HARPER’S
NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.
VOLUME I.
JUNE TO NOVEMBER, 1850.
NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,
329 & 331 PEARL STREET,
FRANKLIN SQUARE.
MDCCCL
ADVERTISEMENT.
The Publishers take great pleasure in presenting herewith the first volume of the
New Monthly Magazine. It was projected and commenced in the belief, that it
might be made the means of bringing within the reach of the great mass of the American
people, an immense amount of useful and entertaining reading matter, to which,
on account of the great number and expense of the books and periodicals in which it
originally appears, they have hitherto had no access. The popularity of the work has
outstripped their most sanguine expectations. Although but six months have elapsed
since it was first announced, it has already attained a regular monthly issue of more
than Fifty Thousand Copies, and the rate of its increase is still unchecked. Under
these circumstances, the Publishers would consider themselves failing in duty, as well
as in gratitude, to the public, if they omitted any exertion within their power to increase
its substantial value and its attractiveness. It will be their aim to present, in
a style of typography unsurpassed by any similar publication in the world, every thing
of general interest and usefulness which the current literature of the times may contain.
They will seek, in every article, to combine entertainment with instruction,
and to enforce, through channels which attract rather than repel attention and favor,
the best and most important lessons of morality and of practical life. They will spare
neither labor nor expense in any department of the work; freely lavishing both upon
the editorial aid, the pictorial embellishments, the typography, and the general literary
resources by which they hope to give the Magazine a popular circulation, unequaled
by that of any similar periodical ever published in the world. And they are satisfied
that they may appeal with confidence to the present volume, for evidence of the earnestness
and fidelity with which they will enter upon the fulfillment of these promises
for the future.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
| A Bachelor’s Reverie. By Ik. Marvel | 620 |
| A Child’s Dream of a Star | 73 |
| A Chip from a Sailor’s Log | 478 |
| Adventure in a Turkish Harem | 321 |
| Adventure with a Snake | 415 |
| Aerial voyage of Barral and Bixio | 499 |
| A few words on Corals | 251 |
| A Five Days’ Tour in the Odenwald. By William Howitt | 448 |
| A Giraffe Chase | 329 |
| Alchemy and Gunpowder | 195 |
| American Literature | 37 |
| American Vanity | 274 |
| A Midnight Drive | 820 |
| Amusements of the Court of Louis XV | 97 |
| Andrew Carson’s Money: A Story of Gold | 503 |
| Anecdote of a Singer | 779 |
| Anecdotes of Dr. Chalmers | 696 |
| Anecdote of Lord Clive | 554 |
| A Night in the Bell Inn. A Ghost Story. | 252 |
| A Paris Newspaper | 181 |
| A Pilgrimage to the Cradle of Liberty | 721 |
| Archibald Alison (with Portrait) | 134 |
| A Shilling’s Worth of Science | 597 |
| Assyrian Sects | 454 |
| A Tale of the good Old Times | 52 |
| Atlantic Waves | 786 |
| A True Ghost Story | 801 |
| A Tuscan Vintage | 600 |
| A Word at the Start | 1 |
| Bathing—Its Utility. By Dr. Moore | 215 |
| Battle with Life (Poetry) | 731 |
| Benjamin West. By Leigh Hunt | 194 |
| Biographical Sketch of Zachary Taylor | 298 |
| Borax Lagoons of Tuscany | 397 |
| Burke and the Painter Barry | 807 |
| Charlotte Corday | 262 |
| Chemical Contradictions | 736 |
| Christ-hospital Worthies. By Leigh Hunt | 200 |
| Conflict with an Elephant | 352 |
| Death of Cromwell (Poetry) | 257 |
| Descent into the Crater of a Volcano | 838 |
| Diplomacy—Lord Chesterfield | 246 |
| Doing (Poetry) | 268 |
| Dr. Johnson: his Religious Life and Death | 71 |
| Early History of the Use of Coal | 656 |
| Early Rising | 52 |
| Earth’s Harvests (Poetry) | 297 |
| Ebenezer Elliott | 349 |
| Education in America | 209 |
| Elephant Shooting in South Africa | 393 |
| Encounter with a Lioness | 303 |
| Eruptions of Mount Etna | 35 |
| Fashions for Early Summer | 142 |
| Fashions for July | 287 |
| Fashions for August | 431 |
| Fashions for early Autumn | 575 |
| Fashions for Autumn | 719 |
| Fashions for November | 863 |
| Fate Days, and other Superstitions | 729 |
| Father and Son | 243 |
| Fearful Tragedy—A Man-eating Lion | 471 |
| Fifty Years ago. By Leigh Hunt | 180 |
| Fortunes of the Gardener’s Daughter | 832 |
| Francis Jeffrey | 66 |
| Galileo and his Daughter | 347 |
| Genius | 65 |
| Ghost Stories: Mademoiselle Clairon | 83 |
| Glimpses of the East. By Albert Smith | 198 |
| Globes, and how they are Made | 165 |
| Greenwich Weather-wisdom | 265 |
| Habits of the African Lion | 480 |
| Have great Poets become impossible? | 340 |
| History of Bank Note Forgeries | 745 |
| How to kill Clever Children | 789 |
| How to make Home unhealthy. By Harriet Martineau | 601 |
| How We Went Whaling | 844 |
| Hydrophobia | 846 |
| Ignorance of the English | 205 |
| Illustrations of Cheapness. Lucifer Matches | 75 |
| Industry of the Blind | 848 |
| Jenny Lind. By Fredrika Bremer | 657 |
| Jewish Veneration | 119 |
| Lack of Poetry in America | 403 |
| Lady Alice Daventry; or, the Night of Crime | 642 |
| Ledru Rollin | 476 |
| Leigh Hunt Drowning | 202 |
| Lettice Arnold. By Mrs. Marsh | 13, 168, 353 |
| Lines. By Robert Southey | 206 |
| Literary and Scientific Miscellany | 556 |
| |
| Literary Notices. | |
| |
| Little Mary—A tale of the Irish Famine | 518 |
| Lizzie Leigh. By Charles Dickens | 38 |
| Longfellow | 74 |
| Lord Byron, Wordsworth, and Lamb | 293 |
| Lord Coke and Lord Bacon | 239 |
| Madame Grandin | 135 |
| Married Men | 106 |
| Maurice Tiernay. By Charles Lever | 2, 219, 329, 487, 627, 790 |
| Memoirs of the First Duchess of Orleans | 56 |
| Memories of Miss Jane Porter. By Mrs. S.C. Hall | 433 |
| Men and Women | 89 |
| Metal in Sea Water | 71 |
| Milking in Australia | 37 |
| Mirabeau. Anecdote of his Private Life. | 648 |
| Monthly Record of Current Events. | |
| domestic. | |
| |
| foreign. | |
| |
| Moorish Domestic Life | 161 |
| Morning in Spring | 87 |
| Moscow after the Conflagration | 137 |
| Mrs. Hemans | 116 |
| My Novel; or Varieties in English Life. By Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton | 659, 761 |
| My Wonderful Adventures in Skitzland | 258 |
| Neander. A Biographical Sketch | 510 |
| Obstructions to the use of the Telescope | 699 |
| Ode to the Sun. By Hunt | 189 |
| Papers on Water, No. 1 | 50 |
| Physical Education | 106 |
| Peace (Poetry). By Chas. Dryden. | 194 |
| Pilgrimage to the Home of Sir Thomas More. By Mrs. S.C. Hall | 289 |
| Portrait of Charles I. By Vandyck | 137 |
| Poverty of the English Bar | 218 |
| Presence of Mind. By De Quincey | 467 |
| Rapid Growth of America | 237 |
| Recollections of Dr. Chalmers | 383 |
| Recollections of Eminent Men. By Leigh Hunt | 184 |
| Recollections of Thomas Campbell | 345 |
| Scenery on the Erie Railroad | 213 |
| Scenes in Egypt | 210 |
| Shooting Stars and Meteoric Showers | 439 |
| Short Cuts Across the Globe | 79 |
| Singular Proceedings of the Sand Wasp. By William Howitt | 592 |
| Sir Robert Peel. A Biographical Sketch | 405 |
| Sketches of English Character—The Old Squire—The Young Squire. By William Howitt | 460 |
| Sketches of Life. By a Radical | 803 |
| Snakes and Serpent Charmers | 680 |
| Sonnet on the Death of Wordsworth | 218 |
| Sonetto | 72 |
| Sonnets from the Italian | 114 |
| Sophistry of Anglers. By Leigh Hunt | 164 |
| Sorrows and Joys (Poetry) | 627 |
| Spider’s Silk | 824 |
| Sponges | 406 |
| Steam | 50 |
| Steam Bridge of the Atlantic | 411 |
| Story of a Kite | 750 |
| Summer Pastime (Poetry) | 524 |
| Sydney Smith | 584 |
| Sydney Smith on Moral Philosophy | 107 |
| Terrestrial Magnetism | 651 |
| The American Revolution. By Guizot | 178 |
| The Appetite for News | 249 |
| The Approach of Christmas (Poetry) | 454 |
| The Australian Colonies | 118 |
| The Blind Sister | 826 |
| The Brothers Cheeryble | 551 |
| The Chapel by the Shore | 74 |
| The Character of Burns. By Elliott | 114 |
| The Chemistry of a Candle | 524 |
| The Circassian Priest Warrior and his White Horse (Poetry) | 98 |
| The Communist Sparrow—An Anecdote of Cuvier | 317 |
| The Corn Law Rhymer | 135 |
| The Countess | 816 |
| The Death of an Infant (Poetry) | 183 |
| The Disasters of a Man who wouldn’t trust his Wife. By William Howitt | 512 |
| The Doom of the Slaver | 846 |
| The Enchanted Baths | 139 |
| The Enchanted Rock | 639 |
| The English Peasant. By Howitt | 483 |
| The Every-Day Married Lady | 777 |
| The Every-Day Young Lady | 742 |
| The Flower Gatherer | 78 |
| The Force of Fear | 640 |
| The Genius of George Sand. The Comedy of François le Champi | 95 |
| The Gentleman Beggar. An Attorney’s Story | 588 |
| The German Meistersingers | 81 |
| The Haunted House in Charnwood Forest | 472 |
| The Household Jewels (Poetry) | 692 |
| The Imprisoned Lady | 551 |
| The Iron Ring | 808 |
| The Laboratory in the Chest | 673 |
| The Light of Home | 842 |
| The Literary Profession—Authors and Publishers | 548 |
| The Little Hero of Haarlem | 414 |
| The Magic Maze | 684 |
| The Mania for Tulips in Holland | 758 |
| The Miner’s Daughters. A Tale of the Peak | 150 |
| The Modern Argonauts (Poetry) | 120 |
| The Mother’s First Duty | 105 |
| The Mysterious Preacher | 452 |
| The Old Church-yard Tree—A Prose-poem | 483 |
| The Old Man’s Bequest. A Story of Gold | 387 |
| The Old Well in Languedoc | 521 |
| The Oldest Inhabitant of the Place de Grève | 749 |
| The Orphan’s Voyage Home (Poetry) | 272 |
| The Paris Election | 116 |
| The Planet-Watchers of Greenwich | 233 |
| The Pleasures of Illness | 697 |
| The Pope at Home again | 117 |
| The Power of Mercy | 395 |
| The Prodigal’s Return | 836 |
| The Quakers during the American War. By Howitt | 595 |
| The Railway (Poetry) | 826 |
| The Railway Station (Poetry) | 163 |
| The Railway Works at Crewe | 408 |
| The Return of Pope Pius IX. to Rome | 90 |
| The Rev. William Lisle Bowles | 86 |
| The Salt Mines of Europe | 759 |
| The Schoolmaster of Coleridge and Lamb. By Leigh Hunt | 207 |
| The Snowy Mountains in New Zealand | 65 |
| The State of the World before Adam | 754 |
| The Steel Pen. Illustration of Cheapness | 677 |
| The Sun | 689 |
| The Tea Plant | 693 |
| The Two Guides of the Child | 672 |
| The Two Thompsons | 479 |
| The Young Advocate | 304 |
| The Uses of Sorrow (Poetry) | 193 |
| The Wahr-Wolf | 797 |
| The Wife of Kong Tolv. A Fairy Tale | 324 |
| Thomas Babington Macaulay | 136 |
| Thomas Carlyle. By George Gilfillan | 586 |
| Thomas de Quincey, the “English Opium Eater” | 145 |
| Thomas Moore | 248 |
| Trial and Execution of Mad. Roland | 732 |
| Truth | 137 |
| Tunnel of the Alps | 77 |
| Two-handed Dick, the Stockman. A Tale of Adventure in Australia | 190 |
| Ugliness Redeemed—A Tale of a London Dust-Heap | 455 |
| Unsectarian Education in England | 100 |
| Villainy Outwitted | 781 |
| Wallace and Fawdon (Poetry). By Leigh Hunt | 400 |
| What becomes of all the clever Children? | 402 |
| What Horses Think of Men. From the Raven in the Happy Family | 593 |
| When the Summer Comes | 780 |
| William H. Prescott | 138 |
| William Pitt. By S.T. Coleridge | 202 |
| William Wordsworth | 103 |
| Women in the East | 10 |
| Work! An Anecdote | 88 |
| Wordsworth—His Character and Genius. By George Gilfillan | 577 |
| Wordsworth’s Posthumous Poem | 546 |
| Writing for Periodicals | 553 |
| Young Poet’s Plaint. By Elliott | 113 |
| Young Russia—State of Society in the Russian Empire | 269 |
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
| page | |
| PORTRAIT OF ARCHIBALD ALISON | 134 |
| PORTRAIT OF THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY | 136 |
| PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT | 138 |
| THE PYRAMIDS | 210 |
| SECTION OF THE GREAT PYRAMID | 211 |
| THE GREAT HALL AT KARNAK | 212 |
| VIEW FROM PIERMONT (Erie Railroad) | 213 |
| VALLEY OF THE NEVERSINK (from the Erie Railroad) | 214 |
| STARUCCA VIADUCT (Erie Railroad) | 215 |
| PORTRAIT OF SIR THOMAS MORE | 289 |
| BOX CONTAINING THE SKULL OF MORE | 289 |
| CLOCK HOUSE AT CHELSEA | 290 |
| HOUSE OF SIR THOMAS MORE | 292 |
| CHELSEA CHURCH | 293 |
| TOMB OF SIR THOMAS MORE | 294 |
| HOUSE OF ROPER, MORE’S SON-IN-LAW | 295 |
| SIR THOMAS MORE AND HIS DAUGHTER | 296 |
| PORTRAIT OF ZACHARY TAYLOR | 298 |
| PORTRAIT OF JANE PORTER | 433 |
| JANE PORTER’S COTTAGE AT ESHER | 437 |
| TOMB OF JANE PORTER’S MOTHER | 438 |
| SHOOTING STARS (Six Illustrations) | 439 |
| |
| NEANDER IN THE LECTURE ROOM | 510 |
| PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM WORDSWORTH | 577 |
| WORDSWORTH’S HOME AT RYDAL MOUNT | 581 |
| PORTRAIT OF SYDNEY SMITH | 584 |
| PORTRAIT OF THOMAS CARLYLE | 586 |
| REVOLUTIONARY MEMORIALS (Fifteen Illustrations) | 721 |
| |
| PORTRAIT OF MADAME ROLAND | 732 |
| FASHIONS FOR EARLY SUMMER (Six Illustrations) | 142 |
| |
| FASHIONS FOR SUMMER (Three Illustrations) | 287 |
| |
| FASHIONS FOR LATER SUMMER (Five Illustrations) | 435 |
| |
| FASHIONS FOR EARLY AUTUMN (Four Illustrations) | 573 |
| |
| FASHIONS FOR AUTUMN (Three Illustrations) | 718 |
| |
| FASHIONS FOR NOVEMBER (Three Illustrations) | 863 |
| |
HARPER’S
NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.
No. I—JUNE, 1850—Vol. I.
A WORD AT THE START.
Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, of
which this is the initial number, will be
published every month, at the rate of three dollars
per annum. Each number will contain as
great an amount and variety of reading matter,
and at least as many pictorial illustrations, and
will be published in the same general style, as
the present.
The design of the Publishers, in issuing this
work, is to place within the reach of the great
mass of the American people the unbounded
treasures of the Periodical Literature of the
present day. Periodicals enlist and absorb much
of the literary talent, the creative genius, the
scholarly accomplishment of the present age.
The best writers, in all departments and in every
nation, devote themselves mainly to the Reviews,
Magazines, or Newspapers of the day. And it
is through their pages that the most powerful
historical Essays, the most elaborate critical Disquisitions,
the most eloquent delineations of
Manners and of Nature, the highest Poetry and
the most brilliant Wit, have, within the last ten
years, found their way to the public eye and the
public heart.
This devotion to Periodical writing is rapidly
increasing. The leading authors of Great Britain
and of France, as well as of the United
States, are regular and constant contributors to
the Periodicals of their several countries. The
leading statesmen of France have been for years
the leading writers in her journals. Lamartine
has just become the editor of a newspaper.
Dickens has just established a weekly journal
of his own, through which he is giving to the
world some of the most exquisite and delightful
creations that ever came from his magic pen.
Alison writes constantly for Blackwood. Lever
is enlisted in the Dublin University Magazine.
Bulwer and Croly publish their greatest and
most brilliant novels first in the pages of the
Monthly Magazines of England and of Scotland.
Macaulay, the greatest of living Essayists and
Historians, has enriched the Edinburgh Review
with volumes of the most magnificent productions
of English Literature. And so it is with
all the living authors of England. The ablest
and the best of their productions are to be found
in Magazines. The wealth and freshness of the
Literature of the Nineteenth Century are embodied
in the pages of its Periodicals.
The Weekly and Daily Journals of England,
France, and America, moreover, abound in the
most brilliant contributions in every department
of intellectual effort. The current of Political
Events, in an age of unexampled political activity,
can be traced only through their columns.
Scientific discovery, Mechanical inventions, the
creations of Fine Art, the Orations of Statesmen,
all the varied intellectual movements of
this most stirring and productive age, find their
only record upon these multiplied and ephemeral
pages.
It is obviously impossible that all these sources
of instruction and of interest should be accessible
to any considerable number even of the reading
public, much less that the great mass of the
people of this country should have any opportunity
of becoming familiar with them. They are
scattered through scores and hundreds of magazines
and journals, intermingled with much that
is of merely local and transient interest, and are
thus hopelessly excluded from the knowledge
and the reach of readers at large.
The Publishers of the New Monthly Magazine
intend to remedy this evil, and to place
every thing of the Periodical Literature of the
day, which has permanent value and commanding
interest, in the hands of all who have the slightest
desire to become acquainted with it. Each
number will contain 144 octavo pages, in double
columns: the volumes of a single year, therefore,
will present nearly two thousand pages
of the choicest and most attractive of the Miscellaneous[Pg 2]
Literature of the Age. The Magazine
will transfer to its pages as rapidly as
they may be issued all the continuous tales of
Dickens, Bulwer, Croly, Lever, Warren, and
other distinguished contributors to British Periodicals:
articles of commanding interest from
all the leading Quarterly Reviews of both Great
Britain and the United States: Critical Notices
of the current publications of the day: Speeches
and Addresses of distinguished men upon topics
of universal interest and importance: Notices
of Scientific discoveries, of the progress and
fruits of antiquarian research, of mechanical inventions,
of incidents of travel and exploration,
and generally of all the events in Science, Literature,
and Art in which the people at large have
any interest. Constant and special regard will
be had to such articles as relate to the Economy
of Social and Domestic Life, or tend to promote
in any way the education, advancement,
and well-being of those who are engaged in any
department of productive activity. A carefully
prepared Fashion Plate, and other pictorial illustrations,
will also accompany each number.
The Magazine is not intended exclusively for
any class of readers, or for any kind of reading.
The Publishers have at their command the exhaustless
resources of current Periodical Literature
in all its departments. They have the
aid of Editors in whom both they and the public
have long since learned to repose full and implicit
confidence. They have no doubt that, by
a careful, industrious, and intelligent use of these
appliances, they can present a Monthly Compendium
of the periodical productions of the day
which no one who has the slightest relish for
miscellaneous reading, or the slightest desire to
keep himself informed of the progress and results
of the literary genius of his own age, would
willingly be without. And they intend to publish
it at so low a rate, and to give to it a value
so much beyond its price, that it shall make its
way into the hands or the family circle of every
intelligent citizen of the United States.
[From the Dublin University Magazine.]
MAURICE TIERNAY, THE SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
CHAPTER I. “THE DAYS OF THE GUILLOTINE.”
Neither the tastes nor the temper of the
age we live in are such as to induce any
man to boast of his family nobility. We see too
many preparations around us for laying down
new foundations, to think it a suitable occasion
for alluding to the ancient edifice. I will, therefore,
confine myself to saying, that I am not to
be regarded as a mere Pretender because my
name is not chronicled by Burke or Debrett.
My great-grandfather, after whom I am called,
served on the personal staff of King James at the
Battle of the Boyne, and was one of the few who
accompanied the monarch on his flight from the
field, for which act of devotion he was created
a peer of Ireland, by the style and title of Timmahoo—Lord
Tiernay of Timmahoo the family
called it—and a very rich-sounding and pleasant
designation has it always seemed to me.
The events of the time—the scanty intervals
of leisure enjoyed by the king, and other matters,
prevented a due registry of my ancestors’ claims;
and, in fact, when more peaceable days succeeded
it, it was judged prudent to say nothing
about a matter which might revive unhappy recollections,
and open old scores, seeing that there
was now another king on the throne “who knew
not Joseph;” and so, for this reason and many
others, my great-grandfather went back to his
old appellation of Maurice Tiernay, and was
only a lord among his intimate friends and cronies
of the neighborhood.
That I am simply recording a matter of fact,
the patent of my ancestors’ nobility now in my
possession will sufficiently attest: nor is its existence
the less conclusive, that it is inscribed on
the back of his commission as a captain in the
Shanabogue Fencibles—the well-known “Clear-the-way-boys”—a
proud title, it is said, to which
they imparted a new reading at the memorable
battle afore-mentioned.
The document bears the address of a small
public house called the Nest, on the Kells Road,
and contains in one corner a somewhat lengthy
score for potables, suggesting the notion that his
majesty sympathized with vulgar infirmities, and
found, as the old song says, “that grief and sorrow
are dry.”
The prudence which for some years sealed
my grandfather’s lips, lapsed, after a time, into
a careless and even boastful spirit, in which he
would allude to his rank in the peerage, the
place he ought to be holding, and so on; till at
last some of the government people, doubtless
taking a liking to the snug house and demesne
of Timmahoo, denounced him as a rebel, on
which he was arrested and thrown into jail,
where he lingered for many years, and only
came out at last to find his estate confiscated
and himself a beggar.
There was a small gathering of Jacobites in
one of the towns of Flanders, and thither he repaired;
but how he lived, or how he died, I never
learned. I only know that his son wandered
away to the east of Europe, and took service in
what was called Trenck’s Pandours—as jolly a[Pg 3]
set of robbers as ever stalked the map of Europe,
from one side to the other. This was my
grandfather, whose name is mentioned in various
chronicles of that estimable corps, and who was
hanged at Prague afterward for an attempt to
carry off an archduchess of the empire, to whom,
by the way, there is good reason to believe he
was privately married. This suspicion was
strengthened by the fact that his infant child,
Joseph, was at once adopted by the imperial
family, and placed as a pupil in the great military
school of Vienna. From thence he obtained
a commission in the Maria Theresa Hussars, and
subsequently, being sent on a private mission
to France, entered the service of Louis XVI.,
where he married a lady of the queen’s household—a
Mademoiselle de la Lasterie—of high
rank and some fortune; and with whom he lived
happily till the dreadful events of 17—, when
she lost her life, beside my father, then fighting
as a Garde du Corps, on the stair-case at Versailles.
How he himself escaped on that day,
and what were the next features in his history,
I never knew; but when again we heard of
him, he was married to the widow of a celebrated
orator of the Mountain, and he himself an
intimate friend of St. Just and Marat, and all the
most violent of the Republicans.
My father’s history about this period is involved
in such obscurity, and his second marriage
followed so rapidly on the death of his first wife,
that, strange as it may seem, I never knew who
was my mother—the lineal descendant of a
house, noble before the Crusades, or the humble
“bourgeoise” of the Quartier St. Denis. What
peculiar line of political action my father followed
I am unable to say, nor whether he was
suspected with or without due cause: but suspected
he certainly was, and at a time when
suspicion was all-sufficient for conviction. He
was arrested, and thrown into the Temple,
where I remember I used to visit him every
week; and whence I accompanied him one
morning, as he was led forth with a string of
others to the Place de la Grève, to be guillotined.
I believe he was accused of royalism; and I
know that a white cockade was found among
his effects, and in mockery was fastened on his
shoulder on the day of his execution. This
emblem, deep dyed with blood, and still dripping,
was taken up by a bystander, and pinned on my
cap, with the savage observation, “Voila, it is
the proper color; see that you profit by the way
it became so.” As with a bursting heart, and
a head wild with terror, I turned to find my way
homeward, I felt my hand grasped by another—I
looked up, and saw an old man, whose
threadbare black clothes and emaciated appearance
bespoke the priest in the times of the
Convention.
“You have no home now, my poor boy,” said
he to me; “come and share mine.”
I did not ask him why. I seemed to have
suddenly become reckless as to every thing
present or future. The terrible scene I had
witnessed had dried up all the springs of my
youthful heart; and, infant as I was, I was already
a skeptic as to every thing good or
generous in human nature. I followed him,
therefore, without a word, and we walked on,
leaving the thoroughfares and seeking the less
frequented streets, till we arrived in what seemed
a suburban part of Paris—at least the houses
were surrounded with trees and shrubs; and at
a distance I could see the hill of Montmartre
and its wind-mills—objects well known to me
by many a Sunday visit.
Even after my own home, the poverty of the
Père Michel’s household was most remarkable:
he had but one small room, of which a miserable
settle-bed, two chairs, and a table constituted
all the furniture; there was no fire-place, a little
pan for charcoal supplying the only means for
warmth or cookery; a crucifix and a few
colored prints of saints decorated the whitewashed
walls; and, with a string of wooden
beads, a cloth skull-cap, and a bracket with two
or three books, made up the whole inventory of
his possessions; and yet, as he closed the door
behind him, and drew me toward him to kiss
my cheek, the tears glistened in his eyes with
gratitude as he said,
“Now, my dear Maurice, you are at home.”
“How do you know that I am called Maurice?”
said I, in astonishment.
“Because I was an old friend of your poor
father, my child; we came from the same
country—we held the same faith, had the same
hopes, and may one day yet, perhaps, have the
same fate.”
He told me that the closest friendship had
bound them together for years past, and in
proof of it showed me a variety of papers which
my father had intrusted to his keeping, well
aware, as it would seem, of the insecurity of
his own life.
“He charged me to take you home with me,
Maurice, should the day come when this might
come to pass. You will now live with me, and
I will be your father, so far at least as humble
means will suffer me.”
I was too young to know how deep my debt
of gratitude ought to be. I had not tasted the
sorrows of utter desertion; nor did I know from
what a hurricane of blood and anarchy fortune
had rescued me; still I accepted the Père’s
benevolent offer with a thankful heart, and
turned to him at once as to all that was left to
me in the world.
All this time, it may be wondered how I
neither spoke nor thought of my mother, if she
were indeed such; but for several weeks before
my father’s death I had never seen her, nor did
he ever once allude to her. The reserve thus
imposed upon me remained still, and I felt as
though it would have been like a treachery to
his memory were I now to speak of her whom,
in his life-time I had not dared to mention.
The Père lost no time in diverting my mind
from the dreadful events I had so lately witnessed.
The next morning, soon after daybreak,
I was summoned to attend him to the little[Pg 4]
church of St. Blois, where he said mass. It
was a very humble little edifice, which once
had been the private chapel of a chateau, and
stood in a weed-grown, neglected garden, where
broken statues and smashed fountains bore evidence
of the visits of the destroyer. A rude
effigy of St. Blois, upon whom some profane
hand had stuck a Phrygian cap of liberty, and
which none were bold enough to displace, stood
over the doorway; besides, not a vestige of
ornament or decoration existed. The altar,
covered with a white cloth, displayed none of
the accustomed emblems; and a rude crucifix
of oak was the only symbol of the faith remaining.
Small as was the building, it was even
too spacious for the few who came to worship.
The terror which prevailed on every side—the
dread that devotion to religion should be construed
into an adherence to the monarchy, that
submission to God should be interpreted as an
act of rebellion against the sovereignty of human
will, had gradually thinned the numbers, till at
last the few who came were only those whose
afflictions had steeled them against any reverses,
and who were ready martyrs to whatever might
betide them. These were almost exclusively
women—the mothers and wives of those who
had sealed their faith with their blood in the
terrible Place de la Grève. Among them was
one whose dress and appearance, although not
different from the rest, always created a movement
of respect as she passed in or out of the
chapel. She was a very old lady, with hair
white as snow, and who led by the hand a little
girl of about my own age; her large dark eyes
and brilliant complexion giving her a look of
unearthly beauty in that assemblage of furrowed
cheeks, and eyes long dimmed by weeping. It
was not alone that her features were beautifully
regular, or that their lines were fashioned in the
very perfection of symmetry, but there was a
certain character in the expression of the face so
different from all around it, as to be almost
electrical in effect. Untouched by the terrible
calamities that weighed on every heart, she
seemed, in the glad buoyancy of her youth, to
be at once above the very reach of sorrow, like
one who bore a charmed fate, and whom Fortune
had exempted from all the trials of this life. So
at least did I read those features, as they beamed
upon me in such a contract to the almost stern
character of the sad and sorrow-struck faces of
the rest.
It was a part of my duty to place a foot-stool
each morning for the “Marquise,” as she was
distinctively called, and on these occasions it
was that I used to gaze upon that little girl’s
face with a kind of admiring wonder that lingered
in my heart for hours after. The bold
look with which she met mine, if it at first half
abashed, at length encouraged me; and as I
stole noiselessly away, I used to feel as though
I carried with me some portion of that high
hope which bounded within her own heart.
Strange magnetism! it seemed as though her
spirit whispered to me not to be down-hearted
or depressed—that the sorrows of life came and
went as shadows pass over the earth—that the
season of mourning was fast passing, and that
for us the world would wear a brighter and
more glorious aspect.
Such were the thoughts her dark eyes revealed
to me, and such the hopes I caught up from her
proud features.
It is easy to color a life of monotony; any hue
may soon tinge the outer surface, and thus mine
speedily assumed a hopeful cast; not the less
decided, that the distance was lost in vague uncertainty.
The nature of my studies—and the
Père kept me rigidly to the desk—offered little
to the discursiveness of fancy. The rudiments
of Greek and Latin, the lives of saints and
martyrs, the litanies of the church, the invocations
peculiar to certain holy days, chiefly filled
up my time, when not sharing those menial
offices which our poverty exacted from our own
hands.
Our life was of the very simplest; except a
cup of coffee each morning at daybreak, we took
but one meal; our drink was always water.
By what means even the humble fare we enjoyed
was procured, I never knew, for I never
saw money in the Père’s possession, nor did he
ever appear to buy any thing.
For about two hours in the week I used to
enjoy entire liberty, as the Père was accustomed
every Saturday to visit certain persons of his
flock who were too infirm to go abroad. On
these occasions he would leave me with some
thoughtful injunction about reflection or pious
meditation, perhaps suggesting, for my amusement,
the life of St. Vincent de Paul, or some
other of those adventurous spirits whose missions
among the Indians are so replete with heroic
struggles; but still with free permission for me
to walk out at large and enjoy myself as I liked
best. We lived so near the outer Boulevard
that I could already see the open country from
our windows; but fair and enticing as seemed
the sunny slopes of Montmartre—bright as
glanced the young leaves of spring in the gardens
at its foot—I ever turned my steps into the
crowded city, and sought the thoroughfares
where the great human tide rolled fullest.
There were certain spots which held a kind
of supernatural influence over me—one of these
was the Temple, another was the Place de la
Grève. The window at which my father used
to sit, from which, as a kind of signal, I have
so often seen his red kerchief floating, I never
could pass now, without stopping to gaze at;
now, thinking of him who had been its inmate,
now, wondering who might be its present occupant.
It needed not the onward current of
population that each Saturday bore along, to
carry me to the Place de la Grève. It was
the great day of the guillotine, and as many as
two hundred were often led out to execution.
Although the spectacle had now lost every
charm of excitement to the population, from its
frequency, it had become a kind of necessity to
their existence, and the sight of blood alone[Pg 5]
seemed to slake that feverish thirst for vengeance
which no sufferings appeared capable of satiating.
It was rare, however, when some great
and distinguished criminal did not absorb all the
interest of the scene. It was at that period
when the fierce tyrants of the Convention had
turned upon each other, and sought, by denouncing
those who had been their bosom friends, to
seal their new allegiance to the people. There
was something demoniacal in the exultation
with which the mob witnessed the fate of those
whom, but a few weeks back, they had acknowledged
as their guides and teachers. The
uncertainty of human greatness appeared the
most glorious recompense to those whose station
debarred them from all the enjoyments of power,
and they stood by the death-agonies of their
former friends with a fiendish joy that all the
sufferings of their enemies had never yielded.
To me the spectacles had all the fascination
that scenes of horror exercise over the mind of
youth. I knew nothing of the terrible conflict,
nothing of the fierce passions enlisted in the
struggle, nothing of the sacred names so basely
polluted, nothing of that remorseless vengeance
with which the low-born and degraded were
still hounded on to slaughter. It was a solemn
and a fearful sight, but it was no more; and I
gazed upon every detail of the scene with an
interest that never wandered from the spot
whereon it was enacted. If the parade of
soldiers, of horse, foot, and artillery, gave these
scenes a character of public justice, the horrible
mobs, who chanted ribald songs, and danced
around the guillotine, suggested the notion of
popular vengeance; so that I was lost in all my
attempts to reconcile the reasons of these executions
with the circumstances that accompanied
them.
Not daring to inform the Père Michel of
where I had been, I could not ask him for any
explanation; and thus was I left to pick up
from the scattered phrases of the crowd what
was the guilt alleged against the criminals.
In many cases the simple word “Chouan,” of
which I knew not the import, was all I heard;
in others jeering allusions to former rank and
station would be uttered; while against some
the taunt would imply that they had shed tears
over others who fell as enemies of the people,
and that such sympathy was a costly pleasure
to be paid for but with a life’s-blood. Such
entire possession of me had these awful sights
taken, that I lived in a continual dream of them.
The sound of every cart-wheel recalled the dull
rumble of the hurdle—every distant sound
seemed like the far-off hum of the coming multitude—every
sudden noise suggested the clanking
drop of the guillotine! My sleep had no
other images, and I wandered about my little
round of duties pondering over this terrible
theme.
Had I been less occupied with my own
thoughts, I must have seen that Père Michel
was suffering under some great calamity. The
poor priest became wasted to a shadow; for
entire days long he would taste of nothing;
sometimes he would be absent from early morning
to late at night, and when he did return,
instead of betaking himself to rest, he would
drop down before the crucifix in an agony of
prayer, and thus spend more than half the night.
Often and often have I, when feigning sleep,
followed him as he recited the litanies of the
breviary, adding my own unuttered prayers to
his, and beseeching for a mercy whose object I
knew not.
For some time his little chapel had been
closed by the authorities; a heavy padlock and
two massive seals being placed upon the door,
and a notice, in a vulgar handwriting, appended,
to the effect, that it was by the order of the
Commissary of the Department. Could this be
the source of the Père’s sorrow? or did not his
affliction seem too great for such a cause? were
questions I asked myself again and again.
In this state were matters, when one morning,
it was a Saturday, the Père enjoined me to
spend the day in prayer, reciting particularly
the liturgies for the dead, and all those sacred
offices for those who have just departed this
life.
“Pray unceasingly, my dear child—pray with
your whole heart, as though it were for one you
loved best in the world. I shall not return,
perhaps, till late to-night; but I will kiss you
then, and to-morrow we shall go into the woods
together.”
The tears fell from his cheek to mine as he
said this, and his damp hand trembled as he
pressed my fingers. My heart was full to
bursting at his emotion, and I resolved faithfully
to do his bidding. To watch him, as he went,
I opened the sash, and as I did so, the sound of
a distant drum, the well-known muffled roll,
floated on the air, and I remembered it was the
day of the guillotine—that day in which my
feverish spirit turned, as it were in relief, to the
reality of blood. Remote as was the part of
the city we lived in, to escape from the hideous
imaginings of my overwrought brain, I could
still mark the hastening steps of the foot-passengers,
as they listened to the far-off summons,
and see the tide was setting toward the fatal
Place de Grève. It was a lowering, heavy
morning, overcast with clouds, and on its loaded
atmosphere sounds moved slowly and indistinctly;
yet I could trace through all the din of the
great city, the incessant roll of the drums, and
the loud shouts that burst forth, from time to
time, from some great multitude.
Forgetting every thing, save my intense passion
for scenes of terror, I hastened down the
stairs into the street, and at the top of my speed
hurried to the place of execution. As I went
along, the crowded streets and thronged avenues
told of some event of more than common interest;
and in the words which fell from those
around me I could trace that some deep Royalist
plot had just been discovered, and that the
conspirators would all on that day be executed.
Whether it was that the frequent sight of blood[Pg 6]
was beginning to pall upon the popular appetite,
or that these wholesale massacres interested
less than the sight of individual suffering,
I know not; but certainly there was less of
exultation, less of triumphant scorn in the tone
of the speakers. They talked of the coming
event, as of a common occurrence, which, from
mere repetition, was gradually losing interest.
“I thought we had done with these Chouans,”
said a man in a blouse, with a paper cap on his
head. “Pardie! they must have been more
numerous than we ever suspected.”
“That they were, citoyen,” said a haggard-looking
fellow, whose features showed the signs
of recent strife; “they were the millions who
gorged and fed upon us for centuries—who
sipped the red grape of Bourdeaux, while you
and I drank the water of the Seine.”
“Well, their time is come now,” cried a third.
“And when will ours come?” asked a fresh-looking,
dark-eyed girl, whose dress bespoke
her trade of bouquetiere—”Do you call this our
time, my masters, when Paris has no more
pleasant sight than blood, nor any music save
the ‘ça ira’ that drowns the cries at the guillotine?
Is this our time, when we have lost
those who gave us bread, and got in their place
only those who would feed us with carnage?”
“Down with her! down with the Chouan!
à bas la Royaliste!” cried the pale-faced fellow;
and he struck the girl with his fist upon
the face, and left it covered with blood.
“To the lantern with her!—to the Seine!”
shouted several voices; and now, rudely seizing
her by the shoulders, the mob seemed bent
upon sudden vengeance; while the poor girl,
letting fall her basket, begged, with clasped
hands, for mercy.
“See here, see here, comrades,” cried a fellow,
stooping down among the flowers, “she is
a Royalist: here are lilies hid beneath the rest.”
What sad consequences this discovery might
have led to, there is no knowing; when, suddenly,
a violent rush of the crowd turned every
thought into a different direction. It was caused
by a movement of the Gendarmerie à cheval,
who were clearing the way for the approaching
procession. I had just time to place the poor
girl’s basket in her hands, as the onward impulse
of the dense mob carried me forward. I
saw her no more. A flower—I know not how
it came there—was in my bosom, and seeing
that it was a lily, I placed it in my cap for concealment.
The hoarse clangor of the bassoons—the only
instruments which played during the march—now
told that the procession was approaching;
and then I could see, above the heads of the
multitude, the leopard-skin helmets of the dragoons,
who led the way. Save this I could see
nothing, as I was borne along in the vast torrent
toward the place of execution. Slowly as
we moved, our progress was far more rapid
than that of the procession, which was often
obliged to halt from the density of the mob in
front. We arrived, therefore, at the Place a
considerable time before it; and now I found
myself beside the massive wooden railing placed
to keep off the crowd from the space around the
guillotine.
It was the first time I had ever stood so close
to the fatal spot, and my eyes devoured every
detail with the most searching intensity. The
colossal guillotine itself, painted red, and with
its massive ax suspended aloft—the terrible
basket, half filled with sawdust, beneath—the
coarse table, on which a rude jar and a cap
were placed—and, more disgusting than all, the
lounging group, who, with their newspapers in
hand, seemed from time to time to watch if the
procession were approaching. They sat beneath
a misshapen statue of wood, painted red like the
guillotine. This was the goddess of Liberty.
I climbed one of the pillars of the paling, and
could now see the great cart, which, like a boat
upon wheels, came slowly along, dragged by
six horses. It was crowded with people, so
closely packed that they could not move their
bodies, and only waved their hands, which they
did incessantly. They seemed, too, as if they
were singing; but the deep growl of the bassoons,
and the fierce howlings of the mob,
drowned all other sounds. As the cart came
nearer, I could distinguish the faces, amid
which were those of age and youth—men and
women—bold-visaged boys and fair girls—some,
whose air bespoke the very highest station,
and beside them, the hardy peasant, apparently
more amazed than terrified at all he
saw around him. On they came, the great cart
surging heavily, like a bark in a stormy sea;
and now it cleft the dense ocean that filled the
Place, and I could descry the lineaments wherein
the stiffened lines of death were already
marked. Had any touch of pity still lingered
in that dense crowd, there might well have
been some show of compassion for the sad convoy,
whose faces grew ghastly with terror as
they drew near the horrible engine.
Down the furrowed cheek of age the heavy
tears coursed freely, and sobs and broken prayers
burst forth from hearts that until now had
beat high and proudly.
“There is the Duc d’Angeaç,” cried a fellow,
pointing to a venerable old man, who was seated
at the corner of the cart, with an air of calm
dignity; “I know him well, for I was his perruquier.”
“His hair must be content with sawdust this
morning, instead of powder,” said another; and
a rude laugh followed the ruffian jest.
“See! mark that woman with the long dark
hair—that is La Bretonville, the actress of the
St. Martin.”
“I have often seen her represent terror far
more naturally,” cried a fashionably-dressed
man, as he stared at the victim through his
opera-glass.
“Bah!” replied his friend, “she despises
her audience, voila tout. Look, Henri, if that
little girl beside her be not Lucille of the
Pantheon.”[Pg 7]
“Parbleu! so it is. Why, they’ll not leave
a pirouette in the Grand Opera. Pauvre petite,
what had you to do with politics?”
“Her little feet ought to have saved her head
any day.”
“See how grim that old lady beside her
looks: I’d swear she is more shocked at the
company she’s thrown into, than the fate that
awaits her. I never saw a glance of prouder
disdain than she has just bestowed on poor
Lucille.”
“That’s the old Marquise d’Estelles, the
very essence of our old nobility. They used
to talk of their mesalliance with the Bourbons
as the first misfortune of their house.”
“Pardie! they have lived to learn deeper
sorrows.”
I had by this time discovered her they were
speaking of, whom I recognized at once as the
old marquise of the chapel of St. Blois. My
hands nearly gave up their grasp as I gazed on
those features, which so often I had seen fixed
in prayer, and which now—a thought paler,
perhaps—wore the self-same calm expression.
With what intense agony I peered into the
mass, to see if the little girl, her grand-daughter,
were with her; and, oh! the deep relief I felt
as I saw nothing but strange faces on every
side. It was terrible to feel, as my eyes ranged
over that vast mass, where grief and despair, and
heart-sinking terror were depicted, that I should
experience a spirit of joy and thankfulness; and
yet I did so, and with my lips I uttered my
gratitude that she was spared! But I had not
time for many reflections like this; already the
terrible business of the day had begun, and the
prisoners were now descending from the cart,
ranging themselves, as their names were called,
in a line below the scaffold. With a few exception,
they took their places in all the calm
of seeming indifference. Death had long familiarized
itself to their minds in a thousand shapes.
Day by day they had seen the vacant places
left by those led out to die, and if their sorrows
had not rendered them careless of life, the world
itself had grown distasteful to them. In some
cases a spirit of proud scorn was manifested to
the very last; and, strange inconsistency of
human nature! the very men whose licentiousness
and frivolity first evoked the terrible storm
of popular fury, were the first to display the
most chivalrous courage in the terrible face of
the guillotine. Beautiful women, too, in all the
pride of their loveliness, met the inhuman stare
of that mob undismayed. Nor were these traits
without their fruits. This noble spirit—this
triumphant victory of the well-born and the great—was
a continual insult to the populace, who
saw themselves defrauded of half their promised
vengeance, and they learned that they might
kill, but they could never humiliate them. In
vain they dipped their hands in the red life-blood,
and, holding up their dripping fingers,
asked, “How did it differ from that of the
canaille?” Their hearts gave the lie to the
taunt for they witnessed instances of heroism
from gray hairs and tender womanhood, that
would have shamed the proudest deeds of their
new-born chivalry!
“Charles Gregoire Courcelles!” shouted out
a deep voice from the scaffold.
“That is my name,” said a venerable-looking
old gentleman, as he arose from his seat,
adding, with a placid smile, “but, for half a
century my friends have called me the Duc de
Riancourt.”
“We have no dukes nor marquises; we
know of no titles in France,” replied the functionary.
“All men are equal before the law.”
“If it were so, my friend, you and I might
change places; for you were my steward, and
plundered my chateau.”
“Down with the royalist—away with the
aristocrat!” shouted a number of voices from
the crowd.
“Be a little patient, good people,” said the
old man, as he ascended the steps with some
difficulty; “I was wounded in Canada, and
have never yet recovered. I shall probably be
better a few minutes hence.”
There was something of half simplicity in the
careless way the words were uttered that hushed
the multitude, and already some expressions
of sympathy were heard; but as quickly the
ribald insults of the hired ruffians of the Convention
drowned these sounds, and “Down with
the royalist” resounded on every side, while
two officials assisted him to remove his stock
and bare his throat. The commissary, advancing
to the edge of the platform, and, as it were,
addressing the people, read in a hurried, slurring
kind of voice, something that purported to
be the ground of the condemnation. But of this
not a word could be heard. None cared to
hear the ten-thousand-time told tale of suspected
royalism, nor would listen to the high-sounding
declamation that proclaimed the virtuous zeal
of the government—their untiring energy—their
glorious persistence in the cause of the people.
The last words were, as usual, responded to
with an echoing shout, and the cry of “Vive la
Republique” rose from the great multitude.
“Vive le Roi!” cried the old man, with a
voice heard high above the clamor; but the
words were scarce out when the lips that muttered
them were closed in death; so sudden was
the act, that a cry burst forth from the mob,
but whether in reprobation or in ecstasy I knew
not.
I will not follow the sad catalogue, wherein
nobles and peasants, priests, soldiers, actors,
men of obscure fortune, and women of lofty
station succeeded each other, occupying for a
brief minute every eye, and passing away for
ever. Many ascended the platform without a
word; some waved a farewell toward a distant
quarter, where they suspected a friend to be—others
spent their last moments in prayer, and
died in the very act of supplication. All bore
themselves with a noble and proud courage;
and now some five or six alone remained, of
whose fate none seemed to guess the issue,[Pg 8]
since they had been taken from the Temple by
some mistake, and were not included in the list
of the commissary. There they sat, at the foot
of the scaffold, speechless and stupefied—they
looked as though it were matter of indifference
to which side their steps should turn—to the jail
or the guillotine. Among these was the marquise,
who alone preserved her proud self-possession,
and sat in all her accustomed dignity;
while close beside her an angry controversy
was maintained as to their future destiny—the
commissary firmly refusing to receive them for
execution, and the delegate of the Temple, as
he was styled, as flatly asserting that he would
not re-conduct them to prison. The populace
soon grew interested in the dispute, and the
most violent altercations arose among the partisans
of each side of the question.
Meanwhile, the commissary and his assistants
prepared to depart. Already the massive drapery
of red cloth was drawn over the guillotine,
and every preparation made for withdrawing,
when the mob, doubtless dissatisfied that they
should be defrauded of any portion of the entertainment,
began to climb over the wooden barricades,
and, with furious cries and shouts,
threatened vengeance upon any who would
screen the enemies of the people.
The troops resisted the movement, but rather
with the air of men entreating calmness, than
with the spirit of soldiery. It was plain to see
on which side the true force lay.
“If you will not do it, the people will do
it for you,” whispered the delegate to the
commissary; “and who is to say where they
will stop when their hands once learn the
trick!”
The commissary grew lividly pale, and made
no reply.
“See there!” rejoined the other; “they are
carrying a fellow on their shoulders yonder;
they mean him to be executioner.”
“But I dare not—I can not—without my
orders.”
“Are not the people sovereign?—whose
will have we sworn to obey, but theirs?”
“My own head would be the penalty if I
yielded.”
“It will be, if you resist—even now it is too
late.”
And as he spoke he sprang from the scaffold,
and disappeared in the dense crowd that already
thronged the space within the rails.
By this time, the populace were not only
masters of the area around, but had also gained
the scaffold itself, from which many of them
seemed endeavoring to harangue the mob;
others contenting themselves with imitating the
gestures of the commissary and his functionaries.
It was a scene of the wildest uproar
and confusion—frantic cries and screams, ribald
songs and fiendish yellings on every side. The
guillotine was again uncovered, and the great
crimson drapery, torn into fragments, was waved
about like flags, or twisted into uncouth head-dresses.
The commissary failing in every attempt
to restore order peaceably, and either not
possessing a sufficient force, or distrusting the
temper of the soldiers, descended from the scaffold,
and gave the order to march. This act of
submission was hailed by the mob with the most
furious yell of triumph. Up to that very moment,
they had never credited the bare possibility
of a victory; and now they saw themselves
suddenly masters of the field—the troops,
in all the array of horse and foot, retiring in
discomfiture. Their exultation knew no bounds;
and, doubtless, had there been among them
those with skill and daring to profit by the enthusiasm,
the torrent had rushed a longer and
more terrific course than through the blood-steeped
clay of the Place de la Grève.
“Here is the man we want,” shouted a deep
voice. “St. Just told us, t’other day, that the
occasion never failed to produce one; and see,
here is ‘Jean Gougon;’ and though he’s but
two feet high, his fingers can reach the pin of
the guillotine.”
And he held aloft on his shoulders a misshapen
dwarf, who was well known on the Pont Neuf,
where he gained his living by singing infamous
songs, and performing mockeries of the service
of the mass. A cheer of welcome acknowledged
this speech, to which the dwarf responded
by a mock benediction, which he bestowed
with all the ceremonious observance of an archbishop.
Shouts of the wildest laughter followed
this ribaldry, and in a kind of triumph they carried
him up the steps, and deposited him on the
scaffold.
Ascending one of the chairs, the little wretch
proceeded to address the mob, which he did
with all the ease and composure of a practiced
public speaker. Not a murmur was heard in
that tumultuous assemblage, as he, with a most
admirable imitation of Hebert, then the popular
idol, assured them that France was, at that instant,
the envy of surrounding nations; and
that, bating certain little weaknesses on the
score of humanity—certain traits of softness
and over-mercy—her citizens realized all that
ever had been said of angels. From thence he
passed on to a mimicry of Marat, of Danton,
and of Robespierre—tearing off his cravat, baring
his breast, and performing all the oft-exhibited
antics of the latter, as he vociferated, in a
wild scream, the well-known peroration of a
speech he had lately made—”If we look to
a glorious morrow of freedom, the sun of our
slavery must set in blood!”
However amused by the dwarf’s exhibition,
a feeling of impatience began to manifest itself
among the mob, who felt that, by any longer
delay, it was possible time would be given for
fresh troops to arrive, and the glorious opportunity
of popular sovereignty be lost in the very
hour of victory.
“To work—to work, Master Gougon!”
shouted hundreds of rude voices; “we can not
spend our day in listening to oratory.”
“You forget, my dear friends,” said he
blandly, “that this is to me a new walk in life[Pg 9]
I have much to learn, ere I can acquit myself
worthily to the republic.”
“We have no leisure for preparatory studies,
Gougon,” cried a fellow below the scaffold.
“Let me, then, just begin with monsieur,”
said the dwarf, pointing to the last speaker;
and a shout of laughter closed the sentence.
