in[345]
situ
, as at Port Leopold, Cape Rennell, etc. The general
character of the granitic rocks in the north and
west of North Somerset are thus described by Captain
M’Clintock:—

“Near Cape Rennell we passed a very remarkable
rounded boulder of gneiss or granite; it was 6 yards in
circumference, and stood near the beach, and some 15
or 20 yards above it; one or two masses of rounded
gneiss, although very much smaller, had arrested our
attention at Port Leopold, as then we knew of no such
formation nearer than Cape Warrender, 130 miles to
the north-east; subsequently we found it to commence
in situ at Cape Granite, nearly 100 miles to the south-west
of Port Leopold.

“The granite of Cape Warrender differs considerably
from that of North Somerset; the former being a
graphic granite, composed of grey quartz and white
felspar, the quartz predominating; while the latter, or
North Somerset granite, is composed of grey quartz,
red felspar, and green chloritic mica, the latter in large
flakes; both the granite and gneiss of North Somerset
are remarkable for their soapy feel.”[30]


Cape Bunny, Peel Sound.

To the east of Cape Bunny, where the Silurian
limestone ceases, and south of which the granite commences,
is a remarkable valley called Transition Valley,
from the junction of sandstone and limestone that
takes place there. The sandstone is red, and of the
same general character as that which rests upon the
granitoid rocks at Cape Warrender and at Wolstenholme
Sound. Owing to the mode of travelling, by
sledge on the ice, round the coast, no information was
obtained of the geology of the interior of the country,[346]
but it appears highly probable that
the granite of North Somerset, as
well as that of the other localities
mentioned, is overlaid by a group
of sandstones and conglomerates,
on which the Upper Silurian limestones
repose directly. A low,
sandy beach marks the termination
of the valley northwards, and on this
beach were found numerous pebbles,
washed from the hills of the interior,
composed of quartzose sandstone,
carnelian, and Silurian limestone.
The accompanying sketch was made
by Captain M’Clintock, on the spot,
in 1849, and afterwards finished by
Lieutenant Browne. It represents
the island called Cape Bunny, which
forms the eastern headland of the
entrance of the now famous Peel
Sound, down which the ‘Erebus’
and ‘Terror’ sailed, three years before
it was visited by Sir James C.
Ross and Lieutenant M’Clintock, in
their first sledge journey on the ice.
Cape Granite is the northern boundary
of the granite, which retains the
same character as far as Howe Harbor.
It is composed of quartz, red
felspar, and dark green chlorite; and
is accompanied with gneiss of the
same composition. I have in my
possession a specimen of this granite,[347]
found as a pebble at Graham Moore Bay, Bathurst
Island, S.W., a locality 135 knots distant from
Cape Granite, to the N.W.

9. Bellot Strait, lat. 72° N., separate North Somerset
from Boothia Felix. The ‘Fox’ Expedition wintered
here in 1858, and had abundant means of ascertaining
the geological structure of the neighborhood.
The junction of the granitoid and Silurian rocks occurs
in these straits, the low ground to the east being horizontal
beds of Silurian limestone, while on the west
the granite hills of West Somerset rise to a height of
1600 feet above the narrow straits. The granite here
is of three varieties.

α. Blackish grey, fine grained, gneissose granite, composed
of quartz, white felspar, and large quantities of
fine grains and flakes of hornblende, passing into black
mica. The gneissose beds of this granite dip 13° S.E.

β. A red granite, graphic texture, composed of quartz
and red felspar, coarse grained.

γ. Syenite, composed of honey-yellow felspar and
hornblende, in very large crystals, the felspar passing
into red and pink, and the whole rock mass penetrated
by veins of the same material, but fine grained. This
variety of igneous rock was met with principally at
Pemmican Rock, western inlet of Bellot Strait.
Large quantities of hornblende are also met with at
Levesque Harbor, Bellot Strait, composed of facetted
crystals agglutinated together into large masses, forming
a crystalline hornblendic gneiss.

10. Pond’s Bay, Baffin’s Bay, lat. 72° 40′ N.—In
this locality a quartziferous black mica schist underlies
the Silurian limestone, and is interstratified with gneiss
and garnetiferous quartz rock, all in beds, inclined 38°
W.S.W. (true).[348]

11. Montreal Island, mouth of the Fish River, lat.
67° 45′ N.—The granitoid rocks, which everywhere,
in the Arctic Archipelago, underlie the Silurian limestone,
appear at Montreal Island as a gneiss, composed
of bands of felspar (pink) and quartz (¼ inch thick),
separated by thin plates composed altogether of black
mica; the whole rock exhibiting the phenomena of
foliation in a marked degree.

The east side of King William’s Island, though
composed of Silurian limestone like the rest of the
island, is strewed with boulders of black and red
micaceous gneiss, like that of Montreal Island, and
black metamorphic clay slate, in which the crystals
of mica (qu. Ottrelite) are just commencing to be
developed. It is probable that the granitoid rocks
appear at the surface somewhat to the eastward of
this locality.

12. Prince of Wales’ Island, west of Peel Sound.—The
granitoid rocks extend across Peel Sound into
Prince of Wales’ Island, in the form of a dark syenite
composed of quartz, greenish white felspar passing
into yellow, and hornblende. This rock is massive
and eruptive at Cape M’Clure, lat. 72° 52′ N., and
occasionally gneissose, as at lat. 72° 13′ N. Between
these two points, at lat. 72° 37′ N., a limestone bluff
occurs containing the characteristic Silurian fossils,
and is succeeded at 72° 40′ by a ferruginous limestone,
bright red, and a few beds of fine red sandstone, like
those observed by M’Clintock at Transition Valley,
North Somerset. The entire western portion of Prince
of Wales’ Land is composed of Silurian limestone,
which in the extreme west, at Cape Acworth, becomes
chalky in character and non-fossiliferous, resembling[349]
the peculiar Silurian limestone found on the west side
of Boothia Felix.

II.—The Silurian Rocks.

The Silurian rocks of the Arctic Archipelago rest
everywhere directly on the granitoid rocks, with a
remarkable red sandstone, passing into coarse grit,
for their base. This sandstone is succeeded by ferruginous
limestone, containing rounded particles of
quartz, which rapidly pass into a fine greyish green
earthy limestone, abounding in fossils, and occasionally
into a chalky limestone, of a cream color, for
the most part devoid of fossils. The average dip
of the Silurian limestone varies from 0° to 5° N.N.W.,
and it forms occasionally high cliffs, and occasionally
low flat plains, terraced by the action of the ice as the
ground rose from beneath the sea. The general appearance
of the rocks is similar to the Dudley limestone,
and would strike even an observer who was not
a geologist. This resemblance to the Upper Silurian
beds extends to the structure of the rocks on the large
scale. Alternations of hard limestone and soft shale,
so characteristic of the Upper Silurian beds of England
and America, arranged in horizontal layers, give
to the cliffs around Port Leopold the peculiar appearance
which has been described by different Polar navigators
as “buttress-like,” “castellated;” this appearance
is produced by the unequal weathering of the
cliff, which causes the hard limestone to stand out in
bands. Excellent sketches of this remarkable appearance,
drawn by Lieutenant Beechey, are figured at
page 35 of Parry’s First Voyage, ‘Hecla’ and ‘Griper,’
1819-20. The Western side of King William’s[350]
Island (now, alas! invested with so sad an interest) is
a good example of the low terraced form which the
limestone rocks assume at times.

The following lists contain the names of the principal
fossils brought home by Captain M’Clintock:—

No. I. GARNIER BAY (Lat. 74° N.; Long. 92° W.)
  1. Cyathophyllum helianthoides, several specimens.
  2. Heliolites porosa. Garnier Bay. Another specimen from near Cape Bunny.
  3. Specimens of carnelian, gneiss, chalcedony, etc., etc., from the shingle near Cape Bunny.
  4. Cromus Arcticus, several specimens.
  5. Atrypa phoca (Salter).
  6. Atrypa reticularis.
  7. Brachiopoda on slab (various).
  8. Cyathophyllum.
  9. Columnaria Sutherlandi (Salter). Several specimens.
No. II. PORT LEOPOLD (Lat. 73° 50′ N.; Long. 90° 15′ W.).
  1. Limestone containing numerous fossils of the Upper Silurian type: Calamopora Gothlandica, Goldf. Rhynchonella cuneata? Dalm. Cyathophyllum, sp.
  2. Dark earthy limestone, containing multitudes of the Loxonema M’Clintocki, as casts—1100 feet above sea-level on North-east Cape.
  3. Fine specimens of selenite from shaly beds in cliff.
  4. Fibrous gypsum from same.
No. III. GRIFFITH’S ISLAND (Lat. 74° 35′ N.; Long. 95° 30′ W.).
  1. Beautiful specimens of the Cromus Arcticus. Pl. VI. Fig. 5, Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I.
  2. Orthoceras Griffithi. Pl. V. Fig. 1, Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I.
  3. An Orthoceras with lateral siphuncle, and simple circular outline of septa.
  4. Loxonema Rossi. Pl. V. Figs. 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I.
  5. Numerous specimens of crinoidal limestone.
  6. Strophomena Donnetti (Salter). Sutherland’s Voyage; Pl. V. Figs. 11, 12.
  7. [351]Atrypa phoca (Salter). Pl. V. Figs. 3, 4, 7, Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I.; and a ribbed Atrypa, not identified with European species, and undescribed.
  8. An undescribed bryozoan Zoophyte. Pl. VII. Fig. 6, Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I.
  9. Calophyllum Phragmoceras (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. VI. Fig. 4.
  10. Syringopora geniculata.
  11. An undescribed species of Macrocheilus.
No. IV. BEECHEY ISLAND. (Lat. 74° 40′ N.; Long. 92° W.).
  1. Orthoceras (species).
  2. Great multitudes of Atrypa phoca, forming, in fact, a dark-colored earthly Atrypa limestone.
  3. With these were associated many species of Loxonema, sometimes so abundant as to form a pale pink and whitish Loxonema limestone.
  4. A species of ribbed Atrypa.
  5. Crinoidal limestone in abundance.
  6. Syringopora reticulata.
  7. Calophyllum phragmoceras (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. VI. Fig. 4.
  8. Cyathophyllum cæspitosum.
  9. Cyathophyllum articulatum (Edwardes and Haime).
  10. Calamopora Gothlandica.
  11. Calamopora alveolaris.
  12. Favistella Franklini (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. VI. Fig. 3.
  13. Clisiophyllum Salteri. Sutherland; Pl. VI. Fig. 7.
  14. Cyathophyllum (species).
  15. Loxonema Salteri, described by Mr. Slater in Sutherland’s ‘Voyage to Wellington Channel;’ Pl. V. Fig. 19.

This is a fine slab of limestone, almost together composed of
the remains of Loxonema Salteri and Atrypa phoca. It appears
to have been quietly deposited at the bottom of a deep submarine
depression, swarming with Pyramidellidæ and deep-water
Brachiopoda. The physical conditions indicated by the
fossils are also rendered probable by the rock itself, which
consists of fine grey limestone, subcrystalline, and intimately
blended with the finest and most delicate description of mud,
such as could only be found where the water was deep, and all
currents far removed.

[352]

No. V. CORNWALLIS ISLAND, Assistance Bay (Lat 74° 40′ N.;
Long. 94° W.).
  1. Orthoceras Ommaneyi (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. V. Figs. 16, 17.
  2. Pentamerus conchidium (Dalman). Sutherland; Pl. V. Figs. 9, 10.
  3. Pentamerus limestone.
  4. Cromus Arcticus. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. VI.
  5. Cardiola Salteri. Pl. VII. Fig. 5. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I.
  6. Syringopora geniculata.
No. VI. CAPE YORK, Lancaster Sound (Lat. 73° 50′ N.;
Long. 87° W.).

A specimen of the same fossil coral which I have named,
doubtfully, from Beechey Island, as Favosites or Calamopora
Gothlandica
; it is not impossible, however, that it is not a Calamopora
at all, but a species of Chætetes.

No. VII. POSSESSION BAY, South entrance into Lancaster
Sound (Lat. 73° 30′ N.; Long. 77° 20′ W.).

Specimens of brown earthy limestone, with a fetid smell
when struck with a hammer; resembles closely the limestone of
Cape York, Lancaster Sound.

No. VIII. DEPÔT BAY, Bellot Strait (Lat. 72° N.; Long. 94° W.).
  1. Maclurea sp.
  2. Cyathophyllum helianthoides (Goldfuss).

The limestone at this locality is white and saccharoid, with
large rhombohedral crystals of calcspar.

[31]No. IX. CAPE FARRAND, East side of Boothia (Lat. 71° 38′;
Long. 93° 35′ W.).
  1. Atrypa phoca (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. V. Fig. 3.
  2. Loxonema Rossi. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. V.
  3. Atrypa (ribbed sp.)
  4. Calamopora Gothlandica (Goldfuss).
  5. Cyrtoceras sp.

The rock at this locality is a grey mud limestone.

[353]

No. X. WEST SHORE OF BOOTHIA (Lat. 70° to 71° N.),
containing the Magnetic Pole.
  1. Atrypa phoca (Salter).
  2. Loxonema Rossi. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. V.
  3. Favistella Franklini (Salter). Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. XI.
  4. Loxonema Salteri. Sutherland; Pl. V. Fig. 18.