A brief and angry dispute now arose as to
what was to be done, and it is more than doubtful
how the debate might have ended, when
Gougon, with a readiness all his own, concluded
the discussion by saying,
“I have it, messieurs, I have it. There is a
lady here, who, however respectable her family
and connections, will leave few to mourn her
loss. She is, in a manner, public property, and
if not born on the soil, at least a naturalized
Frenchwoman. We have done a great deal
for her, and in her name, for some time back,
and I am not aware of any singular benefit she
has rendered us. With your permission, then,
I’ll begin with her.”
“Name, name—name her,” was cried by
thousands.
“La voila,” said he, archly, as he pointed
with his thumb to the wooden effigy of Liberty
above his head.
The absurdity of the suggestion was more
than enough for its success. A dozen hands
were speedily at work, and down came the
Goddess of Liberty! The other details of an
execution were hurried over with all the speed
of practiced address, and the figure was placed
beneath the drop. Down fell the ax, and Gougon,
lifting up the wooden head, paraded it
about the scaffold, crying,
“Behold! an enemy of France. Long live
the republic, one and ‘indivisible.'”
Loud and wild were the shouts of laughter
from this brutal mockery; and for a time it
almost seemed as if the ribaldry had turned the
mob from the sterner passions of their vengeance.
This hope, if one there ever cherished
it, was short-lived; and again the cry arose for
blood. It was too plain, that no momentary
diversion, no passing distraction, could withdraw
them from that lust for cruelty, that had
now grown into a passion.
And now a bustle and movement of those
around the stairs showed that something was in
preparation; and in the next moment the old
marquise was led forward between two men.
“Where is the order for this woman’s execution?”
asked the dwarf, mimicking the style
and air of the commissary.
“We give it: it is from us,” shouted the
mob, with one savage roar.
Gougon removed his cap, and bowed a token
of obedience.
“Let us proceed in order, messieurs,” said
he, gravely; “I see no priest here.”
“Shrive her yourself, Gougon; few know
the mummeries better!” cried a voice.
“Is there not one here can remember a prayer,
or even a verse of the offices,” said Gougon, with
a well-affected horror in his voice.
“Yes, yes, I do,” cried I, my zeal overcoming
all sense of the mockery in which the words
were spoken; “I know them all by heart, and
can repeat them from ‘lux beatissima’ down to
‘hora mortis;'” and as if to gain credence for
my self-laudation, I began at once to recite in
the sing-song tone of the seminary,
Fons salutis, vas honoris:
Scala cœli porta et via
Salve semper, O, Maria!”
It is possible I should have gone on to the very
end, if the uproarious laughter which rung
around had not stopped me.
“There’s a brave youth!” cried Gougon,
pointing toward me, with mock admiration.
“If it ever come to pass—as what may not in
these strange times?—that we turn to priest-craft
again, thou shalt be the first archbishop
of Paris. Who taught thee that famous canticle?”
“The Père Michel,” replied I, in no way
conscious of the ridicule bestowed upon me;
“the Père Michel of St. Blois.”
The old lady lifted up her head at these
words, and her dark eyes rested steadily upon
me; and then, with a sign of her hand, she
motioned to me to come over to her.
“Yes; let him come,” said Gougon, as if
answering the half-reluctant glances of the
crowd. And now I was assisted to descend,
and passed along over the heads of the people
till I was placed upon the scaffold. Never can
I forget the terror of that moment, as I stood
within a few feet of the terrible guillotine, and
saw beside me the horrid basket, splashed with
recent blood.
“Look not at these things, child,” said the
old lady, as she took my hand and drew me
toward her, “but listen to me, and mark my
words well.”
“I will, I will,” cried I, as the hot tears
rolled down my cheeks.
“Tell the Père—you will see him to-night—tell
him that I have changed my mind, and resolved
upon another course, and that he is not
to leave Paris. Let them remain. The torrent
runs too rapidly to last. This can not
endure much longer. We shall be among the
last victims! You hear me, child?”
“I do, I do,” cried I, sobbing. “Why is
not the Père Michel with you now?”
“Because he is suing for my pardon; asking
for mercy, where its very name is a derision.
Kneel down beside me, and repeat the ‘angelus.'”
I took off my cap, and knelt down at her feet,
reciting, in a voice broken by emotion, the words
of the prayer. She repeated each syllable
after me, in a tone full and unshaken, and then
stooping, she took up the lily which lay in
my cap. She pressed it passionately to her
lips; two or three times passionately. “Give
it to her; tell her I kissed it at my last moment.
Tell her—”
“This ‘shrift’ is beyond endurance. Away,[Pg 10]
holy father,” cried Gougon, as he pushed me
rudely back, and seized the marquise by the
wrist. A faint cry escaped her. I heard no
more; for, jostled and pushed about by the
crowd, I was driven to the very rails of the
scaffold. Stepping beneath these, I mingled
with the mob beneath; and burning with eagerness
to escape a scene, to have witnessed which
would almost have made my heart break, I
forced my way into the dense mass, and, by
squeezing and creeping, succeeded at last in
penetrating to the verge of the Place. A terrible
shout, and a rocking motion of the mob,
like the heavy surging of the sea, told me that
all was over; but I never looked back to the
fatal spot, but having gained the open streets,
ran at the top of my speed toward home.
(To be continued.)
[From Bender’s Monthly Miscellany.]
WOMEN IN THE EAST.
by an oriental traveler.
Above the scent of lemon groves,
Where bubbling fountains kiss the wind,
And birds make music to their loves,
She lives a kind of faery life,
In sisterhood of fruits and flowers,
Unconscious of the outer strife
That wears the palpitating hours.
The Hareem. R.M. Milnes.
There is a gentle, calm repose breathing
through the whole of this poem, which
comes soothingly to the imagination wearied
with the strife and hollowness of modern civilization.
Woman in it is the inferior being;
but it is the inferiority of the beautiful flower,
or of the fairy birds of gorgeous plumage, who
wing their flight amid the gardens and bubbling
streams of the Eastern palace. Life is represented
for the Eastern women as a long dream
of affection; the only emotions she is to know
are those of ardent love and tender maternity.
She is not represented as the companion to man
in his life battle, as the sharer of his triumph
and his defeats: the storms of life are hushed
at the entrance of the hareem; there the lord
and master deposits the frown of unlimited
power, or the cringing reverence of the slave,
and appears as the watchful guardian of the
loved one’s happiness. Such a picture is poetical,
and would lead one to say, alas for human
progress, if the Eastern female slave is thus on
earth to pass one long golden summer—her
heart only tied by those feelings which keep it
young—while her Christian sister has these
emotions but as sun-gleams to lighten and
make dark by contrast, the frequent gloom of
her winter life.
But although the conception is poetical, to
one who has lived many years in the East, it
appears a conception, not a description of the
real hareem life, even among the noble and
wealthy of those lands. The following anecdote
may be given us the other side of the
picture. The writer was a witness of the
scene, and he offers it as a consolation to those
of his fair sisters, who, in the midst of the
troubles of common-place life, might be disposed
to compare their lot with that of the inmate
of the mysterious and happy home drawn
by the poet.
It was in a large and fruitful district of the
south of India that I passed a few years of my
life. In this district lived, immured in his fort,
one of the native rajahs, who, with questionable
justice, have gradually been shorn of their regal
state and authority, to become pensioners of the
East India Company. The inevitable consequence
of such an existence, the forced life of
inactivity with the traditions of the bold exploits
of his royal ancestors, brilliant Mahratta
chieftains, may be imagined. The rajah sunk
into a state of slothful dissipation, varied by the
occasional intemperate exercise of the power
left him within the limits of the fortress, his
residence. This fort is not the place which
the word would suggest to the reader, but was
rather a small native town surrounded by fortifications.
This town was peopled by the descendants
of the Mahrattas, and by the artisans
and dependents of the rajah and his court.
Twice a year the English resident and his assistants
were accustomed to pay visits of ceremony
to the rajah, and had to encounter the
fatiguing sights of dancing-girls, beast-fights,
and music, if the extraordinary assemblage of
sounds, which in the East assume the place of
harmony, can be so called.
We had just returned from one of these visits,
and were grumbling over our headaches, the
dust, and the heat, when, to our surprise, the
rajah’s vabul or confidential representative was
announced. As it was nine o’clock in the
evening this somewhat surprised us. He was,
however, admitted, and after a short, hurried
obeisance, he announced “that he must die!
that there had been a sudden revolt of the
hareem, and that when the rajah knew it, he
would listen to no explanations, but be sure to
imprison and ruin all round him; and that foremost
in the general destruction would be himself,
Veneat-Rao, who had always been the
child of the English Sahibs, who were his
fathers—that they were wise above all natives,
and that he had come to them for help!” All
this was pronounced with indescribable volubility,
and the appearance of the speaker announced
the most abject fear. He was a little
wizened Brahmin, with the thin blue lines of
his caste carefully painted on his wrinkled forehead.
His dark black eyes gleamed with suppressed
impotent rage, and in his agitation he
had lost all that staid, placid decorum which
we had been accustomed to observe in him
when transacting business. When urged to
explain the domestic disaster which had befallen
his master, he exclaimed with ludicrous pathos,
“By Rama! women are devils; by them all
misfortunes come upon men! But, sahibs,[Pg 11]
hasten with me; they have broken through the
guard kept on the hareem door by two old sentries;
they ran through the fort and besieged
my house; they are now there, and refuse to
go back to the hareem. The rajah returns to-morrow
from his hunting—what can I say? I
must die! my children, who will care for them?
what crime did my father commit that I should
thus be disgraced?”
Yielding to these entreaties, and amused at
the prospect of a novel scene, we mounted our
horses and cantered to the fort. The lights
were burning brightly in the bazaars as we
rode through them, and except a few groups
gathered to discuss the price of rice and the
want of rain, we perceived no agitation till we
reached the Vakeel’s house. Arrived here we
dismounted, and on entering the square court-yard
a scene of indescribable confusion presented
itself. The first impression it produced on me
was that of entering a large aviary in which the
birds, stricken with terror, fly madly to and fro
against the bars. Such was the first effect of
our entrance. Women and girls of all ages,
grouped about the court, in most picturesque
attitudes, started up and fled to its extreme end;
only a few of the more matronly ladies stood
their ground, and with terribly screeching voices,
declaimed against some one or something, but
for a long time we could, in this Babel of
female tongues, distinguish nothing. At last
we managed to distinguish the rajah’s name,
coupled with epithets most disrespectful to royalty.
This, and that they, the women, begged
instantly to be put to death, was all that the
clamor would permit us to understand. We
looked appealingly at Veneat Rao, who stood
by, wringing his hands. However, he made a
vigorous effort, and raising his shrill voice, told
them that the sahibs had come purposely to
listen to, and redress their grievances, and that
they would hold durbar (audience) then and
there.
This announcement produced a lull, and enabled
us to look round us at the strange scene.
Scattered in various parts of the court were
these poor prisoners, who now for the first time
for many years tasted liberty. Scattered about
were some hideous old women, partly guardians
of the younger, partly remains, we were told,
of the rajah’s father’s seraglio. Young children
moved among them looking very much
frightened. But the group which attracted our
attention and admiration consisted of about
twenty really beautiful girls, from fourteen to
eighteen years of age, of every country and
caste, in the various costume and ornament of
their races; these were clustering round a fair
and very graceful Mahratta girl, whose tall
figure was seen to great advantage in the blaze
of torchlight. Her muslin vail had half fallen
from her face, allowing us to see her large,
soft, dark eyes, from which the tears were fast
falling, as in a low voice she addressed her
fellow-sufferers. There was on her face a peculiar
expression of patient endurance of ill,
inexpressibly touching. This is not an unfrequent
character in the beauty of Asiatic women;
the natural result of habits of fear, and the entire
submission to the will of others.
Her features were classically regular, with
the short rounded chin, the long graceful neck,
and that easy port of head so seldom seen except
in the women of the East. Her arms
were covered with rich bracelets, and were of
the most perfect form; her hands long and
tapering, the palms and nails dyed with the
“henna.” No barbarously-civilized restraint
rendered her waist a contradiction of natural
beauty; a small, dark satin bodice, richly embroidered,
covered a bosom which had hardly
attained womanly perfection; a zone of gold
held together the full muslin folds of the lower
portion of her dress, below which the white
satin trowsers reached, without concealing a
faultless ankle and foot, uncovered, except by
the heavy anklet and rings which tinkled at
every step she took. After the disturbance
that our entrance had caused, had in a measure
subsided, the children, who were richly dressed
and loaded with every kind of fantastic ornament,
came sidling timidly round us, peering
curiously with their large black eyes, at the
unusual sight of white men.
Considerably embarrassed at the very new
arbitration which we were about to undertake,
B. and I consulted for a little while, after which,
gravely taking our seats, and Veneat Rao having
begged them to listen with respectful attention,
I, at B.’s desire, proceeded to address
them, telling them,
“That we supposed some grave cause must
have arisen for them to desert the palace of the
rajah, their protector, during his absence, and
by violently overpowering the guard, incur his
serious anger (here my eye caught a sight of the
said guard, consisting of two blear-eyed, shriveled
old men, and I nearly lost all solemnity of
demeanor) that if they complained of injustice,
we supposed that it must have been committed
without his highness’s knowledge, but that if
they would quietly return to the hareem we
would endeavor to represent to their master
their case, and entreat him to redress their
grievance.”
I spoke this in Hindusthani, which, as the
lingua franca of the greater part of India, I
thought was most likely to be understood by
the majority of my female audience. I succeeded
perfectly in making myself understood,
but was not quite so successful in convincing
them that it was better that they should return
to the rajah’s palace. After rather a stormy
discussion, the Mahratta girl, whom we had so
much admired on our entrance, stepped forward,
and, bowing lowly before us, and crossing her
arms, in a very sweet tone of voice proceeded
to tell her story, which, she said, was very
much the history of them all. The simple,
and at times picturesque expressions lose much
by translation.
“Sir, much shame comes over me, that I, a[Pg 12]
woman, should speak before men who are not
our fathers, husbands, nor brothers, who are
strangers, of another country and religion; but
they tell us that you English sahibs love truth
and justice, and protect the poor.
“I was born of Gentoo parents—rich, for
I can remember the bright, beautiful jewels
which, as a child, I wore on my head, arms,
and feet, the large house and gardens where
I played, and the numerous servants who attended
me.
“When I had reached my eighth or ninth
year I heard them talk of my betrothal,[1] and
of the journey which we were, previous to the
ceremony, to take to some shrine in a distant
country. My father, who was advancing in
years, and in bad health, being anxious to bathe
in the holy waters, which should give him prolonged
life and health.
“The journey had lasted for many days, and
one evening after we had halted for the day I
accompanied my mother when she went to bathe
in a tank near to our encampment. As I played
along the bank and picked a few wild flowers
that grew under the trees I observed an old
woman advancing toward me. She spoke to
me in a kind voice, asked me my name? who
were my parents? where we were going? and
when I had answered her these questions she
told me that if I would accompany her a little
way she would give me some prettier flowers
than those I was gathering, and that her servant
should take me back to my people.
“I had no sooner gone far enough to be out
of sight and hearing of my mother than the old
woman threw a cloth over my head, and taking
me up in her arms, hurried on for a short distance.
There I could distinguish men’s voices,
and was sensible of being placed in a carriage,
which was driven off at a rapid pace. No
answer was returned to my cries and entreaties
to be restored to my parents, and at sunrise I
found myself near hills which I had never before
seen, and among a people whose language
was new to me.
“I remained with these people, who were
not unkind to me, three or four years; and I
found out that the old woman who had carried
me off from my parents, was an emissary sent
from the rajah’s hareem to kidnap, when they
could not be purchased, young female children
whose looks promised that they would grow up
with the beauty necessary for the gratification
of the prince’s passions.
“Sahibs! I have been two years an inmate
of the rajah’s hareem—would to God I had died
a child in my own country with those I loved,
than that I should have been exposed to the
miseries we suffer. The splendor which surrounds
us is only a mockery. The rajah,
wearied and worn out by a life of debauchery,
takes no longer any pleasure in our society,
and is only roused from his lethargy to inflict
disgrace and cruelties upon us. We, who are
of Brahmin caste, for his amusement, are forced
to learn the work of men—are made to carry
in the gardens of the hareem a palanquin, to
work as goldsmiths—and, may our gods pardon
us, to mingle with the dancing-girls of the bazaar.
His attendants deprive us even of our
food, and we sit in the beautiful palace loaded
with jewels, and suffer from the hunger not
felt even by the poor Pariah.
“Sahibs! you who have in your country
mothers and sisters, save us from this cruel
fate, and cause us to be restored to our parents;
do not send us back to such degradation, but
rather let us die by your orders.”
As with a voice tremulous with emotion, she
said these words, she threw herself at our feet,
and burst into an agony of weeping.
Deeply moved by the simple expression of
such undeserved misfortune, we soothed her as
well as we were able, and promising her and
her companions to make every effort with the
rajah for their deliverance, we persuaded Rosambhi,
the Mahratta girl (their eloquent pleader),
to induce them to return for the night to
the palace. Upon a repetition of our promise
they consented, to the infinite relief of Veneat
Rao, who alternately showered blessings on us,
and curses on all womankind, as he accompanied
us back to the Residency.
And now we had to set about the deliverance
of these poor women. This was a work
of considerable difficulty.
It was a delicate matter interfering with
the rajah’s domestic concerns, and we could
only commission Veneat Rao to communicate
to his highness the manner in which we had
become implicated with so unusual an occurrence
as a revolt of his seraglio; we told him
to express to his highness our conviction that
his generosity had been deceived by his subordinates.
In this we only imitated the profound
maxim of European diplomacy, and concealed
our real ideas by our expressions. This to the
rajah. On his confidential servant we enforced
the disapprobation the resident felt at the system
of kidnapping, of which his highness was
the instigator, and hinted at that which these
princes most dread—an investigation.
This succeeded beyond our expectation, and
the next morning a message was sent from the
palace, intimating that the charges were so
completely unfounded, that the rajah was prepared
to offer to his revolted women, the choice
of remaining in the hareem, or being sent back
to their homes.
Again they were assembled in Veneat Rao’s
house, but this time in much more orderly
fashion, for their vails were down, and except
occasionally when a coquettish movement showed
a portion of some face, we were unrewarded
by any of the bright eyes we had admired on
the previous visit. The question was put to
them one by one, and all with the exception of
a few old women, expressed an eager wish not
to re-enter the hareem.[Pg 13]
After much troublesome inquiry, we discovered
their parents, and were rewarded by
their happy and grateful faces, as we sent them
off under escort to their homes. It was painful
to reflect what their fate would be; they left
us rejoicing at what they thought would be a
happy change, but we well knew that no one
would marry them, knowing that they had
been in the rajah’s hareem, and that they would
either lead a life of neglect, or sink into vice,
of which the liberty would be the only change
from that, which by our means they had escaped.
In the inquiries we made into the circumstances
of this curious case, we found that their
statements were true.
Large sums were paid by the rajah to his
creatures, who traveled to distant parts of the
country, and wherever they could meet with
parents poor enough, bought their female children
from them, or when they met with remarkable
beauty such as Rosambhi’s, did not
hesitate to carry the child off, and by making
rapid marches, elude any vigilance of pursuit
on the part of the parents.
The cruelties and degradations suffered by
these poor girls are hardly to be described.
We well know how degraded, even in civilized
countries the pursuit of sensual pleasures renders
men, to whom education and the respect they
pay the opinion of society, are checks; let us
imagine the conduct of the eastern prince, safe
in the retirement of his court, surrounded by
those dependents to whom the gratification of
their master’s worst passions was the sure road
to favor and fortune.
Besides the sufferings they had to endure
from him, the women of the hareem were exposed
to the rapacities of those who had charge
of them, and Rosambhi did not exaggerate,
when she described herself and her companions
as suffering the pangs of want amid the splendors
of a palace.
This is the reverse of the pleasing picture
drawn by the poet of the Eastern woman’s existence—but,
though less pleasing, it is true—nor
need we describe her in the lower ranks of
life in those countries, where, her beauty faded,
she has to pass a wearisome existence, the
servant of a rival, whose youthful charms have
supplanted her in her master’s affections. The
calm happiness of advancing age is seldom hers—she
is the toy while young—the slave, or the
neglected servant, at best, when, her only merit
in the eyes of her master, physical beauty, is
gone.
Let her sister in the western world, in the
midst of her joys, think with pity on these sufferings,
and when sorrow’s cloud seems darkest,
let her not repine, but learn resignation to her
lot, as she compares it with the condition of the
women of the East; let her be grateful that
she lives in an age and land where woman is
regarded as the helpmate and consolation of
man, by whom her love is justly deemed the
prize of his life.
[From The Ladies’ Companion.]
LETTICE ARNOLD.
By the Author of “Two Old Men’s Tales,” “Emilia Wyndham,” &c.
CHAPTER I.
Unto the task of common life, hath wrought
Even upon the plan which pleased the childish thought
······
Who doomed to go in company with pain,
And fear, and ruin—miserable train!—
Makes that necessity a glorious gain,
By actions that would force the soul to abate
Her feeling, rendered more compassionate.
······
More gifted with self-knowledge—even more pure
As tempted more—more able to endure,
As more exposed to suffering and distress;
Thence, also, more alive to tenderness.”
Wordsworth. Happy Warrior.
“No, dearest mother, no! I can not. What!
after all the tenderness, care, and love I
have received from you, for now one-and-twenty
years, to leave you and my father, in your old
age, to yourselves! Oh, no! Oh, no!”
“Nay, my child,” said the pale, delicate,
nervous woman, thus addressed by a blooming
girl whose face beamed with every promise for
future happiness, which health and cheerfulness,
and eyes filled with warm affections could give,
“Nay, my child, don’t talk so. You must not
talk so. It is not to be thought of.” And, as
she said these words with effort, her poor heart
was dying within her, not only from sorrow at
the thought of the parting from her darling, but
with all sorts of dreary, undefined terrors at the
idea of the forlorn, deserted life before her.
Abandoned to herself and to servants, so fearful,
so weak as she was, and with the poor, invalided,
and crippled veteran, her husband, a martyr
to that long train of sufferings which honorable
wounds, received in the service of country, too
often leave behind them, a man at all times so
difficult to sooth, so impossible to entertain—and
old age creeping upon them both; the little
strength she ever had, diminishing; the little
spirit she ever possessed, failing; what should
she do without this dear, animated, this loving,
clever being, who was, in one word, every thing
to her?
But she held to her resolution—no martyr
ever more courageously than this trembling,
timid woman. A prey to ten thousand imaginary
fears, and, let alone the imaginary terrors,
placed in a position where the help she was
now depriving herself of was really so greatly
needed.
“No, my dear,” she repeated, “don’t think
of it; don’t speak of it. You distress me very
much. Pray don’t, my dearest Catherine.”
“But I should be a shocking creature, mamma,
to forsake you; and, I am sure, Edgar would
despise me as much as I should myself, if I
could think of it. I can not—I ought not to
leave you.”
The gentle blue eye of the mother was fixed[Pg 14]
upon the daughter’s generous, glowing face.
She smothered a sigh. She waited a while to
steady her faltering voice. She wished to hide,
if possible, from her daughter the extent of the
sacrifice she was making.
At last she recovered herself sufficiently to
speak with composure, and then she said:
“To accept such a sacrifice from a child, I
have always thought the most monstrous piece
of selfishness of which a parent could be guilty.
My love, this does not come upon me unexpectedly.
I have, of course, anticipated it. I
knew my sweet girl could not be long known
and seen without inspiring and returning the
attachment of some valuable man. I have resolved—and
God strengthen me in this resolve,”
she cast up a silent appeal to the fountain of
strength and courage—”that nothing should
tempt me to what I consider so base. A parent
accept the sacrifice of a life in exchange for the
poor remnant of her own! A parent, who has
had her own portion of the joys of youth in her
day, deprive a child of a share in her turn! No,
my dearest love, never—never! I would die,
and I will die first.”
But it was not death she feared. The idea
of death did not appall her. What she dreaded
was melancholy. She knew the unsoundness
of her own nerves; she had often felt herself,
as it were, trembling upon the fearful verge of
reason, when the mind, unable to support itself,
is forced to rest upon another. She had known
a feeling, common to many very nervous people,
I believe, as though the mind would be overset
when pressed far, if not helped, strengthened,
and cheered by some more wholesome mind;
and she shrank appalled from the prospect.
But even this could not make her waver in
her resolution. She was a generous, just, disinterested
woman; though the exigencies of a
most delicate constitution, and most susceptible
nervous system, had too often thrown upon her—from
those who did not understand such things,
and whose iron nerves and vigorous health rendered
sympathy at such times impossible—the
reproach of being a tedious, whimsical, selfish
hypochondriac.
Poor thing, she knew this well. It was the
difficulty of making herself understood; the
want of sympathy, the impossibility of rendering
needs, most urgent in her case, comprehensible
by her friends, which had added so
greatly to the timorous cowardice, the fear of
circumstances, of changes, which had been the
bane of her existence.
And, therefore, this kind, animated, affectionate
daughter, whose tenderness seemed never
to weary in the task of cheering her; whose
activity was never exhausted in the endeavor to
assist and serve her; whose good sense and
spirit kept every thing right at home, and more
especially kept those terrible things, the servants,
in order—of whom the poor mother, like
many other feeble and languid people, was so
foolishly afraid; therefore, this kind daughter
was as the very spring of her existence; and
the idea of parting with her was really dreadful.
Yet she hesitated not. So did that man behave,
who stood firm upon the rampart till he had
finished his observation, though his hair turned
white with fear. Mrs. Melwyn was an heroic
coward of this kind.
She had prayed ardently, fervently, that day,
for courage, for resolution, to complete the
dreaded sacrifice, and she had found it.
“Oh, Lord! I am thy servant. Do with me
what thou wilt. Trembling in spirit, the victim
of my infirmity—a poor, selfish, cowardly being,
I fall down before Thee. Thou hast showed
me what is right—the sacrifice I ought to make.
Oh, give me strength in my weakness to be
faithful to complete it!”
Thus had she prayed. And now resolved in
heart, the poor sinking spirit failing her within
but, as I said, steadying her voice with an
almost heroic constancy, she resisted her grateful
and pious child’s representation: “I have
told Edgar—dear as he is to me—strong as
are the claims his generous affection gives him
over me—that I will not—I can not forsake
you.”
“You must not call it forsake,” said the
mother, gently. “My love, the Lord of life
himself has spoken it: ‘Therefore shall a man
leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave
unto his wife.'”
“And so he is ready to do,” cried Catherine,
eagerly. “Yes, mother, he desires nothing
better—he respects my scruples—he has offered,
dear Edgar! to abandon his profession and
come and live here, and help me to take care
of you and my father. Was not that beautiful?”
and the tears stood in her speaking eyes.
“Beautiful! generous! devoted! My Catherine
will be a happy woman;” and the mother
smiled. A ray of genuine pleasure warmed her
beating heart. This respect in the gay, handsome
young officer for the filial scruples of her
he loved was indeed beautiful! But the mother
knew his spirit too well to listen to this proposal
for a moment.
“And abandon his profession? No, my sweet
child, that would never, never do.”
“But he says he is independent of his profession—that
his private fortune, though not large,
is enough for such simple, moderate people as
he and I are. In short, that he shall be miserable
without me, and all that charming stuff,
mamma; and that he loves me better, for what
he calls, dear fellow, my piety to you. And
so, dear mother, he says if you and my father
will but consent to take him in, he will do his
very best in helping me to make you comfortable;
and he is so sweet-tempered, so reasonable,
so good, so amiable, I am quite sure he
would keep his promise, mamma.” And she
looked anxiously into her mother’s face waiting
for an answer. The temptation was very, very
strong.
Again those domestic spectres which had so
appalled her poor timorous spirit rose before
her. A desolate, dull fireside—her own tendency[Pg 15]
to melancholy—her poor maimed suffering,
and, alas, too often peevish partner—encroaching,
unmanageable servants. The cook,
with her careless, saucy ways—the butler so
indifferent and negligent—and her own maid,
that Randall, who in secret tyrannized over her,
exercising the empire of fear to an extent which
Catherine, alive as she was to these evils, did
not suspect. And again she asked herself, if
these things were disagreeable now, when Catherine
was here to take care of her, what would
they be when she was left alone?
And then such a sweet picture of happiness
presented itself to tempt her—Catherine settled
there—settled there forever. That handsome,
lively young man, with his sweet, cordial ways
and polite observance of every one, sitting by
their hearth, and talking, as he did, to the general
of old days and military matters, the only
subject in which this aged military man took
any interest, reading the newspaper to him, and
making such lively, pleasant comments as he
read! How should she ever get through the
debates, with her breath so short, and her voice
so indistinct and low? The general would lose
all patience—he hated to hear her attempt to
read such things, and always got Catherine or
the young lieutenant-colonel to do it.
Oh! it was a sore temptation. But this
poor, dear, good creature resisted it.
“My love,” she said, after a little pause,
daring which this noble victory was achieved—laugh
if you will at the expression, but it was a
noble victory over self—”my love,” she said,
“don’t tempt your poor mother beyond her
strength. Gladly, gladly, as far as we are concerned,
would we enter into this arrangement;
but it must not be. No, Catherine; Edgar
must not quit his profession. It would not only
be a very great sacrifice I am sure now, but it
would lay the foundation of endless regrets in
future. No, my darling girl, neither his happiness
nor your happiness shall be ever sacrificed
to mine. A life against a few uncertain years!
No—no.”
The mother was inflexible. The more these
good children offered to give up for her sake,
the more she resolved to suffer no such sacrifice
to be made.
Edgar could not but rejoice. He was an
excellent young fellow, and excessively in love
with the charming Catherine, you may be sure,
or he never would have thought of offering to
abandon a profession for her sake in which he
had distinguished himself highly—which opened
to him the fairest prospects, and of which he
was especially fond—but he was not sorry to
be excused. He had resolved upon this sacrifice,
for there is something in those who truly
love, and whose love is elevated almost to adoration
by the moral worth they have observed
in the chosen one, which revolts at the idea of
lowering the tone of that enthusiastic goodness
and self-immolation to principle which has so
enchanted them. Edgar could not do it. He
could not attempt to persuade this tender, generous
daughter, to consider her own welfare
and his, in preference to that of her parents.
He could only offer, on his own part, to make
the greatest sacrifice which could have been
demanded from him. Rather than part from
her what would he not do? Every thing was
possible but that.
However, when the mother positively refused
to accept of this act of self-abnegation, I can
not say that he regretted it. No: he thought
Mrs. Melwyn quite right in what she said; and
he loved and respected both her character and
understanding very much more than he had
done before.
That night Mrs. Melwyn was very, very low
indeed. And when she went up into her dressing-room,
and Catherine, having kissed her tenderly,
with a heart quite divided between anxiety
for her, and a sense of happiness that would
make itself felt in spite of all, had retired to her
room, the mother sat down, poor thing, in the
most comfortable arm-chair that ever was invented,
but which imparted no comfort to her;
and placing herself by a merry blazing fire,
which was reflected from all sorts of cheerful
pretty things with which the dressing-room was
adorned, her feet upon a warm, soft footstool
of Catherine’s own working, her elbow resting
upon her knee, and her head upon her hand,
she, with her eyes bent mournfully upon the
fire, began crying very much. And so she sat
a long time, thinking and crying, very sorrowful,
but not in the least repenting. Meditating
upon all sorts of dismal things, filled with all
kinds of melancholy forebodings, as to how it
would, and must be, when Catherine was really
gone, she sank at last into a sorrowful reverie,
and sate quite absorbed in her own thoughts,
till she—who was extremely punctual in her
hour of going to bed—for reasons best known
to herself, though never confided to any human
being, namely, that her maid disliked very much
sitting up for her—started as the clock in the
hall sounded eleven and two quarters, and almost
with the trepidation of a chidden child,
rose and rang the bell. Nobody came. This
made her still more uneasy. It was Randall’s
custom not to answer her mistress’s bell the
first time, when she was cross. And poor Mrs.
Melwyn dreaded few things in this world more
than cross looks in those about her, especially
in Randall; and that Randall knew perfectly
well.
“She must be fallen asleep in her chair, poor
thing. It was very thoughtless of me,” Mrs.
Melwyn did not say, but would have said, if
people ever did speak to themselves aloud.
Even in this sort of mute soliloquy she did
not venture to say, “Randall will be very ill-tempered
and unreasonable.” She rang again;
and then, after a proper time yielded to the
claims of offended dignity, it pleased Mrs. Randall
to appear.
“I am very sorry, Randall. Really I had
no idea how late it was. I was thinking about[Pg 16]
Miss Catherine, and I missed it when it struck
ten. I had not the least idea it was so late,”
began the mistress in an apologizing tone, to
which Randall vouchsafed not an answer, but
looked like a thunder cloud—as she went banging
up and down the room, opening and shutting
drawers with a loud noise, and treading with a
rough heavy step; two things particularly annoying,
as she very well knew, to the sensitive
nerves of her mistress. But Randall settled it
with herself—that as her mistress had kept her
out of bed an hour and a half longer than usual,
for no reason at all but just to please herself,
she should find she was none the better
for it.
The poor mistress bore all this with patience
for some time. She would have gone on bearing
the roughness and the noise, however disagreeable,
as long as Randall liked; but her
soft heart could not bear those glum, cross looks,
and this alarming silence.
“I was thinking of Miss Catherine’s marriage,
Randall. That was what made me forget
the hour. What shall I do without her?”
“Yes, that’s just like it,” said the insolent
abigail; “nothing ever can content some people.
Most ladies would be glad to settle their
daughters so well; but some folk make a crying
matter of every thing. It would be well for
poor servants, when they’re sitting over the fire,
their bones aching to death for very weariness,
if they’d something pleasant to think about.
They wouldn’t be crying for nothing, and
keeping all the world out of their beds, like
those who care for naught but how to please
themselves.”
Part of this was said, part muttered, part
thought; and the poor timid mistress—one of
whose domestic occupations it seemed to be to
study the humors of her servants—heard a part
and divined the rest.
“Well, Randall, I don’t quite hear all you
are saying; and perhaps it is as well I do not;
but I wish you would give me my things and
make haste, for I’m really very tired, and I
want to go to bed.”
“People can’t make more haste than they
can.”
And so it went on. The maid-servant never
relaxing an atom of her offended dignity—continuing
to look as ill-humored, and to do every
thing as disagreeably as she possibly could—and
her poor victim, by speaking from time to
time in an anxious, most gentle, and almost
flattering manner, hoping to mollify her dependent;
but all in vain.
“I’ll teach her to keep me up again for
nothing at all,” thought Randall.
And so the poor lady, very miserable in the
midst of all her luxuries, at last gained her bed,
and lay there not able to sleep for very discomfort.
And the abigail retired to her own warm
apartment, where she was greeted with a
pleasant fire, by which stood a little nice
chocolate simmering, to refresh her before she
went to bed—not much less miserable than her
mistress, for she was dreadfully out of humor—and
thought no hardship upon earth could equal
that she endured—forced to sit up in consequence
of another’s whim when she wanted so sadly to
go to bed.
While, thus, all that the most abundant possession
of the world’s goods could bestow, was
marred by the weakness of the mistress and the
ill-temper of the maid—the plentiful gifts of
fortune rendered valueless by the erroneous
facility upon one side, and insolent love of
domination on the other; how many in the
large metropolis, only a few miles distant, and
of which the innumerable lights might be seen
brightening, like an Aurora, the southern sky;
how many laid down their heads supperless that
night! Stretched upon miserable pallets, and
ignorant where food was to be found on the
morrow to satisfy the cravings of hunger; yet,
in the midst of their misery, more miserable,
also, because they were not exempt from those
pests of existence—our own faults and infirmities.
And even, as it was, how many poor creatures
did actually lay down their heads that night, far
less miserable than poor Mrs. Melwyn. The
tyranny of a servant is noticed by the wise man,
if I recollect right, as one of the most irritating
and insupportable of mortal miseries.
Two young women inhabited one small room
of about ten feet by eight, in the upper story of
a set of houses somewhere near Mary-le-bone
street. These houses appear to have been once
intended for rather substantial persons, but have
gradually sunk into lodging-houses for the very
poor. The premises look upon an old grave-yard;
a dreary prospect enough, but perhaps
preferable to a close street, and are filled, with
decent but very poor people. Every room appears
to serve a whole family, and few of the
rooms are much larger than the one I have described.
It was now half-past twelve o’clock, and still
the miserable dip tallow candle burned in a
dilapidated tin candlestick. The wind whistled
with that peculiar wintry sound which betokens
that snow is falling; it was very, very cold; the fire
was out; and the girl who sat plying her needle
by the hearth, which was still a little warmer
than the rest of the room, had wrapped up her
feet in an old worn-out piece of flannel, and had
an old black silk wadded cloak thrown over her
to keep her from being almost perished. The
room was scantily furnished, and bore an air of
extreme poverty, amounting almost to absolute
destitution. One by one the little articles of
property possessed by its inmates had disappeared
to supply the calls of urgent want. An
old four-post bedstead, with curtains of worn-out
serge, stood in one corner; one mattress, with
two small thin pillows, and a bolster that was
almost flat; three old blankets, cotton sheets of
the coarsest description upon it: three rush-bottomed
chairs, an old claw-table, very[Pg 17]
ancient dilapidated chest of drawers—at the top
of which were a few battered band-boxes—a
miserable bit of carpet before the fire-place; a
wooden box for coals; a little low tin fender,
a poker, or rather half a poker; a shovel and
tongs, much the worse for wear, and a very few
kitchen utensils, was all the furniture in the room.
What there was, however, was kept clean; the
floor was clean, the yellow paint was clean;
and, I forgot to say, there was a washing-tub
set aside in one corner.
The wind blew shrill, and shook the window,
and the snow was heard beating against the
panes; the clock went another quarter, but still
the indefatigable toiler sewed on. Now and
then she lifted up her head, as a sigh came
from that corner of the room where the bed
stood, and some one might be heard turning
and tossing uneasily upon the mattress—then
she returned to her occupation and plied her
needle with increased assiduity.
The workwoman was a girl of from eighteen
to twenty, rather below the middle size, and of
a face and form little adapted to figure in a
story. One whose life, in all probability, would
never be diversified by those romantic adventures
which real life in general reserves to the beautiful
and the highly-gifted. Her features were
rather homely, her hair of a light brown, without
golden threads through it, her hands and arms
rough and red with cold and labor; her dress
ordinary to a degree—her clothes being of the
cheapest materials—but then, these clothes were
so neat, so carefully mended where they had
given way; the hair was so smooth, and so
closely and neatly drawn round the face; and
the face itself had such a sweet expression, that
all the defects of line and color were redeemed
to the lover of expression, rather than beauty.
She did not look patient, she did not look resigned;
she could not look cheerful exactly.
She looked earnest, composed, busy, and exceedingly
kind. She had not, it would seem,
thought enough of self in the midst of her
privations, to require the exercise of the virtues
of patience and resignation; she was so occupied
with the sufferings of others that she never
seemed to think of her own.
She was naturally of the most cheerful, hopeful
temper in the world—those people without
selfishness usually are. And, though sorrow
had a little lowered the tone of her spirits to
composure, and work and disappointment had
faded the bright colors of hope; still hope was
not entirely gone, nor cheerfulness exhausted.
But, the predominant expression of every word,
and look, and tone, and gesture, was kindness—inexhaustible
kindness.
I said she lifted up her head from time to
time, as a sigh proceeded from the bed, and its
suffering inhabitant tossed and tossed: and at
last she broke silence and said,
“Poor Myra, can’t you get to sleep?”
“It is so fearfully cold,” was the reply;
“and when will you have done, and come to
bed?”
“One quarter of an hour more, and I shall
have finished it. Poor Myra, you are so nervous,
you never can get to sleep till all is shut up—but
have patience, dear, one little quarter of an
hour, and then I will throw my clothes over your
feet, and I hope you will be a little warmer.”
A sigh for all answer; and then the true
heroine—for she was extremely beautiful, or
rather had been, poor thing, for she was too wan
and wasted to be beautiful now—lifted up her
head, from which fell a profusion of the fairest
hair in the world, and leaning her head upon
her arm, watched in a sort of impatient patience
the progress of the indefatigable needle-woman.
“One o’clock striking, and you hav’n’t done
yet, Lettice? how slowly you do get on.”
“I can not work fast and neatly too, dear
Myra. I can not get through as some do—I
wish I could. But my hands are not so delicate
and nimble as yours, such swelled clumsy things,”
she said, laughing a little, as she looked at them—swelled,
indeed, and all mottled over with the
cold! “I can not get over the ground nimbly
and well at the same time. You are a fine race-horse,
I am a poor little drudging pony—but I
will make as much haste as I possibly can.”
Myra once more uttered an impatient, fretful
sigh, and sank down again, saying, “My feet
are so dreadfully cold!”
“Take this bit of flannel then, and let me
wrap them up.”
“Nay, but you will want it.”
“Oh, I have only five minutes more to stay,
and I can wrap the carpet round my feet.”
And she laid down her work and went to the
bed, and wrapped her sister’s delicate, but now
icy feet, in the flannel; and then she sat down;
and at last the task was finished. And oh, how
glad she was to creep to that mattress, and to
lay her aching limbs down upon it! Hard it
might be, and wretched the pillows, and scanty
the covering, but little felt she such inconveniences.
She fell asleep almost immediately,
while her sister still tossed and murmered.
Presently Lettice, for Lettice it was, awakened
a little, and said, “What is it, love? Poor,
poor Myra! Oh, that you could but sleep as
I do.”
And then she drew her own little pillow from
under her head, and put it under her sister’s,
and tried to make her more comfortable; and
she partly succeeded, and at last the poor delicate
suffering creature fell asleep, and then
Lettice slumbered like a baby.
CHAPTER II.
Can make to-morrow cheerful as to-day:
····And can hear
Sighs for a sister with unwounded ear.”
Pope.—Characters of Women.
Early in the morning, before it was light,
while the wintry twilight gleamed through the
curtainless window, Lettice was up, dressing[Pg 18]
herself by the scanty gleam cast from the street
lamps into the room, for she could not afford the
extravagance of a candle.
She combed and did up her hair with modest
neatness; put on her brown stuff only gown, and
then going to the chest of drawers—opening
one with great precaution, lest she should make
a noise, and disturb Myra, who still slumbered
—drew out a shawl, and began to fold it as
if to put it on.
Alas! poor thing, as she opened it, she became
first aware that the threadbare, time-worn
fabric had given way in two places. Had it
been in one, she might have contrived to conceal
the injuries of age: but it was in two.
She turned it; she folded and unfolded: it
would not do. The miserable shawl seemed to
give way under her hands. It was already so
excessively shabby that she was ashamed to go
out in it; and it seemed as if it was ready to
fall to pieces in sundry other places, this dingy,
thin, brown, red, and green old shawl. Mend
it would not: besides, she was pressed for
time; so, with the appearance of considerable
reluctance, she put her hand into the drawer,
and took out another shawl.
This was a different affair. It was a warm,
and not very old, plaid shawl, of various colors,
well preserved and clean looking, and, this
cold morning, so tempting.
Should she borrow it? Myra was still asleep,
but she would be horridly cold when she got
up, and she would want her shawl, perhaps;
but then Lettice must go out, and must be decent,
and there seemed no help for it.
But if she took the shawl, had she not better
light the fire before she went out? Myra would
be so chilly. But then, Myra seldom got up till
half-past eight or nine, and it was now not
seven.
An hour and a half’s, perhaps two hour’s,
useless fire would never do. So after a little
deliberation, Lettice contented herself with
“laying it,” as the housemaids say; that is,
preparing the fire to be lighted with a match:
and as she took out coal by coal to do this, she
perceived with terror how very, very low the
little store of fuel was.
“We must have a bushel in to-day,” she
said. “Better without meat and drink than
fire, in such weather as this.”
However, she was cheered with the reflection
that she should get a little more than usual by
the work that she had finished. It had been
ordered by a considerate and benevolent lady,
who, instead of going to the ready-made linen
warehouses for what she wanted, gave herself
a good deal of trouble to get at the poor workwomen
themselves who supplied these houses,
so that they should receive the full price for
their needle-work, which otherwise must of
necessity be divided.
What she should get she did not quite know,
for she had never worked for this lady before;
and some ladies, though she always got more
from private customers than from the shops,
would beat her down to the last penny, and
give her as little as they possibly could.
Much more than the usual price of such
matters people can not, I suppose, habitually
give; they should, however, beware of driving
hard bargains with the very poor.
Her bonnet looked dreadfully shabby, as poor
little Lettice took it out from one of the dilapidated
band-boxes that stood upon the chest of
drawers; yet it had been carefully covered with
a sheet of paper, to guard it from the injuries
of the dust and the smoke-loaded air.
The young girl held it upon her hand, turning
it round, and looking at it, and she could not
help sighing when she thought of the miserably
shabby appearance she should make; and she
going to a private house, too: and the errand!—linen
for the trousseau of a young lady who
was going to be married.
What a contrast did the busy imagination
draw between all the fine things that young
lady was to have and her own destitution! She
must needs be what she was—a simple-hearted,
God-fearing, generous girl, to whom envious
comparisons of others with herself were as impossible
as any other faults of the selfish—not
to feel as if the difference was, to use the common
word upon such occasions, “very hard.”
She did not take it so. She did not think that
it was very hard that others should be happy
and have plenty, because she was poor and had
nothing. They had not robbed her. What they
had was not taken from her. Nay, at this moment
their wealth was overflowing toward her.
She should gain in her little way by the general
prosperity. The thought of the increased pay
came into her mind at this moment in aid of her
good and simple-hearted feelings, and she brightened
up, and shook her bonnet, and pulled out
the ribbons, and made it look as tidy as she
could; bethinking herself that if it possibly
could be done, she would buy a bit of black
ribbon, and make it a little more spruce when
she got her money.
And now the bonnet is on, and she does not
think it looks so very bad, and Myra’s shawl, as
reflected in the little threepenny glass, looks
quite neat. Now she steals to the bed in order
to make her apologies to Myra about the shawl
and fire, but Myra still slumbers. It is half-past
seven and more, and she must be gone.
The young lady for whom she made the linen
lived about twenty miles from town, but she
had come up about her things, and was to set
off home at nine o’clock that very morning.
The linen was to have been sent in the night
before, but Lettice had found it impossible to
get it done. It must per force wait till morning
to be carried home. The object was to get
to the house as soon as the servants should be
stirring, so that there would be time for the
things to be packed up and accompany the young
lady upon her return home.
Now, Lettice is in the street. Oh, what a
morning it was! The wind was intensely cold[Pg 19]
the snow was blown in buffets against her face;
the street was slippery: all the mud and mire
turned into inky-looking ice. She could scarcely
stand; her face was blue with the cold; her
hands, in a pair of cotton gloves, so numbed
that she could hardly hold the parcel she carried.
She had no umbrella. The snow beat upon
her undefended head, and completed the demolition
of the poor bonnet; but she comforted herself
with the thought that its appearance would
now be attributed to the bad weather having
spoiled it. Nay (and she smiled as the idea
presented itself), was it not possible that she
might be supposed to have a better bonnet at
home?
So she cheerfully made her way; and at last
she entered Grosvenor-square, where lamps
were just dying away before the splendid
houses, and the wintry twilight discovered the
garden, with its trees plastered with dirty snow,
while the wind rushed down from the Park
colder and bitterer than ever. She could hardly
get along at all. A few ragged, good-for-nothing
boys were almost the only people yet to be seen
about; and they laughed and mocked at her,
as, holding her bonnet down with one hand, to
prevent its absolutely giving way before the
wind, she endeavored to carry her parcel, and
keep her shawl from flying up with the other.
The jeers and the laughter were very uncomfortable
to her. The things she found it the most
difficult to reconcile herself to in her fallen state
were the scoffs, and the scorns, and the coarse
jests of those once so far, far beneath her; so
far, that their very existence, as a class, was
once almost unknown, and who were now little,
if at all, worse off than herself.
The rude brutality of the coarse, uneducated,
and unimproved Saxon, is a terrible grievance
to those forced to come into close quarters with
such.
At last, however, she entered Green-street,
and raised the knocker, and gave one timid,
humble knock at the door of a moderate-sized
house, upon the right hand side as you go up
to the Park.
Here lived the benevolent lady of whom I
have spoken, who took so much trouble to break
through the barriers which in London separate
the employers and the employed, and to assist
the poor stitchers of her own sex, by doing
away with the necessity of that hand, or those
many hands, through which their ware has
usually to pass, and in each of which something
of the recompense thereof must of necessity be
detained.
She had never been at the house before; but
she had sometimes had to go to other genteel
houses, and she had too often found the insolence
of the pampered domestics harder to bear than
even the rude incivility of the streets.
So she stood feeling very uncomfortable; still
more afraid of the effect her bonnet might produce
upon the man that should open the door,
than upon his superiors.
But “like master, like man,” is a stale old
proverb, which, like many other old saws of our
now despised as childish ancestors, is full of pith
and truth.
The servant who appeared was a grave, gray-haired
man, of somewhat above fifty. He stooped
a little in his gait, and had not a very fashionable
air; but his countenance was full of kind
meaning, and his manner so gentle, that it
seemed respectful even to a poor girl like this.
Before hearing her errand, observing how
cold she looked, he bade her come in and warm
herself at the hall stove; and shutting the door
in the face of the chill blast, that came rushing
forward as if to force its way into the house, he
then returned to her, and asked her errand.
“I come with the young lady’s work. I was
so sorry that I could not possibly get it done in
time to send it in last night; but I hope I have
not put her to any inconvenience. I hope her
trunks are not made up. I started almost before
it was light this morning.”
“Well, my dear, I hope not; but it was a
pity you could not get it done last night. Mrs.
Danvers likes people to be exact to the moment
and punctual in performing promises, you must
know. However, I’ll take it up without loss
of time, and I dare say it will be all right.”
“Is it come at last?” asked a sweet, low
voice, as Reynolds entered the drawing-room.
“My love, I really began to be frightened for
your pretty things, the speaker went on, turning
to a young lady who was making an early
breakfast before a noble blazing fire, and who
was no other a person than Catherine Melwyn.
“Oh, madam! I was not in the least uneasy
about them, I was quite sure they would come
at last.”
“I wish, my love,” said Mrs. Danvers, sitting
down by the fire, “I could have shared in your
security. Poor creatures! the temptation is
sometimes so awfully great. The pawnbroker
is dangerously near. So easy to evade all inquiry
by changing one miserably obscure lodging
for another, into which it is almost impossible
to be traced. And, to tell the truth, I had not
used you quite well, my dear; for I happened
to know nothing of the previous character of
these poor girls, but that they were certainly
very neat workwomen; and they were so out
of all measure poor, that I yielded to temptation.
And that you see, my love, had its usual effect
of making me suspicious of the power of temptation
over others.”
Mrs. Danvers had once been one of the loveliest
women that had ever been seen: the face
of an angel, the form of the goddess of beauty
herself; manners the softest, the most delightful.
A dress that by its exquisite good taste and elegance
enhanced every other charm, and a voice
so sweet and harmonious that it made its way
to every heart.
Of all this loveliness the sweet, harmonious
voice alone remained. Yet had the sad eclipse
of so much beauty been succeeded by a something
so holy, so saint-like, so tender, that the
being who stood now shorn by sorrow and suffering[Pg 20]
of all her earthly charms, seemed only to
have progressed nearer to heaven by the exchange.
Her life had, indeed, been one shipwreck, in
which all she prized had gone down. Husband,
children, parents, sister, brother—all!—every
one gone. It had been a fearful ruin. That
she could not survive this wreck of every earthly
joy was expected by all her friends: but she
had lived on. She stood there, an example of
the triumph of those three: faith, hope, and
charity, but the greatest of these was charity.
In faith she rested upon the “unseen,” and
the world of things “seen” around her shrunk
into insignificance. In hope she looked forward
to that day when tears should be wiped from
all eyes, and the lost and severed meet to part
never again. In charity—in other words, love—she
filled that aching, desolate heart with
fresh affections, warm and tender, if not possessing
the joyous gladness of earlier days.
Every sorrowing human being, every poor
sufferer, be they who they might, or whence
they might, found a place in that compassionate
heart. No wonder it was filled to overflowing:
there are so many sorrowing sufferers in this
world.
She went about doing good. Her whole life
was one act of pity.
Her house was plainly furnished. The “mutton
chops with a few greens and potatoes”—laughed
at in a recent trial, as if indifference to
one’s own dinner were a crime—might have
served her. She often was no better served.