The cream-colored chalky limestone found on the west side of
Prince of Wales’ Island here occurs, and is generally destitute
of fossils, like that of Prince of Wales’ Land.

[32]No. XI. FURY POINT (Lat. 72° 50′ N.; Long. 92° W.).
  1. Cromus Arcticus. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. VI.
  2. Maclurea sp.
  3. Mya rotundata (?).
  4. Stromatopora concentrica.
  5. Cyathophyllum helianthoides (Goldfuss).
  6. Petraia bina.
  7. Calamopora Gothlandica (Goldfuss).
  8. Favosites megastoma (?).
  9. Cyathophyllum cæspitosum.
  10. Favistella Franklini (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. VI. Fig. 3.
  11. Strephodes Austini (Salter). Sutherland; Pl. VI. Fig. 6.
  12. Atrypa phoca (Salter).

The limestone here is of the same grey earthy aspect as at
Beechey Island and Port Leopold.

[33]No. XII. PRINCE OF WALES’ LAND (Lat. 72° 38′ N.;
Long. 97° 15′ W.).
  1. Cyathophyllum sp.
  2. Calamopora Gothlandica (Goldfuss).
  3. Stromatopora concentrica.

These fossils occur in grey earthy limestone, near its junction
with the red arenaceous limestone already described.

No. XIII. WEST COAST OF KING WILLIAM’S ISLAND.
  1. Loxonema Rossi. Journ. R. D. S., Vol I. Pl. V.
  2. Catenipora escharoides.
  3. Orthoceras sp.
  4. Maclurea sp.[354]
  5. Atrypa sp.
  6. Syringopora geniculata.
  7. Clisiophyllum sp.
  8. Orthis elegantula.

III.—The Carboniferous Rocks.

The Upper Silurian limestones already described are
succeeded by a most remarkable series of close-grained
white sandstones, containing numerous beds of highly
bituminous coal, and but few marine fossils. In fact,
the only fossil shell found in these beds, so far as I
know, in any part of the Arctic Archipelago, is a species
of ribbed Atrypa, which I believe to be identical
with the Atrypa fallax of the carboniferous slate of
Ireland. These sandstone beds are succeeded by a
series of blue limestone beds, containing an abundance
of the marine shells commonly found in all parts of
the world where the carboniferous deposits are at all
developed. The line of junction of these deposits
with the Silurians on which they rest is N.E. to E.N.E.
(true). Like the former they occur in low flat beds,
sometimes rising into cliffs, but never reaching the
elevation attained by the Silurian rocks in Lancaster
Sound.

The following lists contain the principal fossils
and specimens presented to the Royal Dublin Society
by Captain M’Clintock and by Captain Sir Robert
M’Clure.

Coal, sandstone, clay ironstone, and brown hematite, were
found along a line stretching E.N.E. from Baring Island, through
the south of Melville Island, Byam Martin’s Island, and the
whole of Bathurst Island. Carboniferous limestone, with characteristic
fossils, was found along the north coast of Bathurst
Island, and at Hillock Point, Melville Island.

[355]

I have marked on the map the coal-beds of the
Parry Islands, which appear to be prolonged into
Baring Island, as observed by Captain M’Clure. The
discovery of coal in these islands is due to Parry, but
the evidence of the extent and quantity in which it
may be found was obtained during the expeditions of
Austin and Belcher. In addition to the localities surveyed
by himself, Captain M’Clintock has given me
specimens of the coal found at other places by other
explorers; and it is from a comparison of all these
specimens that I have ventured to lay down the outcrop
of the coal-beds, which agrees remarkably well
with the boundary of the formations laid down from
totally different data.

No. I. HILLOCK POINT, Melville Island (Lat 76° N.; Long.
111° 45′ W.).
  • Productus sulcatus. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. VII. Figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7.
  • Spirifer Arcticus. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX.
No. II. BATHURST ISLAND, North Coast, Cape Lady
Franklin (?) (Lat. 76° 40′ N.; Long. 98° 45′ W.).
  • Spirifer Arcticus. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX. Fig. 1.
  • Lithostrotion basaltiforme.
[34]No. III. BALLAST BEACH, Baring Island (Lat. 74° 30′ N.;
Long. 121° W.).
  1. Wood fossilized by brown hematite; structure quite distinct.
  2. Cone of the spruce fir, fossilized by brown hematite.
No. IV. PRINCESS ROYAL ISLANDS, Prince of Wales’ Strait,
Baring Island (Lat. 72° 45′ N.; Long. 117° 30′ W.).
  1. Nodules of clay ironstone, converted partially into brown hematite.
  2. Native copper in large masses, procured from the Esquimaux in Prince of Wales’ Strait.[356]
  3. Brown hematite, pisolitic.
  4. Greyish yellow sandstone, same as Cape Hamilton and Byam Martin’s Island.
  5. Terebratula aspera (Schlotheim). Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX. Fig. 4.

This interesting brachiopod was found in the limestone
by Captain M’Clure, at the Princess Royal Islands,
in the Prince of Wales’ Strait, between Baring
Island and Prince Albert Land. I have no hesitation
in pronouncing it to be identical with Schlotheim’s
fossil, which is found in the greatest abundance at
Gerolstein, in the Eifel. Banks Land, or Baring Island,
is composed of sandstone, similar to that at Byam
Martin’s Island, and at the Bay of Mercy. This sandstone
contains beds of coal, apparently the continuation
of the well-known coal-beds of Melville Island. It is
a remarkable fact, that these carboniferous sandstones
underlie beds of undoubtedly the carboniferous limestone
type, and that at Byam Martin’s Island, where
fossils are found in this sandstone, they are allied to
Atrypa fallax and other forms characteristic of the
lower sandstones of the carboniferous epoch. It is,
therefore, highly probable that the coal-beds of Melville
Island are very low down in the series, and do
not correspond in geological position with the coal-beds
of Europe, which rest on the summit of the carboniferous
beds. It is interesting to find at Princess Royal
Island, where, from the general strike of the beds, we
should expect to find the Silurian limestone underlying
the coal-bearing sandstones, that this limestone does
occur, and contains a fossil, T. aspera, eminently characteristic
of the Eifelian beds of Germany, which form,
in that country, the Upper Silurian Strata.

[357]

No. V. CAPE HAMILTON, Baring Island (Lat. 74° 15′ N.; Long.
117° 30′ W.).
  1. Greyish-yellow sandstone, like that found in situ in Byam Martin’s Island.
  2. Coal.—The coal found in the Arctic regions, excepting that brought from Disco Island, West Greenland, which is of tertiary origin, presents everywhere the same characters, which are somewhat remarkable. It is of a brownish color and ligneous texture, in fine layers of brown coal and jet-black glossy coal interstratified in delicate bands not thicker than paper. It has a woody ring under the hammer, recalling the peculiar clink of some of the valuable gas coals of Scotland. It burns with a dense smoke and brilliant flame, and would make an excellent gas coal; and, in fact, it resembles in many respects some varieties of the coal which has acquired such celebrity in the Scotch and Prussian law-courts, under the title of the Torbane Hill mineral.
No. VI. CAPE DUNDAS, Melville Island (Lat. 74° 30′ N.; Long.
113° 45′ W.).

Fine specimens of coal.

No. VII. CAPE SIR JAMES ROSS, Melville Island (Lat. 74°
45′ N.; Long. 114° 30′ W.).

Sandstone passing into blue quartzite.

No. VIII. CAPE PROVIDENCE, Melville Island (Lat. 74° 20′ N.;
Long. 112° 30′ W.).
  • A specimen of crinoidal limestone, apparently similar to that occurring in Griffith’s Island, from which, however, it could not have been brought by the present drift of the floating ice, as the set of the currents is constant from the west. If brought to its present position by ice, it must have been under circumstances differing considerably from those now prevailing in Barrow’s Strait.
  • Yellowish-grey sandstone.
  • Clay ironstone passing into pisolitic hematite.
No. IX. WINTER HARBOR, Melville Island (Lat. 74° 35′ N.;
Long. 110° 45′ W.).

Fine yellow and grey sandstone.

[358]

No. X. BRIDPORT INLET, Melville Island (Lat. 75° N.;, Long.
109° W.).
  • Coal, with impressions of Sphenopteris.
  • Ferruginous spotted white sandstone.
  • Clay ironstone, passing into brown hematite.
No. XI. SKENE BAY, Melville Island (Lat. 75° N.; Long.
108° W.).

Bituminous coal, with finely divided laminæ, associated with
brown crystalline limestone, with cherty beds, and grey-yellowish
sandstone, passing into brownish-red sandstone.

No. XII. HOOPER ISLAND, Liddon’s Gulf, Melville Island (Lat.
75° 5′ N.; Long. 112° W.).

Nodules of clay ironstone, very pure and heavy, associated with
ferruginous fine sandstone and coal of the usual description.

The hill-tops and sides along the south shore of Liddon’s
Gulf, and as far as Cape Dundas, are generally
bare, composed of frozen mud, arising from the disintegration
of shale, the annual dissolving snows washing
them down and giving them a rounded form. The
southern slopes generally support vegetation. Fragments
of coal are very frequently met with, and at the
mouth of a ravine on the south shore of Liddon’s Gulf
there is abundance, of very good quality; it contains a
considerable quantity of pyrites or bisulphuret of iron.

No. XIII. BYAM MARTIN’S ISLAND (Lat. 75° 10′ N.; Long.
104° 15′ W.).
  • Yellowish-grey sandstone, in situ, containing a ribbed Atrypa, allied to the A. primipilaris of V. Buch, and the A. fallax of the carboniferous rocks of Ireland.
  • Reddish limestone, with broken fragments of shells, of the same description of brachiopod as the last.
  • Coal of the usual description.
  • Fine-grained red sandstone, passing into red slate.
  • Scoriaceous hornblendic trap (boulders).

[359]The sandstone of Byam Martin’s Island is of two
kinds—one red, finely stratified, passing into purple
slate, and very like the red sandstone of Cape Bunny,
North Somerset, and some varieties of the red sandstone
and slate found between Wolstenholme Sound
and Whale Sound, West Greenland, lat. 77° N. The
other sandstone of Byam Martin’s Island is fine, pale-greenish,
or rather greyish-yellow, and not distinguishable
in hand specimens from the sandstone of Cape
Hamilton, Baring Island. It contains numerous shells
and casts of a terebratuliform brachiopod, closely allied
to the Terebratula primipilaris of Von Buch, found
abundantly at Gerolstein in the Eifel. On the whole,
I incline to the opinion that the sandstones, limestone,
and coal of Byam Martin’s Island, are the corresponding
rocks of Melville Island, Baring Island, and Bathurst
Island, are low down in the Carboniferous System,
and that there is in these northern coal-fields no subdivision
into red sandstone, limestone, and coal-measures,
such as prevails in the west of Europe. If the different
points where coal was found be laid down on a map,
we have in order, proceeding from the south-west—Cape
Hamilton, Baring Island; Cape Dundas, Melville
Island, south; Bridport Inlet and Skene Bay,
Melville Island; Schomberg Point, Graham Moore
Bay, Bathurst Island; a line joining all these points is
the outcrop of the coal-beds of the south of Melville
Island, and runs E.N.E. At all the localities above
mentioned, and, indeed, in every place where coal was
found, it was accompanied by the greyish-yellow and
yellow sandstone already described, and by nodules of
clay ironstone, passing into brown hematite, sometimes
nodular and sometimes pisolitic in structure.

[360]

No. XIV. GRAHAM MOORE’S BAY, Bathurst Island (Lat. 75°
30′ N.; Long. 102° W.).

Coal of the usual quality.

At Cape Lady Franklin, and at many other localities
along the north shore of Bathurst Island, carboniferous
fossils in limestone, clay ironstone balls passing
into brown hematite, cherty limestone, and earthy fossiliferous
limestone, with the same species of Atrypa as
at Byam Martin’s Island, were found in abundance by
Sherard Osborn, Esq., Commander of H.M.S. ‘Pioneer,’
in whose journal the following note respecting
them may be found:—

“The above collection was delivered over to Captain
Sir Edward Belcher, C.B., by Commander Richards,
at 2 P.M., on 7th Nov. 1853.”[35]

It is to be hoped that they may soon be made available
for the elucidation of the geology of this most
interesting portion of the Arctic discoveries.

No. XV. BATHURST ISLAND, Bedford Bay (Lat. 75° N.;
Long. 95° 50′ W.).

In this locality abundance of vesicular scoriaceous trap rocks
were found by Captain M’Clintock; they appear to me to be the
representatives of the volcanic rocks found everywhere at the
commencement of the carboniferous period.

No. XVI. CORNWALLIS ISLAND, M’Dougall Bay.
  1. Syringopora geniculata. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. XI. Fig. 2.
  2. Cardiola Salteri. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. VII. Fig. 5.

The Syringopore found at Cornwallis Island appears
to be identical with the variety of the Irish carboniferous
S. geniculata, in which the corallites are at a distance
from each other somewhat exceeding their diameters,[361]
and in which the connecting tubes are about two
diameters apart.

A question of very considerable geological interest is
raised by the occurrence together of corals, in the same
locality, of silurian and carboniferous forms.

I entertain no doubt of their being in situ, and occurring
in the same beds, for the following reasons:—

1st. The Syringopores of Griffith’s Island were
found at an elevation of 400 feet above the sea, and,
therefore, could not be brought by drifting ice.