Her dress was conventual in its simplicity.
Every farthing she could save upon herself was
saved for her poor.
You must please to recollect that she stood
perfectly alone in the world, and that there was
not a human creature that could suffer by this
exercise of a sublime and universal charity.
Such peculiar devotion to one object is only
permitted to those whom God has severed from
their kind, and marked out, as it were, for the
generous career.
Her days were passed in visiting all those
dismal places in this great city, where lowly
want “repairs to die,” or where degradation
and depravity, the children of want, hide themselves.
She sat by the bed of the inmate of the
hospital, pouring the soft balm of her consolations
upon the suffering and lowly heart. In
such places her presence was hailed as the first
and greatest of blessings. Every one was
melted, or was awed into good behavior by her
presence. The most hardened of brandy-drinking
nurses was softened and amended by her
example.
The situation of the young women who have
to gain their livelihood by their needle had
peculiarly excited her compassion, and to their
welfare she more especially devoted herself.
Her rank and position in society gave her a
ready access to many fine ladies who had an
immensity to be done for them: and to many
fine dress-makers who had this immensity to do.
She was indefatigable in her exertions to diminish
the evils to which the young ladies—”improvers,”
I believe, is the technical term—are
in too many of these establishments exposed.
She it was who got the work-rooms properly
ventilated, and properly warmed. She it was
who insisted upon the cruelty and the wretchedness
of keeping up these poor girls hour after
hour from their natural rest, till their strength
was exhausted; the very means by which they
were to earn their bread taken away; and they
were sent into decline and starvation. She made
fine ladies learn to allow more time for the preparation
of their dresses; and fine ladies’ dress
makers to learn to say, “No.”
One of the great objects of her exertions was
to save the poor plain-sewers from the necessary
loss occasioned by the middlemen. She did not
say whether the shops exacted too much labor,
or not, for their pay; with so great a competition
for work, and so much always lying unsold
upon their boards, it was difficult to decide.
But she spared no trouble to get these poor
women employed direct by those who wanted
sewing done; and she taught to feel ashamed
of themselves those indolent fine ladies who,
rather than give themselves a little trouble to
increase a poor creature’s gains, preferred going
to the ready-made shops, “because the other
was such a bore.”
In one of her visits among the poor of Mary-lebone,
she had accidentally met with these two
sisters, Lettice Arnold and Myra. There was
something in them both above the common
stamp, which might be discerned in spite of
their squalid dress and miserable chamber; but
she had not had time to inquire into their previous
history—which, indeed, they seemed unwilling
to tell. Catherine, preparing her wedding
clothes, and well knowing how anxious
Mrs. Danvers was to obtain work, had reserved
a good deal for her; and Mrs. Danvers had
entrusted some of it to Lettice, who was too
wretchedly destitute to be able to give any
thing in the form of a deposit. Hence her uneasiness
when the promised things did not appear
to the time.
And hence the rather grave looks of Reynolds,
who could not endure to see his mistress
vexed.
“Has the workwoman brought her bill with
her, Reynolds?” asked Mrs. Danvers.
“I will go and ask.”
“Stay, ask her to come up; I should like to
inquire how she is going on, and whether she
has any other work in prospect.”
Reynolds obeyed; and soon the door opened,
and Lettice, poor thing, a good deal ashamed
of her own appearance, was introduced into this
warm and comfortable breakfast-room, where,
however, as I have said, there was no appearance
of luxury, except the pretty, neat breakfast,
and the blazing fire.
“Good morning, my dear,” said Mrs. Danvers,
kindly; “I am sorry you have had such a
wretched walk this morning. Why did you not[Pg 21]
come last night? Punctuality, my dear, is the
soul of business, and if you desire to form a private
connection for yourself, you will find it of
the utmost importance to attend to it. This
young lady is just going off, and there is barely
time to put up the things.”
Catherine had her back turned to the door,
and was quietly continuing her breakfast. She
did not even look round as Mrs. Danvers spoke,
but when a gentle voice replied:
“Indeed, madam, I beg your pardon. Indeed,
I did my very best, but—”
She started, looked up, and rose hastily from
her chair. Lettice started, too, on her side, as
she did so; and, advancing a few steps, exclaimed,
“Catherine!”
“It must—it is—it is you!” cried Catherine
hastily, coming forward and taking her by the
hand. She gazed with astonishment at the
worn and weather-beaten face, the miserable
attire, the picture of utter wretchedness before
her. “You!” she kept repeating, “Lettice!
Lettice Arnold! Good Heavens! where are
they all? Where is your father? Your mother?
Your sister?”
“Gone!” said the poor girl. “Gone—every
one gone but poor Myra!”
“And she—where is she? The beautiful
creature, that used to be the pride of poor Mrs.
Price’s heart. How lovely she was! And you,
dear, dear Lettice, how can you, how have you
come to this?”
Mrs. Danvers stood like one petrified with
astonishment while this little scene was going
on. She kept looking at the two girls, but said
nothing.
“Poor, dear Lettice!” Catherine went on in
a tone of the most affectionate kindness, “have
you come all through the streets and alone this
most miserable morning? And working—working
for me! Good Heavens! how has all
this come about?”
“But come to the fire first,” she continued,
taking hold of the almost frozen hand.
Mrs. Danvers now came forward.
“You seem to have met with an old acquaintance,
Catherine. Pray come to the fire,
and sit down and warm yourself; and have you
breakfasted?”
Lettice hesitated. She had become so accustomed
to her fallen condition, that it seemed
to her that she could no longer with propriety
sit down to the same table with Catherine.
Catherine perceived this, and it shocked and
grieved her excessively. “Do come and sit
down,” she said, encouraged by Mrs. Danvers’s
invitation, “and tell us, have you breakfasted?
But though you have, a warm cup of tea this
cold morning must be comfortable.”
And she pressed her forward, and seated her,
half reluctant, in an arm-chair that stood by the
fire: then she poured out a cup of tea, and
carried it to her, repeating,
“Won’t you eat? Have you breakfasted?”
The plate of bread-and-butter looked delicious
to the half-starved girl: the warm cup of tea
seemed to bring life into her. She had been
silent from surprise, and a sort of humiliated
embarrassment; but now her spirits began to
revive, and she said, “I never expected to have
seen you again, Miss Melwyn!”
“Miss Melwyn! What does that mean?
Dear Lettice, how has all this come about?”
“My father was ill the last time you were in
Nottinghamshire, do you not recollect, Miss
Melwyn? He never recovered of that illness;
but it lasted nearly two years. During that
time, your aunt, Mrs. Montague, died; and her
house was sold, and new people came; and you
never were at Castle Rising afterward.”
“No—indeed—and from that day to this
have never chanced to hear any thing of its
inhabitants. But Mrs. Price, your aunt, who
was so fond of Myra, what is become of her?”
“She died before my poor father.”
“Well; but she was rich. Did she do nothing?”
“Every body thought her rich, because she
spent a good deal of money; but hers was only
income. Our poor aunt was no great economist—she
made no savings.”
“Well; and your mother? I can not understand
it. No; I can not understand it,” Catherine
kept repeating. “So horrible! dear, dear
Lettice—and your shawl is quite wet, and so is
your bonnet, poor, dear girl. Why did you not
put up your umbrella?”
“For a very good reason, dear Miss Melwyn;
because I do not possess one.”
“Call me Catherine, won’t you? or I will
not speak to you again.” But Mrs. Danvers’s
inquiring looks seemed now to deserve a little
attention. She seemed impatient to have the
enigma of this strange scene solved. Catherine
caught her eye, and, turning from her friend,
with whom she had been so much absorbed as
to forget every thing else, she said:
“Lettice Arnold is a clergyman’s daughter,
ma’am.”
“I began to think something of that sort,”
said Mrs. Danvers; “but, my dear young lady,
what can have brought you to this terrible state
of destitution?”
“Misfortune upon misfortune, madam. My
father was, indeed, a clergyman, and held the
little vicarage of Castle Rising. There Catherine,”
looking affectionately up at her, “met
me upon her visits to her aunt, Mrs. Montague.”
“We have known each other from children,”
put in Catherine.
The door opened, and Reynolds appeared—
“The cab is waiting, if you please, Miss
Melwyn.”
“Oh, dear! oh, dear! I can’t go just this
moment. Bid the man wait.”
“It is late already,” said Reynolds, taking
out his watch. “The train starts in twenty
minutes.”
“Oh, dear! oh, dear! and when does the
next go? I can’t go by this. Can I, dear
Mrs. Danvers? It is impossible.”
“Another starts in an hour afterward.”[Pg 22]
“Oh! that will do—tell Sarah to be ready
for that. Well, my dear, go on, go on—dear
Lettice, you were about to tell us how all this
happened—but just another cup of tea. Do you
like it strong?”
“I like it any way,” said Lettice, who was
beginning to recover her spirits, “I have not
tasted any thing so comfortable for a very long
time.”
“Dear me! dear me!”
“You must have suffered very much, I fear,
my dear young lady,” said Mrs. Danvers, in a
kind voice of interest, “before you could have
sunk to the level of that miserable home where
I found you.”
“Yes,” said Lettice. “Every one suffers
very much, be the descent slow or rapid, when
he has to fall so far. But what were my sufferings
to poor Myra’s!”
“And why were your sufferings as nothing
in comparison with poor Myra’s?”
“Ah, madam, there are some in this world
not particularly favored by nature or fortune,
who were born to be denied; who are used to
it from their childhood—it becomes a sort of
second nature to them, as it were. They
scarcely feel it. But a beautiful girl, adored
by an old relation, accustomed to every sort of
indulgence and luxury! They doated upon the
very ground she trod on. Oh! to be cast down
to such misery, that is dreadful.”
“I don’t see—I don’t know,” said Catherine,
who, like the world in general, however much
they might admire, and however much too
many might flatter Myra, greatly preferred
Lettice to her sister.
“I don’t know,” said she, doubtingly.
“Ah! but you would know if you could see!”
said the generous girl. “If you could see what
she suffers from every thing—from things that
I do not even feel, far less care for—you would
be so sorry for her.”
Mrs. Danvers looked with increasing interest
upon the speaker. She seemed to wish to go
on with the conversation about this sister, so
much pitied; so she said, “I believe what you
say is very true. Very true, Catherine, in spite
of your skeptical looks. Some people really do
suffer very much more than others under the
same circumstances of privation.”
“Yes, selfish people like Myra,” thought
Catherine, but she said nothing.
“Indeed, madam, it is so. They seem to
feel every thing so much more. Poor Myra—I
can sleep like a top in our bed, and she very
often can not close her eyes—and the close
room, and the poor food. I can get along—I
was made to rough it, my poor aunt always
said—but Myra!”
“Well but,” rejoined Catherine, “do pray
tell us how you came to this cruel pass? Your
poor father—”
“His illness was very lingering and very
painful—and several times a surgical operation
was required. My mother could not bear—could
any of us?—to have it done by the poor
blundering operator of that remote village. To
have a surgeon from Nottingham was very expensive;
and then the medicines; and the necessary
food and attendance. The kindest and
most provident father can not save much out of
one hundred and ten pounds a year, and what
was saved was soon all gone.”
“Well, well,” repeated Catherine, her eyes
fixed with intense interest upon the speaker.
“His deathbed was a painful scene,” Lettice
went on, her face displaying her emotion, while
she with great effort restrained her tears: “he
trusted in God; but there was a fearful prospect
before us, and he could not help trembling
for his children. Dear, dear father! he reproached
himself for his want of faith, and
would try to strengthen us, ‘but the flesh,’ he
said, ‘was weak.’ He could not look forward
without anguish. It was a fearful struggle to
be composed and confiding—he could not help
being anxious. It was for us, you know, not
for himself.”
“Frightful!” cried Catherine, indignantly;
“frightful! that a man of education, a scholar,
a gentleman, a man of so much activity in doing
good, and so much power in preaching it, should
be brought to this. One hundred and ten
pounds a year, was that all? How could you
exist?”
“We had the house and the garden besides,
you know, and my mother was such an excellent
manager; and my father! No religious
of the severest order was ever more self-denying,
and there was only me. My aunt Price,
you know, took Myra—Myra had been delicate
from a child, and was so beautiful, and she was
never made to rough it, my mother and my
aunt said. Now I seemed made expressly for
the purpose,” she added, smiling with perfect
simplicity.
“And his illness, so long! and so expensive!”
exclaimed Catherine, with a sort of cry.
“Yes, it was—and to see the pains he took
that it should not be expensive. He would be
quite annoyed if my mother got any thing nicer
than usual for his dinner. She used to be
obliged to make a mystery of it; and we were
forced almost to go down upon our knees to
get him to have the surgeon from Nottingham.
Nothing but the idea that his life would be more
secure in such hands could have persuaded
him into it. He knew how important that was
to us. As for the pain which the bungling old
doctor hard by would have given him, he would
have borne that rather than have spent money.
Oh, Catherine! there have been times upon
times when I have envied the poor. They have
hospitals to go to; they are not ashamed to ask
for a little wine from those who have it; they
can beg when they are in want of a morsel of
bread. It is natural. It is right—they feel it
to be right. But oh! for those, as they call it,
better born, and educated to habits of thought
like those of my poor father!… Want is,
indeed, like an armed man, when he comes into
their dwellings.”[Pg 23]
“Too true, my dear young lady,” said Mrs.
Danvers, whose eyes were by this time moist;
“but go on, if it does not pain you too much,
your story is excessively interesting. There is
yet a wide step between where your relation
leaves us, and where I found you.”
“We closed his eyes at last in deep sorrow.
Excellent man, he deserved a better lot! So,
at least, it seems to me—but who knows? Nay,
he would have reproved me for saying so. He
used to say of himself, so cheerfully, ‘It’s a rough
road, but it leads to a good place.’ Why could
he not feel this for his wife and children? He
found that so very difficult!”
“He was an excellent and a delightful man,”
said Catherine. “Well?”…
“Well, my dear, when he had closed his eyes,
there was his funeral. We could not have a
parish funeral. The veriest pauper has a piety
toward the dead which revolts at that. We did
it as simply as we possibly could, consistently
with common decency; but they charge so
enormously for such things: and my poor mother
would not contest it. When I remonstrated a
little, and said I thought it was right to prevent
others being treated in the same way, who could
no better afford it than we could, I shall never
forget my mother’s face: ‘I dare say—yes,
you are right, Lettice; quite right—but not
this—not his. I can not debate that matter.
Forgive me, dear girl; it is weak—but I can
not.’
“This expense exhausted all that was left of
our little money: only a few pounds remained
when our furniture had been sold, and we were
obliged to give up possession of that dear, dear,
little parsonage, and we were without a roof to
shelter us. You remember it, Catherine!”
“Remember it! to be sure I do. That
sweet little place. The tiny house, all covered
over with honey-suckles and jasmines. How
sweet they did smell. And your flower-garden,
Lettice, how you used to work in it. It was
that which made you so hale and strong, aunt
Montague said. She admired your industry so,
you can’t think. She used to say you were
worth a whole bundle of fine ladies.”
“Did she?” and Lettice smiled again. She
was beginning to look cheerful, in spite of her
dismal story. There was something so inveterately
cheerful in that temper, that nothing
could entirely subdue it. The warmth of her
generous nature it was that kept the blood and
spirits flowing.
“It was a sad day when we parted from it.
My poor mother! How she kept looking back—looking
back—striving not to cry; and Myra
was drowned in tears.”
“And what did you do?”
“I am sure I don’t know; I was so sorry for
them both; I quite forget all the rest.”
“But how came you to London?” asked
Mrs. Danvers. “Every body, without other resource,
seem to come to London. The worst
place, especially for women, they can possibly
come to. People are so completely lost in London.
Nobody dies of want, nobody is utterly
and entirely destitute of help or friends, except
in London.”
“A person we knew in the village, and to
whom my father had been very kind, had a son
who was employed in one of the great linen-warehouses,
and he promised to endeavor to get
us needle-work; and we flattered ourselves,
with industry, we should, all three together, do
pretty well. So we came to London, and took
a small lodging, and furnished it with the remnant
of our furniture. We had our clothes,
which, though plain enough, were a sort of little
property, you know. But when we came
to learn the prices they actually paid for work,
it was really frightful! Work fourteen hours a
day apiece, and we could only gain between
three and four shillings a week each—sometimes
hardly that. There was our lodging to pay,
three shillings a week, and six shillings left for
firing and food for three people; this was in the
weeks of plenty. Oh! it was frightful!”
“Horrible!” echoed Catherine.
“We could not bring ourselves down to it at
once. We hoped and flattered ourselves that
by-and-by we should get some work that would
pay better; and when we wanted a little more
food, or in very cold days a little more fire, we
were tempted to sell or pawn one article after
another. At last my mother fell sick, and then
all went; she died, and she had a pauper’s
funeral,” concluded Lettice, turning very pale.
They were all three silent. At last Mrs.
Danvers began again.
“That was not the lodging I found you in?”
“No, madam, that was too expensive. We
left it, and we only pay one-and-sixpence a
week for this, the furniture being our own.”
“The cab is at the door, Miss Melwyn,”
again interrupted Reynolds.
“Oh, dear! oh, dear! I can’t go, indeed,
Mrs. Danvers, I can’t go;” with a pleading
look, “may I stay one day longer?”
“Most gladly would I keep you, my dearest
love; but your father and mother…. And
they will have sent to meet you.”
“And suppose they have, John must go back,
but stay, stay, Sarah shall go and take all my
boxes, and say I am coming to-morrow; that
will do.”
“And you travel alone by railway? Your
mother will never like that.”
“I am ashamed,” cried Catherine, with energy,
“to think of such mere conventional difficulties,
when here I stand in the presence of real misery.
Indeed, my dear Mrs. Danvers, my mother will
be quite satisfied when she hears why I staid.
I must be an insensible creature if I could go
away without seeing more of dear Lettice.”
Lettice looked up so pleased, so grateful, so
happy.
“Well, my love, I think your mother will
not be uneasy, as Sarah goes; and I just remember
Mrs. Sands travels your way to-morrow,
so she will take care of you; for taken care
of you must be, my pretty Catherine, till you[Pg 24]
are a little less young, and somewhat less handsome.”
And she patted the sweet, fall, rosy cheek.
Catherine was very pretty indeed, if you care
to know that, and so it was settled.
And now, Lettice having enjoyed a happier
hour than she had known for many a long day,
began to recollect herself, and to think of poor
Myra.
She rose from her chair, and taking up her
bonnet and shawl, which Catherine had hung
before the fire to dry, seemed preparing to
depart.
Then both Catherine and Mrs. Danvers began
to think of her little bill, which had not been
settled yet. Catherine felt excessively awkward
and uncomfortable at the idea of offering
her old friend and companion money; but Mrs.
Danvers was too well acquainted with real
misery, had too much approbation for that spirit
which is not above earning, but is above begging,
to have any embarrassment in such a
case.
“Catherine, my dear,” she said, “you owe
Miss Arnold some money. Had you not better
settle it before she leaves?”
Both the girls blushed.
“Nay, my dears,” said Mrs. Danvers, kindly;
“why this? I am sure,” coming up to them,
and taking Lettice’s hand, “I hold an honest
hand here, which is not ashamed to labor, when
it has been the will of God that it shall be by
her own exertions that she obtains her bread,
and part of the bread of another, if I mistake
not. What you have nobly earned as nobly
receive. Humiliation belongs to the idle and
the dependent, not to one who maintains herself.”
The eyes of Lettice glistened, and she could
not help gently pressing the hand which held
hers.
Such sentiments were congenial to her heart.
She had never been able to comprehend the
conventional distinctions between what is honorable
or degrading, under the fetters of which
so many lose the higher principles of independence—true
honesty and true honor. To work
for her living had never lessened her in her
own eyes; and she had found, with a sort of
astonishment, that it was to sink her in the eyes
of others. To deny herself every thing in food,
furniture, clothing, in order to escape debt, and
add in her little way to the comforts of those
she loved, had ever appeared to her noble and
praiseworthy. She was as astonished, as many
such a heart has been before her, with the
course of this world’s esteem, too often measured
by what people spend upon themselves,
rather than by what they spare. I can not get
that story in the newspaper—the contempt expressed
for the dinner of one mutton chop,
potatoes, and a few greens—out of my head.
Catherine’s confusion had, in a moment of
weakness, extended to Lettice. She had felt
ashamed to be paid as a workwoman by one
once her friend, and in social rank her equal;
but now she raised her head, with a noble frankness
and spirit.
“I am very much obliged to you for recollecting
it, madam, for in truth the money is very much
wanted; and if—” turning to her old
friend, “my dear Catherine can find me a little more
work, I should be very greatly obliged to
her.”
Catherine again changed color. Work! she
was longing to offer her money. She had
twenty pounds in her pocket, a present from
her godmother, to buy something pretty for her
wedding. She was burning with desire to put
it into Lettice’s hand.
She stammered—she hesitated.
“Perhaps you have no more work just now,”
said Lettice. “Never mind, then; I am sure
when there is an opportunity, you will remember
what a pleasure it will be to me to work
for you; and that a poor needlewoman is very
much benefited by having private customers.”
“My dear, dear Lettice!” and Catherine’s
arms were round her neck. She could not help
shedding a few tears.
“But to return to business,” said Mrs. Danvers,
“for I see Miss Arnold is impatient to be
gone. What is your charge, my dear? These
slips are tucked and beautifully stitched and
done.”
“I should not get more than threepence, at
most fourpence, at the shops for them. Should
you think ninepence an unreasonable charge?
I believe it is what you would pay if you had
them done at the schools.”
“Threepence, fourpence, ninepence! Good
Heavens!” cried Catherine; “so beautifully
done as these are; and then your needles
and thread, you have made no charge for
them.”
“We pay for those ourselves,” said Lettice.
“But my dear,” said Mrs. Danvers, “what
Catherine would have to pay for this work, if
bought from a linen warehouse, would at least
be fifteen pence, and not nearly so well done,
for these are beautiful. Come, you must ask
eighteen pence; there are six of them; nine
shillings, my dear.”
The eyes of poor Lettice quite glistened.
She could not refuse. She felt that to seem
over delicate upon this little enhancement of
price would be really great moral indelicacy.
“Thank you,” said she, “you are very liberal;
but it must only be for this once. If I am to
be your needlewoman in ordinary, Catherine, I
must only be paid what you would pay to
others.”
She smiled pleasantly as she said this; but
Catherine could not answer the smile. She felt
very sad as she drew the nine shillings from her
purse, longing to make them nine sovereigns.
But she laid the money at last before Lettice
upon the table.
Lettice took it up, and bringing out an old
dirty leathern purse, was going to put it in.
“At least, let me give you a better purse,”
said Catherine, eagerly, offering her own handsome[Pg 25]
one, yet of a strong texture, for it was her
business purse.
“They would think I had stolen it,” said Lettice,
putting it aside. “No, thank you, dear, kind
Catherine. Consistency in all things; and my
old leather convenience seems to me much more
consistent with my bonnet than your beautiful
one. Not but that I shall get myself a decent
bonnet now, for really this is a shame to be
seen. And so, good-by; and farewell, madam.
When you have work, you won’t forget me, will
you, dear?”
“Oh, Catherine has plenty of work,” put in
Mrs. Danvers, “but somehow she is not quite
herself this morning”—again looking at her
very kindly. “You can not wonder, Miss Arnold,
that she is much more agitated by this
meeting than you can be. My dear, there are
those pocket-handkerchiefs to be marked, which
we durst not trust to an unknown person. That
will be a profitable job. My dear, you would
have to pay five shillings apiece at Mr. Morris’s
for having them embroidered according to that
pattern you fixed upon, and which I doubt not
your friend and her sister can execute. There
are six of them to be done.”
“May I look at the pattern? Oh, yes! I
think I can do it. I will take the greatest possible
pains. Six at five shillings each! Oh!
madam!—Oh, Catherine!—what a benefit this
will be.”
Again Catherine felt it impossible to speak.
She could only stoop down, take the poor hand,
so roughened with hardships, and raise it to her
lips.
The beautiful handkerchiefs were brought.
“I will only take one at a time, if you please.
These are too valuable to be risked at our lodgings.
When I have done this, I will fetch another,
and so on. I shall not lose time in getting
them done, depend upon it,” said Lettice,
cheerfully.
“Take two, at all events, and then Myra can
help you.”
“No, only one at present, at least, thank
you.”
She did not say what she knew to be very
true, that Myra could not help her. Myra’s
fingers were twice as delicate as her own;
and Myra, before their misfortunes, had mostly
spent her time in ornamental work—her aunt
holding plain sewing to be an occupation rather
beneath so beautiful and distinguished a creature.
Nevertheless, when work became of so
much importance to them all, and fine work
especially, as gaining so much better a recompense
in proportion to the time employed, Myra’s
accomplishments in this way proved very
useless. She had not been accustomed to that
strenuous, and, to the indolent, painful effort,
which is necessary to do any thing well. To
exercise self-denial, self-government, persevering
industry, virtuous resistance against weariness,
disgust, aching fingers and heavy eyes—temptations
which haunt the indefatigable laborer
in such callings, she was incapable of:
the consequence was, that she worked in a very
inferior manner. While Lettice, as soon as she
became aware of the importance of this accomplishment
as to the means of increasing her
power of adding to her mother’s comforts, had
been indefatigable in her endeavors to accomplish
herself in the art, and was become a very
excellent workwoman.
CHAPTER III.
As ever sullied the fair face of light.”—Pope.
And now she is upon her way home. And
oh! how lightly beats that honest simple
heart in her bosom: and oh! how cheerily sits
her spirit upon its throne. How happily, too,
she looks about at the shops, and thinks of what
she shall buy; not what she can possibly do
without; not of the very cheapest and poorest
that is to be had for money, but upon what she
shall choose!
Then she remembers the fable of the Maid
and the Milk-pail, and grows prudent and
prosaic; and resolves that she will not spend
her money till she has got it. She begins to
limit her desires, and to determine that she will
only lay out six shillings this morning, and keep
three in her purse, as a resource for contingencies.
Nay, she begins to grow a little Martha-like
and careful, and to dream about savings-banks;
and putting half-a-crown in, out of the
way of temptation, when she is paid for her first
pocket-handkerchief.
Six shillings, however, she means to expend
for the more urgent wants. Two shillings
coals; one shilling a very, very coarse straw
bonnet; fourpence ribbon to trim it with; one
shilling bread, and sixpence potatoes, a half-pennyworth
of milk, and then, what is left?—one
shilling and a penny-half-penny. Myra
shall have a cup of tea, with sugar in it; and a
muffin, that she loves so, and a bit of butter.
Four-pennyworth of tea, three-pennyworth of
sugar, two-pennyworth of butter, one penny
muffin; and threepence-halfpenny remains in
the good little manager’s hands.
She came up the dark stairs of her lodgings
so cheerfully, followed by a boy lugging up her
coals, she carrying the other purchases herself—so
happy! quite radiant with joy—and opened
the door of the miserable little apartment.
It was a bleak wintry morning. Not a single
ray of the sun could penetrate the gray fleecy
covering in which the houses were wrapped;
yet the warmth of the smoke and fires was
sufficient so far to assist the temperature of the
atmosphere as to melt the dirty snow; which
now kept dripping from the roofs in dreary
cadence, and splashing upon the pavement below.
The room looked so dark, so dreary, so
dismal! Such a contrast to the one she had
just left! Myra was up, and was dressed in
her miserable, half-worn, cotton gown, which
was thrown round her in the most untidy, comfortless[Pg 26]
manner. She could not think it worth
while to care how such a gown was put on.
Her hair was dingy and disordered; to be sure
there was but a broken comb to straighten it
with, and who could do any thing with such a
comb? She was cowering over the fire, which
was now nearly extinguished, and, from time to
time, picking up bit by bit of the cinders, as
they fell upon the little hearth, putting them on
again—endeavoring to keep the fire alive.
Wretchedness in the extreme was visible in her
dress, her attitude, her aspect.
She turned round as Lettice entered, and
saying pettishly, “I thought you never would
come back, and I do so want my shawl,” returned
to her former attitude, with her elbows
resting upon her knees, and her chin upon the
palms of her hands.
“I have been a sad long time, indeed,” said
Lettice, good-humoredly; “you must have been
tired to death of waiting for me, and wondering
what I could be about. But I’ve brought something
back which will make you amends. And,
in the first place, here’s your shawl,” putting it
over her, “and thank you for the use of it—though
I would not ask your leave, because I
could not bear to waken you. But I was sure
you would lend it me—and now for the fire.
For once in a way we will have a good one.
There, Sim, bring in the coals, put them in that
wooden box there. Now for a good lump or
two.” And on they went; and the expiring
fire began to crackle and sparkle, and make a
pleased noise, and a blaze soon caused even that
room to look a little cheerful.
“Oh dear! I am so glad we may for once be
allowed to have coal enough to put a spark of
life into us,” said Myra.
Lettice had by this time filled the little old
tin kettle, and was putting it upon the fire, and
then she fetched an old tea-pot with a broken
spout, a saucer without a cup, and a cup without
a saucer; and putting the two together, for
they were usually divided between the sisters,
said:
“I have got something for you which I know
you will like still better than a blaze, a cup of
tea. And to warm your poor fingers, see if you
can’t toast yourself this muffin,” handing it to
her upon what was now a two-pronged, but had
once been a three-pronged fork.
“But what have you got for yourself?” Myra
had, at least, the grace to say.
“Oh! I have had such a breakfast. And
such a thing has happened! but I can not and
will not tell you till you have had your own
breakfast, poor, dear girl. You must be ravenous—at
least, I should be in your place—but
you never seem so hungry as I am, poor Myra.
However, I was sure you could eat a muffin.”
“That was very good-natured of you, Lettice,
to think of it. It will be a treat. But oh! to
think that we should be brought to this—to
think a muffin—one muffin—a treat!” she added
dismally.
“Let us be thankful when we get it, however,”
said her sister: “upon my word. Mrs.
Bull has given us some very good coals. Oh,
how the kettle does enjoy them! It must be
quite a treat to our kettle to feel hot—poor
thing! Lukewarm is the best it mostly attains
to. Hear how it buzzes and hums, like a
pleased child.”
And so she prattled, and put a couple of spoonfuls
of tea into the cracked tea-pot. There
were but about six in the paper, but Myra liked
her tea strong, and she should have it as she
pleased this once. Then she poured out a cup,
put in some milk and sugar, and, with a smile
of ineffable affection, presented it, with the
muffin she had buttered, to her sister. Myra
did enjoy it. To the poor, weedy, delicate
thing, a cup of good tea, with something to eat
that she could relish, was a real blessing. Mrs.
Danvers was right so far: things did really go
much harder with her than with Lettice; but
then she made them six times worse by her discontent
and murmuring spirit, and Lettice made
them six times better by her cheerfulness and
generous disregard of self.
While the one sister was enjoying her breakfast,
the other, who really began to feel tired,
was very glad to sit down and enjoy the fire.
So she took the other chair, and, putting herself
upon the opposite side of the little table, began
to stretch out her feet to the fender, and feel
herself quite comfortable. Three shillings in
her purse, and three-pence halfpenny to do just
what she liked with! perhaps buy Myra a roll
for tea: there would be butter enough left.
Then she began her story. But the effect it
produced was not exactly what she had expected.
Instead of sharing in her sister’s thankful joy for
this unexpected deliverance from the most abject
want, through the discovery of a friend—able
and willing to furnish employment herself, and
to recommend them, as, in her hopeful view of
things, Lettice anticipated, to others, and promising
them work of a description that would pay
well, and make them quite comfortable—Myra
began to draw a repining contrast between
Catherine’s situation and her own.
The poor beauty had been educated by her
silly and romantic old aunt to look forward to
making some capital match. “She had such a
sweet pretty face, and so many accomplishments
of mind and manner,” for such was the way the
old woman loved to talk. Accomplishments of
mind and manner, by the way, are indefinite
things; any body may put in a claim for them
on the part of any one. As for the more positive
acquirements which are to be seen, handled,
or heard and appreciated—such as dancing,
music, languages, and so forth, Myra had as
slender a portion of those as usually falls to the
lot of indulged, idle, nervous girls. The poor
beauty felt all the bitterness of the deepest
mortification at what she considered this cruel
contrast of her fate as compared to Catherine’s.
She had been indulged in that pernicious habit
of the mind—the making claims. “With claims
no better than her own” was her expression[Pg 27]
for though Catherine had more money, every
body said Catherine was only pretty, which last
sentence implied that there was another person
of Catherine’s acquaintance, who was positively
and extremely beautiful.
Lettice, happily for herself, had never been
accustomed to make “claims.” She had, indeed,
never distinctly understood whom such
claims were to be made upon. She could not
quite see why it was very hard that other people
should be happier than herself. I am sure she
would have been very sorry if she had thought
that every body was as uncomfortable.
She was always sorry when she heard her
sister talking in this manner, partly because she
felt it could not be quite right, and partly because
she was sure it did no good, but made
matters a great deal worse; but she said
nothing. Exhortation, indeed, only made matters
worse: nothing offended Myra so much as
an attempt to make her feel more comfortable,
and to reconcile her to the fate she complained
of as so hard.
Even when let alone, it would often be some
time before she recovered her good humor; and
this was the case now. I am afraid she was a
little vexed that Lettice and not herself had met
with the good luck first to stumble upon Catherine,
and also a little envious of the pleasing
impression it was plain her sister had made. So
she began to fall foul of Lettice’s new bonnet,
and to say, in a captious tone,
“You got money enough to buy yourself a
new bonnet, I see.”
“Indeed, I did,” Lettice answered with simplicity.
“It was the very first thing I thought
of. Mine was such a wretched thing, and
wetted with the snow—the very boys hooted at
it. Poor old friend!” said she, turning it upon
her hand, “you have lost even the shape and
pretension to be a bonnet. What must I do
with thee? The back of the fire? Sad fate!
No, generous companion of my cares and labors,
that shall not be thy destiny. Useful to the
last, thou shalt light to-morrow’s fire; and that
will be the best satisfaction to thy generous
manes.”
“My bonnet is not so very much better,” said
Myra, rather sulkily.
“Not so very much, alas! but better, far
better than mine. And, besides, confess, please,
my dear, that you had the last bonnet. Two
years ago, it’s true; but mine had seen three;
and then, remember, I am going into grand company
again to-morrow, and must be decent.”
This last remark did not sweeten Myra’s
temper.
“Oh! I forgot. Of course you’ll keep your
good company to yourself. I am, indeed, not
fit to be seen in it. But you’ll want a new
gown and a new shawl, my dear, though, indeed,
you can always take mine, as you did this
morning.”
“Now, Myra!” said Lettice, “can you really
be so naughty? Nay, you are cross; I see it
in your face, though you won’t look at me.
Now don’t be so foolish. Is it not all the same
to us both? Are we not in one box? If you
wish for the new bonnet, take it, and I’ll take
yours: I don’t care, my dear. You were always
used to be more handsomely dressed than me—it
must seem quite odd for you not to be so. I
only want to be decent when I go about the
work, which I shall have to do often, as I told
you, because I dare not have two of these expensive
handkerchiefs in my possession at once.
Dear me, girl! Have we not troubles enough?
For goodness’ sake don’t let us make them.
There, dear, take the bonnet, and I’ll take
yours; but I declare, when I look at the two,
this is so horridly coarse, yours, old as it is
looks the genteeler to my mind,” laughing.
So thought Myra, and kept her own bonnet,
Lettice putting upon it the piece of new ribbon
she had bought, and after smoothing and rubbing
the faded one upon her sister’s, trimming with
it her own.
The two friends in Green-street sat silently
for a short time after the door had closed upon
Lettice; and then Catherine began.
“More astonishing things happen in the real
world than one ever finds in a book. I am sure
if such a reverse of fortune as this had been
described to me in a story, I should at once have
declared it to be impossible. I could not have
believed it credible that, in a society such as
ours—full of all sorts of kind, good-natured
people, who are daily doing so much for the
poor—an amiable girl like this, the daughter of
a clergyman of the Church of England, could
be suffered to sink into such abject poverty.”
“Ah! my dear Catherine, that shows you
have only seen life upon one side, and that its
fairest side—as it presents itself in the country.
You can not imagine what a dreadful thing it
may prove in large cities. It can not enter into
the head of man to conceive the horrible contrasts
of large cities—the dreadful destitution of
large cities—the awful solitude of a crowd. In
the country, I think, such a thing hardly could
have happened, however great the difficulty is
of helping those who still preserve the delicacy
and dignity with regard to money matters, which
distinguishes finer minds—but in London what
can be done? Like lead in the mighty waters,
the moneyless and friendless sink to the bottom,
Society in all its countless degrees closes over
them: they are lost in its immensity, hidden
from every eye, and they perish as an insect
might perish; amid the myriads of its kind, unheeded
by every other living creature. Ah, my
love! if your walks lay where mine have done,
your heart would bleed for these destitute
women, born to better hopes, and utterly shipwrecked.”
“She was such a dear, amiable girl,” Catherine
went on, “so cheerful, so sweet-tempered—so
clever in all that one likes to see people
clever about! Her mother was a silly woman.”
“So she showed, I fear, by coming to London,”
said Mrs. Danvers.[Pg 28]
“She was so proud of Myra’s beauty, and
she seemed to think so little of Lettice. She
was always prophesying that Myra would make
a great match; and so did her aunt, Mrs. Price,
who was no wiser than Mrs. Arnold; and they
brought up the poor girl to such a conceit of
herself—to ‘not to do this,’ and ‘it was beneath
her to do that’—and referring every individual
thing to her comfort and advancement, till, poor
girl, she could hardly escape growing, what she
certainly did grow into, a very spoiled, selfish
creature. While dear Lettice in her simplicity—that
simplicity ‘which thinketh no evil’—took
it so naturally, that so it was, and so it
ought to be; that sometimes one laughed, and
sometimes one felt provoked, but one loved her
above all things. I never saw such a temper.”
“I dare say,” said Mrs. Danvers, “that your
intention in staying in town to-day was to pay
them a visit, which, indeed, we had better do.
I had only a glance into their apartment the
other day, but it occurred to me that they
wanted common necessaries. Ignorant as I was
of who they were, I was thinking to get them
put upon Lady A——’s coal and blanket list,
but that can not very well be done now. However,
presents are always permitted under certain
conditions, and the most delicate receive
them; and, really, this is a case to waive a feeling
of that sort in some measure. As you are
an old friend and acquaintance, there can be no
harm in a few presents before you leave town.”
“So I was thinking, ma’am, and I am very
impatient to go and see them, and find out what
they may be most in want of.”
“Well, my dear, I do not see why we should
lose time, and I will order a cab to take us, for
it is rather too far to walk this terrible day.”
They soon arrived at the place I have described,
and, descending from their cab, walked
along in front of this row of lofty houses looking
upon the grave-yard, and inhabited by so
much human misery. The doors of most of the
houses stood open, for they were all let in rooms,
and the entrance and staircase were common as
the street. What forms of human misery and
degradation presented themselves during one
short walk which I once took there with a friend
employed upon a mission of mercy!
Disease in its most frightful form, panting to
inhale a little fresh air. Squalid misery, the
result of the gin-shop—decent misery ready to
starve. Women shut up in one room with great
heartless, brutal, disobedient boys—sickness resting
untended upon its solitary bed. Wailing infants—scolding
mothers—human nature under
its most abject and degraded forms. No thrift,
no economy, no attempt at cleanliness and order.
Idleness, recklessness, dirt, and wretchedness.
Perhaps the very atmosphere of towns; perhaps
these close, ill-ventilated rooms; most certainly
the poisonous gin-shop, engender a relaxed state
of nerves and muscles, which deprives people
of the spirits ever to attempt to make themselves
a little decent. Then water is so dear,
and dirt so pervading the very atmosphere.
Poor things, they give it up; and acquiesce in,
and become accustomed to it, and “avec un mal
heur sourd dont l’on ne se rend pas compte,”
gradually sink and sink into the lowest abyss
of habitual degradation.
It is difficult to express the painful sensations
which Catherine experienced when she entered
the room of the two sisters. To her the dirty
paper, the carpetless floor, the miserable bed,
the worm-eaten and scanty furniture, the aspect
of extreme poverty which pervaded every thing,
were so shocking, that she could hardly restrain
her tears. Not so Mrs. Danvers.
Greater poverty, even she, could rarely have
seen; but it was too often accompanied with
what grieved her more, reckless indifference,
and moral degradation. Dirt and disorder,
those agents of the powers of darkness, were
almost sure to be found where there was extreme
want; but here the case was different.
As her experienced eye glanced round the
room, she could perceive that, poor as was the
best, the best was made of it; that a cheerful,
active spirit—the “How to make the best of it”—that
spirit which is like the guardian angel
of the poor, had been busy here.
The floor, though bare, was clean; the bed,
though so mean, neatly arranged and made;
the grate was bright; the chairs were dusted;
the poor little plenishing neatly put in order.
No dirty garments hanging about the room;
all carefully folded and put away they were;
though she could not, of course, see that, for
there were no half-open drawers of the sloven,
admitting dust and dirt, and offending the eye.
Lettice herself, with hair neatly braided, her
poor worn gown carefully put on, was sitting
by the little table, busy at her work, looking
the very picture of modest industry. Only one
figure offended the nice moral sense of Mrs.
Danvers: that of Myra, who sat there with her
fine hair hanging round her face, in long, dirty,
disheveled ringlets, her feet stretched out and
pushed slip-shod into her shoes. With her
dress half put on, and hanging over her, as
the maids say, “no how,” she was leaning
back in the chair, and sewing very languidly
at a very dirty piece of work which she held
in her hand.
Both sisters started up when the door opened.
Lettice’s cheeks flushed with joy, and her
eye sparkled with pleasure as she rose to receive
her guests, brought forward her other
only chair, stirred the fire, and sent the light
of a pleasant blaze through the room. Myra
colored also, but her first action was to stoop
down hastily to pull up the heels of her shoes;
she then east a hurried glance upon her dress,
and arranged it a little—occupied as usual with
herself, her own appearance was the first thought—and
never in her life more disagreeably.
Catherine shook hands heartily with Lettice,
saying, “We are soon met again, you see;”
and then went up to Myra, and extended her
hand to her. The other took it, but was evidently
so excessively ashamed of her poverty,[Pg 29]
and her present appearance, before one who had
seen her in better days, that she could not speak,
or make any other reply to a kind speech of
Catherine’s, but by a few unintelligible murmurs.
“I was impatient to come,” said Catherine—she
and Mrs. Danvers having seated themselves
upon the two smaller chairs, while the sisters
sat together upon the larger one—”because,
you know, I must go out of town so very soon,
and I wanted to call upon you, and have a little
chat and talk of old times—and, really—really—”
she hesitated. Dear, good thing, she was
so dreadfully afraid of mortifying either of the
two in their present fallen state.
“And, really—really,” said Mrs. Danvers,
smiling, “out with it, my love—really—really,
Lettice, Catherine feels as I am sure you would
feel if the cases were reversed. She can not
bear the thoughts of her own prosperity, and at
the same time think of your misfortunes. I
told her I was quite sure you would not be hurt
if she did for you, what I was certain you
would have done in such a case for her, and
would let her make you a little more comfortable
before she went. The poor thing’s wedding-day
will be quite spoiled by thinking about
you, if you won’t, Lettice.”
Lettice stretched out her hand to Catherine
by way of answer; and received in return the
most warm and affectionate squeeze. Myra
was very glad to be made more comfortable—there
was no doubt of that; but half offended,
and determined to be as little obliged as possible.
And then, Catherine going to be married
too. How hard!—every kind of good luck to
be heaped upon her, and she herself so unfortunate
in every way.
But nobody cared for her ungracious looks.
Catherine knew her of old, and Mrs. Danvers
understood the sort of thing she was in a minute.
Her walk had lain too long amid the
victims of false views and imperfect moral
training, to be surprised at this instance of their
effects. The person who surprised her was
Lettice.
“Well, then,” said Catherine, now quite relieved,
and looking round the room, “where
shall we begin? What will you have? What
do you want most? I shall make you wedding
presents, you see, instead of you making them
to me. When your turn comes you shall have
your revenge.”
“Well,” Lettice said, “what must be must
be, and it’s nonsense playing at being proud. I
am very much obliged to you, indeed, Catherine,
for thinking of us at this time; and if I must
tell you what I should be excessively obliged to
you for, it is a pair of blankets. Poor Myra
can hardly sleep for the cold.”
“It’s not the cold—it’s the wretched, hard,
lumpy bed,” muttered Myra.
This hint sent Catherine to the bed-side.
“Oh, dear! oh, dear!” cried she, piteously,
“poor dear things, how could you sleep at all?
Do they call this a bed? and such blankets!
Poor Myra!” her compassion quite overcoming
her dislike. “No wonder. My goodness! my
goodness! it’s very shocking indeed.” And the
good young thing could not help crying.
“Blankets, dear girls! and a mattress, and a
feather bed, and two pillows. How have you
lived through it? And you, poor Myra, used
to be made so much of. Poor girl! I am so
sorry for you.”
And oh! how her heart smote her for all she
had said and thought to Myra’s disadvantage.
And oh! how the generous eyes of Lettice
beamed with pleasure as these compassionate
words were addressed to her sister. Myra was
softened and affected. She could almost forgive
Catherine for being so fortunate.
“You are very kind, indeed, Catherine,” she
said.
Catherine, now quite at her ease, began to
examine into their other wants; and without
asking many questions, merely by peeping about,
and forming her own conclusions, was soon pretty
well aware of what was of the most urgent necessity.
She was now quite upon the fidget to
be gone, that she might order and send in the
things; and ten of the twenty pounds given her
for wedding lace was spent before she and Mrs.
Danvers reached home; that lady laughing, and
lamenting over the wedding gown, which would
certainly not be flounced with Honiton, as Catherine’s
good god-mother had intended, and looking
so pleased, contented, and happy, that it did
Catherine’s heart good to see her.
CHAPTER IV.
Sees lilies spring, and sudden verdure rise:
And starts amid the thirsty wilds to hear
New falls of water murm’ring in his ear.”—Pope.
In the evening Mrs. Danvers seemed rather
tired, and the two sat over the fire a long
time, without a single word being uttered; but,
at last, when tea was finished, and they had
both taken their work, Catherine, who had been
in profound meditation all this time, began:
“My dear Mrs. Danvers, are you rested?
I have a great deal to talk to you about, if you
will let me.”
“I must be very much tired, indeed, Catherine,
when I do not like to hear you talk,” was
the kind reply.
Mrs. Danvers reposed very comfortably in her
arm-chair, with her feet upon a footstool before
the cheerful blazing fire; and now Catherine
drew her chair closer, rested her feet upon the
fender, and seemed to prepare herself for a
regular confidential talk with her beloved old
friend.
“My dear Mrs. Danvers, you are such a
friend both of my dear mother’s and mine, that
I think I may, without scruple, open my whole
heart to you upon a matter in which more than
myself are concerned. If you think me wrong
stop me,” said she, laying her hand affectionately[Pg 30]
upon that of her friend, and fixing those honest,
earnest eyes of hers upon her face.
Mrs. Danvers pressed the hand, and said:
“My love, whatever you confide to me you
know is sacred; and if I can be of any assistance
to you, dear girl, I think you need not scruple
opening your mind; for you know I am a sort
of general mother-confessor to all my acquaintance,
and am as secret as such a profession demands.”
Catherine lifted up the hand; she held it,
pressed it, and continued to hold it; then she
looked at the fire a little while, and at last
spoke.
“Did you never in your walk in life observe
one evil under the sun, which appears to me to
be a most crying one in many families, the undue
influence exercised by, and the power allowed
to servants?”
“Yes, my dear, there are few of the minor
evils—if minor it can be called—that I have
thought productive of more daily discomforts
than that. At times the evils assume a much
greater magnitude, and are very serious indeed.
Alienated hearts—divided families—property to
a large amount unjustly and unrighteously diverted
from its natural channel—and misery,
not to be told, about old age and a dying bed.”
Catherine slightly shuddered, and said:
“I have not had an opportunity of seeing
much of the world, you know; what you say is
rather what I feared it might be, than what I
have actually observed; but I have had a sort
of divination of what might in future arise. It
is inexplicable to me the power a servant may
gain, and the tyrannical way in which she will
dare to exercise it. The unaccountable way in
which those who have every title to command,
may be brought to obey is scarcely to be believed,
and to me inexplicable.”
“Fear and indolence, my dear. Weak spirits
and a weak body, upon the one side; on the
other, that species of force which want of feeling,
want of delicacy, want of a nice conscience, want
even of an enlarged understanding—which rough
habits and coarse perceptions bestow. Believe
me, dear girl, almost as much power is obtained
in this foolish world by the absence of certain
qualities as by the possession of others. Silly
people think it so nice and easy to govern, and
so hard to obey. It requires many higher
qualities, and much more rule over the spirit to
command obedience than to pay it.”
“Yes, no doubt one does not think enough
of that. Jeremy Taylor, in his fine prayers, has
one for a new married wife just about to enter
a family: he teaches her to pray for ‘a right
judgment in all things; not to be annoyed at
trifles; nor discomposed by contrariety of accidents;’
a spirit ‘to overcome all my infirmities,
and comply with and bear with the infirmities
of others; giving offense to none, but doing good
to all I can, but I think he should have added
a petition for strength to rule and guide that
portion of the household which falls under her
immediate care with a firm and righteous hand,
not yielding feebly to the undue encroachment
of others, not suffering, through indolence or a
mistaken love of peace, evil habits to creep over
those who look up to us and depend upon us, to
their own infinite injury as well as to our own.’
Ah! that is the part of a woman’s duty hardest
to fulfill; and I almost tremble,” said the young
bride elect, “when I think how heavy the responsibility;
and how hard I shall find it to acquit
myself as I desire.”
“In this as in other things,” answered Mrs.
Danvers, affectionately passing her hand over
her young favorite’s smooth and shining hair,
“I have ever observed there is but one portion
of real strength; one force alone by which we
can move mountains. But, in that strength we
assuredly are able to move mountains. Was this
all that you had to say, my dear?”
“Oh, no—but—it is so disagreeable—yet I
think. Did you ever notice how things went on
at home, my dear friend?”
“Yes—a little I have. One can not help, you
know, if one stays long in a house, seeing the
relation in which the different members of a
family stand to each other.”
“I thought you must have done so; that
makes it easier for me—well, then, that was one
great reason which made me so unwilling to
leave mamma.”
“I understand.”
“There is a vast deal of that sort of tyranny
exercised in our family already. Ever since I
have grown up I have done all in my power to
check it, by encouraging my poor, dear mamma,
to exert a little spirit; but she is so gentle, so
soft, so indulgent, and so affectionate—for even
that comes in her way…. She gets attached
to every thing around her. She can not bear
new faces, she says, and this I think the servants
know, and take advantage of. They venture to
do as they like, because they think it will be too
painful an exertion for her to change them.”
“Yes, my dear, that is exactly as things go
on; not in your family alone, but in numbers that
I could name if I chose. It is a very serious
evil. It amounts to a sin in many households.
The waste, the almost vicious luxury, the idleness
that is allowed! The positive loss of what
might be so much better bestowed upon those
who really want it, to the positive injury of those
who enjoy it! The demoralizing effect of pampered
habits—the sins which are committed
through the temptation of having nothing to do,
will make, I fear, a dark catalogue against the
masters and mistresses of families; who, because
they have money in abundance, and hate trouble,
allow all this misrule, and its attendant ill consequences
upon their dependents. Neglecting
‘to rule with diligence,’ as the Apostle commands
us, and satisfied, provided they themselves
escape suffering from the ill consequences, except
as far as an overflowing plentiful purse is
concerned. Few people seem to reflect upon
the mischief they may be doing to these their
half-educated fellow creatures by such negligence.”[Pg 31]
Catherine looked very grave, almost sorrowful,
at this speech—she said:
“Poor mamma—but she can not help it—indeed
she can not. She is all love, and is gentleness
itself. The blessed one ‘who thinketh
no evil.’ How can that Randall find the heart
to tease her! as I am sure she does—though
mamma never complains. And then, I am
afraid, indeed, I feel certain, when I am gone
the evil will very greatly increase. You, perhaps,
have observed,” added she, lowering her
voice, “that poor papa makes it particularly
difficult in our family—doubly difficult. His
old wounds, his injured arm, his age and infirmities,
make all sorts of little comforts indispensable
to him. He suffers so much bodily,
and he suffers, too, so much from little inconveniences,
that he can not bear to have any thing
done for him in an unaccustomed way. Randall
and Williams have lived with us ever since I was
five years old—when poor papa came back from
Waterloo almost cut to pieces. And he is so
fond of them he will not hear a complaint against
them—not even from mamma. Oh! it is not
her fault—poor, dear mamma!”
“No, my love, such a dreadful sufferer as the
poor general too often is, makes things very difficult
at times. I understand all that quite well;
but we are still only on the preamble of your
discourse, my Catherine; something more than
vain lamentation is to come of it, I feel sure.”
“Yes, indeed. Dear generous mamma! She
would not hear of my staying with her and giving
up Edgar; nor would she listen to what he was
noble enough to propose, that he should abandon
his profession and come and live at the Hazels,
rather than that I should feel I was tampering
with my duty, for his sake, dear fellow!”
And the tears stood in Catherine’s eyes.
“Nothing I could say would make her listen
to it. I could hardly be sorry for Edgar’s sake.
I knew what a sacrifice it would be upon his
part—more than a woman ought to accept from
a lover, I think—a man in his dotage, as one
may say. Don’t you think so, too, ma’am?”
“Yes, my dear, indeed I do. Well, go on.”
“I have been so perplexed, so unhappy, so
undecided what to do—so sorry to leave this
dear, generous mother to the mercy of those
servants of hers—whose influence, when she is
alone, and with nobody to hearten her up a little,
will be so terribly upon the increase—that I have
not known what to do. But to-day, while I was
dressing for dinner, a sudden, blessed thought
came into my mind—really, just like a flash of
light that seemed to put every thing clear at once—and
it is about that I want to consult you, if
you will let me. That dear Lettice Arnold!—I
knew her from a child. You can not think
what a creature she is. So sensible, so cheerful,
so sweet-tempered, so self-sacrificing, yet so
clever, and firm, and steady, when necessary.
Mamma wants a daughter, and papa wants a
reader and a backgammon prayer. Lettice
Arnold is the very thing.”
Mrs. Danvers made no answer.
“Don’t you think so? Are you not sure?
Don’t you see it?” asked poor Catherine, anxiously.
“Alas! my dear, there is one thing I can
scarcely ever persuade myself to do; and that
is—advise any one to undertake the part of
humble friend.”
“Oh, dear! oh, dear! I know it’s a terrible
part in general; and I can’t think why.”
“Because neither party in general understands
the nature of the relation, nor the exchange of
duties it implies. For want of proper attention
to this, the post of governess is often rendered so
unsatisfactory to one side, and so very uncomfortable
to the other, but in that case at least
something is defined. In the part of the humble
friend there is really nothing—every thing depends
upon the equity and good-nature of the
first party, and the candor and good-will of the
second. Equity not to exact too much—good-nature
to consult the comfort and happiness of
the dependent. On that dependent’s side, candor
in judging of what is exacted; and good-will
cheerfully to do the best in her power to be
amiable and agreeable.”
“I am not afraid of mamma. She will never
be exacting much. She will study the happiness
of all who depend upon her; she only does it
almost too much, I sometimes think, to the
sacrifice of her own comfort, and to the spoiling
of them—and though papa is sometimes so suffering
that he can’t help being a little impatient,
yet he is a perfect gentleman, you know. As
for Lettice Arnold, if ever there was a person
who knew ‘how to make the best of it,’ and sup
cheerfully upon fried onions when she had lost
her piece of roast kid, it is she. Besides, she is
so uniformly good-natured, that it is quite a
pleasure to her to oblige. The only danger
between dearest mamma and Lettice will be—of
their quarreling which shall give up most to
the other. But, joking apart, she is a vast deal
more than I have said—she is a remarkably clever,
spirited girl, and shows it when she is called
upon. You can not think how discreet, how
patient, yet how firm, she can be. Her parents,
poor people, were very difficult to live with, and
were always running wrong. If it had not been
for Lettice, affairs would have got into dreadful
confusion. There is that in her so right, such
an inherent downright sense of propriety and
justice—somehow or other I am confident she
will not let Randall tyrannize over mamma when
I am gone.”
“Really,” said Mrs. Danvers, “what you say
seems very reasonable. There are exceptions to
every rule. It certainly is one of mine to have
as little as possible to do in recommending young
women to the situation of humble friends. Yet
in some cases I have seen all the comfort you
anticipate arise to both parties from such a connection;
and I own I never saw a fairer chance
presented than the present; provided Randall
is not too strong for you all; which may be
feared.”
“Well, then, you do not disadvise me to talk[Pg 32]
to mamma about it, and I will write to you as
soon as I possibly can; and you will be kind
enough to negotiate with Lettice, if you approve
of the terms. As for Randall, she shall not be
too hard for me. Now is my hour; I am in
the ascendant, and I will win this battle or
perish; that is, I will tell mamma I won’t be
married upon any other terms; and to have
‘Miss’ married is quite as great a matter of
pride to Mrs. Randall as to that dearest of
mothers.”
The contest with Mrs. Randall was as fierce
as Catherine, in her worst anticipations, could
have expected. She set herself most doggedly
against the plan. It, indeed, militated against
all her schemes. She had intended to have
every thing far more than ever her own way
when “Miss Catherine was gone;” and though
she had no doubt but that she should “keep the
creature in her place,” and “teach her there
was only one mistress here” (which phrase
usually means the maid, though it implies the
lady), yet she had a sort of a misgiving about it.
There would be one at her (Mrs. Melwyn’s)
ear as well as herself, and at, possibly, her
master’s, too, which was of still more importance.
And then “those sort of people are so
artful and cantankerous. Oh! she’d seen enough
of them in her day! Poor servants couldn’t have
a moment’s peace with a creature like that in
the house, spying about and telling every thing
in the parlor. One can’t take a walk, or see a
poor friend, or have a bit of comfort, but all
goes up there. Well, those may put up with
it who like. Here’s one as won’t, and that’s
me myself; and so I shall make bold to tell
Miss Catherine. General and Mrs. Melwyn
must choose between me and the new-comer.”
Poor Catherine! Mrs. Melwyn cried, and
said her daughter was very right; but she was
sure Randall never would bear it. And the
general, with whom Randall had daily opportunity
for private converse while she bound up
his shattered arm, and dressed the old wound,
which was perpetually breaking out afresh, and
discharging splinters of bone, easily talked her
master into the most decided dislike to the
scheme.
But Catherine stood firm. She had the support
of her own heart and judgment; and the
greater the difficulty, the more strongly she felt
the necessity of the measure. Edgar backed
her, too, with all his might. He could hardly
keep down his vexation at this weakness on one
side, and indignation at the attempted tyranny
on the other, and he said every thing he could
think of to encourage Catherine to persevere.
She talked the matter well over with her
father. The general was the most testy, cross,
and unreasonable of old men; always out of
humor, because always suffering, and always
jealous of every body’s influence and authority,
because he was now too weak and helpless to
rule his family with a rod of iron, such as he,
the greatest of martinets, had wielded in better
days in his regiment and in his household alike.
He suffered himself to be governed by Randall,
and by nobody else; because in yielding to
Randall, there was a sort of consciousness of
the exercise of free will. He ought to be influenced
by his gentle wife, and clever, sensible
daughter; but there was no reason on earth,
but because he chose to do it, that he should
mind what Randall said.
“I hate the whole pack of them! I know
well enough what sort of a creature you’ll bring
among us, Catherine. A whining, methodistical
old maid, with a face like a hatchet, and a figure
as if it had been pressed between two boards,
dressed in a flimsy cheap silk, of a dingy brown
color, with a cap like a grenadier’s. Your
mother and she will be sitting moistening their
eyes all day long over the sins of mankind; and,
I’ll be bound, my own sins won’t be forgotten
among them. Oh! I know the pious creatures,
of old. Nothing they hate like a poor old veteran,
with a naughty word or two in his mouth
now and then. Never talk to me, Catherine,
I can’t abide such cattle.”
“Dearest papa, what a picture you do draw!
just to frighten yourself. Why, Lettice Arnold
is only about nineteen, I believe; and though
she’s not particularly pretty, she’s the pleasantest-looking
creature you ever saw. And as for
bemoaning herself over her neighbors’ sins, I’ll
be bound she’s not half such a Methodist as
Randall.”
“Randall is a very pious, good woman, I’d
have you to know, Miss Catherine.”
“I’m sure I hope she is, papa; but you must
own she makes a great fuss about it. And I
really believe, the habit she has of whispering
and turning up the whites of her eyes, when she
hears of a neighbor’s peccadillos, is one thing
which sets you so against the righteous, dearest
papa; now, you know it is.”
“You’re a saucy baggage. How old is this
thing you’re trying to put upon us, did you
say?”
“Why, about nineteen, or, perhaps, twenty.
And then, who’s to read to you, papa, when I
am gone, and play backgammon? You know
mamma must not read, on account of her chest,
and she plays so badly, you say, at backgammon;
and it’s so dull, husband and wife playing,
you know.” (Poor Mrs. Melwyn dreaded, of
all things, backgammon; she invariably got
ridiculed if she played ill, and put her husband
into a passion if she beat him. Catherine had
long taken this business upon herself.)
“Does she play backgammon tolerably? and
can she read without drawling or galloping?”
“Just at your own pace, papa, whatever that
may be. Besides, you can only try her; she’s
easily sent away if you and mamma don’t like
her. And then think, she is a poor clergyman’s
daughter; and it would be quite a kind action.”
“A poor parson’s! It would have been more
to the purpose if you had said a poor officer’s.
I pay tithes enough to the black coated gentlemen,
without being bothered with their children,[Pg 33]
and who ever pays tithes to us, I wonder?
I don’t see what right parsons have to marry at
all; and then, forsooth, come and ask other
people to take care of their brats!”
“Ah! but she’s not to be taken care of for
nothing; only think what a comfort she’ll be.”
“To your mamma, perhaps, but not to me.
And she’s always the first person to be considered
in this house, I know very well; and I know
very well who it is that dresses the poor old
soldier’s wounds, and studies his comforts—and
he’ll study hers; and I won’t have her vexed
to please any of you.”
“But why should she be vexed? It’s nothing
to her. She’s not to live with Lettice. And I
must say, if Randall sets herself against this
measure, she behaves in a very unreasonable
and unworthy manner, in my opinion.”
“Hoity toity! To be sure; and who’s behaving
in an unreasonable and unworthy manner
now, I wonder, abusing her behind her back, a
worthy, attached creature, whose sole object it
is to study the welfare of us all? She’s told me
so a thousand times.”
“I daresay. Well, now, papa, listen to me.
I’m going away from you for good—your little
Catherine. Just for once grant me this as a
favor. Only try Lettice. I’m sure you’ll like
her; and if, after she’s been here a quarter of a
year, you don’t wish to keep her, why part with
her, and I’ll promise not to say a word about it.
Randall has her good qualities, I suppose, like
the rest of the world; but Randall must be
taught to keep her place, and that’s not in this
drawing-room. And it’s here you want Lettice,
not in your dressing-room. Randall shall have
it all her own way there, and that ought to content
her. And besides, papa, do you know, I
can’t marry Edgar till you have consented, because
I can not leave mamma and you with nobody
to keep you company.”
“Edgar and you be d——d! Well, do as you
like. The sooner you’re out of the house the
better. I shan’t have my own way till you’re
gone. You’re a sad coaxing baggage, but you
have a pretty face of your own, Miss Catherine.”
If the debate upon the subject ran high at
the Hazels, so did it in the little humble apartment
which the two sisters occupied.
“A humble friend! No,” cried Myra, “that
I would never, never be; rather die of hunger
first.”
“Dying of hunger is a very horrible thing,”
said Lettice, quietly, “and much more easily
said than done. We have not, God be thanked
for it, ever been quite so badly off as that; but
I have stood near enough to the dreadful gulf
to look down, and to sound its depth and its
darkness. I am very thankful, deeply thankful,
for this offer, which I should gladly accept, only
what is to become of you?”
“Oh! never mind me. It’s the fashion now,
I see, for every body to think of you, and nobody
to think of me. I’m not worth caring for, now
those who cared for me are gone. Oh! pray,
if you like to be a domestic slave yourself, let
me be no hindrance.”
“A domestic slave! why should I be a domestic
slave? I see no slavery in the case.”
“I call it slavery, whatever you may do, to
have nothing to do all day but play toad-eater
and flatterer to a good-for-nothing old woman;
to bear all her ill-humors, and be the butt for all
her caprices. That’s what humble friends are
expected to do, I believe; what else are they
hired for?”
“I should neither toady nor flatter, I hope,”
said Lettice; “and as for bearing people’s ill-humors,
and being now and then the sport of
their caprices, why that, as you say, is very
disagreeable, yet, perhaps, it is what we must
rather expect. But Mrs. Melwyn, I have always
heard, is the gentlest of human beings.
And if she is like Catherine, she must be free
from caprice, and nobody could help quite loving
her.”
“Stuff!—love! love! A humble friend love
her unhumble friend; for I suppose one must
not venture to call one’s mistress a tyrant. Oh,
no, a friend! a dear friend!” in a taunting,
ironical voice.
“Whomever it might be my fate to live with,
I should try to love; for I believe if one tries to
love people, one soon finds something lovable
about them, and Mrs. Melwyn, I feel sure, I
should soon love very much.”
“So like you! ready to love any thing and
every thing. I verily believe if there was nothing
else to love but the little chimney-sweeper
boy, you’d fall to loving him, rather than love
nobody.”
“I am sure that’s true enough,” said Lettice,
laughing; “I have more than once felt very
much inclined to love the little boy who carries
the soot-bag for the man who sweeps these
chimneys—such a saucy-looking, little sooty
rogue.”
“As if a person’s love could be worth having,”
continued the sister, “who is so ready to
love any body.”
“No, that I deny. Some few people I do find
it hard to love.”
“Me for one.”
“Oh, Myra!”
“Well, I beg your pardon. You’re very kind
to me. But I’ll tell you who it will be impossible
for you to love—if such a thing can be:
that’s that testy, cross, old general.”
“I don’t suppose I shall have much to do
with the old general, if I go.”
“If you go. Oh, you’re sure to go. You’re
so sanguine; every new prospect is so promising.
But pardon me, you seem quite to have
forgotten that reading to the old general, and
playing backgammon with him, are among your
specified employments.”
“Well, I don’t see much harm in it if they
are. A man can’t be very cross with one when
one’s reading to him—and as for the backgammon,
I mean to lose every game, if that will
please him.”[Pg 34]
“Oh, a man can’t be cross with a reader?
I wish you knew as much of the world as I do,
and had heard people read. Why, nothing on
earth puts one in such a fidget. I’m sure I’ve
been put into such a worry by people’s way of
reading, that I could have pinched them. Really,
Lettice, your simplicity would shame a child of
five years old.”
“Well, I shall do my best, and besides I shall
take care to set my chair so far off that I can’t
get pinched, at least; and as for a poor, ailing,
suffering old man being a little impatient and
cross, why one can’t expect to get fifty pounds
a year for just doing nothing.—I do suppose it
is expected that I should bear a few of these
things in place of Mrs. Melwyn; and I don’t
see why I should not.”
“Oh, dear! Well, my love, you’re quite made
for the place, I see; you always had something
of the spaniel in you, or the walnut-tree, or any
of those things which are the better for being ill-used.
It was quite a proverb with our poor
mother, ‘a worm will turn, but not Lettice.'”
Lettice felt very much inclined to turn now.
But the mention of her mother—that mother
whose mismanagement and foolish indulgence
had contributed so much to poor Myra’s faults—faults
for which she now paid so heavy a penalty—silenced
the generous girl, and she made
no answer.
No answer, let it proceed from never so good
a motive, makes cross people often more cross;
though perhaps upon the whole it is the best
plan.
So Myra in a still more querulous voice went
on:
“This room will be rather dismal all by one’s
self, and I don’t know how I’m to go about, up
and down, fetch and carry, and work as you
are able to do…. I was never used to it. It
comes very hard upon me.” And she began to
cry.
“Poor Myra! dear Myra! don’t cry: I never
intended to leave you. Though I talked as if I
did, it was only in the way of argument, because
I thought more might be said for the kind of life
than you thought; and I felt sure if people were
tolerably kind and candid, I could get along very
well and make myself quite comfortable. Dear
me! after such hardships as we have gone
through, a little would do that. But do you
think, poor dear girl, I could have a moment’s
peace, and know you were here alone? No,
no.”
And so when she went in the evening to
carry her answer to Mrs. Danvers, who had
conveyed to her Catherine’s proposal, Lettice
said, “that she should have liked exceedingly to
accept Catherine’s offer, and was sure she should
have been very happy herself, and would have
done every thing in her power to make Mrs.
Melwyn happy, but that it was impossible to
leave her sister.”
“If that is your only difficulty, my dear, don’t
make yourself uneasy about that. I have found
a place for your sister which I think she will like
very well. It is with Mrs. Fisher, the great
milliner in Dover-street, where she will be taken
care of, and may be very comfortable. Mrs.
Fisher is a most excellent person, and very anxious,
not only about the health and comfort of
those she employs, but about their good behavior
and their security from evil temptation.
Such a beautiful girl as your sister is, lives in
perpetual danger, exposed as she is without protection
in this great town.”
“But Myra has such an abhorrence of servitude,
as she calls it—such an independent high
spirit—I fear she will never like it.”
“It will be very good for her, whether she
likes it or not. Indeed, my dear, to speak sincerely,
the placing your sister out of danger in
the house of Mrs. Fisher ought to be a decisive
reason with you for accepting Catherine’s proposal—even
did you dislike it much more than
you seem to do.”
“Oh! to tell the truth, I should like the plan
very much indeed—much more than I have
wished to say, on account of Myra: but she
never, never will submit to be ruled, I fear, and
make herself happy where, of course, she must
obey orders and follow regulations, whether she
likes them or not. Unfortunately, poor dear,
she has been so little accustomed to be contradicted.”
“Well, then, it is high time she should begin;
for contradicted, sooner or later, we all of us are
certain to be. Seriously, again, my dear, good
Lettice—I must call you Lettice—your innocence
of heart prevents you from knowing what
snares surround a beautiful young woman like
your sister. I like you best, I own; but I have
thought much more of her fate than yours, upon
that account. Such a situation as is offered to
you she evidently is quite unfit to fill: but I
went—the very day Catherine and I came to
your lodgings and saw you both—to my good
friend Mrs. Fisher, and, with great difficulty,
have persuaded her at last to take your sister.
She disliked the idea very much; but she’s an
excellent woman: and when I represented to
her the peculiar circumstances of the case, she
promised she would consider the matter. She
took a week to consider of it—for she is a very
cautious person is Mrs. Fisher; and some people
call her very cold and severe. However, she
has decided in our favor, as I expected she would.
Her compassion always gets the better of her
prudence, when the two are at issue. And so
you would not dislike to go to Mrs. Melwyn’s?”
“How could I? Why, after what we have
suffered, it must be like going into Paradise.”
“Nay, nay—a little too fast. No dependent
situation is ever exactly a Paradise. I should
be sorry you saw things in a false light, and
should be disappointed.”
“Oh, no, I do not wish to do that—I don’t
think—thank you for the great kindness and interest
you are so kind as to show by this last remark—but
I think I never in my life enjoyed one
day of unmixed happiness since I was quite a
little child; and I have got so entirely into the[Pg 35]
habit of thinking that every thing in the world
goes so—that when I say Paradise, or quite
happy, or so on, it is always in a certain sense—a
comparative sense.”
“I am glad to see you so reasonable—that is
one sure way to be happy; but you will find
your crosses at the Hazels. The general is not
very sweet-tempered; and even dear mild Mrs.
Melwyn is not perfect.”
“Why, madam, what am I to expect? If I
can not bear a few disagreeable things, what do
I go there for? Not to be fed, and housed, and
paid at other people’s expense, just that I may
please my own humors all the time. That
would be rather an unfair bargain, I think. No:
I own there are some things I could not and
would not bear for any consideration; but there
are a great many others that I can, and I shall,
and I will—and do my best, too, to make happy,
and be happy; and, in short, I don’t feel the
least afraid.”
“No more you need—you right-spirited creature,”
said Mrs. Danvers, cordially.
Many were the difficulties, endless the objections
raised by Myra against the proposed plan
of going to Mrs. Fisher. Such people’s objections
and difficulties are indeed endless. In their
weakness and their selfishness, they like to be
objects of pity—they take a comfort in bothering
and wearying people with their interminable
complaints. Theirs is not the sacred outbreak
of the overloaded heart—casting itself upon another
heart for support and consolation under
suffering that is too strong and too bitter to be
endured alone. Sacred call for sympathy and
consolation, and rarely made in vain! It is the
wearying and futile attempt to cast the burden
of sorrow and suffering upon others, instead of
seeking their assistance in enduring it one’s self.
Vain and useless endeavor, and which often bears
hard upon the sympathy even of the kindest and
truest hearts!
Ineffectually did Lettice endeavor to represent
matters under a cheerful aspect. Nothing was
of any avail. Myra would persist in lamenting,
and grieving, and tormenting herself and her sister;
bewailing the cruel fate of both—would
persist in recapitulating every objection which
could be made to the plan, and every evil consequence
which could possibly ensue. Not that
she had the slightest intention in the world of
refusing her share in it, if she would have suffered
herself to say so. She rather liked the
idea of going to that fashionable modiste, Mrs.
Fisher: she had the “âme de dentelle” with
which Napoleon reproached poor Josephine.
There was something positively delightful to her
imagination in the idea of dwelling among rich
silks, Brussels laces, ribbons, and feathers; it was
to her what woods, and birds, and trees were to
her sister. She fancied herself elegantly dressed,
walking about a show-room, filled with all sorts
of beautiful things; herself, perhaps, the most
beautiful thing in it, and the object of a sort of
flattering interest, through the melancholy cloud
“upon her fine features.” Nay, her romantic
imagination traveled still farther—gentlemen
sometimes come up with ladies to show-rooms,—who
could tell? Love at first sight was not
altogether a dream. Such things had happened….
Myra had read plenty of old, rubbishy novels
when she was a girl.
Such were the comfortable thoughts she kept
to herself; but it was, as I said, one endless complaining
externally.
Catherine insisted upon being allowed to advance
the money for the necessary clothes, which,
to satisfy the delicacy of the one and the pride of
the other, she agreed should be repaid by installments
as their salaries became due. The sale
of their few possessions put a sovereign or so
into the pocket of each, and thus the sisters
parted; the lovely Myra to Mrs. Fisher’s, and
Lettice, by railway, to the Hazels.
(To be continued.)
ERUPTION OF MOUNT ETNA IN 1669.
“For many days previous the sky had been
overcast, and the weather, notwithstanding
the season, oppressively hot. The thunder and
lightning were incessant, and the eruption was
at length ushered in by a violent shock of an
earthquake, which leveled most of the houses
at Nicolosi. Two great chasms then opened
near that village, from whence ashes were
thrown out in such quantities, that, in a few
weeks, a double hill, called Monte Rosso, 450
feet high, was formed, and the surrounding
country covered to such a depth, that, nothing
but the tops of the trees could be seen. The
lava ran in a stream fifty feet deep, and four
miles wide, overwhelming in its course fourteen
towns and villages; and had it not separated
before reaching Catania, that city would have
been virtually annihilated as were Herculaneum
and Pompeii. The walls had been purposely
raised to a height of sixty feet, to repel the
danger if possible, but the torrent accumulated
behind them, and poured down in a cascade of
fire upon the town. It still continued to advance,
and, after a course of fifteen miles, ran
into the sea, where it formed a mole 600 yards
long. The walls were neither thrown down
nor fused by contact with the ignited matter,
and have since been discovered by Prince Biscari,
when excavating in search of a well known
to have existed in a certain spot, and from the
steps of which the lava may now be seen curling
over like a monstrous billow in the very act of
falling.
“The great crater fell in during this eruption,
and a fissure, six feet wide and twelve
miles long, opened in the plain of S. Leo. In
the space of six weeks, the habitations of 27,000
persons were destroyed, a vast extent of the
most fertile land rendered desolate for ages, the
course of rivers changed, and the whole face of
the district transformed.”—Marquis of Ormonde’s
Autumn in Sicily.[Pg 36]
VOLCANIC ERUPTION—MOUNT ETNA IN 1849.
“The mass extended for a breadth of about
1000 paces, advancing gradually, more
or less rapidly according to the nature of the
ground over which it moved, but making steady
progress. It had formed two branches, one
going in a northerly, and the other in a westerly
direction. No danger beyond loss of trees or
crops was apprehended from the former, but the
second was moving in a direct line for the town
of Bronte, and to it we confined our attention.
The townspeople, on their part, had not been
idle. I have before mentioned the clearance
which they made of their goods, but precautions
had also been taken outside the town, with a
view, if possible, to arrest the progress of the
lava; and a very massive wall of coarse loose
work was in the course of erection across a
valley down which the stream must flow. We
heard afterward, that the impelling power was
spent before the strength of this work was put
to the test, but had it failed, Bronte had been
lost. It is not easy to convey by words any
very accurate idea. The lava appeared to be
from thirty to forty feet in depth, and some
notion of its aspect and progress may be formed
by imagining a hill of loose stones of all sizes,
the summit or brow of which is continually falling
to the base, and as constantly renewed by
unseen pressure from behind. Down it came in
large masses, each leaving behind it a fiery
track, as the red-hot interior was for a moment
or two exposed. The impression most strongly
left on my mind was that of its irresistible force.
It did not advance rapidly; there was no difficulty
in approaching it, as I did, closely, and
taking out pieces of red-hot stone; the rattling
of the blocks overhead gave ample notice of
their descent down the inclined face of the
stream, and a few paces to the rear, or aside,
were quite enough to take me quite clear of
them; but still onward, onward it came, foot by
foot it encroached on the ground at its base,
changing the whole face of the country, leaving
hills where formerly valleys had been, overwhelming
every work of man that it encountered
in its progress, and leaving all behind one black,
rough, and monotonous mass of hard and barren
lava. It had advanced considerably during the
night. On the previous evening I had measured
the distance from the base of the moving hill to
the walls of a deserted house which stood, surrounded
by trees, at about fifty yards off, and,
though separated from it by a road, evidently
exposed to the full power of the stream. Not
a trace of it was now left, and it was difficult
to make a guess at where it had been. The
owners of the adjacent lands were busied in all
directions felling the timber that stood in the
line of the advancing fire, but they could not in
many instances do it fast enough to save their
property from destruction; and it was not a
little interesting to watch the effect produced
on many a goodly tree, first thoroughly dried by
the heat of the mass, and, in a few minutes after
it had been reached by the lava, bursting into
flames at the base, and soon prostrate and destroyed.
It being Sunday, all the population
had turned out to see what progress the enemy
was making, and prayers and invocations to a
variety of saints were every where heard around.
‘Chiamate Sant’ Antonio, Signor,’ said one
woman eagerly to me, ‘per l’amor di Dio, chiamate
la Santa Maria.’ Many females knelt
around, absorbed in their anxiety and devotion,
while the men generally stood in silence gazing
in dismay at the scene before them. Our guide
was a poor fiddler thrown out of employment
by the strict penance enjoined with a view to
avert the impending calamity, dancing and music
being especially forbidden, even had any one
under such circumstances been inclined to indulge
in them.”
The Marquis of Ormonde was adventurous
enough, despite the fate of Empedocles and of
Pliny, to ascend in the evening to see the Bocca
di Fuoco, which is at an elevation of about
6000 feet. The sight which met his eyes was,
he tells us, and we may well believe it, one of
the grandest and most awful it had ever been
his fortune to witness:
“The evening had completely closed in, and
it was perfectly dark, so that there was nothing
which could in any way injure or weaken the
effect. The only thing to which I can compare
it is, as far as can be judged from representations
of such scenes, the blowing up of some
enormous vessel of war, the effect being permanent
instead of momentary only. Directly facing
us was the chasm in the mountain’s side from
which the lava flowed in a broad stream of
liquid fire; masses of it had been forced up on
each side, forming, as it got comparatively cool,
black, uneven banks, the whole realizing the
poetic description of Phlegethon in the most
vivid manner. The flames ascended to a considerable
height from the abyss, and high above
them the air was constantly filled with large
fiery masses, projected to a great height, and
meeting on their descent a fresh supply, the
roar of the flames and crash of the falling blocks
being incessant. Advancing across a valley
which intervened, we ascended another hill, and
here commanded a view of the ground on which
many of the ejected stones fell, and, though well
to windward, the small ashes fell thickly around
us. The light was sufficient, even at the distance
we stood, to enable us to read small print,
and to write with the greatest ease. The thermometer
stood at about 40°, but, cold though
it was, it was some time before we could resolve
to take our last look at this extraordinary
sight, and our progress, after we had done so,
was retarded by the constant stoppages made
by us to watch the beautiful effect of the light,
as seen through the Bosco, which we had entered
on our return.”—Marquis of Ormonde’s Autumn
in Sicily.
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
We believe it was M. l’Abbé Raynal who
said that America had not yet produced a
single man of genius. The productions now
under our notice will do more to relieve her
from this imputation than the reply of President
Jefferson:
“When we have existed,” said that gentleman, “so
long as the Greeks did before they produced Homer, the
Romans Virgil, the French a Racine and a Voltaire, the
English a Shakspeare and a Milton, we shall inquire
from what unfriendly causes it has proceeded that the
other countries of Europe, and quarters of the earth,
shall not have inscribed any poet of ours on the roll of
fame.”
The ingenuity of this defense is more apparent
than its truth; for although the existence of
America, as a separate nation, is comparatively
recent, it must not be forgotten that the origin
of her people is identical with that of our own.
Their language is the same; they have always
had advantages in regard of literature precisely
similar to those which we now enjoy; they have
free trade, and a little more, in all our best
standard authors. There is, therefore, no analogy
whatever between their condition and that
of the other nations with whom the attempt has
been made to contrast them. With a literature
ready-made, as it were, to their hand, America
had never to contend against any difficulties
such as they encountered. Beyond the ballads
of the Troubadours and Trouveres, France had
no stock either of literature or of traditions to
begin upon; the language of Rome was foreign
to its people; Greece had but the sixteen letters
of Cadmus; the literature of England struggled
through the rude chaos of Anglo-Saxon, Norman,
French, and monkish Latin. If these difficulties
in pursuit of knowledge be compared with the
advantages of America, we think it must be
admitted that the president had the worst of the
argument.
But although America enjoys all these advantages,
it can not be denied that her social condition
presents impediments of a formidable
character toward the cultivation of the higher
and more refined branches of literature. Liberty,
equality, and fraternity are not quite so favorable
to the cultivation of elegant tastes as might be
imagined; where every kind of social rank is
obliterated, the field of observation, which is the
province of fiction, becomes proportionately narrow;
and although human nature must be the
same under every form of government, the liberty
of a thorough democracy by no means
compensates for its vulgarity. It might be
supposed that the very obliteration of all grades
of rank, and the consequent impossibility of acquiring
social distinction, would have a direct
tendency to turn the efforts of genius in directions
where the acquisition of fame might be supposed
to compensate for more substantial rewards; and
when men could no longer win their way to a
coronet, they would redouble their exertions to
obtain the wreath. The history of literature,
however, teaches us the reverse: its most brilliant
lights have shone in dark and uncongenial
times. Amid the clouds of bigotry and oppression,
in the darkest days of tyranny and demoralization,
their lustre has been the most brilliant.
Under the luxurious tyranny of the empire,
Virgil and Horace sang their immortal strains;
the profligacy of Louis the Fourteenth produced
a Voltaire and a Rosseau; amid the oppression
of his country grew and flourished the gigantic
intellect of Milton; Ireland, in the darkest times
of her gloomy history, gave birth to the imperishable
genius of Swift; it was less the liberty
of Athens than the tyranny of Philip, which made
Demosthenes an orator; and of the times which
produced our great dramatists it is scarcely
necessary to speak. The proofs, in short, are
numberless. Be this, however, as it may, the
character of American literature which has
fallen under our notice must demonstrate to
every intelligent mind, what immense advantages
she has derived from those sources which
the advocates of her claims would endeavor to
repudiate. There is scarcely a page which
does not contain evidence how largely she has
availed herself of the learning and labors of others.
We do not blame her for this; far from it.
We only say that, having reaped the benefit, it
is unjust to deny the obligation; and that in
discussing her literary pretensions, the plea
which has been put forward in her behalf is
untenable.—Dublin University Magazine.
MILKING IN AUSTRALIA.
This is a very serious operation. First, say
at four o’clock in the morning, you drive
the cows into the stock-yard, where the calves
have been penned up all the previous night in a
hutch in one corner. Then you have to commence
a chase after the first cow, who, with a
perversity common to Australian females, expects
to be pursued two or three times round
the yard, ankle deep in dust or mud, according
to the season, with loud halloas and a thick stick.
This done, she generally proceeds up to the fail,
a kind of pillory, and permits her neck to be
made fast. The cow safe in the fail, her near
hind leg is stretched out to its full length, and
tied to a convenient post with the universal
cordage of Australia, a piece of green hide. At
this stage, in ordinary cases, the milking commences;
but it was one of the hobbies of Mr.
Jumsorew, a practice I have never seen followed
in any other part of the colony, that the cow’s
tail should be held tight during the operation.
This arduous duty I conscientiously performed
for some weeks, until it happened one day that
a young heifer slipped her head out of an ill-fastened
fail, upset milkman and milkpail,
charged the head-stockman, who was unloosing
the calves, to the serious damage of a new pair
of fustians, and ended, in spite of all my efforts,
in clearing the top rail of the stock-yard, leaving
me flat and flabbergasted at the foot of the fence.—From
“Scenes in the Life of a Bushman” (Unpublished.)[Pg 38]
[From Household Words.]
LIZZIE LEIGH.
IN FOUR CHAPTERS.—CHAPTER I
When Death is present in a household on a
Christmas Day, the very contrast between
the time as it now is, and the day as it has often
been, gives a poignancy to sorrow—a more utter
blankness to the desolation. James Leigh
died just as the far-away bells of Rochdale
church were ringing for morning service on
Christmas Day, 1836. A few minutes before
his death, he opened his already glazing eyes,
and made a sign to his wife, by the faint motion
of his lips, that he had yet something to say.
She stooped close down, and caught the broken
whisper, “I forgive her, Anne! May God forgive
me.”
“Oh my love, my dear! only get well, and
I will never cease showing my thanks for those
words. May God in heaven bless thee for saying
them. Thou’rt not so restless, my lad!
may be—Oh God!”
For even while she spoke, he died.
They had been two-and-twenty years man
and wife; for nineteen of those years their life
had been as calm and happy, as the most perfect
uprightness on the one side, and the most complete
confidence and loving submission on the
other, could make it. Milton’s famous line
might have been framed and hung up as the
rule of their married life, for he was truly the
interpreter, who stood between God and her;
she would have considered herself wicked if she
had ever dared even to think him austere,
though as certainly as he was an upright man,
so surely was he hard, stern, and inflexible.
But for three years the moan and the murmur
had never been out of her heart; she had rebelled
against her husband as against a tyrant
with a hidden, sullen rebellion, which tore up
the old landmarks of wifely duty and affection,
and poisoned the fountains whence gentlest love
and reverence had once been forever springing.
But those last blessed words replaced him on
his throne in her heart, and called out penitent
anguish for all the bitter estrangement of later
years. It was this which made her refuse all
the entreaties of her sons, that she would see
the kind-hearted neighbors, who called on their
way from church, to sympathize and condole.
No! she would stay with the dead husband that
had spoken tenderly at last, if for three years
he had kept silence; who knew but what, if
she had only been more gentle and less angrily
reserved he might have relented earlier—and
in time!
She sat rocking herself to and fro by the side
of the bed, while the footsteps below went in
and out; she had been in sorrow too long to
have any violent burst of deep grief now; the
furrows were well worn in her cheeks, and the
tears flowed quietly, if incessantly, all the day
long. But when the winter’s night drew on,
and the neighbors had gone away to their homes,
she stole to the window, and gazed out, long
and wistfully, over the dark, gray moors. She
did not hear her son’s voice, as he spoke to her
from the door, nor his footstep, as he drew
nearer. She started when he touched her.
“Mother! come down to us. There’s no
one but Will and me. Dearest mother, we do
so want you.” The poor lad’s voice trembled,
and he began to cry. It appeared to require
an effort on Mrs. Leigh’s part to tear herself
away from the window, but with a sigh she
complied with his request.
The two boys (for though Will was nearly
twenty-one, she still thought of him as a lad)
had done every thing in their power to make
the house-place comfortable for her. She herself,
in the old days before her sorrow, had
never made a brighter fire or a cleaner hearth,
ready for her husband’s return home, than now
awaited her. The tea-things were all put out, and
the kettle was boiling; and the boys had calmed
their grief down into a kind of sober cheerfulness.
They paid her every attention they could
think of, but received little notice on her part;
she did not resist—she rather submitted to all
their arrangements; but they did not seem to
touch her heart.
When tea was ended—it was merely the form
of tea that had been gone through—Will moved
the things away to the dresser. His mother
leant back languidly in her chair.
“Mother, shall Tom read you a chapter?
He’s a better scholar than I.”
“Ay, lad!” said she, almost eagerly. “That’s
it. Read me the Prodigal Son. Ay, ay, lad.
Thank thee.”
Tom found the chapter, and read it in the
high-pitched voice which is customary in village-schools.
His mother bent forward, her
lips parted, her eyes dilated; her whole body
instinct with eager attention. Will sat with his
head depressed, and hung down. He knew why
that chapter had been chosen; and to him it
recalled the family’s disgrace. When the reading
was ended, he still hung down his head in
gloomy silence. But her face was brighter
than it had been before for the day. Her eyes
looked dreamy, as if she saw a vision; and by
and by she pulled the Bible toward her, and
putting her finger underneath each word, began
to read them aloud in a low voice to herself;
she read again the words of bitter sorrow and
deep humiliation; but most of all she paused
and brightened over the father’s tender reception
of the repentant prodigal.
So passed the Christmas evening in the Upclose
Farm.
The snow had fallen heavily over the dark
waving moorland, before the day of the funeral.
The black, storm-laden dome of heaven lay
very still and close upon the white earth, as
they carried the body forth out of the house
which had known his presence so long as its
ruling power. Two and two the mourners followed,
making a black procession in their winding
march over the unbeaten snow, to Milne-row
church—now lost in some hollow of the[Pg 39]
bleak moors, now slowly climbing the heaving
ascents. There was no long tarrying after the
funeral, for many of the neighbors who accompanied
the body to the grave had far to go, and
the great white flakes which came slowly down,
were the boding forerunners of a heavy storm.
One old friend alone accompanied the widow
and her sons to their home.
The Upclose Farm had belonged for generations
to the Leighs; and yet its possession
hardly raised them above the rank of laborers.
There was the house and outbuildings, all of an
old-fashioned kind, and about seven acres of
barren, unproductive land, which they had never
possessed capital enough to improve; indeed,
they could hardly rely upon it for subsistence;
and it had been customary to bring up the sons
to some trade—such as a wheelwright’s, or
blacksmith’s.
James Leigh had left a will, in the possession
of the old man who accompanied them home.
He read it aloud. James had bequeathed the
farm to his faithful wife, Anne Leigh, for her
life-time; and afterward, to his son William.
The hundred and odd pounds in the savings’-bank
was to accumulate for Thomas.
After the reading was ended, Anne Leigh sat
silent for a time; and then she asked to speak
to Samuel Orme alone. The sons went into
the back-kitchen, and thence strolled out into
the fields, regardless of the driving snow. The
brothers were dearly fond of each other, although
they were very different in character.
Will, the elder, was like his father, stern, reserved,
and scrupulously upright. Tom (who
was ten years younger) was gentle and delicate
as a girl, both in appearance and character.
He had always clung to his mother and dreaded
his father. They did not speak as they walked,
for they were only in the habit of talking about
facts, and hardly knew the more sophisticated
language applied to the description of feelings.
Meanwhile their mother had taken hold of
Samuel Orme’s arm with her trembling hand.
“Samuel, I must let the farm—I must.”
“Let the farm! What’s come o’er the
woman?”
“Oh, Samuel!” said she, her eyes swimming
in tears, “I’m just fain to go and live in Manchester.
I mun let the farm.”
Samuel looked and pondered, but did not
speak for some time. At last he said,
“If thou hast made up thy mind, there’s no
speaking again it; and thou must e’en go.
Thou’lt be sadly pottered wi’ Manchester ways;
but that’s not my look-out. Why, thou’lt have
to buy potatoes, a thing thou hast never done
afore in all thy born life. Well! it’s not my
look-out. It’s rather for me than again me.
Our Jenny is going to be married to Tom Higginbotham,
and he was speaking of wanting a
bit of land to begin upon. His father will be
dying sometime, I reckon, and then he’ll step
into the Croft Farm. But meanwhile—”
“Then, thou’lt let the farm,” said she, still
as eagerly as ever.
“Ay, ay, he’ll take it fast enough, I’ve a
notion. But I’ll not drive a bargain with thee
just now; it would not be right; we’ll wait a
bit.”
“No; I can not wait, settle it out at once.”
“Well, well; I’ll speak to Will about it. I
see him out yonder. I’ll step to him, and talk
it over.”
Accordingly he went and joined the two lads,
and without more ado, began the subject to them.
“Will, thy mother is fain to go live in Manchester,
and covets to let the farm. Now, I’m
willing to take it for Tom Higginbotham; but I
like to drive a keen bargain, and there would
be no fun chaffering with thy mother just now.
Let thee and me buckle to, my lad! and try
and cheat each other; it will warm us this cold
day.”
“Let the farm!” said both the lads at once,
with infinite surprise. “Go live in Manchester!”
When Samuel Orme found that the plan had
never before been named to either Will or Tom,
he would have nothing to do with it, he said,
until they had spoken to their mother; likely
she was “dazed” by her husband’s death; he
would wait a day or two, and not name it to
any one; not to Tom Higginbotham himself, or
may be he would set his heart upon it. The
lads had better go in and talk it over with their
mother. He bade them good day, and left
them.
Will looked very gloomy, but he did not
speak till they got near the house. Then he
said,
“Tom, go to th’ shippon, and supper the
cows. I want to speak to mother alone.”
When he entered the house-place, she was
sitting before the fire, looking into its embers.
She did not hear him come in; for some time
she had lost her quick perception of outward
things.
“Mother! what’s this about going to Manchester?”
asked he.
“Oh, lad!” said she, turning round and
speaking in a beseeching tone, “I must go and
seek our Lizzie. I can not rest here for thinking
on her. Many’s the time I’ve left thy
father sleeping in bed, and stole to th’ window,
and looked and looked my heart out toward
Manchester, till I thought I must just set out
and tramp over moor and moss straight away
till I got there, and then lift up every downcast
face till I came to our Lizzie. And often,
when the south wind was blowing soft among
the hollows, I’ve fancied (it could but be fancy,
thou knowest) I heard her crying upon me; and
I’ve thought the voice came closer and closer,
till it last it was sobbing out “Mother” close to
the door; and I’ve stolen down, and undone the
latch before now, and looked out into the still,
black night, thinking to see her, and turned sick
and sorrowful when I heard no living sound but
the sough of the wind dying away. Oh! speak
not to me of stopping here, when she may be
perishing for hunger, like the poor lad in the[Pg 40]
parable.” And now she lifted up her voice and
wept aloud.
Will was deeply grieved. He had been old
enough to be told the family shame when, more
than two years before, his father had had his
letter to his daughter returned by her mistress
in Manchester, telling him that Lizzie had left
her service some time—and why. He had
sympathized with his father’s stern anger;
though he had thought him something hard, it
is true, when he had forbidden his weeping,
heart-broken wife to go and try to find her poor
sinning child, and declared that henceforth they
would have no daughter; that she should be as
one dead; and her name never more be named
at market or at meal-time, in blessing or in
prayer. He had held his peace, with compressed
lips and contracted brow, when the
neighbors had noticed to him how poor Lizzie’s
death had aged both his father and his mother;
and how they thought the bereaved couple
would never hold up their heads again. He
himself had felt as if that one event had made
him old before his time; and had envied Tom
the tears he had shed over poor, pretty, innocent,
dead Lizzie. He thought about her sometimes,
till he ground his teeth together, and
could have struck her down in her shame. His
mother had never named her to him until now.
“Mother!” said he at last. “She may be
dead. Most likely she is.”
“No, Will; she is not dead,” said Mrs.
Leigh. “God will not let her die till I’ve seen
her once again. Thou dost not know how I’ve
prayed and prayed just once again to see her
sweet face, and tell her I’ve forgiven her,
though she’s broken my heart—she has, Will.”
She could not go on for a minute or two for the
choking sobs. “Thou dost not know that, or
thou wouldst not say she could be dead—for
God is very merciful, Will; He is—He is much
more pitiful than man—I could never ha’ spoken
to thy father as I did to Him—and yet thy
father forgave her at last. The last words he
said were that he forgave her. Thou’lt not be
harder than thy father, Will? Do not try and
hinder me going to seek her, for it’s no use.”
Will sat very still for a long time before he
spoke. At last he said, “I’ll not hinder you.
I think she’s dead, but that’s no matter.”
“She is not dead,” said her mother, with low
earnestness. Will took no notice of the interruption.
“We will all go to Manchester for a twelvemonth,
and let the farm to Tom Higginbotham.
I’ll get blacksmith’s work; and Tom can have
good schooling for awhile, which he’s always
craving for. At the end of the year you’ll
come back, mother, and give over fretting for
Lizzie and think with me that she is dead—and
to my mind, that would be more comfort
than to think of her living;” he dropped his
voice as he spoke these last words. She shook
her head, but made no answer. He asked again,
“Will you, mother, agree to this?”
“I’ll agree to it a-this-ons,” said she. “If I
hear and see naught of her for a twelvemonth
me being in Manchester looking out, I’ll just
ha’ broken my heart fairly before the year’s
ended, and then I shall know neither love nor
sorrow for her any more, when I’m at rest in
the grave—I’ll agree to that, Will.”
“Well, I suppose it must be so. I shall not
tell Tom, mother, why we’re flitting to Manchester.
Best spare him.”
“As thou wilt,” said she, sadly, “so that we
go, that’s all.”
Before the wild daffodils were in flower in
the sheltered copses round Upclose Farm, the
Leighs were settled in their Manchester home;
if they could ever grow to consider that place
as a home, where there was no garden, or outbuilding,
no fresh breezy outlet, no far-stretching
view, over moor and hollow—no dumb animals
to be tended, and, what more than all
they missed, no old haunting memories, even
though those remembrances told of sorrow, and
the dead and gone.
Mrs. Leigh heeded the loss of all these things
less than her sons. She had more spirit in her
countenance than she had had for months, because
now she had hope; of a sad enough kind,
to be sure, but still it was hope. She performed
all her household duties, strange and complicated
as they were, and bewildered as she
was with all the town-necessities of her new
manner of life; but when her house was “sided,”
and the boys come home from their work, in
the evening, she would put on her things and
steal out, unnoticed, as she thought, but not
without many a heavy sigh from Will, after
she had closed the house-door and departed. It
was often past midnight before she came back,
pale and weary, with almost a guilty look upon
her face; but that face so full of disappointment
and hope deferred, that Will had never the
heart to say what he thought of the folly and
hopelessness of the search. Night after night
it was renewed, till days grew to weeks, and
weeks to months. All this time Will did his
duty toward her as well as he could, without
having sympathy with her. He staid at home
in the evenings for Tom’s sake, and often wished
he had Tom’s pleasure in reading, for the
time hung heavy on his hands, as he sat up for
his mother.
I need not tell you how the mother spent the
weary hours. And yet I will tell you something.
She used to wander out, at first as if
without a purpose, till she rallied her thoughts,
and brought all her energies to bear on the one
point; then she went with earnest patience
along the least known ways to some new part
of the town, looking wistfully with dumb entreaty
into people’s faces; sometimes catching
a glimpse of a figure which had a kind of momentary
likeness to her child’s, and following
that figure with never wearying perseverance,
till some light from shop or lamp showed the
cold, strange face which was not her daughter’s.
Once or twice a kind-hearted passer-by, struck
by her look of yearning woe, turned back and[Pg 41]
offered help, or asked her what she wanted.
When so spoken to, she answered only, “You
don’t know a poor girl they call Lizzie Leigh,
do you?” and when they denied all knowledge,
she shook her head and went on again. I think
they believed her to be crazy. But she never
spoke first to any one. She sometimes took a
few minutes’ rest on the door-steps, and sometimes
(very seldom) covered her face and cried;
but she could not afford to lose time and chances
in this way; while her eyes were blinded with
tears, the lost one might pass by unseen.
One evening, in the rich time of shortening
autumn-days, Will saw an old man, who, without
being absolutely drunk, could not guide
himself rightly along the foot-path, and was
mocked for his unsteadiness of gait by the idle
boys of the neighborhood. For his father’s
sake, Will regarded old age with tenderness,
even when most degraded and removed from
the stern virtues which dignified that father; so
he took the old man home, and seemed to believe
his often-repeated assertions that he drank
nothing but water. The stranger tried to
stiffen himself up into steadiness as he drew
nearer home, as if there were some one there,
for whose respect he cared even in his half-intoxicated
state, or whose feelings he feared
to grieve. His home was exquisitely clean and
neat even in outside appearance; threshold,
window, and window-sill, were outward signs
of some spirit of purity within. Will was rewarded
for his attention by a bright glance of
thanks, succeeded by a blush of shame, from a
young woman of twenty or thereabouts. She
did not speak, or second her father’s hospitable
invitation to him to be seated. She seemed
unwilling that a stranger should witness her
father’s attempts at stately sobriety, and Will
could not bear to stay and see her distress.
But when the old man, with many a flabby
shake of the hand, kept asking him to come
again some other evening and see them, Will
sought her downcast eyes, and, though he could
not read their vailed meaning, he answered,
timidly, “If it’s agreeable to every body, I’ll
come—and thank ye.” But there was no answer
from the girl to whom this speech was in
reality addressed; and Will left the house, liking
her all the better for never speaking.
He thought about her a great deal for the
next day or two; he scolded himself for being
so foolish as to think of her, and then fell to
with fresh vigor, and thought of her more than
ever. He tried to depreciate her; he told himself
she was not pretty, and then made indignant
answer that he liked her looks much better
than any beauty of them all. He wished he
was not so country-looking, so red-faced, so
broad-shouldered; while she was like a lady,
with her smooth, colorless complexion, her
bright dark hair, and her spotless dress. Pretty,
or not pretty, she drew his footsteps toward
her; he could not resist the impulse that made
him wish to see her once more, and find out
some fault which should unloose his heart from
her unconscious keeping. But there she was,
pure and maidenly as before. He sat and
looked, answering her father at cross-purposes,
while she drew more and more into the shadow
of the chimney-corner out of sight. Then the
spirit that possessed him (it was not he himself,
sure, that did so impudent a thing!) made him
get up and carry the candle to a different place,
under the pretence of giving her more light at
her sewing, but, in reality, to be able to see
her better; she could not stand this much longer,
but jumped up, and said she must put her little
niece to bed; and surely, there never was, before
or since, so troublesome a child of two
years old; for, though Will staid an hour and a
half longer, she never came down again. He
won the father’s heart, though, by his capacity
as a listener, for some people are not at all particular,
and, so that they themselves may talk
on undisturbed, are not so unreasonable as to
expect attention to what they say.