2nd. The specimens were apparently of the same
texture and composition as the native rock, whenever
the latter was visible from under the snow.

3rd. I do not believe in the lapse of a long interval
of time between the silurian and carboniferous deposits,—in
fact, in a Devonian period.

4th. The same blending of corals has been found in
Ireland, the Bas Boulonnais, and in Devonshire, where
silurian and carboniferous forms are of common occurrence
in the same localities.

5th. In the carboniferous beds proper of Melville
Island and Bathurst Island, there were not found, so
far as I am aware, any corals of the same character as
those at Griffith’s Island, Cornwallis Island, and Beechey
Island, which could give a supply to be drifted to the
latter localities in a Pleistocene sea. It is plain, from
the height at which the corals were found that, if they
were brought to their present localities by ice, it must
have been during the period known as Post-tertiary,
as the present conditions of drift-ice in Barrow’s Straits
do not permit us to suppose them to have been placed
where we now find them by existing causes.

The occurrence of coal-beds in such high latitudes
has been speculated on by many geologists—in my[362]
opinion, not very satisfactorily; as it is very difficult
to conceive how, even if the question of temperature
was settled, plants even of the fern and lycopodium
type could exist during the darkness of the long winter’s
night at Melville Island. This difficulty is increased
by the facts made known to us by the discovery
of ammonites and lias fossils in Prince Patrick’s
Island by Captain M’Clintock.

IV.—The Lias Rocks.

Many years ago it was asserted by Lieutenant Anjou,
of the Russian navy, that ammonites had been
found by him in the cliffs on the south shore of the
island of New Siberia, off the north coast of Asia, in
lat. 74° N. This statement, which was published in
Admiral Von Wrangel’s journal, attracted but little
attention, until it was confirmed, as far as probability
of such fossils occurring at so high a latitude is concerned,
by the remarkable discovery of similar fossils
by Captain M’Clintock, in lat. 76° 20′ N., at Point
Wilkie, in Prince Patrick’s Island.

In a paper, published by the Royal Dublin Society,
in the first volume of their journal, p. 223, Captain
M’Clintock thus describes the finding of these fossils:—

“After returning to Cape de Bray, we took up the
provisions that the officer after whom it is called had
left for us, and crossed the strait to Point Wilkie;
reached it on the 14th May. This traverse was the
more difficult from the great load upon our sledge, and
the unfavorable state of the ice and snow. The freshly
fallen snow was soft and deep, and beneath it the older
snow lay in furrows across our route, hardened and
polished by the winter gales and drifts, so that it resembled
marble.[363]

“On landing I found the beach low, composed of
mud, with the foot-prints of animals frozen in it. A
few hundred yards from the beach there are steep hills,
about 150 feet in height, and upon the sides of these,
in reddish-colored limestone, casts of fossil shells
abound. Inland of these, the ordinary pale carboniferous
sandstone and cherty limestone re-appeared. The
fossils are all small, and of only a few varieties, some
being ammonites, but the greater part bivalves. They
differed from any I had met with before, and the rock
was almost brick-red; I picked up what appeared to
be fossil bone (Ichthyosaurus?), only part of it appearing
out of the fragment of the rock.

“Point Wilkie appears to be an isolated patch of
liassic age, resting upon carboniferous sandstones and
limestones, with bands of chert, of the same age as
the limestones and sandstones of Melville Island. The
eastern shores of Intrepid Inlet is composed of this
formation; while the western, rising into hills and terraces,
is of the underlying carboniferous epoch. At
the western side of Intrepid Inlet I found upon the ice
a considerable quantity of white asbestos, but did not
ascertain from whence it had been brought.”

The fossils thus found in situ, I have no doubt,
belong to the liassic period; and as their geological
interest is indubitable, I offer no apology for inserting
here the following description, written by me on Captain
M’Clintock’s return to Dublin from his third Arctic
expedition.

No. I. WILKIE POINT, Prince Patrick’s Land (Lat. 76° 20′ N.;
Long. 117° 20′ W.).

LIAS FOSSILS.

  • (a) Ammonites M’Clintocki Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX. Figs. 2, 3, 4.
  • Monotis septentrionalis, Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX. Figs. 6, 7.[364]
  • Pleurotomaria, sp. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX. Fig. 8.
  • Cast of some Univalve. Journ. R. D. S., Vol. I. Pl. IX. Fig. 7.
  • Nucula, sp.

(a) Ammonites M’Clintocki (Haughton).—Testâ compressâ, carinatâ,
anfractibus latis, lateribus, complanatis, transversim undato-costatis;
costis simplicibus, juxtâ marginem interiorem levigatis; dorso carinato
acuto; aperturâ sagittatâ, compressâ, antice carinatâ; septis lateribus
4-lobatis.

This fine ammonite resembles several species common
in the upper lias of the Plateau de Larzac, Sevennes,
in France. It approaches A. concavus of the
lower Oolite, but is distinguished by having only four
lobes on the lateral margins of the septa, and by its
showing no tendency to a tricarinated keel. The following
measurements give an exact idea of its form,
as compared with that of the species mentioned:—

 Diameter,
Inches.
Width of
last Spire.
Diam.=100.
Thickness
of last
Spire.
Overlapping
of last
Spire.
Width
of
Umbilic.
A. M’Clintocki,1·8351100241002010020100
A. concavus,2·9550100241001910016100

The principal difference here observable is in the
somewhat greater size of A. concavus, and the larger
umbilic of A. M’Clintocki. It certainly resembles this
well-known ammonite very closely; and it appears to
me difficult to imagine the possibility of such a fossil
living in a frozen, or even a temperate sea.

The discovery of such fossils in situ, in 76° north
latitude, is calculated to throw considerable doubt
upon the theories of climate which would account for
all past changes of temperature by changes in the relative[365]
position of land and water on the earth’s surface.
No attempt, that I am aware of, has ever been made
to calculate the number of degrees of change possible
in consequence of changes of position of land and
water; and from some incomplete calculations I have
myself made on the subject, I think it highly improbable
that such causes could have ever produced a temperature
in the sea at 76° north latitude which would
allow of the existence of ammonites, especially ammonites
so like those that lived at the same time in the
tropical warm seas of the south of England and
France, at the close of the Liassic, and commencement
of the lower Oolitic period.

During the course of the same Arctic expedition in
which these organic remains were found, Captain Sir
Edward Belcher discovered in some loose rubble, of
which a cairn was built on Exmouth Island (lat. 77°
12′ N., long. 96° W.), vertebral bones of, apparently,
same liassic enaliosaurian. All doubt as to the reality
of this discovery, and all idea of accounting for the
occurrence of such remains by drift, must be abandoned,
as the fossils found by M’Clintock were unquestionably
in situ, and it is impossible to evade the consequences
that follow to geological theory from their
discovery.