Will did gather this much, however, from the
old man’s talk. He had once been quite in a
genteel line of business, but had failed for more
money than any greengrocer he had heard of:
at least, any who did not mix up fish and game
with greengrocery proper. This grand failure
seemed to have been the event of his life, and
one on which he dwelt with a strange kind of
pride. It appeared as if at present he rested
from his past exertions (in the bankrupt line),
and depended on his daughter, who kept a small
school for very young children. But all these
particulars Will only remembered and understood,
when he had left the house; at the time
he heard them, he was thinking of Susan. After
he had made good his footing at Mr. Palmer’s,
he was not long, you may be sure, without
finding some reason for returning again and
again. He listened to her father, he talked to
the little niece, but he looked at Susan, both
while he listened and while he talked. Her
father kept on insisting upon his former gentility,
the details of which would have appeared
very questionable to Will’s mind, if the sweet,
delicate, modest Susan had not thrown an inexplicable
air of refinement over all she came
near. She never spoke much: she was generally
diligently at work; but when she moved, it
was so noiselessly, and when she did speak, it
was in so low and soft a voice, that silence,
speech, motion, and stillness, alike seemed to
remove her high above Will’s reach, into some
saintly and inaccessible air of glory—high above
his reach, even as she knew him! And, if she
were made acquainted with the dark secret behind,
of his sister’s shame, which was kept ever
present to his mind by his mother’s nightly
search among the outcast and forsaken, would
not Susan shrink away from him with loathing,
as if he were tainted by the involuntary relationship?
This was his dread; and thereupon
followed a resolution that he would withdraw
from her sweet company before it was too late.
So he resisted internal temptation, and staid at
home, and suffered and sighed. He became[Pg 42]
angry with his mother for her untiring patience
in seeking for one who, he could not help hoping,
was dead rather than alive. He spoke sharply
to her, and received only such sad, deprecatory
answers as made him reproach himself, and
still more lose sight of peace of mind. This
struggle could not last long without affecting
his health; and Tom, his sole companion through
the long evenings, noticed his increasing languor,
his restless irritability, with perplexed
anxiety, and at last resolved to call his mother’s
attention to his brother’s haggard, care-worn
looks. She listened with a startled recollection
of Will’s claims upon her love. She noticed
his decreasing appetite, and half-checked sighs.
“Will, lad! what’s come o’er thee?” said
she to him, as he sat listlessly gazing into the
fire.
“There’s naught the matter with me,” said
he, as if annoyed at her remark.
“Nay, lad, but there is.” He did not speak
again to contradict her; indeed she did not
know if he had heard her, so unmoved did he
look.
“Would’st like to go back to Upclose Farm?”
asked she, sorrowfully.
“It’s just blackberrying time,” said Tom.
Will shook his head. She looked at him a
while, as if trying to read that expression of
despondency and trace it back to its source.
“Will and Tom could go,” said she; “I must
stay here till I’ve found her, thou know’st,”
continued she, dropping her voice.
He turned quickly round, and with the authority
he at all times exercised over Tom, bade
him begone to bed.
When Tom had left the room he prepared to
speak.
CHAPTER II.
“Mother,” then said Will, “why will you
keep on thinking she’s alive? If she were but
dead, we need never name her name again.
We’ve never heard naught on her since father
wrote her that letter; we never knew whether
she got it or not. She’d left her place before
then. Many a one dies is—”
“Oh, my lad! dunnot speak so to me, or my
heart will break outright,” said his mother, with
a sort of cry. Then she calmed herself, for she
yearned to persuade him to her own belief.
“Thou never asked, and thou’rt too like thy
father for me to tell without asking—but it
were all to be near Lizzie’s old place that I
settled down on this side o’ Manchester; and
the very day after we came, I went to her
old missus, and asked to speak a word wi’ her.
I had a strong mind to cast it up to her, that she
should ha’ sent my poor lass away without telling
on it to us first; but she were in black, and
looked so sad I could na’ find in my heart to
threep it up. But I did ask her a bit about our
Lizzie. The master would have her turned
away at a day’s warning (he’s gone to t’other
place; I hope he’ll meet wi’ more mercy there
than he showed our Lizzie—I do); and when the
missus asked her should she write to us, she says
Lizzie shook her head; and when she speered
at her again, the poor lass went down on her
knees, and begged her not, for she said it would
break my heart (as it has done, Will—God knows
it has),” said the poor mother, choking with her
struggle to keep down her hard, overmastering
grief, “and her father would curse her—Oh,
God, teach me to be patient.” She could not
speak for a few minutes. “And the lass
threatened, and said she’d go drown herself in
the canal, if the missus wrote home—and so—
“Well! I’d got a trace of my child—the
missus thought she’d gone to th’ workhouse to
be nursed; and there I went—and there, sure
enough, she had been—and they’d turned her
out as soon as she were strong, and told her she
were young enough to work—but whatten kind
o’ work would be open to her, lad, and her baby
to keep?”
Will listened to his mother’s tale with deep
sympathy, not unmixed with the old bitter
shame. But the opening of her heart had unlocked
his, and after a while he spoke.
“Mother! I think I’d e’en better go home.
Tom can stay wi’ thee. I know I should stay
too, but I can not stay in peace so near—her—without
craving to see her—Susan Palmer, I
mean.”
“Has the old Mr. Palmer thou telled me on
a daughter?” asked Mrs. Leigh.
“Ay, he has. And I love her above a bit.
And it’s because I love her I want to leave
Manchester. That’s all.”
Mrs. Leigh tried to understand this speech for
some time, but found it difficult of interpretation.
“Why should’st thou not tell her thou lov’s
her? Thou’rt a likely lad, and sure o’ work.
Thou’lt have Upclose at my death; and as for
that I could let thee have it now, and keep mysel’
by doing a bit of charring. It seems to me
a very backward sort o’ way of winning her to
think of leaving Manchester.”
“Oh, mother, she’s so gentle and so good—she’s
downright holy. She’s never known a
touch of sin; and can I ask her to marry me,
knowing what we do about Lizzie, and fearing
worse! I doubt if one like her could ever care
for me; but if she knew about my sister, it
would put a gulf between us, and she’d shudder
up at the thought of crossing it. You don’t
know how good she is, mother!”
“Will, Will! if she’s so good as thou say’st,
she’ll have pity on such as my Lizzie. If she
has no pity for such, she’s a cruel Pharisee, and
thou’rt best without her.”
But he only shook his head, and sighed; and
for the time the conversation dropped.
But a new idea sprang up in Mrs. Leigh’s
head. She thought that she would go and see
Susan Palmer, and speak up for Will, and tell
her the truth about Lizzie; and according to
her pity for the poor sinner, would she be worthy
or unworthy of him. She resolved to go the
very next afternoon, but without telling any one[Pg 43]
of her plan. Accordingly she looked out the
Sunday clothes she had never before had the
heart to unpack since she came to Manchester,
but which she now desired to appear in, in
order to do credit to Will. She put on her old-fashioned
black mode bonnet, trimmed with real
lace; her scarlet cloth cloak, which she had had
ever since she was married; and always spotlessly
clean, she set forth on her unauthorized
embassy. She knew the Palmers lived in Crown-street,
though where she had heard it she could
not tell; and modestly asking her way, she arrived
in the street about a quarter to four
o’clock. She stopped to inquire the exact
number, and the woman whom she addressed
told her that Susan Palmer’s school would not
be loosed till four, and asked her to step in and
wait until then at her house.
“For,” said she, smiling, “them that wants
Susan Palmer wants a kind friend of ours; so
we, in a manner, call cousins. Sit down, missus,
sit down. I’ll wipe the chair, so that it shanna
dirty your cloak. My mother used to wear them
bright cloaks, and they’re right gradely things
again’ a green field.”
“Han ye known Susan Palmer long?” asked
Mrs. Leigh, pleased with the admiration of her
cloak.
“Ever since they comed to live in our street.
Our Sally goes to her school.”
“Whatten sort of a lass is she, for I ha’ never
seen her?”
“Well, as for looks, I can not say. It’s so
long since I first knowed her, that I’ve clean
forgotten what I thought of her then. My master
says he never saw such a smile for gladdening
the heart. But may be it’s not looks you’re
asking about. The best thing I can say of her
looks is, that she’s just one a stranger would
stop in the street to ask help from if he needed
it. All the little childer creeps as close as they
can to her; she’ll have as many as three or four
hanging to her apron all at once.”
“Is she cocket at all?”
“Cocket, bless you! you never saw a creature
less set up in all your life. Her father’s cocket
enough. No! she’s not cocket any way. You’ve
not heard much of Susan Palmer, I reckon, if you
think she’s cocket. She’s just one to come quietly
in, and do the very thing most wanted; little
things, maybe, that any one could do, but that
few would think on, for another. She’ll bring
her thimble wi’ her, and mend up after the
childer o’ nights—and she writes all Betty
Harker’s letters to her grandchild out at service—and
she’s in nobody’s way, and that’s a great
matter, I take it. Here’s the childer running
past! School is loosed. You’ll find her now,
missus, ready to hear and to help. But we
none on us frab her by going near her in schooltime.”
Poor Mrs. Leigh’s heart began to beat, and
she could almost have turned round and gone
home again. Her country breeding had made
her shy of strangers, and this Susan Palmer appeared
to her like a real born lady by all accounts.
So she knocked with a timid feeling at the indicated
door, and when it was opened, dropped a
simple curtsey without speaking. Susan had
her little niece in her arms, curled up with fond
endearment against her breast, but she put her
gently down to the ground, and instantly placed
a chair in the best corner of the room for Mrs.
Leigh, when she told her who she was.
“It’s not Will as has asked me to come,” said
the mother, apologetically, “I’d a wish just to
speak to you myself!”
Susan colored up to her temples, and stooped
to pick up the little toddling girl. In a minute
or two Mrs. Leigh began again.
“Will thinks you would na respect us if you
knew all; but I think you could na help feeling
for us in the sorrow God has put upon us; so I
just put on my bonnet, and came off unknownst
to the lads. Every one says you’re very good,
and that the Lord has keeped you from falling
from His ways; but maybe you’ve never yet
been tried and tempted as some is. I’m perhaps
speaking too plain, but my heart’s welly
broken, and I can’t be choice in my words as
them who are happy can. Well, now! I’ll tell
you the truth. Will dreads you to hear it, but
I’ll just tell it you. You mun know”—but here
the poor woman’s words failed her, and she could
do nothing but sit rocking herself backward and
forward, with sad eyes, straight-gazing into
Susan’s face, as if they tried to tell the tale of
agony which the quivering lips refused to utter.
Those wretched stony eyes forced the tears down
Susan’s cheeks, and, as if this sympathy gave the
mother strength, she went on in a low voice, “I
had a daughter once, my heart’s darling. Her
father thought I made too much on her, and that
she’d grow marred staying at home; so he said
she mun go among strangers, and learn to rough
it. She were young, and liked the thought of
seeing a bit of the world; and her father heard
on a place in Manchester. Well! I’ll not weary
you. That poor girl were led astray; and first
thing we heard on it, was when a letter of her
father’s was sent back by her missus, saying she’d
left her place, or, to speak right, the master had
turned her into the street soon as he had heard
of her condition—and she not seventeen!”
She now cried aloud; and Susan wept too.
The little child looked up into their faces, and,
catching their sorrow, began to whimper and
wail. Susan took it softly up, and hiding her
face in its little neck, tried to restrain her tears,
and think of comfort for the mother. At last
she said:
“Where is she now?”
“Lass! I dunnot know,” said Mrs. Leigh,
checking her sobs to communicate this addition
to her distress. “Mrs. Lomax telled me she
went—”
“Mrs. Lomax—what Mrs. Lomax?”
“Her as lives in Brabazon-street. She telled
me my poor wench went to the workhouse fra
there. I’ll not speak again’ the dead; but if her
father would but ha’ letten me—but he were one
who had no notion—no, I’ll not say that; best[Pg 44]
say naught. He forgave her on his death-bed.
I dare say I did na go th’ right way to work.”
“Will you hold the child for me one instant?”
said Susan.
“Ay, if it will come to me. Childer used to
be fond on me till I got the sad look on my face
that scares them, I think.”
But the little girl clung to Susan; so she
carried it up-stairs with her. Mrs. Leigh sat by
herself—how long she did not know.
Susan came down with a bundle of far-worn
baby-clothes.
“You must listen to me a bit, and not think
too much about what I’m going to tell you.
Nanny is not my niece, nor any kin to me that
I know of. I used to go out working by the
day. One night, as I came home, I thought
some woman was following me; I turned to look.
The woman, before I could see her face (for she
turned it to one side), offered me something. I
held out my arms by instinct: she dropped a
bundle into them with a bursting sob that went
straight to my heart. It was a baby. I looked
round again; but the woman was gone. She
had run away as quick as lightning. There was
a little packet of clothes—very few—and as if
they were made out of its mother’s gowns, for
they were large patterns to buy for a baby. I
was always fond of babies; and I had not my
wits about me, father says; for it was very cold,
and when I’d seen as well as I could (for it was
past ten) that there was no one in the street, I
brought it in and warmed it. Father was very
angry when he came, and said he’d take it to
the workhouse the next morning, and flyted me
sadly about it. But when morning came I could
not bear to part with it; it had slept in my arms
all night; and I’ve heard what workhouse bringing
is. So I told father I’d give up going out
working, and stay at home and keep school, if I
might only keep the baby; and after a while, he
said if I earned enough for him to have his comforts,
he’d let me; but he’s never taken to her.
Now, don’t tremble so—I’ve but a little more to
tell—and may be I’m wrong in telling it; but I
used to work next door to Mrs. Lomax’s, in
Brabazon-street, and the servants were all thick
together; and I heard about Bessy (they called
her) being sent away. I don’t know that ever
I saw her; but the time would be about fitting
to this child’s age, and I’ve sometimes fancied it
was hers. And now, will you look at the little
clothes that came with her—bless her!”
But Mrs. Leigh had fainted. The strange
joy and shame, and gushing love for the little
child had overpowered her; it was some time
before Susan could bring her round. There she
was all trembling, sick impatience to look at the
little frocks. Among them was a slip of paper
which Susan had forgotten to name, that had
been pinned to the bundle. On it was scrawled
in a round stiff hand:
“Call her Anne. She does not cry much, and
takes a deal of notice. God bless you and forgive
me.”
The writing was no clew at all; the name
“Anne,” common though it was, seemed something
to build upon. But Mrs. Leigh recognized
one of the frocks instantly, as being made out of
part of a gown that she and her daughter had
bought together in Rochdale.
She stood up, and stretched out her hands in
the attitude of blessing over Susan’s bent head.
“God bless you, and show you his mercy in
your need, as you have shown it to this little
child.”
She took the little creature in her arms, and
smoothed away her sad looks to a smile, and
kissed it fondly, saying over and over again,
“Nanny, Nanny, my little Nanny.” At last
the child was soothed, and looked in her face
and smiled back again.
“It has her eyes,” said she to Susan.
“I never saw her to the best of my knowledge
I think it must be hers by the frock. But where
can she be?”
“God knows,” said Mrs. Leigh; “I dare not
think she’s dead. I’m sure she isn’t.”
“No! she’s not dead. Every now and then
a little packet is thrust in under our door, with
may be two half-crowns in it; once it was half-a-sovereign.
Altogether I’ve got seven-and-thirty
shillings wrapped up for Nanny. I never
touch it, but I’ve often thought the poor mother
feels near to God when she brings this money.
Father wanted to set the policeman to watch,
but I said, No, for I was afraid if she was watched
she might not come, and it seemed such a holy
thing to be checking her in, I could not find in
my heart to do it.”
“Oh, if we could but find her! I’d take her
in my arms, and we’d just lie down and die
together.”
“Nay, don’t speak so!” said Susan gently,
“for all that’s come and gone, she may turn
right at last. Mary Magdalen did, you know.”
“Eh! but I were nearer right about thee
than Will. He thought you would never look
on him again, if you knew about Lizzie. But
thou’rt not a Pharisee.”
“I’m sorry he thought I could be so hard,”
said Susan in a low voice, and coloring up. Then
Mrs. Leigh was alarmed, and in her motherly
anxiety, she began to fear lest she had injured
Will in Susan’s estimation.
“You see Will thinks so much of you—gold
would not be good enough for you to walk on,
in his eye. He said you’d never look at him as
he was, let alone his being brother to my poor
wench. He loves you so, it makes him think
meanly on every thing belonging to himself, as
not fit to come near ye—but he’s a good lad,
and a good son—thou’lt be a happy woman if
thou’lt have him—so don’t let my words go
against him; don’t!”
But Susan hung her head and made no answer.
She had not known until now, that Will thought
so earnestly and seriously about her; and even
now she felt afraid that Mrs. Leigh’s words
promised her too much happiness, and that they
could not be true. At any rate the instinct of
modesty made her shrink from saying any thing[Pg 45]
which might seem like a confession of her own
feelings to a third person. Accordingly she
turned the conversation on the child.
“I’m sure he could not help loving Nanny,”
said she. “There never was such a good little
darling; don’t you think she’d win his heart if
he knew she was his niece, and perhaps bring
him to think kindly on his sister?”
“I dunnot know,” said Mrs. Leigh, shaking
her head. “He has a turn in his eye like his
father, that makes me—. He’s right down good
though. But you see I’ve never been a good
one at managing folk; one severe look turns me
sick, and then I say just the wrong thing, I’m so
fluttered. Now I should like nothing better than
to take Nancy home with me, but Tom knows
nothing but that his sister is dead, and I’ve not
the knack of speaking rightly to Will. I dare
not do it, and that’s the truth. But you mun
not think badly of Will. He’s so good hissel,
that he can’t understand how any one can do
wrong; and, above all, I’m sure he loves you
dearly.”
“I don’t think I could part with Nancy,” said
Susan, anxious to stop this revelation of Will’s
attachment to herself. “He’ll come round to
her soon; he can’t fail; and I’ll keep a sharp
look-out after the poor mother, and try and catch
her the next time she comes with her little parcels
of money.”
“Ay, lass! we mun get hold of her; my
Lizzie. I love thee dearly for thy kindness to
her child; but, if thou can’st catch her for me,
I’ll pray for thee when I’m too near my death to
speak words; and while I live, I’ll serve thee
next to her—she mun come first, thou know’st.
God bless thee, lass. My heart is lighter by a
deal than it was when I comed in. Them lads
will be looking for me home, and I mun go,
and leave this little sweet one,” kissing it. “If
I can take courage, I’ll tell Will all that has
come and gone between us two. He may come
and see thee, mayn’t he?”
“Father will be very glad to see him, I’m sure,”
replied Susan. The way in which this was spoken
satisfied Mrs. Leigh’s anxious heart that she had
done Will no harm by what she had said; and
with many a kiss to the little one, and one more
fervent tearful blessing on Susan, she went homeward.
CHAPTER III.
That night Mrs. Leigh stopped at home;
that only night for many months. Even Tom,
the scholar, looked up from his books in amazement;
but then he remembered that Will had
not been well, and that his mother’s attention
having been called to the circumstance, it was
only natural she should stay to watch him.
And no watching could be more tender, or
more complete. Her loving eyes seemed never
averted from his face; his grave, sad, care-worn
face. When Tom went to bed the mother
left her seat, and going up to Will where he
sat looking at the fire, but not seeing it, she
kissed his forehead, and said,
“Will! lad, I’ve been to see Susan Palmer!”
She felt the start under her hand which was
placed on his shoulder, but he was silent for a
minute or two. Then he said,
“What took you there, mother?”
“Why, my lad, it was likely I should wish
to see one you cared for; I did not put myself
forward. I put on my Sunday clothes, and
tried to behave as yo’d ha liked me. At least
I remember trying at first; but after, I forgot
all.”
She rather wished that he would question
her as to what made her forget all. But he
only said,
“How was she looking, mother?”
“Will, thou seest I never set eyes on her
before; but she’s a good, gentle-looking creature;
and I love her dearly as I have reason to.”
Will looked up with momentary surprise;
for his mother was too shy to be usually taken
with strangers. But after all it was natural in
this case, for who could look at Susan without
loving her? So still he did not ask any questions,
and his poor mother had to take courage,
and try again to introduce the subject near to
her heart. But how?
“Will!” said she (jerking it out, in sudden
despair of her own powers to lead to what she
wanted to say), “I’ve telled her all.”
“Mother! you’ve ruined me,” said he, standing
up, and standing opposite to her with a
stern, white look of affright on his face.
“No! my own dear lad; dunnot look so
scared, I have not ruined you!” she exclaimed,
placing her two hands on his shoulders and
looking fondly into his face. “She’s not one to
harden her heart against a mother’s sorrow.
My own lad, she’s too good for that. She’s
not one to judge and scorn the sinner. She’s
too deep read in her New Testament for that.
Take courage, Will; and thou mayst, for I
watched her well, though it is not for one
woman to let out another’s secret. Sit thee
down, lad, for thou look’st very white.”
He sat down. His mother drew a stool
toward him, and sat at his feet.
“Did you tell her about Lizzie, then?” asked
he, hoarse and low.
“I did, I telled her all; and she fell a crying
over my deep sorrow, and the poor wench’s sin.
And then a light comed into her face, trembling
and quivering with some new, glad thought;
and what dost thou think it was, Will, lad?
Nay, I’ll not misdoubt but that thy heart will
give thanks as mine did, afore God and His
angels, for her great goodness. That little
Nanny is not her niece, she’s our Lizzie’s own
child, my little grandchild.” She could no
longer restrain her tears, and they fell hot and
fast, but still she looked into his face.
“Did she know it was Lizzie’s child? I do
not comprehend,” said he, flushing red.
“She knows now: she did not at first, but
took the little helpless creature in, out of her[Pg 46]
own pitiful, loving heart, guessing only that it
was the child of shame, and she’s worked for
it, and kept it, and tended it ever sin’ it were a
mere baby, and loves it fondly. Will! won’t
you love it?” asked she, beseechingly.
He was silent for an instant; then he said,
“Mother, I’ll try. Give me time, for all these
things startle me. To think of Susan having to
do with such a child!”
“Ay, Will! and to think (as may be yet) of
Susan having to do with the child’s mother!
For she is tender and pitiful, and speaks hopefully
of my lost one, and will try and find her
for me, when she comes, as she does sometimes,
to thrust money under the door for her baby.
Think of that Will. Here’s Susan, good and
pure as the angels in heaven, yet, like them,
full of hope and mercy, and one who, like them,
will rejoice over her as repents. Will, my lad,
I’m not afeared of you now, and I must speak,
and you must listen. I am your mother, and I
dare to command you, because I know I am in
the right and that God is on my side. If He
should lead the poor wandering lassie to Susan’s
door, and she comes back crying and sorrowful,
led by that good angel to us once more, thou
shalt never say a casting-up word to her about
her sin, but be tender and helpful toward one
‘who was lost and is found,’ so may God’s
blessing rest on thee, and so mayst thou lead
Susan home as thy wife.”
She stood, no longer as the meek, imploring,
gentle mother, but firm and dignified, as if the
interpreter of God’s will. Her manner was so
unusual and solemn, that it overcame all Will’s
pride and stubbornness. He rose softly while
she was speaking, and bent his head as if in
reverence at her words, and the solemn injunction
which they conveyed. When she had
spoken, he said in so subdued a voice that she
was almost surprised at the sound, “Mother,
I will.”
“I may be dead and gone—but all the same—thou
wilt take home the wandering sinner,
and heal up her sorrows, and lead her to her
Father’s house. My lad! I can speak no
more; I’m turned very faint.”
He placed her in a chair; he ran for water.
She opened her eyes and smiled.
“God bless you, Will. Oh! I am so happy.
It seems as if she were found; my heart is so
filled with gladness.”
That night, Mr. Palmer staid out late and
long. Susan was afraid that he was at his
old haunts and habits—getting tipsy at some
public-house; and this thought oppressed her,
even though she had so much to make her
happy, in the consciousness that Will loved her.
She sat up long, and then she went to bed,
leaving all arranged as well as she could for
her father’s return. She looked at the little,
rosy sleeping girl who was her bed-fellow, with
redoubled tenderness, and with many a prayerful
thought. The little arms entwined her neck
as she lay down, for Nanny was a light sleeper,
and was conscious that she, who was loved with
all the power of that sweet childish heart, was
near her, and by her, although she was too
sleepy to utter any of her half-formed words.
And by-and-by she heard her father come
home, stumbling uncertain, trying first the windows,
and next the door-fastenings, with many
a loud, incoherent murmur. The little innocent
twined around her seemed all the sweeter and
more lovely, when she thought sadly of her
erring father; And presently he called aloud
for a light; she had left matches and all arranged
as usual on the dresser, but, fearful
of some accident from fire, in his unusually intoxicated
state, she now got up softly, and putting
on a cloak, went down to his assistance.
Alas! the little arms that were unclosed
from her soft neck belonged to a light, easily
awakened sleeper. Nanny missed her darling
Susy, and terrified at being left alone in the
vast, mysterious darkness, which had no bounds,
and seemed infinite, she slipped out of bed, and
tottered in her little night-gown toward the
door. There was a light below, and there
was Susy and safety! So she went onward
two steps toward the steep, abrupt stairs; and
then dazzled with sleepiness, she stood, she
wavered, she fell! Down on her head, on the
stone floor she fell! Susan flew to her, and
spoke all soft, entreating, loving words; but
her white lids covered, up the blue violets of
eyes, and there was no murmur came out of the
pale lips. The warm tears that rained down,
did not awaken her; she lay stiff, and weary
with her short life, on Susan’s knee. Susan
went sick with terror. She carried her up-stairs,
and laid her tenderly in bed; she dressed
herself most hastily, with her trembling fingers.
Her father was asleep on the settle down stairs;
and useless, and worse than useless if awake.
But Susan flew out of the door, and down the
quiet, resounding street, toward the nearest
doctor’s house. Quickly she went; but as
quickly a shadow followed, as if impelled by
some sudden terror. Susan rung wildly at the
night-bell—the shadow crouched near. The
doctor looked out from an up-stairs window.
“A little child has fallen down stairs at
No. 9, Crown-street, and is very ill—dying I’m
afraid. Please, for God’s sake, sir, come directly.
No. 9, Crown-street.”
“I’ll be there directly,” said he, and shut the
window.
“For that God you have just spoken about—for
His sake—tell me are you Susan Palmer?
Is it my child that lies a-dying?” said the
shadow, springing forward, and clutching poor
Susan’s arm.
“It is a little child of two years old—I do not
know whose it is; I love it as my own. Come
with me, whoever you are; come with me.”
The two sped along the silent streets—as
silent as the night were they. They entered
the house; Susan snatched up the light, and
carried it up-stairs. The other followed.
She stood with wild glaring eyes by the bed
side, never looking at Susan, but hungrily gazing[Pg 47]
at the little, white, still child. She stooped
down, and put her hand tight on her own heart,
as if to still its beating, and bent her ear to the
pale lips. Whatever the result was, she did
not speak; but threw off the bed-clothes wherewith
Susan had tenderly covered up the little
creature, and felt its left side.
Then she threw up her arms with a cry of
wild despair.
“She is dead! she is dead!”
She looked so fierce, so mad, so haggard,
that for an instant Susan was terrified—the
next, the holy God had put courage into her
heart, and her pure arms were round that
guilty, wretched creature, and her tears were
falling fast and warm upon her breast. But
she was thrown off with violence.
“You killed her—you slighted her—you let
her fall down those stairs! you killed her!”
Susan cleared off the thick mist before her,
and gazing at the mother with her clear, sweet,
angel-eyes, said, mournfully,
“I would have laid down my life for her.”
“Oh, the murder is on my soul!” exclaimed
the wild, bereaved mother, with the fierce impetuosity
of one who has none to love her and
to be beloved, regard to whom might teach
self-restraint.
“Hush!” said Susan, her finger on her lips.
“Here is the doctor. God may suffer her to
live.”
The poor mother turned sharp round. The
doctor mounted the stair. Ah! that mother was
right; the little child was really dead and gone.
And when he confirmed her judgment, the
mother fell down in a fit. Susan, with her
deep grief had to forget herself, and forget her
darling (her charge for years), and question the
doctor what she must do with the poor wretch,
who lay on the floor in such extreme of misery.
“She is the mother!” said she.
“Why did not she take better care of her
child?” asked he, almost angrily.
But Susan only said, “The little child slept
with me; and it was I that left her.”
“I will go back and make up a composing
draught; and while I am away you must get
her to bed.”
Susan took out some of her own clothes, and
softly undressed the stiff, powerless, form. There
was no other bed in the house but the one in
which her father slept. So she tenderly lifted
the body of her darling; and was going to take
it down stairs, but the mother opened her eyes,
and seeing what she was about, she said,
“I am not worthy to touch her, I am so
wicked; I have spoken to you as I never should
have spoken; but I think you are very good;
may I have my own child to lie in my arms for
a little while?”
Her voice was so strange a contrast to what
it had been before she had gone into the fit that
Susan hardly recognized it; it was now so
unspeakably soft, so irresistibly pleading, the
features too had lost their fierce expression, and
were almost as placid as death. Susan could
not speak, but she carried the little child; and
laid it in its mother’s arms; then as she looked
at them, something overpowered her, and she
knelt down, crying aloud:
“Oh, my God, my God, have mercy on her,
and forgive and comfort her.”
But the mother kept smiling, and stroking
the little face, murmuring soft, tender words,
as if it were alive; she was going mad, Susan
thought; but she prayed on, and on, and ever
still she prayed with streaming eyes.
The doctor came with the draught. The
mother took it, with docile unconsciousness of
its nature as medicine. The doctor sat by her;
and soon she fell asleep. Then he rose softly,
and beckoning Susan to the door, he spoke to
her there.
“You must take the corpse out of her arms.
She will not awake. That draught will make
her sleep for many hours. I will call before
noon again. It is now daylight. Good-by.”
Susan shut him out; and then gently extricating
the dead child from its mother’s arms,
she could not resist making her own quiet moan
over her darling. She tried to learn off its little
placid face, dumb and pale before her.
Shall wash away that vision fair
Not all the thousand thoughts that rise,
Not all the sights that dim her eyes.
Shall e’er usurp the place
Of that little angel-face.”
And then she remembered what remained to
be done. She saw that all was right in the
house; her father was still dead asleep on the
settle, in spite of all the noise of the night. She
went out through the quiet streets, deserted
still, although it was broad daylight, and to
where the Leighs lived. Mrs. Leigh, who kept
her country hours, was opening her window-shutters.
Susan took her by the arm, and,
without speaking, went into the house-place.
There she knelt down before the astonished
Mrs. Leigh, and cried as she had never done
before; but the miserable night had overpowered
her, and she who had gone through so
much calmly, now that the pressure seemed
removed, could not find the power to speak.
“My poor dear! What has made thy heart
so sore as to come and cry a-this-ons? Speak
and tell me. Nay, cry on, poor wench, if thou
canst not speak yet. It will ease the heart, and
then thou canst tell me.”
“Nanny is dead!” said Susan. “I left her
to go to father, and she fell down stairs, and
never breathed again. Oh, that’s my sorrow
but I’ve more to tell. Her mother is come—is
in our house. Come and see if it’s your Lizzie.”
Mrs. Leigh could not speak, but, trembling,
put on her things, and went with Susan
in dizzy haste back to Crown-street.
CHAPTER IV.
As they entered the house in Crown-street,
they perceived that the door would not open[Pg 48]
freely on its hinges, and Susan instinctively
looked behind to see the cause of the obstruction.
She immediately recognized the appearance
of a little parcel, wrapped in a scrap of
newspaper, and evidently containing money.
She stooped and picked it up. “Look!” said
she, sorrowfully, “the mother was bringing this
for her child last night.”
But Mrs. Leigh did not answer. So near to
the ascertaining if it were her lost child or no,
she could not be arrested, but pressed onward
with trembling steps and a beating, fluttering
heart. She entered the bedroom, dark and
still. She took no heed of the little corpse,
over which Susan paused, but she went straight
to the bed, and withdrawing the curtain, saw
Lizzie—but not the former Lizzie, bright, gay,
buoyant, and undimmed. This Lizzie was old
before her time; her beauty was gone; deep
lines of care, and alas! of want (or thus the
mother imagined) were printed on the cheek,
so round, and fair, and smooth, when last she
gladdened her mother’s eyes. Even in her
sleep she bore the look of woe and despair
which was the prevalent expression of her face
by day; even in her sleep she had forgotten
how to smile. But all these marks of the sin
and sorrow she had passed through only made
her mother love her the more. She stood looking
at her with greedy eyes, which seemed as
though no gazing could satisfy their longing;
and at last she stooped down and kissed the
pale, worn hand that lay outside the bed-clothes.
No touch disturbed the sleeper; the mother need
not have laid the hand so gently down upon the
counterpane. There was no sign of life, save
only now and then a deep, sob-like sigh. Mrs.
Leigh sat down beside the bed, and, still holding
back the curtain, looked on and on, as if she
could never be satisfied.
Susan would fain have staid by her darling
one; but she had many calls upon her time and
thoughts, and her will had now, as ever, to be
given up to that of others. All seemed to devolve
the burden of their cares on her. Her
father, ill-humored from his last night’s intemperance,
did not scruple to reproach her with
being the cause of little Nanny’s death; and
when, after bearing his upbraiding meekly for
some time, she could no longer restrain herself,
but began to cry, he wounded her even more
by his injudicious attempts at comfort: for he
said it was as well the child was dead; it was
none of theirs, and why should they be troubled
with it? Susan wrung her hands at this, and
came and stood before her father, and implored
him to forbear. Then she had to take all requisite
steps for the coroner’s inquest; she had
to arrange for the dismissal of her school; she
had to summon a little neighbor, and send his
willing feet on a message to William Leigh, who,
she felt, ought to be informed of his mother’s
whereabouts, and of the whole state of affairs.
She asked her messenger to tell him to come
and speak to her—that his mother was at her
house. She was thankful that her father sauntered
out to have a gossip at the nearest coach-stand,
and to relate as many of the night’s
adventures as he knew; for as yet he was in
ignorance of the watcher and the watched, who
silently passed away the hours up-stairs.
At dinner-time Will came. He looked red,
glad, impatient, excited. Susan stood calm and
white before him, her soft, loving eyes gazing
straight into his.
“Will,” said she, in a low, quiet voice, “your
sister is up-stairs.”
“My sister!” said he, as if affrighted at the
idea, and losing his glad look in one of gloom.
Susan saw it, and her heart sank a little, but
she went on as calm to all appearance as ever.
“She was little Nanny’s mother, as perhaps
you know. Poor little Nanny was killed last
night by a fall down stairs.” All the calmness
was gone; all the suppressed feeling was displayed
in spite of every effort. She sat down,
and hid her face from him, and cried bitterly.
He forgot every thing but the wish, the longing
to comfort her. He put his arm round her
waist, and bent over her. But all he could say
was, “Oh, Susan, how can I comfort you?
Don’t take on so—pray, don’t!” He never
changed the words, but the tone varied every
time he spoke. At last she seemed to regain
her power over herself, and she wiped her eyes,
and once more looked upon him with her own
quiet, earnest, unfearing gaze.
“Your sister was near the house. She came
in on hearing my words to the doctor. She is
asleep now, and your mother is watching her.
I wanted to tell you all myself. Would you like
to see your mother?”
“No!” said he. “I would rather see none
but thee. Mother told me thou knew’st all.”
His eyes were downcast in their shame.
But the holy and pure did not lower or vail
her eyes.
She said, “Yes, I know all—all but her sufferings.
Think what they must have been!”
He made answer low and stern, “She deserved
them all—every jot.”
“In the eye of God, perhaps she does. He
is the judge: we are not.”
“Oh,” she said, with a sudden burst, “Will
Leigh, I have thought so well of you; don’t go
and make me think you cruel and hard. Goodness
is not goodness unless there is mercy and
tenderness with it. There is your mother who
has been nearly heart-broken, now full of rejoicing
over her child—think of your mother.”
“I do think of her,” said he. “I remember
the promise I gave her last night. Thou should’st
give me time. I would do right in time. I
never think it o’er in quiet. But I will do what
is right and fitting, never fear. Thou hast
spoken out very plain to me, and misdoubted
me, Susan; I love thee so, that thy words cut
me. If I did hang back a bit from making
sudden promises, it was because, not even for
love of thee, would I say what I was not feeling;
and at first I could not feel all at once as
thou would’st have me. But I’m not cruel and[Pg 49]
hard; for if I had been, I should na’ have
grieved as I have done.”
He made as if he were going away; and
indeed he did feel he would rather think it over
in quiet. But Susan, grieved at her incautious
words, which had all the appearance of harshness,
went a step or two nearer—paused—and
then, all over blushes, said in a low, soft whisper,
“Oh, Will! I beg your pardon. I am very
sorry—won’t you forgive me?”
She who had always drawn back, and been
so reserved, said this in the very softest manner;
with eyes now uplifted beseechingly, now dropped
to the ground. Her sweet confusion told
more than words could do; and Will turned
back, all joyous in his certainty of being beloved,
and took her in his arms and kissed her.
“My own Susan!” he said.
Meanwhile the mother watched her child in
the room above.
It was late in the afternoon before she awoke,
for the sleeping draught had been very powerful.
The instant she awoke, her eyes were
fixed on her mother’s face with a gaze as unflinching
as if she were fascinated. Mrs. Leigh
did not turn away, nor move. For it seemed
as if motion would unlock the stony command
over herself which, while so perfectly still, she
was enabled to preserve. But by-and-by Lizzie
cried out, in a piercing voice of agony,
“Mother, don’t look at me! I have been so
wicked!” and instantly she hid her face, and
groveled among the bed-clothes, and lay like one
dead—so motionless was she.
Mrs. Leigh knelt down by the bed, and spoke
in the most soothing tones.
“Lizzie, dear, don’t speak so. I’m thy
mother, darling; don’t be afeard of me. I
never left off loving thee, Lizzie. I was always
a-thinking of thee. Thy father forgave
thee afore he died.” (There was a little start
here, but no sound was heard). “Lizzie, lass,
I’ll do aught for thee; I’ll live for thee; only
don’t be afeard of me. Whate’er thou art or
hast been, we’ll ne’er speak on’t. We’ll leave
th’ oud times behind us, and go back to the Upclose
Farm. I but left it to find thee, my lass;
and God has led me to thee. Blessed be His
name. And God is good, too, Lizzie. Thou
hast not forgot thy Bible, I’ll be bound, for thou
wert always a scholar. I’m no reader, but I
learnt off them texts to comfort me a bit, and
I’ve said them many a time a day to myself.
Lizzie, lass, don’t hide thy head so, it’s thy
mother as is speaking to thee. Thy little child
clung to me only yesterday; and if it’s gone to
be an angel, it will speak to God for thee. Nay,
don’t sob a that ‘as; thou shalt have it again in
heaven; I know thou’lt strive to get there, for
thy little Nancy’s sake—and listen! I’ll tell
thee God’s promises to them that are penitent;
only don’t be afeard.”
Mrs. Leigh folded her hands, and strove to
speak very clearly, while she repeated every
tender and merciful text she could remember.
She could tell from the breathing that her
daughter was listening; but she was so dizzy
and sick herself when she had ended, that she
could not go on speaking. It was all she could
do to keep from crying aloud.
At last she heard her daughter’s voice.
“Where have they taken her to?” she asked.
“She is down stairs. So quiet, and peaceful,
and happy she looks.”
“Could she speak? Oh, if God—if I might
but have heard her little voice! Mother, I used
to dream of it. May I see her once again—Oh,
mother, if I strive very hard, and God is
very merciful, and I go to Heaven, I shall not
know her—I shall not know my own again—she
will shun me as a stranger, and cling to
Susan Palmer and to you. Oh woe! Oh woe!”
She shook with exceeding sorrow.
In her earnestness of speech she had uncovered
her face, and tried to read Mrs. Leigh’s
thoughts through her looks. And when she
saw those aged eyes brimming full of tears, and
marked the quivering lips, she threw her arms
round the faithful mother’s neck, and wept there
as she had done in many a childish sorrow, but
with a deeper, a more wretched grief. Her mother
hushed her on her breast; and lulled her as
if she were a baby; and she grew still and quiet.
They sat thus for a long, long time. At last
Susan Palmer came up with some tea and bread
and butter for Mrs. Leigh. She watched the
mother feed her sick, unwilling child, with every
fond inducement to eat which she could devise;
they neither of them took notice of Susan’s presence.
That night they lay in each other’s arms;
but Susan slept on the ground beside them.
They took the little corpse (the little unconscious
sacrifice, whose early calling-home had
reclaimed her poor, wandering mother), to the
hills, which in her life-time she had never seen.
They dared not lay her by the stern grandfather
in Milne-row church-yard, but they bore
her to a lone moorland grave-yard, where long
ago the Quakers used to bury their dead. They
laid her there on the sunny slope, where the
earliest spring-flowers blow.
Will and Susan live at the Upclose Farm.
Mrs. Leigh and Lizzie dwell in a cottage so
secluded that, until you drop into the very hollow
where it is placed, you do not see it. Tom
is a schoolmaster in Rochdale, and he and Will
help to support their mother. I only know that,
if the cottage be hidden in a green hollow of
the hills, every sound of sorrow in the whole
upland is heard there—every call of suffering
or of sickness for help, is listened to by a sad,
gentle-looking woman, who rarely smiles (and
when she does, her smile is more sad than other
people’s tears), but who comes out of her seclusion
whenever there’s a shadow in any household.
Many hearts bless Lizzie Leigh, but she—she
prays always and ever for forgiveness—such
forgiveness as may enable her to see her
child once more. Mrs. Leigh is quiet and
happy. Lizzie is to her eyes something precious—as
the lost piece of silver—found once
more. Susan is the bright one who brings sunshine[Pg 50]
to all. Children grow around her and call
her blessed. One is called Nanny. Her, Lizzie
often takes to the sunny grave-yard in the up-lands,
and while the little creature gathers the
daisies, and makes chains, Lizzie sits by a little
grave, and weeps bitterly.
STEAM.
How wonderful are the revolutions which
steam has wrought in the world! The
diamond, we are told, is but pure carbon; and
the dream of the alchymist has long been to disentomb
the gem in its translucent purity from
the sooty mass dug up from the coal-field. But
if the visionary has failed to extricate the fair
spirit from its earthly cerements, the practical
philosopher has produced from the grimy lump
a gem, in comparison to which the diamond is
valueless—has evoked a Titanic power, before
which the gods of ancient fable could not hold
their heaven for an hour; a power wielding
the thunderbolt of Jove, the sledge of Vulcan,
the club of Hercules; which takes to itself the
talaria of Mercury, the speed of Iris, and the
hundred arms of Briareus. Ay, the carbon gives
us, indeed, the diamond after all; the white and
feathery vapor that hisses from the panting tube,
is the priceless pearl of the modern utilitarian.
Without steam man is nothing—a mere zoological
specimen—Lord Monboddo’s ape, without
the caudal elongation of the vertebræ. With
steam, man is every thing. A creature that
unites in himself the nature and the power of
every animal; more wonderful than the ornithorhynchus—he
is fish, flesh, and fowl. He can
traverse the illimitable ocean with the gambolings
of the porpoise, and the snort of the whale;
rove through the regions of the earth with the
speed of the antelope, and the patient strength of
the camel; he essays to fly through the air with
the steam-wing of the aeronauticon, though as
yet his pinions are not well fledged, and his
efforts have been somewhat Icarian. And, albeit
our own steam aeronavigation is chiefly confined
to those involuntary gambols (as Sterne
happily called Sancho’s blanket tossing), which
we now and then take at the instance of an exploding
boiler, yet may we have good hope that
our grandchildren will be able to “take the
wings of the morning,” and sip their cup of tea
genuine at Pekin. He is more than human, and
little less than Divinity. Were Aristotle alive,
he would define the genus “homo”—neither as
“animal ridens,” nor yet “animal sentiens,”
but “Animal Vaporans.” True it is, doubtless,
that man alone can enjoy his joke. He
hath his laugh, when the monkey can but grin
and the ape jabber—his thinking he shares with
the dog and the elephant; but who is there that
can “get up the steam” but man? “Man,”
say we, “is an animal that vaporeth!” and we
will wager one of Stephenson’s patent high-pressure
engines again our cook’s potato-steamer,
that Dr. Whately will affirm our definition.—Dublin
University Magazine.
[From The Ladies’ Companion.]
PAPERS ON WATER.—No. 1.
why is hard water unfit for domestic purposes?
Few subjects have attracted more attention
among sanitary reformers, than the necessity
of obtaining a copious supply of water to
the dwellers in large cities. Experience has
shown that the supply should be at least twenty
gallons daily for each inhabitant, although forty
gallons are necessary to carry out to the full
extent all the sanitary improvements deemed
desirable for the well-being of a population.
But in looking to quantity of supply, quality has
been thought of less importance; there could
not be a more gross error, or one more fatal to
civic economy and domestic comfort. As we
are anxious to instruct the readers of this Journal
in the science of every-day life, we propose
to consider the subject of water-supply in some
detail, and in the present article to explain the
serious inconveniences which result from an injudicious
selection of hard water for domestic
purposes.
The water found in springs, brooks, and rivers,
has its primary origin in the rain of the
district, unless there should happen to be some
accidental infiltration from the sea or other
great natural reservoirs. This rain, falling on
the upper soil, either runs off in streams, or,
percolating through it and the porous beds beneath,
gushes out in the form of springs wherever
it meets with an impervious bed which refuses
it a passage; pits sunk down to the latter detect
it there, and these form the ordinary wells.
In its passage through the pervious rocks, it
takes up soluble impurities, varying in their
amount and character with the nature of the
geological formations, these impurities being
either mineral, vegetable, or animal matter.
The mineral ingredients may be chalk, gypsum,
common salt, and different other compounds
but it is the earthy salts generally which impress
peculiar qualities on the water.
The salts of lime and magnesia communicate
to water the quality termed hardness, a property
which every one understands, but which it
would be very difficult to describe. By far the
most common giver of hardness is chalk, or, as
chemists term it, carbonate of lime; a substance
not soluble in pure water, but readily so in water
containing carbonic acid. Rain water always
contains this acid, and is, therefore, a solvent
for the chalk disseminated in the different geological
formations through which it percolates.
Gypsum, familiarly known as plaster of Paris,
and termed sulphate of lime by chemists, is also
extensively diffused in rocks, and being itself
soluble in water, becomes a very common hardening
ingredient, though not of such frequent
occurrence as chalk. Any earthy salt, such as
chalk or gypsum, decomposes soap, and prevents
its action as a detergent. Soap consists
of an oily acid combined generally with soda.
Now, when this is added to water containing[Pg 51]
lime, that earth unites with the oily acid, forming
an insoluble soap, of no use as a detergent;
this insoluble lime-soap is the curd which appears
in hard water during washing with soap.
Hard water is of no use as a cleanser, until all
the lime has been removed by uniting with the
oily acid of the soap. Every hundred gallons
of Thames water destroy in this way thirty
ounces of soap before becoming a detergent.
But as this is an enormous waste, the dwellers
in towns, supplied with hard water, resort to
other methods of washing, so as to economize
soap. If our readers in London observe their
habits in washing, they will perceive that the
principal quantity of the water is used by them
not as a cleanser, but merely for the purposes of
rinsing off the very sparing amount employed
for detergent purposes. In London, we do not
wash ourselves in but out of the basin. A small
quantity of water is taken on the hands and
saturated with soap so as to form a lather; the
ablution is now made with this quantity, and
the water in the basin is only used to rinse it
off. The process of washing with soft water is
entirely different, the whole quantity being applied
as a detergent. To illustrate this difference
an experiment may be made, by washing
the hands alternately in rain and then in hard
water, such as that supplied to London; and
the value of the soft water for the purposes of
washing will be at once recognized. Even
without soap, the soft water moistens the hand,
while hard water flows off, just as if the skin
had been smeared with oil. Now, although the
soap may be economized in personal ablution
by the uncomfortable method here described, it
is impossible to obtain this economy in the
washing of linen. In this case, the whole of
the water must be saturated with soap before it
is available. Soda is, to a certain extent, substituted
with a view to economy, as much as
£30,000 worth of soda being annually used in
the metropolis to compensate for the hard quality
of the water; and, perhaps, as an approximative
calculation, £200,000 worth of soap is
annually wasted without being useful as a detergent.
This enormous tax on the community
results from the hardness both of the well and
river water; the former being generally much
harder than the latter. But this expense, large
as it may seem, is not the only consequence of
a bad water supply. The labor required to
wash with hard water is very much greater
than that necessary when it is soft, this labor
being represented in the excessive charges for
washing. In fact, extraordinary as it may appear,
it has recently been shown in evidence
before the General Board of Health, that the
washerwoman’s interest in the community is
actually greater than that of the cotton-spinner,
with all his enormous capital. An instance of
this will suffice to show our meaning: a gentleman
buys one dozen shirts at a cost of £4,
three of these are washed every week, the
charge being fourpence each, making an annual
account of £2 12s. The set of shirts, with
careful management, lasts for three years, and
has cost in washing £7 16s. The cotton-spinner’s
interest in the shirts and that of the
shirt-maker’s combined, did not exceed £4,
while the washerwoman’s interest is nearly
double. A considerable portion of this amount
is unavoidable; but a very large part is due to
the excessive charges for washing rendered
necessary by the waste of soap and increased
labor required for cleansing. A family in London,
with an annual income of £600, spends
about one-twelfth of the amount, or £50, in
the expenses of the laundry. On an average,
every person in London, rich and poor, spends
one shilling per week, or fifty-two shillings a
year for washing. Hence, at least five million
two hundred thousand pounds is the annual
amount expended in the metropolis alone for
this purpose. Yet, large as this amount is—and
it matters not whether it be represented in
the labors of household washing or that of the
professed laundress—it is obvious that the greatest
part of it is expended in actual labor, for the
washerwoman is rarely a rich or even a thriving
person. Hence, it follows that this labor, barely
remunerative as it is, must be made excessive
from some extraneous cause; for it is found by
experience that one-half the charge is ample
compensation in a country district supplied with
soft water. The tear and wear of clothes by
the system necessary for washing in hard water,
is very important in the economical consideration
of the question. The difference in this
respect, between hard and soft water, is very
striking. It has been calculated that the extra
cost to ladies in London in the one article of
collars, by the unnecessary tear and wear, as
compared with country districts, is not less
than, but probably much exceeds, £20,000.
We now proceed to draw attention to the
inconvenience of hard water in cooking. It is
well known that greens, peas, French beans,
and other green vegetables, lose much of their
delicate color by being boiled in hard water.
They not only become yellow, but assume a
shriveled and disagreeable appearance, losing
much of their delicacy to the taste. For making
tea the evil is still more obvious. It is extremely
difficult to obtain a good infusion of tea with
hard water, however much may be wasted in
the attempt. We endeavor to overcome the
difficulty by the addition of soda, but the tea
thus made is always inferior. One reason of
this is, that it is difficult to adjust the quantity
of the soda. Tea contains nearly 16 per cent.
of cheese or casein, and this dissolves in water
rendered alkaline by soda; and although the
nutritious qualities are increased by this solution,
the delicacy of the flavor is impaired.
The water commonly used in London requires,
at the very least, one-fifth more tea to produce
an infusion of the same strength as that obtained
by soft water. This, calculated on the
whole amount of tea consumed in London, resolves
itself into a pecuniary consideration of
great magnitude.[Pg 52]
The effect of hard water upon the health of
the lower animals is very obvious. Horses,
sheep, and pigeons, refuse it whenever they can
obtain a supply of soft water. They prefer the
muddiest pool of the latter to the most brilliant
and sparkling spring of the former. In all of
them it produces colic, and sometimes more
serious diseases. The coats of horses drinking
hard water soon become rough, and stare, and
they quickly fall out of condition. It is not,
however, known that it exerts similar influences
upon the health of man, although analogy would
lead us to expect that a beverage unsuited to
the lower animals can not be favorable to the
human constitution. Persons with tender skins
can not wash in hard water, because the insoluble
salts left by evaporation produce an intolerable
irritation.
In order to simplify the explanation of the
action of hard water, attention has been confined
to that possessing lime. But hard waters frequently
contain magnesia, and in that case a
very remarkable phenomenon attends their use.
At a certain strength the magnesian salt does
not decompose the soap, or retard the formation
of a lather, but the addition of soft water developes
this latent hardness. With such waters,
the extraordinary anomaly appears, that the
more soft water is added to them, up to a certain
point, the harder do they become. Some
of the wells at Doncaster are very remarkable
in this respect, for when their hard water is
diluted with eight times the quantity of pure
soft distilled water, the resulting mixture is as
hard—that is, it decomposes as much soap—as
the undiluted water. Thus the dilution of such
water with four or five times its bulk of soft
rain water actually makes it harder. The cause
of this anomaly has not yet been satisfactorily
made out, but it only occurs in waters abounding
in magnesia.