Captain Sherard Osborn, also, found broken vertebræ
of an ichthyosaurus, 150 feet up Rendezvous
Hill, the north-west extreme of Bathurst Island: of
these specimens, one lay among a mass of stone that
had slipped from the N.W. face of the hill; the other
was by the side of a ravine or deep watercourse on the
southern face of the same elevation. I have no doubt
but that they were in situ.

I am well aware that the question of light in the[366]
Arctic seas will be disposed of by some geologists,
who will remind us that the saurians, and probably the
ammonites, were endowed with a complicated optical
apparatus, rendering them capable of using their eyes,
not only for the distinct vision of objects differing
greatly in distance, but also of using them, under
widely differing conditions of light and darkness; and
I readily admit the force of such observations.

But what are we to say as to the question of temperature?
It was certainly necessary for an ammonite
to have a sea free from ice, on which to float and bask
in the pale rays of the Arctic sun; and therefore I
claim a temperature for those seas, at least similar to
that which now prevails in the British Islands: and
I may add that the ammonite, from its habits, was
essentially dependent on the temperature of the air,
as well as on that of the water.

There is at present a difference of 49·5° F. between
the mean annual temperature of Point Wilkie and
Dublin; and if this change of temperature be supposed
to be caused by a change of the relative positions of
land and water, the temperature of Dublin, or of some
place on the same parallel of latitude, must be supposed
to be raised to 99·5° F.; while the temperature
of the thermal equator will exceed 124°—a temperature
only a few degrees below that requisite to boil an
egg! I reject, without scruple, a theory that requires
such a result, which must be considered as a minimum;
as it is probable that the ammonite required a finer climate
than that of Britain for the full enjoyment of his
existence.

The theory of central heat, also, appears to me to be
open to the same objection, as a mode of explaining
this remarkable geological fact; for it will simply add[367]
a constant to our present climates, leaving the differences
to remain, as at present, to be accounted for
by latitude and distribution of land and water. The
astronomical theory of Herschel, also, which would
account for former changes of climate by changes in
the radiating power of the sun, would only increase
the temperature at each latitude, leaving the differences
as at present.

The only speculation with which I am acquainted,
which is capable of solving this opprobrium geologicorum,
is the hypothesis of a change in the axis of rotation
of the earth, the admission of which, as a geological
possibility, is mathematically demonstrable, and
which has recently had some singular evidence in its
favor advanced by geologists. In 1851, I brought forward,
at the Geological Society of Dublin, a case of
angular fragments of granite occurring in the carboniferous
limestone of the County Dublin; and explained
the phenomena by the supposition of the transporting
power of ice. In 1855, Professor Ramsay laid before
the Geological Society of London a full and detailed
theory of glaciers and ice as agents concerned in the
formation of a remarkable breccia, of Permian age,
occurring in the central counties of England; and still
more recently the same agent has been employed by
the geological surveyors of India to account for the
transport of materials at geological periods long antecedent
to those in which ice transport is commonly
supposed to have commenced. The motion of the
earth’s axis would reconcile all the facts known, and it
must be regarded as a geological desideratum to determine
its amount and direction, and to assign the cause
of such a movement. The solution of this problem I
regard as quite possible.[368]

It is well worthy of remark, that the arguments from
the occurrence of coal-plants and ammonites strengthen
each other; the coal-plants rendering the question of
light, and the ammonites that of heat, insuperable objections
to the admission of any received geological
hypothesis to account for the finding of such remains,
in situ, in latitudes so high as those of Melville Island,
Prince Patrick’s Island, and Exmouth Island.

V.—The Superficial Deposits.

The surface of the ground, where exposed, throughout
the Arctic Archipelago, does not appear to be
covered with thick deposits of clay or gravel, such as
are found generally in the north of Europe, and referred
by geologists to what they call “the Glacial
Epoch.” There are not, however, wanting abundant
evidences of the transport of drift materials, and there
is some good evidence, collected by Captain M’Clintock,
of the direction in which the drift was moved.

Specimens of granite, which I have no hesitation in
referring to the characteristic granite of the west side
of North Somerset, were found at Leopold Harbor
(North Somerset) and at Graham Moore Bay (Bathurst
Island); one of these localities is N.E. and the
other N.W. of the granite of North Somerset, from
which I infer that there was no constant prevailing
direction for the drift ice that carried these boulders,
but that they were transported to the northward in
various directions, according to the varying motion of
the currents that moved the ice. The boulder of granite
at Port Leopold is 100 miles N.E. of the granite
which gave origin to it; and the specimens from Graham
Moore Bay are 190 miles to the N.W. of their
source.[369]

At Cape Rennell (North Somerset), in a direction
intermediate between the two former directions, a remarkable
boulder of the same granite was found, confirming
the general direction of the transporting force
from south to north. Its position and size are thus
recorded by Captain M’Clintock:—”Near Cape Rennell
we passed a very remarkable rounded boulder of
gneiss or granite; it was 6 yards in circumference, and
stood near the beach, and some 15 or 20 yards above
it; one or two masses of rounded gneiss, although
very much smaller, had arrested our attention at Port
Leopold.”

It is well known that Captain Sir Robert M’Clure
brought home specimens of pine-trees found in the
greatest abundance in the ravines on the west coast of
Baring Island; one of his specimens preserved in the
museum of the Royal Dublin Society measures 15
inches by 12 inches, and contains three knots that
prove it formed a portion of the stem high above its
root. The bark is not found on this specimen, which
does not represent the full thickness of the tree; I have
estimated that this fragment contains 70 rings of annual
growth.

Similar remains were found by Captain M’Clintock
and Lieutenant Mecham in Prince Patrick’s Island,
and in Wellington Channel by Sir Edward Belcher.
On the coast of New Siberia, Lieutenant Anjou found
a clay cliff containing stems of trees still capable of
being used as fuel. The original observers all agree
in thinking that these trees grew where they are now
found; and Captain Osborne, in mentioning Sir Roderick
I. Murchison’s opinion that they are drift timber,
justly adds the remark, that a sea sufficiently free from
ice to allow of their being drifted from the south would[370]
indicate also a climate sufficiently mild to allow of
their having grown upon the land where they now
occur. Mr. Hopkins, in his anniversary address as
President of the Geological Society of London, has
published a remarkable geological speculation, which
would account for the facts above mentioned.[36] So
far as the evidence of drift boulders is concerned, I
have shown that the direction of the currents was from
the south; a fact which falls in with the drift theory,
so far as it goes.

We cannot, however, dissociate these trees from the
facts connected with the distribution of the remains of
the Siberian Mammoth in Asia and America. It is
now known that this elephant was provided with a
warm fur, and that his food was of a kind which grows
even now in Northern Siberia; so that the drift theory,
which was formerly supposed necessary to account for
the occurrence of these remains, has now been quietly
dropped, sub silentio, by the geologists. Many other
drift theories have, in like manner, lived their short
day, and gone the way of all false hypotheses; among
others, the drift theory of the origin of coal. Further
investigation may show that the glacial epoch of
Europe was one of a very different character in Asia
and America, and that, while glaciers clothed the sides
of Snowdon and Lugnaquillia, pine forests flourished
in the Parry Islands, and the Siberian elephants wandered
on the shores of a sea washed by the waves of
an ocean that carried no drifting ice.

There is abundant evidence, however, that the Arctic
Archipelago was submerged in very recent geological
periods; for we know that subfossil shells, of species[371]
that now inhabit the waters of the neighboring seas,
are found at considerable heights throughout the whole
group of islands. M’Clure found shells of the Cyprina
Islandica
, at the summit of the Coxcomb range, in
Baring Island, at an elevation of 500 feet above the
sea-level; Captain Parry, also, has recorded the occurrence
of Venus (probably Cyprina Islandica) on Byam
Martin’s Island; and in the recent voyage of the ‘Fox,’
Dr. Walker, the Surgeon of the expedition, found the
following subfossil shells at Port Kennedy, at elevations
of from 100 to 500 feet:—

  1. Saxicava rugosa.
  2. Tellina proxima.
  3. Astarte Arctica (Borealis.)
  4. Mya Uddevallensis.
  5. Mya truncata.
  6. Cardium sp.
  7. Buccinum undatum.
  8. Acmea testudinalis.
  9. Balanus Uddevallensis.

At the same place a portion of the palate-bone of a
whale (Right Whale) was found at an elevation of
150 feet.

All these facts indicate the former submergence of
the Arctic Archipelago, but this submergence must
have been anterior to the period when pine forests
clothed the low sandy shores of the slowly emerging
islands, the remains of which forests now occupy a
position at least 100 feet above high-water mark.

The geological map which I am enabled to publish
from the data collected by Captains M’Clintock,
M’Clure, Osborn, &c., is an enlargement of that which
was published in 1857 by the Royal Society of Dublin,
to illustrate the fine collection of Arctic fossils and[372]
minerals deposited in the museum of that body by
Captains M’Clintock and M’Clure. In perfecting it
for its present purpose I have availed myself of all the
other sources of information within my reach, among
which I am bound to mention in particular the excellent
Appendix to Dr. Sutherland’s ‘Voyage of the
Lady Franklin and Sophia,’ written by Mr. Salter,
Palæontologist of the Geological Survey of Great
Britain.

Many of the mineral specimens from Greenland,
and the fossils from Cape Riley, Cape Farrand, Point
Fury and Brentford Bay, were collected by Dr. David
Walker, surgeon and naturalist to the ‘Fox’ Expedition.

FOOTNOTES:

[30] Journal of the Royal Dublin Society, 1857.

[31] Collected by Dr. Walker, surgeon to the ‘Fox’ Expedition.

[32] Collected by Dr. Walker, surgeon to the ‘Fox’ Expedition.

[33] Collected by Captain Allen Young.

[34] These specimens are “Drift” but are mentioned here as they were
found on the carboniferous sandstone area.

[35] Vide Arctic Expeditions, 1854-55, p. 254.

[36] Journ. Geol. Soc. Lond., vol. VIII. p. lxiv.


[373]

No. V.

LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO THE ‘FOX’ EXPEDITION.