Having now explained the inconveniences of
the hardening ingredients of water, we propose
to show in the next article the action of other
deteriorating constituents; and after having done
so, it will become our duty to point out the
various modes by which the evils thus exposed
may best be counteracted or remedied.
L.P.
EARLY RISING.
How sweet the little violet grew,
Amidst the thorny brake;
How fragrant blew the ambient air,
O’er beds of primroses so fair,
Your pillow you’d forsake.
Or the wan hue of pining grief,
The cheek of sloth shall grow;
Nor can cosmetic, wash, or ball,
Nature’s own favorite tints recall,
If once you let them go.
Herrick.
[From Household Words.]
A TALE OF THE GOOD OLD TIMES.
An alderman of the ancient borough of Beetlebury,
and churchwarden of the parish of St.
Wulfstan’s, in the said borough, Mr. Blenkinsop
might have been called, in the language of the
sixteenth century, a man of worship. This title
would probably have pleased him very much, it
being an obsolete one, and he entertaining an
extraordinary regard for all things obsolete,
or thoroughly deserving to be so. He looked
up with profound veneration to the griffins which
formed the waterspouts of St. Wulfstan’s church,
and he almost worshiped an old boot under the
name of a black jack, which on the affidavit of
a foresworn broker, he had bought for a drinking-vessel
of the sixteenth century. Mr. Blenkinsop
even more admired the wisdom of our ancestors
than he did their furniture and fashions.
He believed that none of their statutes and ordinances
could possibly be improved on, and in
this persuasion had petitioned parliament against
every just or merciful change, which, since he
had arrived at man’s estate, had been in the
laws. He had successively opposed all the
Beetlebury improvements, gas, water-works,
infant schools, mechanics’ institute, and library.
He had been active in an agitation against any
measure for the improvement of the public
health, and being a strong advocate of intra-mural
interment, was instrumental in defeating
an attempt to establish a pretty cemetery outside
Beetlebury. He had successfully resisted
a project for removing the pig-market from the
middle of High-street. Through his influence
the shambles, which were corporation property,
had been allowed to remain where they were,
namely, close to the Town-hall, and immediately
under his own and his brethren’s noses.
In short, he had regularly, consistently, and
nobly done his best to frustrate every scheme
that was proposed for the comfort and advantage
of his fellow creatures. For this conduct he
was highly esteemed and respected, and, indeed,
his hostility to any interference with
disease, had procured him the honor of a public
testimonial; shortly after the presentation of
which, with several neat speeches, the cholera
broke out in Beetlebury.
The truth is, that Mr. Blenkinsop’s views on
the subject of public health and popular institutions
were supposed to be economical (though
they were, in truth, desperately costly), and
so pleased some of the rate-payers. Besides,
he withstood ameliorations, and defended nuisances
and abuses with all the heartiness of an
actual philanthropist. Moreover, he was a
jovial fellow—a boon companion; and his love
of antiquity leant particularly toward old ale and
old port wine. Of both of these beverages he had
been partaking rather largely at a visitation-dinner,
where, after the retirement of the bishop
and his clergy, festivities were kept up till late,
under the presidency of the deputy-registrar.
One of the last to quit the Crown and Mitre
was Mr. Blenkinsop.[Pg 53]
He lived in a remote part of the town, whither,
as he did not walk exactly in a right line,
it may be allowable perhaps, to say that he bent
his course. Many of the dwellers in Beetlebury
High-street, awakened at half-past twelve on
that night, by somebody passing below, singing,
not very distinctly,
were indebted, little as they may have suspected
it, to Alderman Blenkinsop, for their serenade.
In his homeward way stood the Market
Cross; a fine medieval structure, supported on a
series of circular steps by a groined arch, which
served as a canopy to the stone figure of an ancient
burgess. This was the effigies of Wynkyn
de Vokes, once mayor of Beetlebury, and
a great benefactor to the town; in which he
had founded almhouses and a grammar-school,
a.d. 1440. The post was formerly occupied
by St. Wulfstan; but De Vokes had been removed
from the Town Hall in Cromwell’s
time, and promoted to the vacant pedestal, vice
Wulfstan, demolished. Mr. Blenkinsop highly
revered this work of art, and he now stopped
to take a view of it by moonlight. In that
doubtful glimmer, it seemed almost life-like.
Mr. Blenkinsop had not much imagination, yet
he could well nigh fancy he was looking upon
the veritable Wynkyn, with his bonnet, beard,
furred gown, and staff, and his great book under
his arm. So vivid was this impression, that
it impelled him to apostrophize the statue.
“Fine old fellow!” said Mr. Blenkinsop.
“Rare old buck! We shall never look upon
your like again. Ah! the good old times—the
jolly good old times! No times like the
good old times, my ancient worthy. No such
times as the good old times!”
“And pray, sir, what times do you call the
good old times?” in distinct and deliberate
accents, answered—according to the positive
affirmation of Mr. Blenkinsop, subsequently
made before divers witnesses—the Statue.
Mr. Blenkinsop is sure that he was in the
perfect possession of his senses. He is certain
that he was not the dupe of ventriloquism, or
any other illusion. The value of these convictions
must be a question between him and the
world, to whose perusal the facts of his tale,
simply as stated by himself, are here submitted.
When first he heard the Statue speak, Mr.
Blenkinsop says, he certainly experienced a
kind of sudden shock, a momentary feeling of
consternation. But this soon abated in a wonderful
manner. The Statue’s voice was quite mild
and gentle—not in the least grim—had no
funereal twang in it, and was quite different
from the tone a statue might be expected to
take by any body who had derived his notions
on that subject from having heard the representative
of the class in “Don Giovanni.”
“Well, what times do you mean by the good
old times?” repeated the Statue, quite familiarly.
The churchwarden was able to reply with some
composure, that such a question coming from
such a quarter had taken him a little by surprise.
“Come, come, Mr. Blenkinsop,” said the
Statue, “don’t be astonished. ‘Tis half-past
twelve, and a moonlight night, as your favorite
police, the sleepy and infirm old watchman,
says. Don’t you know that we statues are apt
to speak when spoken to, at these hours? Collect
yourself. I will help you to answer my
own question. Let us go back step by step;
and allow me to lead you. To begin. By the
good old times, do you mean the reign of George
the Third?”
“The last of them, sir,” replied Mr. Blenkinsop,
very respectfully, “I am inclined to
think, were seen by the people who lived in
those days.”
“I should hope so,” the Statue replied.
“Those the good old old times? What! Mr.
Blenkinsop, when men were hanged by dozens,
almost weekly, for paltry thefts. When a nursing
woman was dragged to the gallows with
a child at her breast, for shop-lifting, to the
value of a shilling. When you lost your American
colonies, and plunged into war with France,
which, to say nothing of the useless bloodshed
it cost, has left you saddled with the national
debt. Surely you will not call these the good
old times, will you, Mr. Blenkinsop?”
“Not exactly, sir; no, on reflection I don’t
know that I can,” answered Mr. Blenkinsop. He
had now—it was such a civil, well-spoken statue—lost
all sense of the preternatural horror of
his situation, and scratched his head, just as if
he had been posed in argument by an ordinary
mortal.
“Well then,” resumed the Statue, “my dear
sir, shall we take the two or three reigns preceding?
What think you of the then existing state
of prisons and prison discipline? Unfortunate
debtors confined indiscriminately with felons, in
the midst of filth, vice, and misery unspeakable.
Criminals under sentence of death tippling
in the condemned cell, with the Ordinary
for their pot-companion. Flogging, a common
punishment of women convicted of larceny.
What say you of the times when London streets
were absolutely dangerous, and the passenger
ran the risk of being hustled and robbed even
in the daytime? When not only Hounslow and
Bagshot Heath, but the public roads swarmed
with robbers, and a stage-coach was as frequently
plundered as a hen-roost. When, indeed,
‘the road’ was esteemed the legitimate
resource of a gentleman in difficulties, and a
highwayman was commonly called ‘Captain’—if
not respected accordingly. When cock-fighting,
bear-baiting, and bull-baiting were popular,
nay, fashionable amusements. When the bulk
of the landed gentry could barely read and
write, and divided their time between fox-hunting
and guzzling. When duelist was a hero,
and it was an honor to have ‘killed your man.’
When a gentleman could hardly open his mouth
without uttering a profane or filthy oath. When[Pg 54]
the country was continually in peril of civil war;
through a disputed succession; and two murderous
insurrections, followed by more murderous
executions, actually took place. This era
of inhumanity, shamelessness, brigandage, brutality,
and personal and political insecurity, what
say you of it, Mr. Blenkinsop? Do you regard
this wig and pigtail period as constituting the
good old times, respected friend?”
“There was Queen Anne’s golden reign, sir,”
deferentially suggested Mr. Blenkinsop.
“A golden reign!” exclaimed the Statue.
“A reign of favoritism and court trickery at
home, and profitless war abroad. The time of
Bolingbroke’s, and Harley’s, and Churchill’s intrigues.
The reign of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough
and of Mrs. Masham. A golden fiddlestick!
I imagine you must go farther back
yet for your good old times, Mr. Blenkinsop.”
“Well,” answered the churchwarden, “I
suppose I must, sir, after what you say.”
“Take William the Third’s rule,” pursued
the Statue. “War, war again; nothing but
war. I don’t think you’ll particularly call these
the good old times. Then what will you say
to those of James the Second? Were they the
good old times when Judge Jefferies sat on the
bench? When Monmouth’s rebellion was followed
by the Bloody Assize. When the king
tried to set himself above the law, and lost
his crown in consequence. Does your worship
fancy these were the good old times?”
Mr. Blenkinsop admitted that he could not
very well imagine that they were.
“Were Charles the Second’s the good old
times?” demanded the Statue. “With a court
full of riot and debauchery; a palace much less
decent than any modern casino; while Scotch
Covenanters were having their legs crushed in
the ‘Boots,’ under the auspices and personal
superintendence of His Royal Highness the
Duke of York. The time of Titus Oates,
Bedloe, and Dangerfield, and their sham plots,
with the hangings, drawings, and quarterings,
on perjured evidence, that followed them. When
Russell and Sidney were judicially murdered.
The time of the great plague and fire of London.
The public money wasted by roguery and embezzlement,
while sailors lay starving in the
streets for want of their just pay; the Dutch
about the same time burning our ships in the
Medway. My friend, I think you will hardly
call the scandalous monarchy of the ‘Merry
Monarch’ the good old times.”
“I feel the difficulty which you suggest, sir,”
owned Mr. Blenkinsop.
“Now, that a man of your loyalty,” pursued
the Statue, “should identify the good old times
with Cromwell’s Protectorate, is, of course, out
of the question.”
“Decidedly, sir!” exclaimed Mr. Blenkinsop.
“He shall not have a statue, though you enjoy
that honor,” bowing.
“And yet,” said the Statue, “with all its
faults, this era was perhaps no worse than any
we have discussed yet. Never mind! It was
a dreary, cant-ridden one, and if you don’t think
those England’s palmy days, neither do I.
There’s the previous reign, then. During the
first part of it, there was the king endeavoring to
assert arbitrary power. During the latter, the
Parliament were fighting against him in the
open field. What ultimately became of him I
need not say. At what stage of King Charles
the First’s career did the good old times exist,
Mr. Alderman? I need barely mention the
Star Chamber and poor Prynne; and I merely
allude to the fate of Strafford and of Laud. On
consideration, should you fix the good old times
any where thereabouts?”
“I am afraid not, indeed, sir,” Mr. Blenkinsop
responded, tapping his forehead.
“What is your opinion of James the First’s
reign? Are you enamored of the good old
times of the Gunpowder Plot? or when Sir
Walter Raleigh was beheaded? or when hundreds
of poor, miserable old women were burnt
alive for witchcraft, and the royal wiseacre on
the throne wrote as wise a book, in defense of
the execrable superstition through which they
suffered?”
Mr. Blenkinsop confessed himself obliged to
give up the times of James the First.
“Now, then,” continued the Statue, “we
come to Elizabeth.”
“There I’ve got you!” interrupted Mr
Blenkinsop, exultingly. “I beg your pardon,
sir,” he added, with a sense of the freedom he
had taken; “but everybody talks of the times
of Good Queen Bess, you know.”
“Ha, ha!” laughed the Statue, not at all
like Zamiel, or Don Guzman, or a pavior’s
rammer, but really with unaffected gayety.
“Everybody sometimes says very foolish things.
Suppose Everybody’s lot had been cast under
Elizabeth! How would Everybody have relished
being subject to the jurisdiction of the
Ecclesiastical Commission, with its power of
imprisonment, rack, and torture? How would
Everybody have liked to see his Roman Catholic
and Dissenting fellow-subjects butchered, fined,
and imprisoned for their opinions; and charitable
ladies butchered, too, for giving them shelter in
the sweet compassion of their hearts? What
would Everybody have thought of the murder
of Mary Queen of Scots? Would Everybody,
would Anybody, would you, wish to have lived
in these days, whose emblems are cropped ears,
pillory, stocks, thumb-screws, gibbet, ax, chopping-block,
and scavenger’s daughter? Will
you take your stand upon this stage of history
for the good old times, Mr. Blenkinsop?”
“I should rather prefer firmer and safer
ground, to be sure, upon the whole,” answered
the worshiper of antiquity, dubiously.
“Well, now,” said the Statue, “’tis getting
late, and, unaccustomed as I am to conversational
speaking, I must be brief. Were those the good
old times when Sanguinary Mary roasted bishops,
and lighted the fires of Smithfield? When Henry
the Eighth, the British Bluebeard, cut his wives
heads off, and burnt Catholic and Protestant at[Pg 55]
the same stake? When Richard the Third
smothered his nephews in the Tower? When
the Wars of the Roses deluged the land with
blood? When Jack Cade marched upon London?
When we were disgracefully driven out
of France under Henry the Sixth, or, as disgracefully,
went marauding there, under Henry
the Fifth? Were the good old times those of
Northumberland’s rebellion? Of Richard the
Second’s assassination? Of the battles, burnings,
massacres, cruel tormentings, and atrocities,
which form the sum of the Plantagenet
reigns? Of John’s declaring himself the Pope’s
vassal, and performing dental operations on the
Jews? Of the Forest Laws and Curfew under
the Norman kings? At what point of this
series of bloody and cruel annals will you place
the times which you praise? Or do your good
old times extend over all that period when somebody
or other was constantly committing high
treason, and there was a perpetual exhibition of
heads on London Bridge and Temple Bar?”
It was allowed by Mr. Blenkinsop that either
alternative presented considerable difficulty.
“Was it in the good old times that Harold
fell at Hastings, and William the Conqueror
enslaved England? Were those blissful years
the ages of monkery; of Odo and Dunstan,
bearding monarchs and branding queens? Of
Danish ravage and slaughter? Or were they
those of the Saxon Heptarchy, and the worship
of Thor and Odin? Of the advent of Hengist
and Horsa? Of British subjugation by the
Romans? Or, lastly, must we go back to the
ancient Britons, Druidism, and human sacrifices,
and say that those were the real, unadulterated,
genuine, good old times, when the true-blue
natives of this island went naked, painted
with woad?”
“Upon my word, sir,” said Mr. Blenkinsop,
“after the observations that I have heard from
you this night, I acknowledge that I do feel
myself rather at a loss to assign a precise period
to the times in question.”
“Shall I do it for you?” asked the Statue.
“If you please, sir. I should be very much
obliged if you would,” replied the bewildered
Blenkinsop, greatly relieved.
“The best times, Mr. Blenkinsop,” said the
Statue, “are the oldest. They are the wisest;
for the older the world grows, the more experience
it acquires. It is older now than ever it
was. The oldest and best times the world has
yet seen are the present. These, so far as we
have yet gone, are the genuine good old times,
sir.”
“Indeed, sir!” ejaculated the astonished alderman.
“Yes, my good friend. These are the best
times that we know of—bad as the best may
be. But in proportion to their defects, they
afford room for amendment. Mind that, sir, in
the future exercise of your municipal and political
wisdom. Don’t continue to stand in the
light which is gradually illuminating human
darkness. The Future is the date of that happy
period which your imagination has fixed in the
Past. It will arrive when all shall do what in
right; hence none shall suffer what is wrong.
The true good old times are yet to come.”
“Have you any idea when, sir?” Mr. Blenkinsop
inquired, modestly.
“That is a little beyond me,” the Statue answered.
“I can not say how long it will take
to convert the Blenkinsops. I devoutly wish you
may live to see them. And with that, I wish
you good-night, Mr. Blenkinsop.”
“Sir,” returned Mr. Blenkinsop, with a profound
bow, “I have the honor to wish you the
same.”
Mr. Blenkinsop returned home an altered
man. This was soon manifest. In a few days
he astonished the Corporation by proposing the
appointment of an Officer of Health to preside
over the sanitary affairs of Beetlebury. It had
already transpired that he had consented to the
introduction of lucifer-matches into his domestic
establishment, in which, previously, he had insisted
on sticking to the old tinder-box. Next,
to the wonder of all Beetlebury, he was the first
to propose a great, new school, and to sign a
requisition that a county penitentiary might be
established for the reformation of juvenile offenders.
The last account of him is, that he has
not only become a subscriber to the mechanics’
institute, but that he actually presided there at,
lately, on the occasion of a lecture on
Geology.
The remarkable change which has occurred
in Mr. Blenkinsop’s views and principles, he
himself refers to his conversation with the Statue,
as above related. That narrative, however, his
fellow-townsmen receive with incredulous expressions,
accompanied by gestures and grimaces
of like import. They hint, that Mr. Blenkinsop
had been thinking for himself a little, and only
wanted a plausible excuse for recanting his
errors. Most of his fellow-aldermen believe
him mad; not less on account of his new moral
and political sentiments, so very different from
their own, than of his Statue story. When it
has been suggested to them that he has only
had his spectacles cleaned, and has been looking
about him, they shake their heads, and say that
he had better have left his spectacles alone, and
that a little knowledge is a dangerous thing, and
a good deal of dirt quite the contrary. Their
spectacles have never been cleaned, they say,
and any one may see they don’t want cleaning.
The truth seems to be, that Mr. Blenkinsop
has found an altogether new pair of spectacles,
which enable him to see in the right direction.
Formerly, he could only look backward; he
now looks forward to the grand object that all
human eyes should have in view—progressive
improvement.
He who can not live well to-day, will be less
qualified to live well to-morrow.—Martial.
Men are harassed, not by things themselves
but by opinions respecting them.—Epictetus.[Pg 56]
[From the Dublin University Magazine.]
MEMOIRS OF THE FIRST DUCHESS OF ORLEANS.
While the fortunes of the last Duchess of
Orleans are still in uncertainty, it may not
be unpleasing to read something of the family
and character of the first princess who bore that
title. The retrospect will carry us back to stirring
times, and make us acquainted with the virtues
and sufferings, as well as the crimes, which
mark the family history of the great European
houses. The story of Valentina Visconti links
the history of Milan with that of Paris, and imparts
an Italian grace and tenderness to the
French annals. Yet although herself one of the
gentlest of women, she was sprung from the
fiercest of men. The history of the rise and
progress of the family of Visconti is, in truth,
one of the most characteristic that the Lombardic
annalists have preserved.
The Sforzias, called Visconti from their hereditary
office of Vicecomes, or temporal vicar of
the Emperor, were a marked and peculiar race.
With the most ferocious qualities, they combined
high intellectual refinement, and an elegant and
cultivated taste, in all that was excellent in art,
architecture, poetry, and classical learning. The
founder of the family was Otho, Archbishop of
Milan at the close of the 13th century. He extended
his vicarial authority into a virtual sovereignty
of the Lombard towns, acknowledging
only the German Emperor as his feudal lord.
This self-constituted authority he transmitted to
his nephew Matteo, “Il grande.” In the powerful
hands of Matteo the Magnificent, Milan
became the capital of a virtual Lombardic kingdom.
Three of the sons of Matteo were successively
“tyrants” of Milan, the designation
being probably used in its classical, rather than
its modern sense. Galeazzo, the eldest, was
succeeded by his son Azzo, the only one of the
male representatives of the Visconti who exhibited
any of the milder characteristics befitting the
character of a virtuous prince. Luchino, his
uncle and successor, was, however, a patron of
learning, and has had the good fortune to transmit
his name to us in illustrious company. At
his court, in other respects contaminated by vice,
and made infamous by cruelty, the poet Petrarch
found a home and a munificent patron. Luchino
cultivated his friendship. The poet was not
above repaying attentions so acceptable by a no
less acceptable flattery. Petrarch’s epistle,
eulogizing the virtues and recounting the glory
of the tyrant, remains a humiliating record of the
power of wealth and greatness, and the pliability
of genius.
Luchino’s fate was characteristic. His wife,
Isabella of Fieschi, had frequently suffered from
his caprice and jealousy; at length she learned
that he had resolved on putting her to death.
Forced to anticipate his cruel intent, she poisoned
him with the very drugs he had designed for
her destruction.
Luchino was succeeded by his brother Giovanni,
Archbishop of Milan, the ablest of the
sons of Matteo. Under his unscrupulous administration
the Milanese territory was extended,
until almost the whole of Lombardy was brought
under the yoke of the vigorous and subtle tyrant.
Although an ecclesiastic, he was as prompt to
use the temporal as the spiritual sword. On his
accession to power, Pope Clement the Sixth,
then resident at Avignon, summoned him to appear
at his tribunal to answer certain charges of
heresy and schism. The papal legate sent with
this commission had a further demand to make
on behalf of the Pontiff—the restitution of Bologna,
a fief of the church, which had been
seized by the Milanese prelate, Giovanni Visconti,
as well as the cession, by the latter, of
either his temporal or spiritual authority, which
the legate declared could not be lawfully united
in the person of an archbishop. Giovanni insisted
that the legate should repeat the propositions
with which he was charged at church on the
following Sunday: as prince and bishop he could
only receive such a message in the presence of
his subjects and the clergy of his province. On
the appointed day, the archbishop having celebrated
high-mass with unusual splendor, the legate
announced the message with which he was
charged by his Holiness. The people listened
in silence, expecting a great discussion. But
their astonishment was not greater than that of
the legate, when Archbishop Giovanni stepped
forth, with his crucifix in one hand, while with
the other he drew from beneath his sacerdotal
robes a naked sword, and exclaimed, “Behold
the spiritual and temporal arms of Giovanni Visconti!
By the help of God, with the one I will
defend the other.”
The legate could obtain no other answer
save that the archbishop declared that he had
no intention of disobeying the pontiff’s citation
to appear at Avignon. He accordingly prepared,
indeed, to enter such an appearance as
would prevent citations of that kind in future.
He sent, as his precursor, a confidential secretary,
with orders to make suitable preparations
for his reception. Thus commissioned, the
secretary proceeded to hire every vacant house
in the city and surrounding neighborhood, within
a circuit of several miles; and made enormous
contracts for the supply of furniture and provisions
for the use of the archbishop and his
suite. These astounding preparations soon
reached the ears of Clement. He sent for the
secretary, and demanded the meaning of these
extraordinary proceedings. The secretary replied,
that he had instructions from his master,
the Archbishop of Milan, to provide for the
reception of 12,000 knights and 6,000 foot soldiers,
exclusive of the Milanese gentlemen who
would accompany their lord when he appeared
at Avignon, in compliance with his Holiness’s
summons. Clement, quite unprepared for such
a visit, only thought how he should extricate
himself from so great a dilemma. He wrote to
the haughty Visconti, begging that he would not
put himself to the inconvenience of such a journey:[Pg 57]
and, lest this should not be sufficient to
deter him, proposed to grant him the investiture
of Bologna—the matter in dispute between
them—for a sum of money: a proposal readily
assented to by the wealthy archbishop.
Giovanni Visconti bequeathed to the three
sons of his brother Stephano a well-consolidated
power; and, for that age, an enormous accumulation
of wealth. The Visconti were the most
skillful of financiers. Without overburthening
their subjects, they had ever a well-filled treasury—frequently
recruited, it is true, by the
plunder of their enemies, or replenished by the
contributions they levied on neighboring cities.
The uniform success which attended their negotiations
in these respects, encouraged them in
that intermeddling policy they so often pursued.
We can scarcely read without a smile the
proclamations of their generals to the inoffensive
cities, of whose affairs they so kindly undertook
the unsolicited management.
“It is no unworthy design which has brought
us hither,” the general would say to the citizens
of the towns selected for these disinterested
interventions; “we are here to re-establish
order, to destroy the dissensions and secret animosities
which divide the people (say) of Tuscany.
We have formed the unalterable resolution
to reform the abuses which abound in all
the Tuscan cities. If we can not attain our
object by mild persuasions, we will succeed by
the strong hand of power. Our chief has commanded
us to conduct his armies to the gates of
your city, to attack you at our swords’ point,
and to deliver over your property to be pillaged,
unless (solely for your own advantage) you
show yourselves pliant in conforming to his
benevolent advice.”
Giovanni Visconti, as we have intimated, was
succeeded by his nephews. The two younger
evinced the daring military talent which distinguished
their race. Matteo, the eldest, on
the contrary, abandoned himself to effeminate
indulgences. His brothers, Bernabos and Galeazzo,
would have been well pleased that he
should remain a mere cipher, leaving the management
of affairs in their hands; but they
soon found that his unrestrained licentiousness
endangered the sovereignty of all. On one occasion
a complaint was carried to the younger
brothers by an influential citizen. Matteo Visconti,
having heard that this citizen’s wife was
possessed of great personal attractions, sent for
her husband, and informed him that he designed
her for an inmate of his palace, commanding
him, upon pain of death, to fetch her immediately.
The indignant burgher, in his perplexity,
claimed the protection of Bernabos and
Galeazzo. The brothers perceived that inconvenient
consequences were likely to ensue. A
dose of poison, that very day, terminated the
brief career of Matteo the voluptuous.
Of the three brothers, Bernabos was the most
warlike and the most cruel; Galeazzo the most
subtle and politic. Laboring to cement his
power by foreign alliances, he purchased from
John, king of France, his daughter, Isabelle de
Valois, as the bride of his young son and heir;
and procured the hand of Lionel, Duke of Clarence,
son of Edward III. of England, for his
daughter Violante. While Galeazzo pursued
these peaceful modes of aggrandizement, Bernabos
waged successful war on his neighbors,
subjecting to the most refined cruelties all who
questioned his authority. It was he who first
reduced the practice of the torture to a perfect
system, extending over a period of forty-one
days. During this period, every alternate day,
the miserable victim suffered the loss of some
of his members—an eye, a finger, an ear—until
at last his torments ended on the fatal wheel.
Pope after pope struggled in vain against these
powerful tyrants. They laughed at excommunication,
or only marked the fulmination of a
papal bull by some fresh act of oppression on
the clergy subject to their authority. On one
occasion Urban the Fifth sent Bernabos his bull
of excommunication, by two legates. Bernabos
received the pontifical message unmoved. He
manifested no irritation—no resentment; but
courteously escorted the legates, on their return,
as far as one of the principal bridges in
Milan. Here he paused, about to take leave
of them. “It would be inhospitable to permit
you to depart,” he said, addressing the legates,
“without some refreshment; choose—will you
eat or drink?” The legates, terrified at the
tone in which the compliment was conveyed,
declined his proffered civility. “Not so,” he
exclaimed, with a terrible oath; “you shall not
leave my city without some remembrance of
me; say, will you eat or drink?” The affrighted
legates, perceiving themselves surrounded
by the guards of the tyrant, and in immediate
proximity to the river, felt no taste for drinking.
“We had rather eat,” said they; “the sight of
so much water is sufficient to quench our thirst.”
“Well, then,” rejoined Bernabos, “here are
the bulls of excommunication which you have
brought to me; you shall not pass this bridge
until you have eaten, in my presence, the parchments
on which they are written, the leaden
seals affixed to them, and the silken cords by
which they are attached.” The legates urged
in vain the sacred character of their offices of
embassador and priest: Bernabos kept his
word; and they were left to digest the insult
as best they might. Bernabos and his brother,
after having disposed of Matteo, became, as
companions in crime usually do, suspicious of
one another. In particular, each feared that
the other would poison him. Those banquets
and entertainments to which they treated one
another must have been scenes of magnificent
discomfort.
Galeazzo died first. His son, Giovanni-Galeazzo,
succeeded, and matched the unscrupulous ambition
of his uncle with a subtlety equal
to his own. Not satisfied with a divided sway,
he maneuvered unceasingly until he made himself
master of the persons of Bernabos and his
two sons. The former he kept a close prisoner[Pg 58]
for seven months, and afterward put to death by
poison. The cruelty and pride of Bernabos had
rendered him so odious to his subjects, that they
made no effort on his behalf, but submitted without
opposition to the milder government of Giovanni-Galeazzo.
He was no less successful in
obtaining another object of his ambition. He
received from the Emperor Wenceslaus the investiture
and dukedom of Milan, for which he
paid the sum of 100,000 florins, and now saw
himself undisputed master of Lombardy.
The court of Milan, during such a period,
seems a strange theatre for the display of graceful
and feminine virtues. Yet it was here, and
under the immediate eye of her father, this very
Giovanni-Galeazzo, that Valentina Visconti, one
of the most amiable female characters of history,
passed the early days of her eventful life. As
the naturalist culls a wild flower from the brink
of the volcano, the historian of the dynasty of
Milan pauses to contemplate her pure and
graceful character, presenting itself among the
tyrants, poisoners, murderers, and infidels who
founded the power and amassed the wealth of
her family. It would be sad to think that the
families of the wicked men of history partook
of the crimes of their parents. But we must
remember that virtue has little charm for the
annalist; he records what is most calculated to
excite surprise or awake horror, but takes no
notice of the unobtrusive ongoings of those who
live and die in peace and quietness. We may
be sure that among the patrons of Petrarch there
was no want of refinement, or of the domestic
amenities with which a youthful princess, and
only child, ought to be surrounded. In fact,
we have been left the most permanent and practical
evidences of the capacity of these tyrants
for the enjoyment of the beautiful. The majestic
cathedral of Milan is a monument of the noble
architectural taste of Valentina’s father. In the
midst of donjons and fortress-palaces it rose, an
embodiment of the refining influence of religion;
bearing in many respects a likeness to the fair
and innocent being whose fortunes we are about
to narrate, and who assisted at its foundation.
The progress of the building was slow; it was not
till a more magnificent usurper than any of the
Visconti assumed the iron-crown of Lombardy,
in our own generation, that the general design
of the Duomo of Milan was completed. Many
of the details still remain unfinished; many statues
to be placed on their pinnacles; some to be
replaced on the marble stands from which they
were overthrown by the cannon of Radetski.
Of the old castle of the Visconti two circular
towers and a curtain wall alone remain: its
court-yard is converted into a barrack, its moats
filled up, its terraced gardens laid down as an
esplanade for the troops of the Austrian garrison.
The family of the Visconti have perished.
Milan, so long the scene of their glory, and
afterward the battle-ground of contending claimants,
whose title was derived through them, has
ceased to be the capital of a free and powerful
Italian state: but the Cathedral, after a growth
of nearly four centuries, is still growing; and
the name of the gentle Valentina, so early associated
with the majestic Gothic edifice, “smells
sweet, and blossoms in the dust.”
The year after the foundation of the Duomo,
Valentina Visconti became the bride of Louis
Duke of Orleans, only brother to the reigning
monarch of France, Charles VI. Their politic
father, the wise King Charles, had repaired the
disasters occasioned by the successful English
invasion, and the long captivity of John the Second.
The marriage of Valentina and Louis
was considered highly desirable by all parties.
The important town of Asti, with an immense
marriage portion in money, was bestowed by
Giovanni-Galeazzo on his daughter. A brilliant
escort of the Lombard chivalry accompanied
the “promessa sposa” to the French frontier.
Charles VI. made the most magnificent preparations
for the reception of his destined sister-in-law.
The weak but amiable monarch, ever
delighting in fêtes and entertainments, could
gratify his childish taste, while displaying a
delicate consideration and brotherly regard for
Louis of Orleans. The marriage was to be celebrated
at Mélun. Fountains of milk and choice
wine played to the astonishment and delight of
the bourgeois. There were jousts and tournaments,
masks, and banquets, welcoming the
richly-dowered daughter of Milan. All promised
a life of secured happiness; she was wedded
to the brave and chivalrous Louis of Orleans,
the pride and darling of France. He was eminently
handsome; and his gay, graceful, and
affable manners gained for him the strong personal
attachment of all who surrounded him.
But, alas! for Valentina and her dream of happiness,
Louis was a profligate; she found herself,
from the first moment of her marriage, a neglected
wife: her modest charms and gentle
deportment had no attractions for her volatile
husband. The early years of her wedded life
were passed in solitude and uncomplaining sorrow.
She bore her wrongs in dignified silence.
Her quiet endurance, her pensive gentleness,
never for a moment yielded; nor was she ever
heard to express an angry or bitter sentiment.
Still she was not without some consolation; she
became the mother of promising children, on
whom she could bestow the treasures of love
and tenderness, of the value of which the dissolute
Louis was insensible. Affliction now began
to visit the French palace. Charles VI.
had long shown evidences of a weak intellect.
The events of his youth had shaken a mind
never robust: indeed they were such as one can
not read of even now without emotion.
During his long minority the country, which,
under the prudent administration of his father,
had well nigh recovered the defeats of Cressy
and Poietiers, had been torn by intestine commotions.
The regency was in the hands of the
young king’s uncles, the dukes of Anjou and
Burgundy. The latter inheriting by his wife,
who was heiress of Flanders, the rich provinces
bordering France on the northeast, in addition[Pg 59]
to his province of Burgundy, found himself, in
some respects, more powerful than his sovereign.
The commercial prosperity of the Low Countries
filled his coffers with money, and the hardy
Burgundian population gave him, at command,
a bold and intrepid soldiery.
From his earliest years, Charles had manifested
a passion for the chase. When about
twelve years old, in the forest of Senlis, he had
encountered a stag, bearing a collar with the
inscription, “Cæsar hoc mihi donavit.” This
wonderful stag appeared to him in a dream a
few years afterward, as he lay in his tent before
Roosebeke in Flanders, whither he had been led
by his uncle of Burgundy to quell an insurrection
of the citizens of Ghent, headed by the famous
Philip van Artevelde. Great had been the
preparations of the turbulent burghers. Protected
by their massive armor, they formed
themselves into a solid square bristling with
pikes. The French cavalry, armed with lances,
eagerly waited for the signal of attack. The
signal was to be the unfurling of the oriflamme,
the sacred banner of France, which had never
before been displayed but when battling against
infidels. It had been determined, on this occasion,
to use it against the Flemings because they
rejected the authority of Pope Clement, calling
themselves Urbanists, and were consequently
looked on by the French as excluded from the
pale of the church. As the young king unfurled
this formidable banner, the sun, which had for
days been obscured by a lurid fog, suddenly
shone forth with unwonted brilliancy. A dove,
which had long hovered over the king’s battalion,
at the same time settled on the flag-staff.
Charge for the golden lilies—upon them with the lance!”
The French chivalry did indeed execute a
memorable charge on these burghers of Ghent.
Their lance points reached a yard beyond the
heads of the Flemish pikes. The Flemings,
unable to return or parry their thrusts, fell back
on all sides. The immense central mass of
human beings thus forcibly compressed, shrieked
and struggled in vain. Gasping for breath,
they perished, en masse, suffocated by the compression,
and crushed under the weight of their
heavy armor. A reward had been offered for
the body of Philip van Artevelde: it was found
amid a heap of slain, and brought to the king’s
pavilion. The young monarch gazed on the
mortal remains of his foe, but no wound could
be discovered on the body of the Flemish leader—he
had perished from suffocation. The corpse
was afterward hanged on the nearest tree.
When the king surveyed this horrible yet bloodless
field, the appalling spectacle of this mass
of dead, amounting, it is said, to 34,000 corpses,
was more than his mind could bear. From this
period unmistakable evidences of his malady
became apparent. The marvelous stag took
possession of his fancy; it seemed to him the
emblem of victory, and he caused it to be introduced
among the heraldic insignia of the kingdom.
In his sixteenth year, the king selected, as
the partner of his throne, the beautiful Isabeau
of Bavaria. She also was a Visconti by the
mother’s side, her father having wedded one of
the daughters of Bernabos. In her honor various
costly fêtes had been given. On one of these
occasions the royal bridegroom displayed his
eccentricity in a characteristic manner. The
chroniclers of the time have given us very
detailed accounts of these entertainments. The
costumes were extravagantly fantastic: ladies
carried on their head an enormous hennin, a very
cumbrous kind of head-dress, surmounted by
horns of such dimensions, that their exit or
entrance into an apartment was a work of considerable
difficulty. The shoes were equally
absurd and inconvenient; their pointed extremities,
half a yard in length, were turned up and
fastened to the knees in various grotesque forms.
The robes, the long open sleeves of which swept
the ground, were emblazoned with strange
devices. Among the personal effects of one of
the royal princes we find an inventory of about
a thousand pearls used in embroidering on a
robe the words and music of a popular song.
The chronicle of the Religieux de St. Denis
describes one of these masked balls, which was
held in the court-yard of that venerable abbey,
temporarily roofed over with tapestries for the
occasion. The sons of the Duke of Anjou,
cousins of the king, were prepared to invade
Naples, in right of their father, to whom Joanna
of Naples had devised that inheritance. Previous
to their departure, their royal cousin resolved to
confer on them the order of knighthood. An
immense concourse of guests were invited to
witness the splendid ceremonial, and take part
in the jousts and tournaments which were to
follow. The king had selected a strange scene
for these gay doings. The Abbey of St. Denis
was the last resting-place of the kings of France.
Here mouldered the mortal remains of his predecessors,
and here were to repose his bones
when he, too, should be “gathered to his
fathers.” The celebrated “Captain of the
Companies,” the famous du Guesclin, the saviour
of France in the reign of his father, had paid
the debt of nature many years before, and
reposed there among the mortal remains of
those whose throne he had guarded so well.
The astonishment of the guests was extreme,
when it appeared that the exhumation and reinterment
of du Guesclin formed part of the
programme of the revels. The old warrior was
taken up, the funeral rites solemnly gone through,
three hundred livres appropriated to the pious
use of masses for his soul, and the revelers dismissed
to meditate on the royal eccentricities.
The murder of the Constable of France, Oliver
de Clisson, followed soon after, and quite completed
the break down of poor Charles’s mind.
This powerful officer of the crown had long
been feared and hated by the great feudal lords[Pg 60]
especially by the Duke of Brittany, who entertained
an absurd jealousy of the one-eyed hero.
Although Clisson, by his decisive victory at
Auray, had secured to him the contested dukedom
of Brittany, the jealous duke treacherously
arrested his benefactor and guest, whom he kept
prisoner in the dungeons of his castle of La
Motte. In the first transports of his fury the
duke had given orders that de Clisson should be
put to death; but his servants, fearing the consequences
of so audacious an act, left his commands
unexecuted. Eventually, the Constable
was permitted by his captor to purchase his
freedom, a condition which was no sooner complied
with, than the duke repented having
allowed his foe to escape from his hands. He
now suborned Pierre de Craon, a personal
enemy of de Clisson, to be the executioner of
his vengeance. The Constable was returning
to his hotel, having spent a festive evening with
his sovereign, when he was set on by his assassins.
He fell, covered with wounds, and was
left for dead. To increase his torments, the
murderer announced to him, as he fell, his name
and motives. But, though severely injured,
Clisson was yet alive. The noise of the conflict
reached the king, who was just retiring to rest.
He hastened to the spot. His bleeding minister
clung to his robe, and implored him to swear
that he should be avenged.
“My fidelity to your majesty has raised up
for me powerful enemies: this is my only
crime. Whether I recover or perish from my
wounds, swear to me that I shall not be unavenged.”
“I shall never rest, so help me God,” replied
the excited monarch, “until the authors
of this audacious crime shall be brought to
justice.”
Charles kept his word. Although suffering
from fever, the result of this night’s alarm and
exposure, he collected a considerable army, and
marched for Brittany. His impatient eagerness
knew no bounds. Through the sultry, noonday
heat, over the arid plains and dense forests of
Brittany, he pursued the assassin of his Constable.
He rode the foremost of his host; often
silently and alone. One day, having undergone
great personal fatigue, he had closed his eyes,
still riding forward, when he was aroused by the
violent curveting of his steed, whose bridle had
been seized by a wild-looking man, singularly
clad.
“Turn back, turn back, noble king,” cried
he; “to proceed further is certain death, you
are betrayed!” Having uttered these words,
the stranger disappeared in the recesses of the
forest before any one could advance to arrest him.
The army now traversed a sandy plain, which
reflected the intensity of the solar rays. The
king wore a black velvet jerkin, and a cap of
crimson velvet, ornamented with a chaplet of
pearls. This ill-selected costume rendered the
heat insufferable. While musing on the strange
occurrence in the forest, he was aroused by the
clashing of steel around him. The page, who
bore his lance, had yielded to the drowsy influences
of the oppressive noonday heat, and as he
slumbered his lance had fallen with a ringing
sound on the casque of the page before him.
The succession of these alarms quite damaged
Charles’s intellect. He turned, in a paroxysm
of madness, crying, “Down with the traitors!”
and attacked his own body-guard. All made
way, as the mad king assailed them. Several
fell victims to his wildly-aimed thrusts, before
he sunk at length, exhausted by his efforts, a
fit of total insensibility followed. His brother
of Orleans and kinsman of Burgundy had him
conveyed by slow stages to Paris.
Charles’s recovery was very tedious. Many
remedies were tried—charms and incantations,
as well as medicines; but to the great joy of
the people, who had always loved him, his reason
was at length pronounced to be restored, and
his physicians recommended him to seek amusement
and diversion in festive entertainments.
Another shock, and Charles VI. became
confirmed lunatic. This tragical termination of
an absurd frolic occurred as follows:
On a gala occasion the monarch and five
knights of his household conceived the design of
disguising themselves as satyrs. Close-fitting
linen dresses, covered with some bituminous substance,
to which was attached fine flax resembling
hair, were stitched on their persons.
Their grotesque figures excited much merriment.
The dukes of Orleans and Bar, who
had been supping elsewhere, entered the hall
somewhat affected by their night’s dissipation.
With inconceivable folly, one of these tipsy noblemen
applied a torch to the covering of one of
the satyrs. The miserable wretch, burning
frightfully and hopelessly, rushed through the
hall in horrible torments, shrieking in the agonies
of despair. The fire was rapidly communicated.
To those of the satyrs, whose hairy
garments were thus ignited, escape was hopeless.
To detach the flaming pitch was impossible;
they writhed and rolled about, but in
vain: their tortures only ended with their lives.
One alone beside the king escaped. Recollecting
that the buttery was near, he ran and
plunged himself in the large tub of water provided
for washing the plates and dishes. Even
so, he did not escape without serious injuries.
The king had been conversing in his disguise
with the young bride of the duke of Berri. She
had recognized him, and with admirable presence
of mind and devotion, she held him fast,
covering him with her robe lest a spark should
descend on him. To her care and energy he
owed his preservation from so horrible a fate;
but, alas! only to linger for years a miserable
maniac. The terrible spectacle of his companions
in harmless frolic perishing in this dreadful
manner before his eyes, completed the wreck
of his already broken intellect. His reason returned
but partially. Even these slight amendments
were at rare intervals. He became a
squalid and pitiable object; his person utterly
neglected, for his garments could only be[Pg 61]
changed by force. His heartless and faithless
wife deserted him—indeed, in his insane fits his
detestation of her was excessive—and neglected
their children. One human being only could
soothe and soften him, his sister-in-law, Valentina
Visconti.
Charles had always manifested the truest
friendship for the neglected wife of his brother.
They were alike unhappy in their domestic relations;
for the gallantries of the beautiful
queen were scarcely less notorious than those
of Louis of Orleans; and if scandal spoke truly,
Louis himself was one of the queen’s lovers.
The brilliant and beautiful Isabeau was distinguished
by the dazzlingly clear and fair complexion
of her German fatherland, and the large
lustrous eyes of the Italian. But Charles detested
her, and delighted in the society of Valentina.
He was never happy but when near
her. In the violent paroxysms of his malady,
she only could venture to approach him—she
alone had influence over the poor maniac. He
yielded to her wishes without opposition; and
in his occasional glimpses of reason, touchingly
thanked his “dear sister” for her watchful care
and forbearance.
It must have been a dismal change, even from
the barbaric court of Milan; but Valentina was
not a stranger to the consolations which are
ever the reward of those who prove themselves
self-sacrificing in the performance of duty. She
was eminently happy in her children. Charles,
her eldest son, early evinced a delicate enthusiasm
of mind—the sensitive organization of
genius. He was afterward to become, par excellence,
the poet of France. In his childhood
he was distinguished for his amiable disposition
and handsome person. Possibly at the time
of which we now write, was laid the foundation
of that sincere affection for his cousin Isabella,
eldest daughter of the king, which many years
afterward resulted in their happy union. One
of the most touching poems of Charles of Orleans
has been charmingly rendered into English
by Mr. Carey. It is addressed to his deceased
wife, who died in child-bed at the early age of
twenty-two.
My love a minster wrought,
And in the chantry, service there
Was sung by doleful thought.
The tapers were of burning sighs,
That light and odor gave,
And grief, illumined by tears,
Irradiated her grave;
And round about in quaintest guise
Was carved, ‘Within this tomb there lies
The fairest thing to mortal eyes.’
Of gold and sapphires blue;
The gold doth mark her blessedness,
The sapphires mark her true;
For blessedness and truth in her
Were livelily portray’d,
When gracious God with both his hands
Her wondrous beauty made;
She was, to speak without disguise,
The fairest thing to mortal eyes.
When I the life recall
Of her who lived so free from taint,
So virtuous deemed by all;
Who in herself was so complete,
I think that she was ta’en
By God to deck his Paradise,
And with his saints to reign;
For well she doth become the skies,
Whom, while on earth, each one did prize,
The fairest thing to mortal eyes!”
The same delicate taste and sweet sensibility
which are here apparent, break forth in another
charming poem by Charles, composed while a
prisoner in England, and descriptive of the same
delightful season that surrounds us with light
and harmony, while we write, “le premier printemps:”
Of wind, and rain, and icy chill,
And dons a rich embroidery
Of sunlight pour’d on lake and hill.
Whose voice doth not with gladness thrill;
For Time hath laid his mantle by
Of wind, and rain, and icy dull.
Bespangled o’er with livery gay
Of silver droplets, wind their way.
All in their new apparel vie,
For Time hath laid his mantle by.”
We have said little of Louis of Orleans, the
unfaithful husband of Valentina. This young
prince had many redeeming traits of character.
He was generous, liberal, and gracious; adored
by the French people; fondly loved, even by
his neglected wife. His tragical death, assassinated
in cold blood by his cousin, Jean-sans-peur
of Burgundy, excited in his behalf universal
pity. Let us review the causes which aroused
the vindictive hostility of the Duke of Burgundy,
only to be appeased by the death of his gay
and unsuspicious kinsman.
Among the vain follies of Louis of Orleans,
his picture-gallery may be reckoned the most
offensive. Here were suspended the portraits
of his various mistresses; among others he
had the audacity to place there the likeness of
the Bavarian princess, wife of Jean-sans-peur.
The resentment of the injured husband may
readily be conceived. In addition to this very
natural cause of dislike, these dukes had been
rivals for that political power which the imbecility
of Charles the Sixth placed within their
grasp.
The unamiable elements in the character of
the Duke of Burgundy had been called into
active exercise in very early life. While Duke
de Nevers, he was defeated at Nicopolis, and
made prisoner by Bajazet, surnamed “Ilderim,”
or the Thunderer. What rendered this defeat
the more mortifying was, the boastful expectation
of success proclaimed by the Christian
army. “If the sky should fall, we could uphold
it on our lances,” they exclaimed, but a
few hours before their host was scattered, and
its leaders prisoners to the Moslem. Jean-sans-peur[Pg 62]
was detained in captivity until an enormous
ransom was paid for his deliverance. Giovanni-Galeazzo
was suspected of connivance with
Bajazet, both in bringing the Christians to fight
at a disadvantage, and in putting the Turks on
the way of obtaining the heaviest ransoms. The
splenetic irritation of this disaster seems to have
clung long after to the Duke of Burgundy. His
character was quite the reverse of that of his
confiding kinsman of Orleans. He was subtle,
ambitious, designing, crafty—dishonorably resorting
to guile, where he dared not venture on
overt acts of hostility. For the various reasons
we have mentioned, he bore a secret but intense
hatred to his cousin Louis.
In the early winter of 1407, the Duke of
Orleans, finding his health impaired, bade a
temporary adieu to the capital, and secluded
himself in his favorite chateau of Beauté. He
seems to have been previously awakened to serious
reflections. He had passed much of his
time at the convent of the Celestines, who,
among their most precious relics, still reckon
the illuminated manuscript of the Holy Scriptures
presented to them by Louis of Orleans,
and bearing his autograph. To this order of
monks he peculiarly attached himself, spending
most of the time his approaching death accorded
to him. A spectre, in the solitude of the
cloisters, appeared to him, and bade him prepare
to stand in the presence of his Maker.
His friends in the convent, to whom he narrated
the occurrence, contributed by their exhortations
to deepen the serious convictions
pressing on his mind. There now seemed a
reasonable expectation that Louis of Orleans
would return from his voluntary solitude at his
chateau on the Marne, a wiser and a better
man, cured, by timely reflection, of the only
blemish which tarnished the lustre of his many
virtues.
The aged Duke of Berri had long lamented
the ill-feeling and hostility which had separated
his nephews of Orleans and Burgundy. It was
his earnest desire to see these discords, so injurious
to their true interests and the well-being
of the kingdom, ended by a cordial reconciliation.
He addressed himself to Jean-sans-peur,
and met with unhoped-for success. The Duke
of Burgundy professed his willingness to be reconciled,
and acceded with alacrity to his uncle’s
proposition of a visit to the invalided Louis.
The latter, ever trusting and warm-hearted,
cordially embraced his former enemy. They
received the sacrament together, in token of
peace and good-will: the Duke of Burgundy,
accepting the proffered hospitality of his kinsman,
promised to partake of a banquet to be
given on this happy occasion by Louis of Orleans,
a few days later.
During the interval the young duke returned
to Paris. His sister-in-law, Queen Isabeau, was
then residing at the Hotel Barbette—a noble
palace in a retired neighborhood, with fine gardens,
almost completely secluded. Louis of Orleans,
almost unattended, visited the queen, to
condole with her on the loss of her infant, who
had survived its birth but a few days. While
they were supping together, Sas de Courteheuze,
valet-de-chambre to Charles VI., arrived
with a message to the duke: “My lord, the
king sends for you, and you must instantly hasten
to him, for he has business of great importance
to you and to him, which he must communicate
to you this night.” Louis of Orleans, never
doubting that this message came from his brother,
hastened to obey the summons. His inconsiderable
escort rendered him an easy prey to
the ruffians who lay in wait for him. He was
cruelly murdered; his skull cleft open, the
brains scattered on the pavement; his hand so
violently severed from the body, that it was
thrown to a considerable distance; the other
arm shattered in two places; and the body
frightfully mangled. About eighteen were concerned
in the murder: Raoul d’Oquetonville and
Scas de Courteheuze acted as leaders. They
had long waited for an opportunity, and lodged
at an hotel “having for sign the image of Our
Lady,” near the Porte Barbette, where, it was
afterward discovered, they had waited for several
days for their victim. Thus perished, in
the prime of life, the gay and handsome Louis
of Orleans. The mutilated remains were collected,
and removed to the Church of the Guillemins,
the nearest place where they might be
deposited. This confraternity were an order
of hermits, who had succeeded to the church
convent of the Blanc Manteax, instituted by St.
Louis.
The church of the Guillemins was soon crowded
by the friends and relatives of the murdered
prince. All concurred in execrating the
author or authors of this horrid deed. Suspicion
at first fell upon Sir Aubert de Canny, who
had good reason for hating the deceased duke.
Louis of Orleans, some years previously, had
carried off his wife, Marietta D’Enghein, and
kept her openly until she had borne him a son,
afterward the celebrated Dunois. Immediate
orders were issued by the king for the arrest
of the Knight of Canny. Great sympathy was
felt for the widowed Valentina, and her young
and fatherless children. No one expressed himself
more strongly than the Duke of Burgundy.
He sent a kind message to Valentina, begging
her to look on him as a friend and protector.
While contemplating the body of his victim, he
said, “Never has there been committed in the
realm of France a fouler murder.” His show
of regret did not end here: with the other immediate
relatives of the deceased prince, he
bore the pall at the funeral procession. When
the body was removed to the church of the Celestines,
there to be interred in a beautiful
chapel Louis of Orleans had himself founded
and built, Burgundy was observed by the spectators
to shed tears. But he was destined soon
to assume quite another character, by an almost
involuntary act. The provost of Paris, having
traced the flight of the assassins, had ascertained
beyond doubt that they had taken refuge at[Pg 63]
the hotel of this very Duke of Burgundy. He
presented himself at the council, and undertook
to produce the criminals, if permitted to search
the residences of the princes. Seized with a
sudden panic, the Duke of Burgundy, to the
astonishment of all present, became his own accuser:
Pale and trembling, he avowed his guilt:
“It was I!” he faltered; “the devil tempted
me!” The other members of the council
shrunk back in undisguised horror. Jean-sans-peur,
having made this astounding confession,
left the council-chamber, and started, without a
moment’s delay, for the Flemish frontier. He
was hotly pursued by the friends of the murdered
Louis; but his measures had been taken
with too much prompt resolution to permit of
a successful issue to his Orleanist pursuers.
Once among his subjects of the Low Countries,
he might dare the utmost malice of his opponents.
In the mean time, the will of the deceased
duke was made public. His character, like
Cæsar’s, rose greatly in the estimation of the
citizens, when the provisions of his last testament
were made known. He desired that he should
be buried without pomp in the church of the
Celestines, arrayed in the garb of that order.
He was not unmindful of the interests of literature
and science; nor did he forget to make the poor
and suffering the recipients of his bounty. Lastly,
he confided his children to the guardianship
of the Duke of Burgundy: thus evincing a spirit
unmindful of injuries, generous, and confiding.
This document also proved, that even in his
wild career, Louis of Orleans was at times
visited by better and holier aspirations.
Valentina mourned over her husband long and
deeply; she did not long survive him; she sunk
under her bereavement, and followed him to the
grave ere her year of widowhood expired. At
first the intelligence of his barbarous murder
excited in her breast unwonted indignation.
She exerted herself actively to have his death
avenged. A few days after the murder, she
entered Paris in “a litter covered with white
cloth, and drawn by four white horses.” All
her retinue wore deep mourning. She had assumed
for her device the despairing motto:
Plus ne m’est rien.”
Proceeding to the Hôtel St. Pôl, accompanied
by her children and the Princess Isabella, the
affianced bride of Charles of Orleans, she threw
herself at the king’s knees, and, in a passion of
tears, prayed for justice on the murderer of his
brother, her lamented lord. Charles was deeply
moved: he also wept aloud. He would gladly
have granted her that justice which she demanded,
had it been in his power to do so; but
Burgundy was too powerful. The feeble monarch
dared not offend his overgrown vassal. A process
at law was all the remedy the king could
offer.
Law was then, as now, a tedious and uncertain
remedy, and a rich and powerful traverser
could weary out his prosecutor with delays
and quibbles equal to our own. Jean-sans-peur
returned in defiance to Paris to conduct
the proceedings in his own defense. He
had erected a strong tower of solid masonry in
his hôtel; here he was secure in the midst of his
formidable guards and soldiery. For his defense,
he procured the services of Jean Petit, a distinguished
member of the University of Paris, and
a popular orator. The oration of Petit (which
has rendered him infamous), was rather a philippic
against Louis of Orleans, than a defense
of Jean-sans-peur. He labors to prove that the
prince deserved to die, having conspired against
the king and kingdom. One of the charges—that
of having, by incantations, endeavored to
destroy the monarch—gives us a singular idea
of the credulity of the times, when we reflect
that these absurd allegations were seriously
made and believed by a learned doctor, himself
a distinguished member of the most learned body
in France, the University of Paris. The Duke
of Orleans conspired “to cause the king, our
lord, to die of a disorder, so languishing and so
slow, that no one should divine the cause of it;
he, by dint of money, bribed four persons, an
apostate monk, a knight, an esquire, and a
varlet, to whom he gave his own sword, his
dagger, and a ring, for them to consecrate to,
or more properly speaking, to make use of, in
the name of the devil,” &c. “The monk made
several incantations…. And one grand invocation
on a Sunday, very early, and before sunrise
on a mountain near to the tower of Mont-joy….
The monk performed many superstitious acts
near a bush, with invocations to the devil; and
while so doing he stripped himself naked to his
shirt and kneeled down: he then struck the
points of the sword and dagger into the ground,
and placed the ring near them. Having uttered
many invocations to the devils, two of them appeared
to him in the shape of two men, clothed
in brownish-green, one of whom was called
Hermias, and the other Estramain. He paid
them such honors and reverence as were due to
God our Saviour—after which he retired behind
the bush. The devil who had come for the
ring took it and vanished, but he who was come
for the sword and dagger remained—but afterward,
having seized them, he also vanished.
The monk, shortly after, came to where the
devils had been, and found the sword and dagger
lying flat on the ground, the sword having the
point broken—but he saw the point among some
powder where the devil had laid it. Having
waited half-an-hour, the other devil returned and
gave him the ring; which to the sight was of the
color of red, nearly scarlet, and said to him:
‘Thou wilt put it into the mouth of a dead man
in the manner thou knowest,’ and then he vanished.”
To this oration the advocate of the Duchess
of Orleans replied at great length. Valentina’s
answer to the accusation we have quoted, was
concise and simple. “The late duke, Louis of
Orleans, was a prince of too great piety and[Pg 64]
virtue to tamper with sorceries and witchcraft.”
The legal proceedings against Jean-sans-peur
seemed likely to last for an interminable period.
Even should they be decided in favor of the
family of Orleans, the feeble sovereign dared not
carry the sentence of the law into execution
against so powerful an offender as the Duke of
Burgundy. Valentina knew this; she knew also
that she could not find elsewhere one who could
enforce her claims for justice—justice on the
murderer of her husband—the slayer of the
father of her defenseless children. Milan, the
home of her girlhood, was a slaughter-house,
reeking with the blood of her kindred. Five
years previously her father, Giovanni-Galeazzo
Visconti, had died of the plague which then
desolated Italy. To avoid this terrible disorder
he shut himself up in the town of Marignano, and
amused himself during his seclusion by the study
of judicial astrology, in which science he was
an adept. A comet appeared in the sky. The
haughty Visconti doubted not that this phenomenon
was an announcement to him of his
approaching death. “I thank God,” he cried,
“that this intimation of my dissolution will be
evident to all men: my glorious life will be not
ingloriously terminated.” The event justified
the omen.
By his second marriage with Katharina Visconti,
daughter of his uncle Bernabos, Giovanni
Galeazzo left two sons, still very young, Giovanni-Maria
and Philippo-Maria, among whom his dominions
were divided, their mother acting as
guardian and regent.
All the ferocious characteristics of the Visconti
seemed to be centred in the stepmother of Valentina.
The Duchess of Milan delighted in
executions; she beheaded, on the slightest suspicions,
the highest nobles of Lombardy. At
length she provoked reprisals, and died the
victim of poison. Giovanni-Maria, nurtured in
blood, was the worthy son of such a mother.
His thirst for blood was unquenchable; his favorite
pursuit was to witness the torments of
criminals delivered over to bloodhounds, trained
for the purpose, and fed only on human flesh.
His huntsman and favorite, Squarcia Giramo, on
one occasion, for the amusement of his master,
threw to them a young boy only twelve years
of age. The innocent child clung to the knees
of the duke, and entreated that he might be
preserved from so terrible a fate. The bloodhounds
hung back. Squarcia Giramo seizing
the child, with his hunting-knife cut his throat,
and then flung him to the dogs. More merciful
than these human monsters, they refused to touch
the innocent victim.
Facino Cane, one of the ablest generals of the
late duke, compelled the young princes to admit
him to their council, and submit to his management
of their affairs; as he was childless
himself, he permitted them to live, stripped of
power, and in great penury. To the sorrow
and dismay of the Milanese, they saw this salutary
check on the ferocious Visconti about to be
removed by the death of Facino Cane. Determined
to prevent the return to power of the young
tyrant, they attacked and massacred Giovanni-Maria
in the streets of Milan. While this
tragedy was enacting, Facino Cane breathed his
last.
Philippo-Maria lost not a moment in causing
himself to be proclaimed duke. To secure the
fidelity of the soldiery, he married, without delay,
the widow of their loved commander. Beatrice
di Tenda, wife of Facino Cane, was an old
woman, while her young bridegroom was scarcely
twenty years of age: so ill-assorted a union
could scarcely be a happy one. Philippo-Maria,
the moment his power was firmly secured, resolved
to free himself from a wife whose many
virtues could not compensate for her want of
youth and beauty. The means to which he resorted
were atrocious: he accused the poor old
duchess of having violated her marriage vow,
and compelled, by fear of the torture, a young
courtier, Michel Orombelli, to become her accuser.
The duke, therefore, doomed them both
to be beheaded. Before the fatal blow of the
executioner made her his victim, Beatrice di
Tenda eloquently defended herself from the
calumnies of her husband and the base and
trembling Orombelli. “I do not repine,” she
said, “for I am justly punished for having violated,
by my second marriage, the respect due
to the memory of my deceased husband; I submit
to the chastisement of heaven; I only pray
that my innocence may be made evident to all;
and that my name may be transmitted to posterity
pure and spotless.”
Such were the sons of Giovanni-Galeazzo
Visconti, the half-brothers of the gentle Valentina
of Orleans. When she sank broken-hearted
into an early grave—her husband unavenged,
her children unprotected—she felt how hopeless
it would be to look for succor or sympathy to
her father’s house; yet her last moments were
passed in peace. Her maternal solicitude for
her defenseless orphans was soothed by the conviction
that they would be guarded and protected
by one true and faithful friend. Their magnanimous
and high-minded mother had attached
to them, by ties of affection and gratitude more
strong, more enduring than those of blood, one
well fitted by his chivalrous nature and heroic
bravery to defend and shelter the children of his
protectress. Dunois—”the young and brave
Dunois”—the bastard of Orleans, as he is generally
styled, was the illegitimate son of her
husband. Valentina, far from slighting the neglected
boy, brought him home to her, nurtured
and educated him with her children, cherishing
him as if he had indeed, been the son of her
bosom. If the chronicles of the time are to be
believed, she loved him more fondly than her
own offspring. “My noble and gallant boy,”
she would say to him, “I have been robbed of
thee; it is thou that art destined to be thy
father’s avenger; wilt thou not, for my sake,
who have loved thee so well, protect and cherish
these helpless little ones?”
Long years after the death of Valentina the[Pg 65]
vengeance of heaven did overtake Jean-sans-peur
of Burgundy: he fell the victim of treachery
such as he had inflicted on Louis of Orleans;
but the cruel retaliation was not accomplished
through the instrumentality or connivance of the
Orleanists: Dunois was destined to play a far
nobler part. The able seconder of Joan of Arc—the
brave defender of Orleans against the
besieging English host—he may rank next to
his illustrious countrywoman, “La Pucelle,” as
the deliverer of his country from foreign foes.
His bravery in war was not greater than his
disinterested devotion to his half-brothers. Well
and nobly did he repay to Valentina, by his unceasing
devotion to her children, her tender care
of his early years. Charles of Orleans, taken
prisoner by the English at the fatal battle of
Agincourt, was detained for the greater part of
his life in captivity: his infant children were
unable to maintain their rights. Dunois reconquered
for them their hereditary rights, the extensive
appanages of the house of Orleans. They
owed every thing to his sincere and watchful
affection.
Valentina’s short life was one of suffering and
trial; but she seems to have issued from the
furnace of affliction “purified seven times.” In
the midst of a licentious court and age, she
shines forth a “pale pure star.” Her spotless
fame has never been assailed. Piety, purity,
and goodness, were her distinguishing characteristics.
She was ever a self-sacrificing friend,
a tender mother, a loving and faithful wife. Her
gentle endurance of her domestic trials recalls to
mind the character of one who may almost be
styled her contemporary, the “patient Griselda,”
so immortalized by Chaucer and Boccacio. Valentina
adds another example to the many which
history presents for our contemplation, to show
that suffering virtue, sooner or later, meets with
its recompense, even in this life. The broken-hearted
Duchess of Orleans became the ancestress
of two lines of French sovereigns, and
through her the kings of France founded their
claims to the Duchy of Milan. Her grandson,
Louis the Twelfth, the “father of his people,”
was the son of the poet Duke of Orleans. On
the extinction of male heirs to this elder branch,
the descendant of her younger son, the Duke of
Angoulême, ascended the throne as Francis the
First. Her great-grand-daughter was the mother
of Alphonso, Duke of Ferrara, the “magnanimo
Alfonso” of the poet Tasso. His younger sister,
Leonora, will ever be remembered as the beloved
one of the great epic poet of Italy—the ill-starred
Torquato Tasso.
The mortal remains of Valentina repose at
Blois; her heart is buried with her husband, in
the church of the Celestines at Paris. Over the
tomb was placed the following inscription:
Lequel sur tons duez terriens,
Fut le plus noble en son vivant
Mais ung qui voult aller devant,
Par envye le feist mourir.’
M.N.
THE SNOWY MOUNTAINS IN NEW ZEALAND.
The “Wellington Independent” gives the following
account of a recent expedition made
by the Lieutenant-Governor to the Middle Island:
After leaving the Wairau, having traversed
the Kaparatehau district, his Excellency
and his attendants reached the snowy mountains
to the southward, about four short days’ journey
from the Wairau, and encamped at the foot of
the Tapuenuko mountain, which they ascended.
Previously to starting into the pass which is
supposed to exist between the Wairau and Port
Cooper plains, his Excellency ascended the great
snowy mountain which forms the principal peak
of the Kaikoras, and which attains an elevation
of at least 9000 feet, the upper part being
heavily covered with snow to a great depth.
He succeeded in reaching the top of the mountain,
but so late as to be unable to push on to
the southern edge of the summit, when an extensive
view southwards would have been obtained.
In returning, a steep face of the hill
(little less than perpendicular), down which
hung a bed of frozen snow, had to be crossed for
a considerable distance. Mr. Eyre, who had
led the party up the dangerous ascent, was in
advance with one native, the others being 200
feet before and behind him, on the same perpendicular
of the snow. He heard a cry, and looking
round, saw Wiremu Hoeta falling down the
precipice, pitching from ledge to ledge, and
rolling over and over in the intervals, till he fell
dead, and no doubt smashed to pieces at a depth
below of about 1500 feet, where his body could
be seen in a sort of ravine, but where it was
impossible to get at it. His Excellency narrowly
escaped from similar destruction, having
lost both feet from under him, and only saving
himself by the use of an iron-shod pole which
he carried. Another of the natives had a still
narrower escape, having actually fallen about
fifteen yards, when he succeeded in clutching a
rock and saving himself. The gloom which this
unfortunate event caused, and the uncertainty of
crossing the rivers while the snows are melting,
induced his Excellency to return.
GENIUS.
Self-communion and solitude are its daily
bread; for what is genius but a great and
strongly-marked individuality—but an original
creative being, standing forth alone amidst the
undistinguishable throng of our everyday world?
Genius is a lonely power; it is not communicative;
it is not the gift of a crowd; it is not a
reflection cast from without upon the soul. It
is essentially an inward light, diffusing its clear
and glorious radiance over the external world.
It is a broad flood, pouring freely forth its deep
waters; but with its source forever hidden from
human ken. It is the creator, not the creature
it calls forth glorious and immortal shapes; but
it is called into being by none—save God.—Women
in France during the Eighteenth Century.[Pg 66]
[From Household Words.]
FRANCIS JEFFREY.
Jeffrey was a year younger than Scott,
whom he outlived eighteen years, and with
whose career his own had some points of resemblance.
They came of the same middle-class
stock, and had played together as lads in
the High School “yard” before they met as advocates
in the Court of Session. The fathers
of both were connected with that court; and
from childhood, both were devoted to the law.
But Scott’s boyish infirmity imprisoned him in
Edinburgh, while Jeffrey was let loose to Glasgow
University, and afterward passed up to
Queen’s College, Oxford. The boys, thus separated,
had no remembrance of having previously
met, when they saw each other at the Speculative
Society in 1791.
The Oxford of that day suited Jeffrey ill. It
suited few people well who cared for any thing
but cards and claret. Southey, who came just
after him, tells us that the Greek he took there
he left there, nor ever passed such unprofitable
months; and Lord Malmesbury, who had been
there but a little time before him, wonders how
it was that so many men should make their way
in the world creditably, after leaving a place
that taught nothing but idleness and drunkenness.
But Jeffrey was not long exposed to its
temptations. He left after the brief residence
of a single term; and what in after life he
remembered most vividly in connection with it,
seems to have been the twelve days’ hard traveling
between Edinburgh and London, which
preceded his entrance at Queen’s. Some seventy
years before, another Scotch lad, on his way to
become yet more famous in literature and law,
had taken nearly as many weeks to perform the
same journey; but, between the schooldays of
Mansfield and of Jeffrey, the world had not been
resting.
It was enacting its greatest modern incident,
the first French Revolution, when the young
Scotch student returned to Edinburgh and
changed his College gown for that of the advocate.
Scott had the start of him in the Court
of Session by two years, and had become rather
active and distinguished in the Speculative
Society before Jeffrey joined it. When the
latter, then a lad of nineteen, was introduced
(one evening in 1791), he observed a heavy-looking
young man officiating as secretary, who
sat solemnly at the bottom of the table in a
huge woolen night-cap, and who, before the
business of the night began, rose from his chair,
and, with imperturbable gravity seated on as
much of his face as was discernible from the
wrappings of the “portentous machine” that
enveloped it, apologized for having left home
with a bad toothache. This was his quondam
schoolfellow Scott. Perhaps Jeffrey was pleased
with the mingled enthusiasm for the speculative,
and regard for the practical, implied in the
woolen nightcap; or perhaps he was interested
by the Essay on Ballads which the hero of the
nightcap read in the course of the evening: but
before he left the meeting he sought an introduction
to Mr. Walter Scott, and they were
very intimate for many years afterward.
The Speculative Society dealt with the usual
subjects of elocution and debate prevalent in
similar places then and since; such as, whether
there ought to be an Established Religion, and
whether the Execution of Charles I. was justifiable,
and if Ossian’s poems were authentic? It
was not a fraternity of speculators by any means
of an alarming or dangerous sort. John Allen
and his friends, at this very time, were spouting
forth active sympathy for French Republicanism
at Fortune’s Tavern under immediate and
watchful superintendence of the Police; James
Mackintosh was parading the streets with Horne
Tooke’s colors in his hat; James Montgomery
was expiating in York jail his exulting ballad
on the fall of the Bastile; and Southey and Coleridge,
in despair of old England, had completed
the arrangements of their youthful colony for a
community of property, and proscription of every
thing selfish, on the banks of the Susquehanna;
but the speculative orators rarely probed the
sores of the body politic deeper than an inquiry
into the practical advantages of belief in a
future state? and whether it was for the interest
of Britain to maintain the balance of Europe?
or if knowledge could be too much disseminated
among the lower ranks of the people?
In short, nothing of the extravagance of the
time, on either side, is associable with the outset
of Jeffrey’s career. As little does he seem
to have been influenced, on the one hand, by
the democratic foray of some two hundred convention
delegates into Edinburgh in 1792, as,
on the other, by the prominence of his father’s
name to a protest of frantic high-tory defiance;
and he was justified, not many years since, in
referring with pride to the fact that, at the
opening of his public life, his view of the character
of the first French revolution, and of its
probable influence on other countries, had been
such as to require little modification during
the whole of his subsequent career. The precision
and accuracy of his judgment had begun
to show itself thus early. At the crude
young Jacobins, so soon to ripen into Quarterly
Reviewers, who were just now coquetting
with Mary Woolstonecraft, or making love to
the ghost of Madame Roland, or branding as
worthy of the bowstring the tyrannical enormities
of Mr. Pitt, he could afford to laugh
from the first. From the very first he had the
strongest liberal tendencies, but restrained them
so wisely that he could cultivate them well.
He joined the band of youths who then sat at
the feet of Dugald Stewart, and whose first incentive
to distinction in the more difficult paths
of knowledge, as well as their almost universal
adoption of the liberal school of politics, are in
some degree attributable to the teaching of that
distinguished man. Among them were Brougham
and Homer, who had played together from
boyhood in Edinburgh streets, had joined the[Pg 67]
Speculative on the same evening six years after
Jeffrey (who in Brougham soon found a sharp
opponent on colonial and other matters), and were
still fast friends. Jeffrey’s father, raised to a
deputy clerk of session, now lived on a third or
fourth flat in Buchanan’s Court in the Lawn
Market, where the worthy old gentleman kept
two women servants and a man at livery; but
where the furniture does not seem to have been
of the soundest. This fact his son used to illustrate
by an anecdote of the old gentleman eagerly
setting to at a favorite dinner one day, with
the two corners of the table cloth tied round his
neck to protect his immense professional frills,
when the leg of his chair gave way, and he
tumbled back on the floor with all the dishes,
sauces, and viands a-top of him. Father and
son lived here together, till the latter took for
his first wife the daughter of the Professor of
Hebrew in the University of St. Andrew, and
moved to an upper story in another part of town.
He had been called to the bar in 1794, and was
married eight years afterward. He had not
meanwhile obtained much practice, and the elevation
implied in removal to an upper flat is not
of the kind that a young Benedict covets. But
distinction of another kind was at length at hand.
One day early in 1802, “in the eighth or
ninth story or flat in Buccleugh Place, the elevated
residence of the then Mr. Jeffrey,” Mr.
Jeffrey had received a visit from Horner and Sydney
Smith, when Sydney, at this time a young English
curate temporarily resident in Edinburgh,
preaching, teaching, and joking with a flow of
wit, humanity, and sense that fascinated every
body, started the notion of the Edinburgh Review.
The two Scotchmen at once voted the
Englishman its editor, and the notion was communicated
to John Archibald Murray (Lord
Advocate after Jeffrey, long years afterward),
John Allen (then lecturing on medical subjects
at the University, but who went abroad before
he could render any essential service), and Alexander
Hamilton (afterward Sanscrit professor at
Haileybury). This was the first council; but
it was extended, after a few days, till the two
Thomsons (John and Thomas, the physician and
the advocate), Thomas Brown (who succeeded to
Dugald Stewart’s chair), and Henry Brougham,
were admitted to the deliberations. Horner’s
quondam playfellow was an ally too potent to
be obtained without trouble; and, even thus
early, had not a few characteristics in common
with the Roman statesman and orator whom it
was his greatest ambition in after life to resemble,
and of whom Shakspeare has told us that
he never followed any thing that other men
began.
“You remember how cheerfully Brougham
approved of our plan at first,” wrote Jeffrey to
Horner, in April, in the thick of anxious preparations
for the start, “and agreed to give us
an article or two without hesitation. Three or
four days ago I proposed two or three books
that I thought would suit him; when he answered
with perfect good humor, that he had
changed his view of our plan a little, and rather
thought now that he should decline to have any
connection with it.” This little coquetry was
nevertheless overcome; and before the next six
months were over, Brougham had become an
efficient and zealous member of the band.
It is curious to see how the project hung fire
at first. Jeffrey had nearly finished four articles,
Horner had partly written four, and more
than half the number was printed; and yet
well-nigh the other half had still to be written.
The memorable fasciculus at last appeared in
November, after a somewhat tedious gestation
of nearly ten months; having been subject to
what Jeffrey calls so “miserable a state of
backwardness” and so many “symptoms of
despondency,” that Constable had to delay the
publication some weeks beyond the day first
fixed. Yet as early as April had Sydney Smith
completed more than half of what he contributed,
while nobody else had put pen to paper; and
shortly after the number appeared, he was
probably not sorry to be summoned, with his
easy pen and his cheerful wit, to London, and
to abandon the cares of editorship to Jeffrey.
No other choice could have been made. The
first number settled the point. It is easy to
discover that Jeffrey’s estimation in Edinburgh
had not, up to this time, been in any just proportion
to his powers; and that, even with those
who knew him best, his playful and sportive
fancy sparkled too much to the surface of his
talk to let them see the grave, deep currents
that ran underneath. Every one now read with
surprise the articles attributed to him. Sydney
had yielded him the place of honor, and he had
vindicated his right to it. He had thrown out
a new and forcible style of criticism, with a
fearless, unmisgiving, and unhesitating courage.
Objectors might doubt or cavil at the opinions
expressed; but the various and comprehensive
knowledge, the subtle, argumentative genius
the brilliant and definite expression, there was
no disputing or denying. A fresh, and startling
power was about to make itself felt in literature.
“Jeffrey,” said his most generous fellow
laborer, a few days after the Review appeared,
“is the person who will derive most honor from
this publication, as his articles in this number
are generally known, and are incomparably the
best; I have received the greater pleasure from
this circumstance, because the genius of that
little man has remained almost unknown to all
but his most intimate acquaintances. His manner
is not at first pleasing; what is worse, it is
of that cast which almost irresistibly impresses
upon strangers the idea of levity and superficial
talents. Yet there is not any man, whose real
character is so much the reverse; he has, indeed,
a very sportive and playful fancy, but it is accompanied
with an extensive and varied information,
with a readiness of apprehension almost
intuitive, with judicious and calm discernment,
with a profound and penetrating understanding.”
This confident passage from a private journal of
the 20th November, 1802 may stand as a remarkable[Pg 68]
monument of the prescience of Francis Horner.
Yet it was also the opinion of this candid and
sagacious man that he and his fellows had not
gained much character by that first number of
the Review. As a set-off to the talents exhibited,
he spoke of the severity—of what, in some
of the papers, might be called the scurrility—as
having given general dissatisfaction; and he
predicted that they would have to soften their
tone, and be more indulgent to folly and bad
taste. Perhaps it is hardly thus that the objection
should have been expressed. It is now,
after the lapse of nearly half a century, admitted
on all hands that the tone adopted by these
young Edinburgh reviewers was in some respects
extremely indiscreet; and that it was
not simply folly and bad taste, but originality
and genius, that had the right to more indulgence
at their hands. When Lord Jeffrey lately
collected Mr. Jeffrey’s critical articles, he silently
dropped those very specimens of his power
which by their boldness of view, severity of remark,
and vivacity of expression, would still as
of old have attracted the greatest notice; and
preferred to connect with his name, in the regard
of such as might hereafter take interest in
his writings, only those papers which, by enforcing
what appeared to him just principles and
useful opinions, he hoped might have a tendency
to make men happier and better. Somebody
said by way of compliment of the early days of
the Scotch Review, that it made reviewing more
respectable than authorship; and the remark,
though essentially the reverse of a compliment,
exhibits with tolerable accuracy the general design
of the work at its outset. Its ardent young
reviewers took a somewhat too ambitious stand
above the literature they criticised. “To all of
us,” Horner ingenuously confessed, “it is only
matter of temporary amusement and subordinate
occupation.”
Something of the same notion was in Scott’s
thoughts when, smarting from a severe but not
unjust or ungenerous review of Marmion, he
said that Jeffrey loved to see imagination best
when it is bitted and managed, and ridden upon
the grand pas. He did not make sufficient allowance
for starts and sallies and bounds, when
Pegasus was beautiful to behold, though sometimes
perilous to his rider. He would have had
control of horse as well as rider, Scott complained,
and made himself master of the ménage
to both. But on the other hand this was often
very possible; and nothing could then be conceived
more charming than the earnest, playful,
delightful way in which his comments adorned
and enriched the poets he admired. Hogarth
is not happier in Charles Lamb’s company, than
is the homely vigor and genius of Crabbe under
Jeffrey’s friendly leading; he returned fancy for
fancy to Moore’s exuberance, and sparkled with
a wit as keen; he “tamed his wild heart” to
the loving thoughtfulness of Rogers, his scholarly
enthusiasm, his pure and vivid pictures; with
the fiery energy and passionate exuberance of
Byron, his bright, courageous spirit broke into
earnest sympathy; for the clear and stirring
strains of Campbell he had an ever lively and
liberal response; and Scott, in the midst of
many temptations to the exercise of severity
never ceased to awaken the romance and generosity
of his nature.
His own idea of the more grave critical claims
put forth by him in his early days, found expression
in later life. He had constantly endeavored,
he said, to combine ethical precepts with literary
criticism. He had earnestly sought to impress
his readers with a sense, both of the close connection
between sound intellectual attainments,
and the higher elements of duty and enjoyment;
and of the just and ultimate subordination of the
former to the latter. Nor without good reason did
he take this praise to himself. The taste which
Dugald Stewart had implanted in him, governed
him more than any other at the outset of his
career; and may often have contributed not a
little, though quite unconsciously, to lift the aspiring
young metaphysician somewhat too ambitiously
above the level of the luckless author
summoned to his judgment seat. Before the
third year of the review had opened, he had
broken a spear in the lists of metaphysical philosophy
even with his old tutor, and with Jeremy
Bentham, both in the maturity of their fame; he
had assailed, with equal gallantry, the opposite
errors of Priestley and Reid; and, not many years
later, he invited his friend Alison to a friendly
contest, from which the fancies of that amiable
man came out dulled by a superior brightness,
by more lively, varied, and animated conceptions
of beauty, and by a style which recommended a
more than Scotch soberness of doctrine with a
more than French vivacity of expression.
For it is to be said of Jeffrey, that when he
opposed himself to enthusiasm, he did so in the
spirit of an enthusiast; and that this had a tendency
to correct such critical mistakes as he
may occasionally have committed. And as of
him, so of his Review. In professing to go
deeply into the principles on which its judgments
were to be rested, as well as to take large and
original views of all the important question to
which those works might relate—it substantially
succeeded, as Jeffrey presumed to think it
had done, in familiarizing the public mind with
higher speculations, and sounder and larger
views of the great objects of human pursuit; as
well as in permanently raising the standard, and
increasing the influence, of all such occasional
writings far beyond the limits of Great Britain.
Nor let it be forgotten that the system on
which Jeffrey established relations between his
writers and publishers has been of the highest
value as a precedent in such matters, and has
protected the independence and dignity of a
later race of reviewers. He would never receive
an unpaid-for contribution. He declined
to make it the interest of the proprietors to prefer
a certain class of contributors. The payment
was ten guineas a sheet at first, and rose
gradually to double that sum, with increase[Pg 69]
on special occasions; and even when rank or
other circumstances made remuneration a matter
of perfect indifference, Jeffrey insisted that
it should nevertheless be received. The Czar
Peter, when working in the trenches, he was
wont to say, received pay as a common soldier.
Another principle which he rigidly carried out,
was that of a thorough independence of publishing
interests. The Edinburgh Review was
never made in any manner tributary to particular
bookselling schemes. It assailed or supported
with equal vehemence or heartiness the
productions of Albemarle-street and Paternoster-row.
“I never asked such a thing of him but
once,” said the late Mr. Constable, describing
an attempt to obtain a favorable notice from his
obdurate editor, “and I assure you the result
was no encouragement to repeat such petitions.”
The book was Scott’s edition of Swift; and the
result one of the bitterest attacks on the popularity
of Swift, in one of Jeffrey’s most masterly
criticisms.
He was the better able thus to carry his
point, because against more potent influences
he had already taken a decisive stand. It was
not till six years after the Review was started
that Scott remonstrated with Jeffrey on the virulence
of its party politics. But much earlier
even than this, the principal proprietors had
made the same complaint; had pushed their
objections to the contemplation of Jeffrey’s surrender
of the editorship; and had opened negotiations
with writers known to be bitterly opposed
to him. To his honor, Southey declined
these overtures, and advised a compromise of
the dispute. Some of the leading Whigs themselves
were discontented, and Horner had appealed
to him from the library of Holland House.
Nevertheless, Jeffrey stood firm. He carried
the day against Paternoster-row, and unassailably
established the all-important principle of a
perfect independence of his publishers’ control.
He stood as resolute against his friend Scott;
protesting that on one leg, and the weakest, the
Review could not and should not stand, for that
its right leg he knew to be politics. To Horner
he replied, by carrying the war into the Holland
House country with inimitable spirit and cogency.
“Do, for Heaven’s sake, let your Whigs do something
popular and effective this session. Don’t
you see the nation is now divided into two, and
only two parties; and that between these stand
the Whigs, utterly inefficient, and incapable of
ever becoming efficient, if they will still maintain
themselves at an equal distance from both.
You must lay aside a great part of your aristocratic
feelings, and side with the most respectable
and sane of the democrats.”
The vigorous wisdom of the advice was amply
proved by subsequent events, and its courage
nobody will doubt who knows any thing of what
Scotland was at the time. In office, if not in
intellect, the Tories were supreme. A single
one of the Dundases named the sixteen Scots
peers, and forty-three of the Scots commoners;
nor was it an impossible farce, that the sheriff
of a county should be the only freeholder present
at the election of a member to represent it in
Parliament, should as freeholder vote himself
chairman, should as chairman receive the oaths
and the writ for himself as sheriff, should as
chairman and sheriff sign them, should propose
himself as candidate, declare himself elected,
dictate and sign the minutes of election, make
the necessary indenture between the various
parties represented solely by himself, transmit
it to the Crown-office, and take his seat by the
same night’s mail to vote with Mr. Addington!
We must recollect such things, when we would really
understand the services of such men as Jeffrey.
We must remember the evil and injustice he so
strenuously labored to remove, and the cost at
which his labor was given. We must bear in
mind that he had to face day by day, in the exercise
of his profession, the very men most interested
in the abuses actively assailed, and keenly
resolved, as far as possible, to disturb and discredit
their assailant. “Oh, Mr. Smith,” said
Lord Stowell to Sydney, “you would have been
a much richer man if you had come over to us!”
This was in effect the sort of thing said to Jeffrey
daily in the Court of Session, and disregarded
with generous scorn. What it is to an advocate
to be on the deaf side of “the ear of the
Court,” none but an advocate can know; and
this, with Jeffrey, was the twenty-five years’
penalty imposed upon him for desiring to see
the Catholics emancipated, the consciences of
dissenters relieved, the barbarism of jurisprudence
mitigated, and the trade in human souls
abolished.
The Scotch Tories died hard. Worsted in fair
fight they resorted to foul; and among the publications
avowedly established for personal slander
of their adversaries, a pre-eminence so infamous
was obtained by the Beacon, that it
disgraced the cause irretrievably. Against this
malignant libeler Jeffrey rose in the Court of
Session again and again, and the result of its
last prosecution showed the power of the party
represented by it thoroughly broken. The successful
advocate, at length triumphant even in
that Court over the memory of his talents and
virtues elsewhere, had now forced himself into
the front rank of his profession; and they who
listened to his advocacy found it even more
marvelous than his criticism, for power, versatility,
and variety. Such rapidity yet precision
of thought, such volubility yet clearness of utterance,
left all competitors behind. Hardly any
subject could be so indifferent or uninviting, that
this teeming and fertile intellect did not surround
it with a thousand graces of allusion, illustration,
and fanciful expression. He might have suggested
Butler’s hero,
His mouth but out there flew a trope,”
with the difference that each trope flew to its
proper mark, each fancy found its place in the
dazzling profusion, and he could at all times,
with a charming and instinctive ease, put the
nicest restraints and checks on his glowing[Pg 70]
velocity of declamation. A worthy Glasgow
baillie, smarting under an adverse verdict obtained
by these facilities of speech, could find
nothing so bitter to advance against the speaker
as a calculation made with the help of Johnson’s
Dictionary, to the effect that Mr. Jeffrey, in the
course of a few hours, had spoken the whole
English language twice over!
But the Glasgow baillie made little impression
on his fellow citizens; and from Glasgow came
the first public tribute to Jeffrey’s now achieved
position, and legal as well as literary fame. He
was elected Lord Rector of the University in
1821 and 1822. Some seven or eight years
previously he had married the accomplished lady
who survives him, a grand-niece of the celebrated
Wilkes; and had purchased the lease of the
villa near Edinburgh which he occupied to the
time of his death, and whose romantic woods
and grounds will long be associated with his
name. At each step of his career a new distinction
now awaited him, and with every new
occasion his unflagging energies seemed to rise
and expand. He never wrote with such masterly
success for his Review as when his whole
time appeared to be occupied with criminal
prosecutions, with contested elections, with
journeyings from place to place, with examinings
and cross-examinings, with speeches, addresses,
exhortations, denunciations. In all conditions
and on all occasions, a very atmosphere
of activity was around him. Even as he sat,
apparently still, waiting to address a jury or
amaze a witness, it made a slow man nervous to
look at him. Such a flush of energy vibrated
through that delicate frame, such rapid and
never ceasing thought played on those thin lips,
such restless flashes of light broke from those
kindling eyes. You continued to look at him,
till his very silence acted as a spell; and it
ceased to be difficult to associate with his small
but well-knit figure even the giant-like labors
and exertions of this part of his astonishing
career.
At length, in 1829, he was elected Dean of
the Faculty of Advocates; and thinking it unbecoming
that the official head of a great law
corporation should continue the editing of a party
organ, he surrendered the management of the
Edinburgh Review. In the year following, he
took office with the Whigs as Lord Advocate,
and replaced Sir James Scarlett in Lord Fitzwilliam’s
borough of Malton. In the next
memorable year he contested his native city
against a Dundas; not succeeding in his election,
but dealing the last heavy blow to his opponent’s
sinking dynasty. Subsequently he took his seat
as Member for Perth, introduced and carried the
Scotch Reform bill, and in the December of 1832
was declared member for Edinburgh. He had
some great sorrows at this time to check and
alloy his triumphs. Probably no man had gone
through a life of eager conflict and active
antagonism with a heart so sensitive to the
gentler emotions, and the deaths of Mackintosh
and Scott affected him deeply. He had had
occasion, during the illness of the latter, to
allude to him in the House of Commons; and
he did this with so much beauty and delicacy,
with such manly admiration of the genius and
modest deference to the opinions of his great
Tory friend, that Sir Robert Peel made a journey
across the floor of the house to thank him cordially
for it.
The House of Commons nevertheless was
not his natural element, and when, in 1834, a
vacancy in the Court of Session invited him to
his due promotion, he gladly accepted the dignified
and honorable office so nobly earned by
his labors and services. He was in his sixty-second
year at the time of his appointment, and
he continued for nearly sixteen years the chief
ornament of the Court in which he sat. In
former days the judgment-seats in Scotland had
not been unused to the graces of literature; but
in Jeffrey these were combined with an acute
and profound knowledge of law less usual in
that connection; and also with such a charm of
demeanor, such a play of fancy and wit sobered
to the kindliest courtesies, such clear sagacity,
perfect freedom from bias, consideration for all
differences of opinion; and integrity, independence,
and broad comprehensiveness of view in
maintaining his own; that there has never been
but one feeling as to his judicial career. Universal
veneration and respect attended it. The
speculative studies of his youth had done much
to soften all the asperities of his varied and
vigorous life, and now, at its close, they gave to
his judgments a large reflectiveness of tone, a
moral beauty of feeling, and a philosophy of
charity and good taste, which have left to his
successors in that Court of Session no nobler
models for imitation and example. Impatience
of dullness would break from him, now and then;
and the still busy activity of his mind might be
seen as he rose often suddenly from his seat, and
paced up and down before it; but in his charges
or decisions nothing of this feeling was perceptible,
except that lightness and grace of expression
in which his youth seemed to linger to the
last, and a quick sensibility to emotion and enjoyment
which half concealed the ravages of
time.
If such was the public estimation of this great
and amiable man, to the very termination of his
useful life, what language should describe the
charm of his influence in his private and domestic
circle? The affectionate pride with which every
citizen of Edinburgh regarded him rose here to
a kind of idolatry. For here the whole man
was known—his kind heart, his open hand, his
genial talk, his ready sympathy, his generous
encouragement and assistance to all that needed
it. The first passion of his life was its last, and
never was the love of literature so bright within
him as at the brink of the grave. What dims
and deadens the impressibility of most men, had
rendered his not only more acute and fresh, but
more tributary to calm satisfaction, and pure
enjoyment. He did not live merely in the past
as age is wont to do, but drew delight from[Pg 71]
every present manifestation of worth, or genius,
from whatever quarter it addressed him. His
vivid pleasure where his interest was awakened,
his alacrity and eagerness of appreciation, the
fervor of his encouragement and praise, have
animated the hopes and relieved the toil alike of
the successful and the unsuccessful, who can not
hope, through whatever checkered future may
await them, to find a more, generous critic, a
more profound adviser, a more indulgent friend.
The present year opened upon Francis Jeffrey
with all hopeful promise. He had mastered a
severe illness, and resumed his duties with his
accustomed cheerfulness; private circumstances
had more than ordinarily interested him in his
old Review; and the memory of past friends,
giving yet greater strength to the affection that
surrounded him, was busy at his heart. “God
bless you!” he wrote to Sydney Smith’s widow
on the night of the 18th of January; “I am
very old, and have many infirmities; but I am
tenacious of old friendships, and find much of
my present enjoyments in the recollections of
the past.” He sat in Court the next day, and
on the Monday and Tuesday of the following
week, with his faculties and attention unimpaired.
On the Wednesday he had a slight attack of
bronchitis; on Friday, symptoms of danger appeared;
and on Saturday he died, peacefully
and without pain. Few men had completed
with such consummate success the work appointed
them in this world; few men had passed
away to a better with more assured hopes of
their reward. The recollection of his virtues
sanctifies his fame; and his genius will never
cease to awaken the gratitude, respect, and
pride of his countrymen.
Hail and Farewell!
METAL IN SEA-WATER.
The French savans, MM. Malaguti, Derocher,
and Sarzeaud, announce that they have detected
in the waters of the ocean the presence
of copper, lead, and silver. The water examined
appears to have been taken some leagues off the
coast of St. Malo, and the fucoidal plants of that
district are also found to contain silver. The
F. serratus and the F. ceramoides yielded ashes
containing 1-100,000th, while the water of the sea
contained but little more than 1-100,000,000th.
They state also that they find silver in sea-salt,
in ordinary muriatic acid, and in the soda of
commerce; and that they have examined the
rock-salt of Lorraine, in which also they discover
this metal. Beyond this, pursuing their researches
on terrestrial plants, they have obtained
such indications as leave no doubt of the
existence of silver in vegetable tissues. Lead
is said to be always found in the ashes of marine
plants, usually about an 18-100,000th part, and
invariably a trace of copper. Should these results
be confirmed by further examination, we
shall have advanced considerably toward a
knowledge of the phenomena of the formation
of mineral veins.—Athenæum.
[From Bentley’s Miscellany.]
DR. JOHNSON: HIS RELIGIOUS LIFE, AND HIS DEATH.
The title is a captivating one, and will allure
many, but it very feebly expresses the contents
of the volume, which brings under our observation
the religious opinions of scores upon
scores of other men, and is enriched with numerous
anecdotes of the contemporaries of the great
lexicographer. The book, indeed, may be considered
as a condensation of all that was known
and recorded of Dr. Johnson’s practice and experience
of religion from his youth to his death;
of its powerful influence over him through many
years of his life—of the nature of his faith, and
of its fruits in his works; but there is added to
this so much that is excellent of other people—the
life of the soul is seen in so many other
characters—so many subjects are introduced
that are more or less intimately connected with
that to which the title refers, and all are so admirably
blended together, and interwoven with
the excellent remarks of the author, as to justify
us in saying of the book, that it is one of the most
edifying and really useful we have for years past
met with.
It has often been our lot to see the sneers of
beardless boys at the mention of religion, and to
hear the titter of the empty-headed when piety
was spoken of, and we always then thought of
the profound awe with which the mighty mind
of Dr. Johnson was impressed by such subjects—of
his deep humiliation of soul when he reflected
upon his duties and responsibilities—and
of his solemn and reverential manner when
religion became the topic of discourse, or the
subject of his thoughts. His intellect, one of
the grandest that was ever given to man, humbled
itself to the very dust before the Giver;
the very superiority of his mental powers over
those of other men, made him but feel himself
the less in his own sight, when he reflected from
whom he had his being, and to whom he must
render an account of the use he made of the
vast intellectual powers he possessed.
But the religion of Dr. Johnson consisted not
in deep feeling only, nor in much talking nor
professing, but was especially distinguished by
its practical benevolence; when he possessed
but two-pence, one penny was always at the
service of any one who had nothing at all; his
poor house was an asylum for the poor, a home
for the destitute; there, for months and years
together, he sheltered and supported the needy
and the blind, at a time when his utmost efforts
could do no more than provide bare support for
them and himself. Those whom he loved not
he would serve—those whom he esteemed not
he would give to, and labor for, and devote the
best powers of his pen to help and to benefit.
The cry of distress, the appeal of the afflicted,
was irresistible with him—no matter whatever
else pressed upon him—whatever literary calls
were urging him—or however great the need
of the daily toil for the daily bread—all was[Pg 72]
abandoned till the houseless were sheltered, till
the hungry were fed, and the defenseless were
protected; and it would be difficult to name any
of all Dr. Johnson’s contemporaries—he in all his
poverty, and they in all their abundance—in
whose lives such proofs could be found of the
most enlarged charity and unwearied benevolence.
But the book treats of so many subjects, of so
much that is connected with religion in general,
and with the Church of England in particular,
that we can really do no more than refer our
readers to the volume itself; with the assurance
that they will find in it much useful and agreeable
information on all those many matters which
are connected in these times with Church interests,
and which are more or less influencing all
classes of the religious public.
The author writes freely, and with great
power; he argues ably, and discusses liberally
all the points of religious controversy, and a very
delightful volume is the result of his labors. It
must do good, it must please and improve the
mind, as well as delight the heart of all who read
it. Indeed, no one not equal to the work could
have ventured upon it without lasting disgrace
had he failed in it; a dissertation upon the faith
and morals of a man whose fame has so long
filled the world, and in whose writings so much
of his religious feelings are displayed, and so
much of his spiritual life is unvailed, must be
admirably written to receive any favor from the
public; and we think that the author has so
ably done what he undertook to do, that that
full measure of praise will be awarded to him,
which in our judgment he deserves.
A perusal of this excellent work reminds us
of the recent sale of some letters and documents
of Dr. Johnson from Mr. Linnecar’s collection.
The edifying example of this good and great
man, so well set forth in the present volume, is
fully borne out in an admirable prayer composed
by Dr. Johnson, a few months before his death,
the original copy of which was here disposed of.
For the gratification of the reader, we may be
allowed to give the following brief abstract of
the contents of these papers:
“To David Garrick.
“Streatham, December 13, 1771.
“I have thought upon your epitaph, but without
much effect; an epitaph is no easy thing.
Of your three stanzas, the third is utterly unworthy
of you. The first and third together
give no discriminative character. If the first
alone were to stand, Hogarth would not be distinguished
from any other man of intellectual
eminence. Suppose you worked upon something
like this:
That traced th’ essential form of grace,
Here death has clos’d the curious eyes
That saw the manners in the face.
If genius warm thee, Reader, stay,
If merit touch thee, shed a tear,
Be Vice and Dullness far away,
Great Hogarth’s honor’d dust is here.”
“To Dr. Farmer.
“Bolt Court, July 22d, 1777.
“The booksellers of London have undertaken
a kind of body of English Poetry, excluding
generally the dramas, and I have undertaken to
put before each author’s works a sketch of his
life, and a character of his writings. Of some,
however, I know very little, and am afraid I
shall not easily supply my deficiencies. Be
pleased to inform me whether among Mr. Burke’s
manuscripts, or any where else at Cambridge any
materials are to be found.”
“To Ozias Humphrey.
“May 31st, 1784.
“I am very much obliged by your civilities to
my godson, and must beg of you to add to them
the favor of permitting him to see you paint, that
he may know how a picture is begun, advanced
and completed. If he may attend you in a few
of your operations, I hope he will show that the
benefit has been properly conferred, both by his
proficiency and his gratitude.”
The following beautiful prayer is dated Ashbourne,
Sept. 18, 1784:
“Make me truly thankful for the call by
which Thou hast awakened my conscience and
summoned me to repentance. Let not Thy
call, O Lord, be forgotten, or Thy summons
neglected, but let the residue of my life, whatever
it shall be, be passed in true contrition,
and diligent obedience. Let me repent of the
sins of my past life, and so keep Thy laws for
the time to come, that when it shall be Thy good
pleasure to call me to another state, I may find
mercy in Thy sight. Let Thy Holy Spirit support
me in the hour of death, and, O Lord, grant
me pardon in the day of Judgment.”
Besides the above, Dr. Johnson’s celebrated
letter to the author of “Ossian’s Poems,” in
which he says, “I will not be deterred from
detecting what I think to be a cheat by the
menaces of a ruffian,” was sold at this sale for
twelve guineas.
SONETTO.
from the italian of benedetto menzini.
And breathed to heaven an humble vow
That Phœbus’ favorite it might be,
And shade and deck a poet’s brow!
I prayed to Zephyr that his wing,
Descending through the April sky,
Might wave the boughs in early spring
And brush rude Boreas frowning by.
And slowly Phœbus heard the prayer,
And slowly, slowly, grew the tree,
And others sprang more fast and fair,
Yet marvel not that this should be;
For tardier still the growth of Fame—
And who is he the crown may claim?
Eta
[Pg 73]
[From Household Words.]
A CHILD’S DREAM OF A STAR.
There was once a child, and he strolled
about a good deal, and thought of a number
of things. He had a sister, who was a child too,
and his constant companion. These two used
to wonder all day long. They wondered at the
beauty of the flowers; they wondered at the
height and blueness of the sky; they wondered
at the depth of the bright water; they wondered
at the goodness and the power of God who
made the lovely world.
They used to say to one another, sometimes,
Supposing all the children upon earth were to
die, would the flowers, and the water, and the
sky be sorry? They believed they would be
sorry. For, said they, the buds are the children
of the flowers, and the little playful streams
that gambol down the hill-sides are the children
of the water; and the smallest bright specks,
playing at hide and seek in the sky all night,
must surely be the children of the stars; and
they would all be grieved to see their playmates,
the children of men, no more.
There was one clear, shining star that used
to come out in the sky before the rest, near the
church spire, above the graves. It was larger
and more beautiful, they thought, than all the
others, and every night they watched for it,
standing hand in hand at a window. Whoever
saw it first, cried out, “I see the star!” And
often they cried out both together, knowing so
well when it would rise, and where. So they
grew to be such friends with it, that, before lying
down in their beds, they always looked out
once again, to bid it good night; and when they
were turning round to sleep, they used to say,
“God bless the star!”
But while she was still very young, oh very,
very young, the sister drooped, and came to be
so weak that she could no longer stand in the
window at night; and then the child looked
sadly out by himself, and when he saw the star,
turned round and said to the patient, pale face
on the bed, “I see the star!” and then a smile
would come upon the face, and a little, weak
voice used to say, “God bless my brother and
the star!”
And so the time came, all too soon! when
the child looked out alone, and when there was
no face on the bed; and when there was a little
grave among the graves, not there before; and
when the star made long rays down toward him,
as he saw it through his tears.
Now, these rays were so bright, and they
seemed to make such a shining way from earth
to heaven, that when the child went to his solitary
bed, he dreamed about the star; and
dreamed that, lying where he was, he saw a
train of people taken up that sparkling road by
angels. And the star, opening, showed him a
great world of light, where many more such
angels waited to receive them.
All these angels, who were waiting, turned
their beaming eyes upon the people who were
carried up into the star; and some came out
from the long rows in which they stood, and fell
upon the people’s necks, and kissed them tenderly,
and went away with them down avenues
of light, and were so happy in their company,
that lying in his bed he wept for joy.
But there were many angels who did not go
with them, and among them one he knew. The
patient face that once had lain upon the bed
was glorified and radiant, but his heart found
out his sister among all the host.
His sister’s angel lingered near the entrance
of the star, and said to the leader among those
who had brought the people thither:
“Is my brother come?”
And he said “No.”
She was turning hopefully away, when the
child stretched out his arms, and cried, “O,
sister, I am here! Take me!” and then she
turned her beaming eyes upon him, and it was
night; and the star was shining into the room,
making long rays down toward him as he saw
it through his tears.
From that hour forth, the child looked out
upon the star as on the Home he was to go to,
when his time should come; and he thought
that he did not belong to the earth alone, but to
the star too, because of his sister’s angel gone
before.