 £s.d.
Acland, Sir T. D. Bart.10000
Adams, Dr. Walter, Edinburgh.330
Aldrich, Captain, R.N.110
Allan, Rob. M., Esq.110
Allen, Captain Robert550
Allen, Captain, R.N.220
Ames, Mrs.500
Ames, Miss100
Anon.500
Armstrong, Mrs.110
Armstrong, children of Mrs.089
Arnold, Mrs.110
Arrowsmith, John, Esq.500
Austin, Rear-Adm. Horatio T. R.N., C.B.500
Babbage, Charles, Esq.1000
Baikie, Dr.110
Baker, Mrs.500
Barkworth, Geo., Esq.500
Barras, Miss110
Barrett, H. J., Esq.100
Barrow, John, Esq.2500
Barstow, Lieutenant, R.N.100
Barth, Dr. Henry550
Bath, W. J. C., Esq.026
Batty, Mrs. J. M.110
Beaufort, Rear-Adm. Sir Francis, K.C.B.5000
Bell, Thos., Esq., Pres. Lin. Soc.10100
Bennett, John S., Esq.500
Birch, J. W. N., Esq.1000
Bird, Captain, R.N.500
Birmingham, small sums collected at Evans’ Library310
Booth, Mrs.500
Borton, Mrs., collected by1100
Boston, collected at, by Mr. Morton440
Bovill, Walter, Esq.500
Boyer, Lieut. R.N.0100
Boyle, the Hon. Carolina C.100
Brigg, collected at110
Brine, Captain, R.E.110
Brooking, J. Holdsworth, Esq.1000
Brown, Robert, Esq., V.P.L.S.2000
Brown, John, Esq.550
Brown, J. E., Esq., R.N.050
Bruce, the Rev. C.110
Burgoyne, Captain, R.N.100
Burton, Alfred, Esq.110
Byron, the Hon. Fred.500
Chesney, Major-General220
Collinson, Captain, R.N., C.B.2000
Coningham, W., Esq., M.P.10000
Coote, C. W., Esq.100
Coote, Charles, Esq.1000
Courtauld, Samuel, Esq.2500
Courtauld, George, Esq.1500
Coutts, Messrs. & Co.5000
Crasp, J., Esq., Surgeon, 63rd Regt.100
Crauford, John, Esq.500
Cresswell, S. Gurney, Commander, R.N.500
Dalgety, F. T., Esq.10100
De la Roquette, M., V.P. of Geog. Soc. of Paris, 1000 fr.4000
Dilke, C. W., Esq.500
Dixon, James, Esq.1000
Doxat, Alexis J., Esq.10100
Doxat, Miss H., collected by400
“Dubious”026
Dufferin, Lord2500
Edgar, Mrs., collected by500
Ellesmere, the Earl of1500
Elphinstone, the Hon. Mount-Stewart1000
Elton, Sir Arthur H., Bart.550
Emanuel, Ezekiel, Esq.100
Fairholme, the Hon. Mrs.15000
Filliter, George, Esq.1000
Fitton, Dr.2100
Fortescue, Rev. T. F. G.220
Garling, H., Esq.110
Gassiot, J. P., Esq.2500
Gimingham, W., Esq., & Mrs.220
Gipps, Lady509
Gowen, J. R., Esq.500
Graves, Messrs. Pall Mall110
Griffiths, G. H., Esq.550
Gruneisen, Ch. Lewis, Esq.110
Gruneisen, Mrs.110
Guillemard, the Rev. W. H.500
Guillemard, Miss100
Hall, Jas., Esq.500
Hanbury, Mrs.110
Hardinge, Commander, R.N.0100
Hardwicke, Philip, Esq.500
Harney, Julian, Esq., collected by, at Jersey5000
Heales, Alfred, Esq.550
Herring, Miss220
Hicks, John, Esq.200
Hill, Col. 63rd Regt.100
Hodgson, Mrs.1000
Holland, Commander, R.N.500
Hollingsworth, H., Esq.220
Holland, Rob., Esq.10100
Hooker, Dr. J. D.550
Hornby, Miss Georgina10000
Hornby, the Rev. Edward2500
Hornby, Mrs. Edmund500
Hornby, Miss Georgina, collected by1340
Hovell, W. H., Esq.550
Hughes, Lieutenant, R.N.200[374]
Inglis, Lady1000
Irby, T. W., Esq.110
Jackson, N. Ward, Esq.2100
Janson, J. C., Esq.550
Jeanes, H. W., Esq., R.N.0100
Jersey “Times”2100
Kellett, Commodore, C.B.1000
Kendall, Mrs.100
Kendall, the Rev. Professor100
Key, Lieut., R.N.050
King, William, Esq.500
Laird, Macgregor, Esq.5000
Laird, John, Esq.2500
L. and N. W.140
Lanford, J., Esq., Quartermaster 63rd Regiment0100
Langhorne, A., Esq.110
Larcom, Mrs.100
Leach, William, Esq.550
Le Feuvre, W. J., Esq.5000
Lefroy, C. E., Esq.200
Leicester, the Rev. F.110
Lethbridge, Lieut., R.N.050
“Lochmaben Castle,” Owners of the550
Lyall, D., Esq., R.N., M.D.500
Mackintosh, Eneas, Esq.1000
Maguire, Captain, R.N.330
Maitland, Capt. Sir Thos., R.N.100
Majendie, Ashhurst, Esq., and Mrs.10000
Servants of the above0140
Malby, Messrs.500
Malby, Messrs., Workmen in their Establishment by a 6d. Subscription4116
Mansfield, W. H. S., Esq.0100
Mantell, Dr. A. A.100
Markham, Clements, Esq.110
Markman, Mrs.100
M’Crea, Captain, R.N.0100
M’Kinlay, Miss100
M’Kinlay, Miss Elizabeth100
M’William, Dr., R.N.110
Merry, W. L., Esq.110
Morris, Rev. F. B.100
Morris, Sir Armine, Bart.500
Murchison, Sir Roderick Impey, G.C.St.S., President of the Royal Geographical Society10000
Murray, John, Esq.2000
Nares, Fras., Esq.220
Newall, W. L., Esq.10000
Nicholson, Sir Charles500
N. J.220
Norwood, collected at, by a Lady7150
Ommanney, Capt. Erasmus, R.N.200
Osborn, Sir George, Bart.100
Paget, A. F., Esq.0106
Paget, C. H. M., Esq.110
Palsey, Gen. Sir Charles W., K.C.B.1000
Second Subscription1000
Third Subscription500
Pattinson, H. L., Esq.5090
Pearce, Stephen, Esq.220
Phillimore, Captain, R.N.220
Pigou, Fred., Esq.1000
Prescott, Vice-Admiral Sir Henry, K.C.B.500
Rawnsley, the Rev. Drummond500
Rawnsley, Mrs., collected by100
Rawnsley, William Franklin, collected by, at Uppingham School0100
Raynsford, Mrs.110
Reynardson, H. B., Esq.500
Rogers, Lieut., R.N.100
Roget, Dr. P. M.500
Roper, Geo., Esq.550
Ross, Rear-Admiral Sir Jas. C.2100
Rupert’s Land, Bishop of500
Sabine, Major-General2500
Sadler, W. F., Esq.10100
Sefton, the Countess of1000
Shearley, W., Esq.200
Sheil, Sir Justin500
Shewell, John Tulmin, Esq.550
Simpson, J., Esq., R.N.1100
Skey, Dr.220
Smith, Eric E., Esq.200
Smith, John Henry, Esq.10100
Smith, Osborn, Esq.220
Smith, Archibald, Esq.550
Sparrow, Jas., Esq.500
St. Asaph, the Bishop of1000
St. David’s, the Bishop of1000
St. Selger, A. B.500
Stainton, J. J., Esq.330
Statham, J. L., Esq.110
Stephenson, Robert, Esq.2000
Stirling, Commander, R.N.0100
Strzelecki, Count P. de2500
Swinburne, Rear-Admiral3000
Sykes, Col., M.P.500
Taylor, William, Esq.500
Tennant, James, Esq.200
T. H., collected in shillings by200
Thackeray, W. M., Esq.500
Thompson, J., Esq.110
Tindal, Commander, R.N.220
Tinney, W. H., Esq., Q.C.2000
Tite, W., Esq., M.P.5000
Trevelyan, Sir W. C., Bart.4000
Trevelyan, Lady1000
Trevilian, M. C., Esq.220
Trollope, Commander, R.N.220
Tuckett, Fred., Esq.509
Tudor, J., Esq.0100
Turner, Alfred, Esq.1500
Tweedie, W. M., Esq.500
Vincent, John, Esq.100
Walker, James, Esq.2100[375]
Washington, Captain, R.N., Hydrographer of the Navy2100
Waterfield, Edward, Esq.500
Wayse, the Rev. J. W.500
Weld, Charles R., Esq.500
Wheatstone, Professor500
Willes, Hon. Mr. Justice2100
Wilson, Robert, Esq.116
Wittenoom, Mess.110
Wodehouse, Commander0100
Woodcock, J. Parry, Esq.500
Worsley, Marcus, Esq.1000
Wright, the Rev. R. F.220
Wrottesley, Lord5000
Young, Chas. F., Esq.500
Young, Miss500
Young, A. Verity, Esq.220
Yule, Mrs. H.500
The brother and sisters of the late John and Thomas Hartnell, of H.M.S. ‘Erebus,’ buried at Beechey Island500
A Commander, R.N.050
A Commander in the Merchant Service50000
A Friend. C. H.050
A Friend100
The daughters of a retired Commander200
A Sympathiser100
 £298189
A life-boat, presented by Messrs. White of Cowes.
A large quantity of preserved potatoes, by Messrs. King, late Edwards.
Apparatus for lowering a boat at sea, presented by Mr. Clifford, the inventor.
Three travelling-tents, by Messrs. Winsor and Newton.
A stove, by Mr. Rettie.
20 dozen “Isle of Wight sauce,” by Mr. Tucker of Newport.
Apparatus for reefing topsails, from Mr. Cunningham, the inventor.

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