There was a baby born to be a brother to
the child; and while he was so little that he
never yet had spoken word, he stretched his
tiny form out on his bed, and died.
Again the child dreamed of the opened star,
and of the company of angels, and the train of
people, and the rows of angels with their beaming
eyes all turned upon those people’s faces.
Said his sister’s angel to the leader:
“Is my brother come?”
And he said, “Not that one, but another.”
As the child beheld his brother’s angel in her
arms, he cried, “O, sister, I am here! Take
me!” And she turned and smiled upon him,
and the star was shining.
He grew to be a young man, and was busy
at his books, when an old servant came to him,
and said,
“Thy mother is no more. I bring her blessing
on her darling son!”
Again at night he saw the star, and all that
former company. Said his sister’s angel to the
leader:
“Is my brother come?”
And he said, “Thy mother!”
A mighty cry of joy went forth through all
the star, because the mother was reunited to
her two children. And he stretched out his
arms and cried, “O, mother, sister, and brother,
I am here! Take me!” And they answered
him, “Not yet,” and the star was shining.
He grew to be a man, whose hair was turning
gray, and he was sitting in his chair by the fireside,
heavy with grief, and with his face bedewed
with tears, when the star opened once again.
Said his sister’s angel to the leader, “Is my
brother come?”[Pg 74]
And he said, “Nay, but his maiden daughter.”
And the man who had been the child saw his
daughter, newly lost to him, a celestial creature
among those three, and he said, “My daughter’s
head is on my sister’s bosom, and her arm is
round my mother’s neck, and at her feet there
is the baby of old time, and I can bear the parting
from her, God be praised!”
And the star was shining.
Thus the child came to be an old man, and
his once smooth face was wrinkled, and his
steps were slow and feeble, and his back was
bent. And one night as he lay upon his bed,
his children standing round, he cried, as he had
cried so long ago,
“I see the star!”
They whispered one another, “He is dying.”
And he said, “I am. My age is falling from
me like a garment, and I move toward the star
as a child. And O, my Father, now I thank
thee that it has so often opened, to receive those
dear ones who await me!”
And the star was shining; and it shines upon
his grave.
LONGFELLOW.
The muse of Mr. Longfellow owes little or
none of her success to those great national
sources of inspiration which are most likely to
influence an ardent poetic temperament. The
grand old woods—the magnificent mountain and
forest scenery—the mighty rivers—the trackless
savannahs—all those stupendous and varied features
of that great country, with which, from
his boyhood, he must have been familiar, it might
be thought would have stamped some of these
characteristics upon his poetry. Such, however,
has not been the case. Of lofty images and
grand conceptions we meet with few, if any,
traces. But brimful of life, of love, and of truth,
the stream of his song flows on with a tender
and touching simplicity, and a gentle music,
which we have not met with since the days of
our own Moore. Like him, too, the genius of
Mr. Longfellow is essentially lyric; and if he
has failed to derive inspiration from the grand
features of his own country, he has been no unsuccessful
student of the great works of the
German masters of song. We could almost
fancy, while reading his exquisite ballad of the
“Beleaguered City,” that Goethe, Schiller, or
Uhland was before us; and yet, we must by no
means be understood to insinuate that he is a
mere copyist—quite the contrary. He has become
so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of
these exquisite models, that he has contrived to
produce pieces marked with an individuality of
their own, and noways behind them in point of
poetical merit. In this regard he affords another
illustration of the truth of the proposition, that
the legendary lore and traditions of other countries
have been very serviceable toward the
formation of American literature.
About the year 1837, Longfellow, being engaged
in making the tour of Europe, selected
Heidelberg for a permanent winter residence.
There his wife was attacked with an illness,
which ultimately proved fatal. It so happened,
however, that some time afterward there came
to the same romantic place a young lady of considerable
personal attractions. The poet’s heart
was touched—he became attached to her; but
the beauty of sixteen did not sympathize with
the poet of six-and-thirty, and Longfellow returned
to America, having lost his heart as well
as his wife. The young lady, also an American,
returned home shortly afterward. Their residences,
it turned out, were contiguous, and the
poet availed himself of the opportunity of prosecuting
his addresses, which he did for a considerable
time with no better success than at first.
Thus foiled, he set himself resolutely down, and
instead, like Petrarch, of laying siege to the
heart of his mistress through the medium of
sonnets, he resolved to write a whole book; a
book which would achieve the double object of
gaining her affections, and of establishing his
own fame. “Hyperion” was the result. His
labor and his constancy were not thrown away:
they met their due reward. The lady gave him
her hand as well as her heart; and they now
reside together at Cambridge, in the same house
which Washington made his head-quarters when
he was first appointed to the command of the
American armies. These interesting facts were
communicated to us by a very intelligent American
gentleman whom we had the pleasure of
meeting in the same place which was the scene
of the poet’s early disappointment and sorrow.—Dublin
University Magazine.
THE CHAPEL BY THE SHORE.
Clips a ruined chapel round,
Buttressed with a grassy mound;
Where Day, and Night, and Day go by
And bring no touch of human sound.
Shaking of the guardian trees—
Piping of the salted breeze—
Day, and Night, and Day go by,
To the endless tune of these.
A hush more dead than any sleep,
Still morns to stiller evenings creep,
And Day, and Night, and Day go by
Here the stillness is most deep.
Into Nature’s wide domain,
Sow themselves with seed and grain,
As Day, and Night, and Day go by,
And hoard June’s sun and April’s rain.
And now the graves are also dead:
And suckers from the ash-tree spread,
As Day, and Night, and Day go by
And stars move calmly overhead.
[Pg 75]
[From Household Words.]
ILLUSTRATIONS OF CHEAPNESS.
the lucifer match.
Some twenty years ago the process of obtaining
fire, in every house in England,
with few exceptions, was as rude, as laborious,
and as uncertain, as the effort of the Indian to
produce a flame by the friction of two dry
sticks.
The nightlamp and the rushlight were for
the comparatively luxurious. In the bedrooms
of the cottager, the artisan, and the small tradesman,
the infant at its mother’s side too often
awoke, like Milton’s nightingale, “darkling”—but
that “nocturnal note” was something different
from “harmonious numbers.” The mother
was soon on her feet; the friendly tinder-box
was duly sought. Click, click, click; not a
spark tells upon the sullen blackness. More
rapidly does the flint ply the sympathetic steel.
The room is bright with the radiant shower.
But the child, familiar enough with the operation,
is impatient at its tediousness, and shouts
till the mother is frantic. At length one lucky
spark does its office—the tinder is alight. Now
for the match. It will not burn. A gentle
breath is wafted into the murky box; the face
that leans over the tinder is in a glow. Another
match, and another, and another. They
are all damp. The toil-worn father “swears a
prayer or two,” the baby is inexorable; and
the misery is only ended when the goodman
has gone to the street door, and after long
shivering has obtained a light from the watchman.
In this, the beginning of our series of Illustrations
of Cheapness, let us trace this antique
machinery through the various stages of its production.
The tinder-box and the steel had nothing
peculiar. The tinman made the one as he made
the saucepan, with hammer and shears; the
other was forged at the great metal factories of
Sheffield and Birmingham; and happy was it
for the purchaser if it were something better
than a rude piece of iron, very uncomfortable to
grasp. The nearest chalk quarry supplied the
flint. The domestic manufacture of the tinder
was a serious affair. At due seasons, and very
often if the premises were damp, a stifling smell
rose from the kitchen, which, to those who
were not intimate with the process, suggested
doubts whether the house were not on fire.
The best linen rag was periodically burnt, and
its ashes deposited in the tinman’s box, pressed
down with a close fitting lid, upon which the
flint and steel reposed. The match was chiefly
an article of itinerant traffic. The chandler’s
shop was almost ashamed of it. The mendicant
was the universal match-seller. The girl who
led the blind beggar had invariably a basket of
matches. In the day they were vendors of
matches—in the evening manufacturers. On
the floor of the hovel sit two or three squalid
children, splitting deal with a common knife.
The matron is watching a pipkin upon a slow
fire. The fumes which it gives forth are blinding
as the brimstone’s liquifying. Little bundles
of split deal are ready to be dipped, three
or four at a time. When the pennyworth of
brimstone is used up, when the capital is exhausted,
the night’s labor is over. In the summer,
the manufacture is suspended, or conducted
upon fraudulent principles. Fire is then
needless; so delusive matches must be produced—wet
splints dipped in powdered sulphur. They
will never burn, but they will do to sell to the
unwary maid-of-all-work.
About twenty years ago Chemistry discovered
that the tinder-box might be abolished. But
Chemistry set about its function with especial
reference to the wants and the means of the
rich few. In the same way the first printed
books were designed to have a great resemblance
to manuscripts, and those of the wealthy
class were alone looked to as the purchasers of
the skillful imitations. The first chemical light
producer was a complex and ornamental casket,
sold at a guinea. In a year or so, there were
pretty portable cases of a phial and matches,
which enthusiastic young housekeepers regarded
as the cheapest of all treasures at five shillings.
By-and-by the light-box was sold as low as a
shilling. The fire revolution was slowly approaching.
The old dynasty of the tinder-box
maintained its predominance for a short while
in kitchen and garret, in farm-house and cottage.
At length some bold adventurer saw that the
new chemical discovery might be employed for
the production of a large article of trade—that
matches, in themselves the vehicles of fire without
aid of spark and tinder, might be manufactured
upon the factory system—that the humblest
in the land might have a new and indispensable
comfort at the very lowest rate of cheapness.
When Chemistry saw that phosphorus, having
an affinity for oxygen at the lowest temperature,
would ignite upon slight friction, and so ignited
would ignite sulphur, which required a much
higher temperature to become inflammable, thus
making the phosphorus do the work of the old
tinder with far greater certainty; or when
Chemistry found that chlorate of potash by slight
friction might be exploded so as to produce
combustion, and might be safely used in the
same combination—a blessing was bestowed
upon society that can scarcely be measured by
those who have had no former knowledge of the
miseries and privations of the tinder-box. The
Penny Box of Lucifers, or Congreves, or by
whatever name called, is a real triumph of
Science, and an advance in civilization.
Let us now look somewhat closely and practically
into the manufacture of a Lucifer Match.
The combustible materials used in the manufacture
render the process an unsafe one. It
can not be carried on in the heart of towns
without being regarded as a common nuisance.
We must therefore go somewhere in the suburbs
of London to find such a trade. In the neighborhood[Pg 76]
of Bethnal Green there is a large open
space called Wisker’s Gardens. This is not a
place of courts and alleys, but a considerable
area, literally divided into small gardens, where
just now the crocus and the snowdrop are telling
hopefully of the springtime. Each garden
has the smallest of cottages—for the most part
wooden—which have been converted from summer-houses
into dwellings. The whole place
reminds one of numberless passages in the old
dramatists, in which the citizens’ wives are
described in their garden-houses of Finsbury or
Hogsden, sipping syllabub and talking fine on
summer holidays. In one of these garden-houses,
not far from the public road, is the little factory
of “Henry Lester, Patentee of the Domestic
Safety Match-box,” as his label proclaims. He
is very ready to show his processes, which in
many respects are curious and interesting.
Adam Smith has instructed us that the business
of making a pin is divided into about
eighteen distinct operations; and further, that
ten persons could make upward of forty-eight
thousand pins a day with the division of labor;
while if they had all wrought independently and
separately, and without any of them having
been educated to this peculiar business, they
certainly could not each of them have made
twenty. The Lucifer Match is a similar example
of division of labor, and the skill of long,
practice. At a separate factory, where there
is a steam-engine, not the refuse of the carpenter’s
shop, but the best Norway deals are
cut into splints by machinery, and are supplied
to the match-maker. These little pieces, beautifully
accurate in their minute squareness, and
in their precise length of five inches, are made
up into bundles, each of which contains eighteen
hundred. They are daily brought on a truck
to the dipping-house, as it is called—the average
number of matches finished off daily requiring
two hundred of these bundles. Up to this
point we have had several hands employed in
the preparation of the match, in connection with
the machinery that cuts the wood. Let us follow
one of these bundles through the subsequent
processes. Without being separated, each end
of the bundle is first dipped into sulphur. When
dry, the splints, adhering to each other by means
of the sulphur, must be parted by what is called
dusting. A boy sitting on the floor, with a
bundle before him, strikes the matches with a
sort of a mallet on the dipped ends till they become
thoroughly loosened. In the best matches
the process of sulphur-dipping and dusting is
repeated. They have now to be plunged into
a preparation of phosphorus or chlorate of potash,
according to the quality of the match. The
phosphorus produces the pale, noiseless fire;
the chlorate of potash the sharp, crackling illumination.
After this application of the more
inflammable substance, the matches are separated,
and dried in racks. Thoroughly dried,
they are gathered up again into bundles of the
same quantity; and are taken to the boys who
cut them; for the reader will have observed
that the bundles have been dipped at each end.
There are few things more remarkable in manufactures
than the extraordinary rapidity of this
cutting process, and that which is connected
with it. The boy stands before a bench, the
bundle on his right hand, a pile of half opened
empty boxes on his left, which have been manufactured
at another division of this establishment.
These boxes are formed of scale-board,
that is, thin slices of wood, planed or scaled off
a plank. The box itself is a marvel of neatness
and cheapness. It consists of an inner box,
without a top, in which the matches are placed,
and of an outer case, open at each end, into
which the first box slides. The matches, then,
are to be cut, and the empty boxes filled, by
one boy. A bundle is opened; he seizes a portion,
knowing, by long habit, the required number
with sufficient exactness; puts them rapidly
into a sort of frame, knocks the ends evenly
together, confines them with a strap which he
tightens with his foot, and cuts them in two
parts with a knife on a hinge, which he brings
down with a strong leverage: the halves lie
projecting over each end of the frame; he grasps
the left portion and thrusts it into a half open
box, which he instantly closes, and repeats the
process with the matches on his right hand.
This series of movements is performed with a
rapidity almost unexampled; for in this way,
two hundred thousand matches are cut, and two
thousand boxes filled in a day, by one boy, at
the wages of three halfpence per gross of boxes.
Each dozen boxes is then papered up, and they
are ready for the retailer. The number of boxes
daily filled at this factory is from fifty to sixty
gross.
The wholesale price per dozen boxes of the
best matches is fourpence, of the second quality,
threepence.
There are about ten Lucifer Match manufactories
in London. There are others in large
provincial towns. The wholesale business is
chiefly confined to the supply of the metropolis
and immediate neighborhood by the London
makers; for the railroad carriers refuse to receive
the article, which is considered dangerous
in transit. But we must not therefore assume
that the metropolitan populations consume the
metropolitan matches. Taking the population
at upward of two millions, and the inhabited
houses at about three hundred thousand, let us
endeavor to estimate the distribution of these
little articles of domestic comfort.
At the manufactory at Wisker’s Gardens
there are fifty gross, or seven thousand two
hundred boxes, turned out daily, made from
two hundred bundles, which will produce seven
hundred and twenty thousand matches. Taking
three hundred working days in the year, this
will give for one factory, two hundred and sixteen
millions of matches annually, or two millions
one hundred and sixty thousand boxes,
being a box of one hundred matches for every
individual of the London population. But there
are ten other Lucifer manufactories, which are[Pg 77]
estimated to produce about four or five times as
many more. London certainly can not absorb
ten millions of Lucifer boxes annually, which
would be at the rate of thirty-three boxes to
each inhabited house. London, perhaps, demands
a third of the supply for its own consumption;
and at this rate the annual retail cost
for each house is eightpence, averaging those
boxes sold at a halfpenny, and those at a penny.
The manufacturer sells this article, produced
with such care as we have described, at one
farthing and a fraction per box.
And thus, for the retail expenditure of three
farthings per month, every house in London,
from the highest to the lowest, may secure the
inestimable blessing of constant fire at all seasons,
and at all hours. London buys this for
ten thousand pounds annually.
The excessive cheapness is produced by the
extension of the demand, enforcing the factory
division of labor, and the most exact saving of
material. The scientific discovery was the
foundation of the cheapness. But connected
with this general principle of cheapness, there
are one or two remarkable points, which deserve
attention.
It is a law of this manufacture that the
demand is greater in the summer than in the
winter. The old match maker, as we have
mentioned, was idle in the summer—without
fire for heating the brimstone—or engaged in
more profitable field-work. A worthy woman,
who once kept a chandler’s shop in a village,
informs us, that in summer she could buy no
matches for retail, but was obliged to make
them for her customers. The increased summer
demand for the Lucifer Matches shows
that the great consumption is among the masses—the
laboring population—those who make up
the vast majority of the contributors to duties
of customs and excise. In the houses of the
wealthy there is always fire; in the houses of
the poor, fire in summer is a needless hourly
expense. Then comes the Lucifer Match to
supply the want; to light the candle to look in
the dark cupboard—to light the afternoon fire
to boil the kettle. It is now unnecessary to
run to the neighbor for a light, or, as a desperate
resource, to work at the tinder-box. The
Lucifer Matches sometimes fail, but they cost
little, and so they are freely used, even by the
poorest.
And this involves another great principle.
The demand for the Lucifer Match is always
continuous, for it is a perishable article. The
demand never ceases. Every match burnt demands
a new match to supply its place. This
continuity of demand renders the supply always
equal to the demand. The peculiar nature of
the commodity prevents any accumulation of
stock; its combustible character—requiring the
simple agency of friction to ignite it—renders
it dangerous for large quantities of the article
to be kept in one place. Therefore no one
makes for store, but all for immediate sale.
The average price, therefore, must always yield
a profit, or the production would altogether
cease. But these essential qualities limit the
profit. The manufacturers can not be rich
without secret processes or monopoly. The
contest is to obtain the largest profit by economical
management. The amount of skill required
in the laborers, and the facility of habit,
which makes fingers act with the precision of
machines, limit the number of laborers, and prevent
their impoverishment. Every condition of
this cheapness is a natural and beneficial result
of the laws that govern production.
TUNNEL OF THE ALPS.
The Sardinian Government is about to execute
a grand engineering project; it is going to
pierce the summit-ridge of the Alps with a tunnel
twice as long as any existing tunnel in the
world. A correspondent of the Times announces
the fact. From London as far as Chambery,
by the Lyons railroad, all is at present smooth
enough; and the Lyons road is indeed about to
be pushed up the ascents of Mont Meillaud and
St. Maurienne, even as far as Modane at the
foot of the Northern crest of the Graian and
Cottian Alps: but there all further progress is
arrested; you can not hope to carry a train to
Susa and Turin unless you pierce the snow
capped barrier itself: this is the very step which
the Chevalier Henry Maus projects. The
Chevalier is Honorary Inspector of the Génie
Civil; it was he who projected and executed
the great works on the Liége railroad. After
five years of incessant study, many practical
experiments, and the invention of new machinery
for boring the mountain, he made his final report
to the Government on the 8th of February,
1849. A commission of distinguished civil
engineers, artillery officers, geologists, senators,
and statesmen, have reported unanimously in
favor of the project; and the Government has
resolved to carry it out forthwith. The “Railroad
of the Alps,” connecting the tunnel with
the Chambery railway on the one side and with
that of Susa on the other side, will be 36,565
metres or 20 3/4 English miles in length, and will
cost 21,000,000 francs. The connecting tunnel
is thus described:
“It will measure 12,290 metres, or nearly
seven English miles in length; its greatest
height will be 19 feet, and its width 25 feet,
admitting, of course, of a double line of rail.
Its northern entrance is to be at Modane, and
the southern entrance at Bardonneche, on the
river Mardovine. This latter entrance, being
the highest point of the intended line of rail,
will be 4,092 feet above the level of the sea,
and yet 2,400 feet below the highest or culminating
point of the great road or pass over
the Mont Cenis. It is intended to divide the
connecting lines of rail leading to either entrance
of the tunnel into eight inclined planes of about
5,000 metres or 2-1/2 English miles each, worked
like those at Liége, by endless cables and stationary
engines, but in the present case moved
by water-power derived from the torrents.”[Pg 78]
THE FLOWER GATHERER.
[from the german of krummacher.]
Fresh thoughts into the breasts of flowers.”
Miss Bremer.
The young and innocent Theresa had passed
the most beautiful part of the spring upon
a bed of sickness; and as soon as ever she began
to regain her strength, she spoke of flowers,
asking continually if her favorites were again as
lovely as they had been the year before, when
she had been able to seek for and admire them
herself. Erick, the sick girl’s little brother,
took a basket, and showing it to his mamma,
said, in a whisper, “Mamma, I will run out
and get poor Theresa the prettiest I can find
in the fields.” So out he ran, for the first time
for many a long day, and he thought that spring
had never been so beautiful before; for he
looked upon it with a gentle and loving heart,
and enjoyed a run in the fresh air, after having
been a prisoner by his sister’s couch, whom he
had never left during her illness. The happy
child rambled about, up hill and down hill.
Nightingales sang, bees hummed, and butterflies
flitted round him, and the most lovely
flowers were blowing at his feet. He jumped
about, he danced, he sang, and wandered from
hedge to hedge, and from flower to flower, with
a soul as pure as the blue sky above him, and
eyes that sparkled like a little brook bubbling
from a rock. At last he had filled his basket
quite full of the prettiest flowers; and, to crown
all, he had made a wreath of field-strawberry
flowers, which he laid on the top of it, neatly
arranged on some grass, and one might fancy
them a string of pearls, they looked so pure and
fresh. The happy boy looked with delight at
his full basket, and putting it down by his side,
rested himself in the shade of an oak, on a carpet
of soft green moss. Here he sat, looking at the
beautiful prospect that lay spread out before him
in all the freshness of spring, and listening to the
ever-changing songs of the birds. But he had
really tired himself out with joy; and the merry
sounds of the fields, the buzzing of the insects,
and the birds’ songs, all helped to send him to
sleep. And peacefully the fair child slumbered,
his rosy cheek resting on the hands that still
held his treasured basket.
But while he slept a sudden change came on.
A storm arose in the heavens, but a few moments
before so blue and beautiful. Heavy
masses of clouds gathered darkly and ominously
together; the lightning flashed, and the thunder
rolled louder and nearer. Suddenly a gust of
wind roared in the boughs of the oak, and
startled the boy out of his quiet sleep. He saw
the whole heavens vailed by black clouds; not
a sunbeam gleamed over the fields, and a heavy
clap of thunder followed his waking. The poor
child stood up, bewildered at the sudden change;
and now the rain began to patter through the
leaves of the oak, so he snatched up his basket,
and ran toward home as fast as his legs could
carry him. The storm seemed to burst over his
head. Rain, hail, and thunder, striving for the
mastery, almost deafened him, and made him
more bewildered every minute. Water streamed
from his poor soaked curls down his shoulders,
and he could scarcely see to find his way homeward.
All on a sudden a more violent gust of
wind than usual caught the treasured basket,
and scattered all his carefully-collected flowers
far away over the field. His patience could
endure no longer, for his face grew distorted
with rage, and he flung the empty basket from
him, with a burst of anger. Crying bitterly,
and thoroughly wet, he reached at last his
parents’ house in a pitiful plight.
But soon another change appeared; the storm
passed away, and the sky grew clear again.
The birds began their songs anew, the countryman
his labor. The air had become cooler and
purer, and a bright calm seemed to lie lovingly
in every valley and on every hill. What a
delicious odor rose from the freshened fields!
and their cultivators looked with grateful joy at
the departing clouds, which had poured the fertilizing
rain upon them. The sight of the blue
sky soon tempted the frightened boy out again,
and being by this time ashamed of his ill-temper,
he went very quietly to look for his discarded
basket, and to try and fill it again. He seemed
to feel a new life within him. The cool breath
of the air—the smell of the fields—the leafy
trees—the warbling birds, all appeared doubly
beautiful after the storm, and the humiliating
consciousness of his foolish and unjust ill-temper
softened and chastened his joy. After a long
search he spied the basket lying on the slope
of a hill, for a bramble bush had caught it, and
sheltered it from the violence of the wind. The
child felt quite thankful to the ugly-looking bush
as he disentangled the basket.
But how great was his delight on looking
around him, to see the fields spangled with
flowers, as numerous as the stars of heaven!
for the rain had nourished into blossom thousands
of daisies, opened thousands of buds, and scattered
pearly drops on every leaf. Erick flitted
about like a busy bee, and gathered away to his
heart’s content. The sun was now near his
setting, and the happy child hastened home with
his basket full once more. How delighted he
was with his flowery treasure, and with the
pearly garland of fresh strawberry-flowers!
The rays of the sinking sun played over his fair
face as he wandered on, and gave his pretty
features a placid and contented expression. But
his eyes sparkled much more joyously when he
received the kisses and thanks of his gentle sister.
“Is it not true, dear,” said his mother,
“that the pleasures we prepare for others are
the best of all?”
Royal Road to Knowledge.—A Mr. Jules
Aleix, of Paris, states that he has discovered a
new method of education, by which a child can
be taught to read in fifteen lessons, and has
petitioned the Assembly to expend 50,000 francs
on a model school to demonstrate the fact.[Pg 79]
[From Household Words.]
SHORT CUTS ACROSS THE GLOBE.
To a person who wishes to sail for California
an inspection of the map of the world reveals
a provoking peculiarity. The Atlantic
Ocean—the highway of the globe—being separated
from the Pacific by the great western
continent, it is impossible to sail to the opposite
coasts without going thousands of miles out of
his way; for he must double Cape Horn. Yet
a closer inspection of the map will discover that
but for one little barrier of land, which is in size
but as a grain of sand to the bed of an ocean,
the passage would be direct. Were it not for
that small neck of land, the Isthmus of Panama
(which narrows in one place to twenty-eight
miles) he might save a voyage of from six to
eight thousand miles, and pass at once into the
Pacific Ocean. Again, if his desires tend toward
the East, he perceives that but for the
Isthmus of Suez, he would not be obliged to
double the Cape of Good Hope. The eastern
difficulty has been partially obviated by the overland
route opened up by the ill-rewarded Waghorn.
The western barrier has yet to be broken
through.
Now that we can shake hands with Brother
Jonathan in twelve days by means of weekly
steamers; travel from one end of Great Britain
to another, or from the Hudson to the Ohio, as
fast as the wind, and make our words dance to
distant friends upon the magic tight wire a great
deal faster—now that the European and Columbian
Saxon is spreading his children more or less
over all the known habitable world: it seems
extraordinary that the simple expedient of opening
a twenty-eight mile passage between the
Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, to save a dangerous
voyage of some eight thousand miles, has
not been already achieved. In this age of enterprise
that so simple a remedy for so great an
evil should not have been applied appears astonishing.
Nay, we ought to feel some shame when
we reflect that evidences in the neighborhood
of both isthmuses exist of such junction having
existed, in what we are pleased to designate
“barbarous” ages.
Does nature present insurmountable engineering
difficulties to the Panama scheme? By no
means: for after the Croton aqueduct, our own
railway tunneling, and the Britannia tubular
bridge, engineering difficulties have become obsolete.
Are the levels of the Pacific and the
Gulf of Mexico, which should be joined, so different,
that if one were admitted the fall would
inundate the surrounding country? Not at all.
Hear Humboldt on these points.
Forty years ago he declared it to be his firm
opinion that “the Isthmus of Panama is suited
to the formation of an oceanic canal—one with
fewer sluices than the Caledonian Canal—capable
of affording an unimpeded passage, at all
seasons of the year, to vessels of that class
which sail between New York and Liverpool,
and between Chili and California.” In the recent
edition of his “Views of Nature,” he “sees
no reason to alter the views he has always entertained
on this subject.” Engineers, both
British and American, have confirmed this opinion
by actual survey. As, then, combination
of British skill, capital, and energy, with that
of the most “go-ahead” people upon earth,
have been dormant, whence the secret of the
delay? The answer at once allays astonishment:
Till the present time, the speculation
would not have “paid.”
Large works of this nature, while they create
an inconceivable development of commerce, must
have a certain amount of a trading population to
begin upon. A gold-beater can cover the effigy
of a man on horseback with a sovereign; but he
must have the sovereign first. It was not merely
because the full power of the iron rail to facilitate
the transition of heavy burdens had not
been estimated, and because no Stephenson had
constructed a “Rocket engine,” that a railway
with steam locomotives was not made from
London to Liverpool before 1836. Until the
intermediate traffic between these termini had
swelled to a sufficient amount in quantity and
value to bear reimbursement for establishing
such a mode of conveyance, its execution would
have been impossible, even though men had
known how to set about it.
What has been the condition of the countries
under consideration? In 1839, the entire population
of the tropical American isthmus, in the
states of central America and New Grenada
did not exceed three millions. The number of
the inhabitants of pure European descent did
not exceed one hundred thousand. It was only
among this inconsiderable fraction that any thing
like wealth, intelligence, and enterprise, akin to
that of Europe, was to be found; the rest were
poor and ignorant aboriginals and mixed races,
in a state of scarcely demi-civilization. Throughout
this thinly-peopled and poverty-stricken region,
there was neither law nor government. In
Stephens’s “Central America,” may be found an
amusing account of a hunt after a government,
by a luckless American diplomatist, who had
been sent to seek for one in central America.
A night wanderer running through bog and
brake after a will-o’-the-wisp, could not have
encountered more perils, or in search of a more
impalpable phantom. In short, there was nobody
to trade with. To the south of the isthmus,
along the Pacific coast of America, there
was only one station to which merchants could
resort with any fair prospect of gain—Valparaiso.
Except Chili, all the Pacific states of
South America were retrograding from a very
imperfect civilization, under a succession of
petty and aimless revolutions. To the north of
the isthmus matters were little, if any thing better.
Mexico had gone backward from the time
of its revolution; and, at the best, its commerce
in the Pacific had been confined to a yearly
ship between Acapulco and the Philippines.
Throughout California and Oregon, with the
exception of a few European and half-breed[Pg 80]
members, there were none but savage aboriginal
tribes. The Russian settlements in the far
north had nothing but a paltry trade in furs with
Kamschatka, that barely defrayed its own expenses.
Neither was there any encouragement
to make a short cut to the innumerable islands
of the Pacific. The whole of Polynesia lay
outside of the pale of civilization. In Tahiti,
the Sandwich group, and the northern peninsula
of New Zealand, missionaries had barely sowed
the first seeds of morals and enlightenment.
The limited commerce of China and the Eastern
Archipelago was engrossed by Europe, and
took the route of the Cape of Good Hope, with
the exception of a few annual vessels that traded
from the sea-board states of the North American
Union to Valparaiso and Canton. The wool
of New South Wales was but coming into notice,
and found its way to England alone round
the Cape of Good Hope. An American fleet
of whalers scoured the Pacific, and adventurers
of the same nation carried on a desultory and
inconsiderable traffic in hides with California, in
tortoise-shell and mother of pearl with the Polynesian
Islands.
What, then, would have been the use of cutting
a canal, through which there would not
have passed five ships in a twelvemonth? But
twenty years have worked a wondrous revolution
in the state and prospects of these regions.
The traffic of Chili has received a large development,
and the stability of its institutions has
been fairly tried. The resources of Costa Rica,
the population of which is mainly of European
race, is steadily advancing. American citizens
have founded a state in Oregon. The
Sandwich Islands have become for all practical
purposes an American colony. The trade with
China—to which the proposed canal would open
a convenient avenue by a western instead of the
present eastern route—is no longer restricted to
the Canton river, but is open to all nations as
far north as the Yang-tse-Kiang. The navigation
of the Amur has been opened to the
Russians by a treaty, and can not long remain
closed against the English and American settlers
between Mexico and the Russian settlements in
America. Tahiti has become a kind of commercial
emporium. The English settlements in
Australia and New Zealand have opened a direct
trade with the Indian Archipelago and China.
The permanent settlements of intelligent and
enterprising Anglo-Americans and English in
Polynesia, and on the eastern and western shores
of the Pacific, have proved so many dépôts for
the adventurous traders with its innumerable
islands, and for the spermaceti whalers. Then
the last, but greatest addition of all, is California:
a name in the world of commerce and enterprise
to conjure with. There gold is to be had for
fetching. Gold, the main-spring of commercial
activity, the reward of toil—for which men are
ready to risk life, to endure every sort of privation;
sometimes, alas! to sacrifice every virtue;
one most especially, and that is patience. They
will away with her now.
Till the discovery of the new gold country
how contentedly they dawdled round Cape
Horn; creeping down one coast, and up another:
but now such delay is not to be thought
of. Already, indeed, Panama has become the
seat of a great, increasing, and perennial transit
trade. This can not fail to augment the settled
population of the region, its wealth and intelligence.
Upon these facts we rest the conviction
that the time has arrived for realizing the project
of a ship canal there or in the near neighborhood.
That a ship canal, and not a railway, is what
is first wanted (for very soon there will be
both), must be obvious to all acquainted with
the practical details of commerce. The delay
and expense to which merchants are subjected,
when obliged to “break bulk” repeatedly between
the port whence they sail and that of
their destination, is extreme. The waste and
spoiling of goods, the cost of the operation, are
also heavy drawbacks, and to these they are
subject by the stormy passage round Cape
Horn.
Two points present themselves offering great
facilities for the execution of a ship canal. The
one is in the immediate vicinity of Panama,
where the many imperfect observations which
have hitherto been made, are yet sufficient to
leave no doubt that, as the distance is comparatively
short, the summit levels are inconsiderable,
and the supply of water ample. The other is
some distance to the northward. The isthmus
is there broader, but is in part occupied by the
large and deep fresh-water lakes of Nicaragua
and Naragua. The lake of Nicaragua communicates
with the Atlantic by a copious river,
which may either be rendered navigable, or be
made the source of supply for a side canal. The
space between the two lakes is of inconsiderable
extent, and presents no great engineering difficulties.
The elevation of the lake of Naragua
above the Pacific is inconsiderable; there is no
hill range between it and the gulf of Canchagua;
and Captain Sir Edward Belcher carried his surveying
ship Sulphur sixty miles up the Estero
Real, which rises near the lake, and falls into
the gulf. The line of the Panama canal presents,
as Humboldt remarks, facilities equal to
those of the line of the Caledonian canal. The
Nicaragua line is not more difficult than that
of the canal of Languedoc, a work executed
between 1660 and 1682, at a time when the
commerce to be expedited by it did not exceed—it
is equaled—that which will find its way
across the Isthmus; when great part of the
maritime country was as thinly inhabited by as
poor a population as the Isthmus now is; and
when the last subsiding storms of civil war,
and the dragonnades of Louis XIV., unsettled
men’s minds, and made person and property insecure.
The cosmopolitan effects of such an undertaking,
if prosecuted to a successful close, it is
impossible even approximately to estimate. The
acceleration it will communicate to the already
rapid progress of civilization in the Pacific is[Pg 81]
obvious. And no less obvious are the beneficial
effects it will have upon the mutual relations of
civilized states, seeing that the recognition of
the independence and neutrality in times of general
war of the canal and the region through
which it passes, is indispensable to its establishment.
We have dwelt principally on the commercial,
the economical considerations of the enterprise,
for they are what must render it possible. But
the friends of Christian missions, and the advocates
of universal peace among nations, have yet
a deeper interest in it. In the words used by
Prince Albert at the dinner at the Mansion
House respecting the forthcoming great exhibition
of arts and industry, “Nobody who has paid
any attention to the particular features of our
present era, will doubt for a moment that we
are living at a period of most wonderful transition,
which tends rapidly to accomplish that
great end—to which, indeed, all history points—the
realization of the unity of mankind. Not
a unity which breaks down the limits and levels
the peculiar characteristics of the different nations
of the earth, but rather a unity the result
and product of those very national varieties and
antagonistic qualities. The distances which
separated the different nations and parts of the
globe are gradually vanishing before the achievements
of modern invention, and we can traverse
them with incredible speed; the languages of all
nations are known, and their acquirements placed
within the reach of every body; thought is communicated
with the rapidity, and even by the
power of lightning.”
Every short cut across the globe brings man
in closer communion with his distant brotherhood,
and results in concord, prosperity, and
peace.
Truth in Pleasure.—Men have been said
to be sincere in their pleasures, but this is only
that the tastes and habits of men are more easily
discernible in pleasure than in business; the
want of truth is as great a hindrance to the
one as to the other. Indeed, there is so much
insincerity and formality in the pleasurable department
of human life, especially in social
pleasures, that instead of a bloom there is a slime
upon it, which deadens and corrupts the thing.
One of the most comical sights to superior beings
must be to see two human creatures with elaborate
speech and gestures making each other
exquisitely uncomfortable from civility; the one
pressing what he is most anxious that the other
should not accept, and the other accepting only
from the fear of giving offense by refusal.
There is an element of charity in all this too;
and it will be the business of a just and refined
nature to be sincere and considerate at the same
time. This will be better done by enlarging
our sympathy, so that more things and people
are pleasant to us, than by increasing the civil
and conventional part of our nature, so that we
are able to do more seeming with greater skill
and endurance.—Friends in Council.
[From the Dublin University Magazine.]
THE GERMAN MEISTERSINGERS—HANS SACHS.
We once chanced to meet with a rare old
German book which contains an accurate
history of the foundation of the Meistersingers,
a body which exercised so important an influence
upon the literary history, not only of Germany,
but of the whole European Continent, that the
circumstances connected with its origin can not
prove uninteresting to our readers.
The burghers of the provincial towns in Germany
had gradually formed themselves into
guilds or corporations, the members of which,
when the business of the day was discussed,
would amuse themselves by reading some of the
ancient traditions of their own country, as related
in the old Nordic poems. This stock of literature
was soon exhausted, and the worthy burghers
began to try their hands at original composition.
From these rude snatches of song sprung to life
the fire of poetic genius, and at Mentz was first
established that celebrated guild, branches of
which soon after extended themselves to most
of the provincial towns. The fame of these
social meetings soon became widely spread. It
reached the ears of the emperor, Otho I., and,
about the middle of the ninth century, the guild
received a royal summons to attend at Pavia,
then the emperor’s residence. The history of
this famous meeting remained for upward of six
hundred years upon record among the archives
of Mentz, but is supposed to have been taken
away, among other plunder, about the period of
the Smalkaldic war. From other sources of information
we can, however, gratify the curiosity
of the antiquarian, by giving the names of the
twelve original members of this guild:
| Walter, Lord of Vogelweid, | |
| Wolfgang Eschenbach, Knight, | |
| Conrad Mesmer, Knight, | |
| Franenlob of Mentz, Mergliny of Ment, | } Theologian, |
| Klingsher, | |
| Starke Papp, | |
| Bartholomew Regenboger, a blacksmith, | |
| The Chancellor, a fisherman, | |
| Conrad of Wurtzburg, | |
| Stall Seniors, | |
| The Roman of Zgwickau. | |
These gentlemen, having attended the royal
summons in due form, were subjected to a severe
public examination before the court by the wisest
men of their times, and were pronounced masters
of their art; enthusiastic encomiums were lavished
upon them by the delighted audience, and they
departed, having received from the emperor’s
hands a crown of pure gold, to be presented
annually to him who should be selected by the
voice of his fellows as laureate for the year.
Admission to these guilds became, in process
of time, the highest literary distinction; it was
eagerly sought for by numberless aspirants, but[Pg 82]
the ordeal through which the candidate had to
pass became so difficult that very few were
found qualified for the honor. The compositions
of the candidates were measured with a degree
of critical accuracy of which candidates for
literary fame in these days can form but little
idea. The ordeal must have been more damping
to the fire of young genius than the most
slashing article ever penned by the most caustic
reviewer. Every composition had of necessity
to belong to a certain class; each class was
distinguished by a limited amount of rhymes
and syllables, and the candidate had to count
each stanza, as he read it, upon his fingers.
The redundancy or the deficiency of a single
syllable was fatal to his claims, and was visited
in addition by a pecuniary fine, which went to
the support of the corporation.
Of that branch of this learned body which held
its meetings at Nuremberg, Hans Sachs became,
in due time, a distinguished member. His origin
was obscure—the son of a tailor, and a shoemaker
by trade. The occupations of his early
life afforded but little scope for the cultivation
of those refined pursuits which afterward made
him remarkable. The years of his boyhood
were spent in the industrious pursuit of his
lowly calling; but when he had arrived at the
age of eighteen, a famous minstrel, Numenbach
by name, chancing to pass his dwelling, the
young cobbler was attracted by his dulcet strains,
and followed him. Numenbach gave him gratuitous
instruction in his tuneful art, and Hans
Sachs forthwith entered upon the course of
probationary wandering, which was an essential
qualification for his degree. The principal towns
of Germany by turns received the itinerant minstrel,
who supported himself by the alternate
manufacture of verses and of shoes. After a
protracted pilgrimage of several years, he returned
to Nuremberg, his native city, where,
having taken unto himself a wife, he spent the
remainder of his existence; not unprofitably,
indeed, as his voluminous works still extant can
testify. We had once the pleasure of seeing an
edition of them in the library at Nuremberg,
containing two hundred and twelve pieces of
poetry, one hundred and sixteen sacred allegories,
and one hundred and ninety-seven dramas—a
fertility of production truly wonderful, and almost
incredible, if we reflect that the author had to
support a numerous family by the exercise of his
lowly trade.
The writings of this humble artisan proved an
era, however, in the literary history of Germany.
To him may be ascribed the honor of being the
founder of her school of tragedy as well as comedy;
and the illustrious Goethe has, upon more
than one occasion, in his works, expressed how
deeply he is indebted to this poet of the people
for the outline of his immortal tragedy of “Faust.”
Indeed, if we recollect aright, there are in his
works several pieces which he states are after
the manner of Hans Sachs.
The Lord of Vogelweid, whose name we find
occupying so conspicuous a position in the roll
of the original Meistersingers, made rather a
curious will—a circumstance which we find
charmingly narrated in the following exquisite
ballad:
When he left this world of ours,
Laid his body in the cloister,
Under Wurtzburg’s minster towers.
Gave them all with this bequest—
They should feed the birds at noontide,
Daily, on his place of rest.
I have learned the art of song;
Let me now repay the lessons
They have taught so well and long.
And, fulfilling his desire,
On his tomb the birds were feasted,
By the children of the choir.
In foul weather and in fair—
Day by day, in vaster numbers,
Flocked the poets of the air.
Overshadowed all the place—
On the pavement; on the tomb-stone,
On the poet’s sculptured face:
Sang their lauds on every side;
And the name their voices uttered,
Was the name of Vogelweid.
Murmured, ‘Why this waste of food,
Be it changed to loaves henceforward.
For our fasting brotherhood.’
From the walls and woodland nests.
When the minster bell rang noontide,
Gathered the unwelcome guests.
Clamorous round the gothic spire.
Screamed the feathered Minnesingers
For the children of the choir.
On the cloister’s funeral stones;
And tradition only tells us
Where repose the poet’s bones.
By sweet echoes multiplied,
Still the birds repeat the legend,
And the name of Vogelweid.”
Education.—The striving of modern fashionable
education is to make the character impressive;
while the result of good education, though
not the aim, would be to make it expressive.
There is a tendency in modern education to
cover the fingers with rings, and at the same
time to cut the sinews at the wrist.
The worst education, which teaches self
denial, is better than the best which teaches
every thing else, and not that.—Tales and
Essays by John Sterling.[Pg 83]
[From Household Words.]
GHOST STORIES—AN INCIDENT IN THE LIFE OF MADLLE CLAIRON.
The occurrence related in the letter which
we are about to quote, is a remarkable instance
of those apparently supernatural visitations
which it has been found so difficult (if not
impossible) to explain and account for. It does
not appear to have been known to Scott, Brewster,
or any other English writer who has collected
and endeavored to expound those ghostly
phenomena.
Clairon was the greatest tragedian that ever
appeared on the French stage; holding on it a
supremacy similar to that of Siddons on our own.
She was a woman of powerful intellect, and had
the merit of affecting a complete revolution in
the French school of tragic acting; substituted
an easy, varied and natural delivery for the stilted
and monotonous declamation which had till
then prevailed, and being the first to consult
classic taste and propriety of costume. Her
mind was cultivated by habits of intimacy with
the most distinguished men of her day; and she
was one of the most brilliant ornaments of those
literary circles which the contemporary memoir
writers describe in such glowing colors. In an
age of corruption, unparalleled in modern times,
Mademoiselle Clairon was not proof against the
temptations to which her position exposed her.
But a lofty spirit, and some religious principles,
which she retained amidst a generation of infidels
and scoffers, saved her from degrading vices,
and enabled her to spend an old age protracted
beyond the usual period of human life, in respectability
and honor.
She died in 1803, at the age of eighty. She
was nearly seventy when the following letter
was written. It was addressed to M. Henri
Meister, a man of some eminence among the
literati of that period; the associate of Diderot,
Grimm, D’Holbach, M. and Madame Necker,
&c., and the collaborateur of Grimm in his famous
“Correspondence.” This gentleman was Clairon’s
“literary executor;” having been intrusted
with her memoirs, written by herself, and published
after her death.
With this preface we give Mademoiselle
Clairon’s narrative, written in her old age, of
an occurrence which had taken place half a century
before.
“In 1743, my youth, and my success on the
stage, had drawn round me a good many admirers.
M. de S——, the son of a merchant
in Brittany, about thirty years old, handsome,
and possessed of considerable talent, was one of
those who were most strongly attached to me.
His conversation and manners were those of a
man of education and good society, and the reserve
and timidity which distinguished his attention
made a favorable impression on me. After
a green-room acquaintance of some time I permitted
him to visit me at my house, but a better
knowledge of his situation and character was
not to his advantage. Ashamed of being only
a bourgeois, he was squandering his fortune at
Paris under an assumed title. His temper was
severe and gloomy: he knew mankind too well,
he said, not to despise and avoid them. He
wished to see no one but me, and desired from
me, in return, a similar sacrifice of the world.
I saw, from this time, the necessity, for his own
sake as well as mine, of destroying his hopes by
reducing our intercourse to terms of less intimacy.
My behavior brought upon him a violent
illness, during which I showed him every mark
of friendly interest, but firmly refused to deviate
from the course I had adopted. My steadiness
only deepened his wound; and unhappily, at this
time, a treacherous relative, to whom he had intrusted
the management of his affairs, took advantage
of his helpless condition by robbing him,
and leaving him so destitute that he was obliged
to accept the little money I had, for his subsistence,
and the attendance which his condition
required. You must feel, my dear friend, the
importance of never revealing this secret. I
respect his memory, and I would not expose him
to the insulting pity of the world. Preserve, then,
the religious silence which after many years I
now break for the first time.“At length he recovered his property, but
never his health; and thinking I was doing him
a service by keeping him at a distance from me,
I constantly refused to receive either his letters
or his visits.“Two years and a half elapsed between this
period and that of his death. He sent to beg
me to see him once more in his last moments,
but I thought it necessary not to comply with
his wish. He died, having with him only his
domestics, and an old lady, his sole companion
for a long time. He lodged at that time on the
Rempart, near the Chaussée d’Antin; I resided
in the Rue de Bussy, near the Abbaye St. Germain.
My mother lived with me; and that
night we had a little party to supper. We were
very gay, and I was singing a lively air, when
the clock struck eleven, and the sound was succeeded
by a long and piercing cry of unearthly
horror. The company looked aghast; I fainted,
and remained for a quarter of an hour totally
insensible. We then began to reason about the
nature of so frightful a sound, and it was agreed
to set a watch in the street in case it were
repeated.“It was repeated very often. All our servants,
my friends, my neighbors, even the police, heard
the same cry, always at the same hour, always
proceeding from under my windows, and appearing
to come from the empty air. I could not
doubt that it was meant entirely for me. I rarely
supped abroad; but the nights I did so, nothing
was heard; and several times, when I came
home, and was asking my mother and servants
if they had heard any thing, it suddenly burst
forth, as if in the midst of us. One night, the
President de B——, at whose house I had supped,
desired to see me safe home. While he
was bidding me ‘good night’ at my door, the[Pg 84]
cry broke out seemingly from something between
him and me. He, like all Paris, was
aware of the story; but he was so horrified, that
his servants lifted him into his carriage more
dead than alive.“Another time, I asked my comrade Rosely
to accompany me to the Rue St. Honoré to
choose some stuffs, and then to pay a visit to
Mademoiselle de St. P——, who lived near the
Porte Saint-Denis. My ghost story (as it was
called) was the subject of our whole conversation.
This intelligent young man was struck
by my adventure, though he did not believe there
was any thing supernatural in it. He pressed
me to evoke the phantom, promising to believe
if it answered my call. With weak audacity I
complied, and suddenly the cry was heard three
times with fearful loudness and rapidity. When
we arrived at our friend’s door both of us were
found senseless in the carriage.“After this scene, I remained for some months
without hearing any thing. I thought it was all
over; but I was mistaken.“All the public performances had been transferred
to Versailles on account of the marriage
of the Dauphin. We were to pass three days
there, but sufficient lodgings were not provided
for us. Madame Grandval had no apartment;
and I offered to share with her the room with
two beds which had been assigned to me in the
avenue of St. Cloud. I gave her one of the beds
and took the other. While my maid was undressing
to lie down beside me, I said to her,
‘We are at the world’s end here, and it is dreadful
weather; the cry would be somewhat puzzled
to get at us.’ In a moment it rang through the
room. Madame Grandval ran in her night-dress
from top to bottom of the house, in which nobody
closed an eye for the rest of the night. This,
however, was the last time the cry was heard.“Seven or eight days afterward, while I was
chatting with my usual evening circle, the sound
of the clock striking eleven was followed by the
report of a gun fired at one of the windows. We
all heard the noise, we all saw the fire, yet the
window was undamaged. We concluded that
some one sought my life, and that it was necessary
to take precautions again another attempt.
The Intendant des Menus Plaisirs, who was present,
flew to the house of his friend, M. de Marville,
the Lieutenant of Police. The houses
opposite mine were instantly searched, and for
several days were guarded from top to bottom.
My house was closely examined; the street was
filled with spies in all possible disguises. But,
notwithstanding all this vigilance, the same explosion
was heard and seen for three whole
months always at the same hour, and at the
same window-pane, without any one being able
to discover from whence it proceeded. This fact
stands recorded in the registers of the police.“Nothing was heard for some days; but having
been invited by Mademoiselle Dumesnil[2] to
join a little evening party at her house near the
Barrière blanche, I got into a hackney-coach at
eleven o’clock with my maid. It was clear moonlight
as we passed along the Boulevards, which
were then beginning to be studded with houses.
While we were looking at the half-finished buildings,
my maid said, ‘Was it not in this neighborhood
that M. de S—— died?’ ‘From what
I have heard,’ I answered, ‘I think it should
be there’—pointing with my finger to a house
before us. From that house came the same gun-shot
that I had heard before. It seemed to
traverse our carriage, and the coachman set off at
full speed, thinking we were attacked by robbers.
We arrived at Mademoiselle Dumesnil’s in a
state of the utmost terror; a feeling I did not
get rid of for a long time.”[Mademoiselle Clairon gives some further
details similar to the above, and adds that the
noises finally ceased in about two years and a
half. After this, intending to change her residence,
she put up a bill on the house she was
leaving; and many people made the pretext of
looking at the apartments an excuse for gratifying
their curiosity to see, in her every-day guise,
the great tragedian of the Théâtre Français.]“One day I was told that an old lady desired
to see my rooms. Having always had a great
respect for the aged, I went down to receive
her. An unaccountable emotion seized me on
seeing her, and I perceived that she was moved
in a similar manner. I begged her to sit down,
and we were both silent for some time. At
length she spoke, and, after some preparation,
came to the subject of her visit.“‘I was, mademoiselle, the best friend of M.
de S——, and the only friend whom he would
see during the last year of his life. We spoke
of you incessantly; I urging him to forget you,—he
protesting that he would love you beyond
the tomb. Your eyes which are full of tears
allow me to ask you why you made him so
wretched; and how, with such a mind and such
feelings as yours, you could refuse him the consolation
of once more seeing and speaking to you?’“‘We can not,’ I answered, ‘command our
sentiments. M. de S—— had merit and estimable
qualities; but his gloomy, bitter, and overbearing
temper made me equally afraid of his
company, his friendship, and his love. To make
him happy, I must have renounced all intercourse
with society, and even the exercise of
my talents. I was poor and proud; I desire,
and hope I shall ever desire, to owe nothing to
any one but myself. My friendship for him
prompted me to use every endeavor to lead him
to more just and reasonable sentiments: failing
in this, and persuaded that his obstinacy proceeded
less from the excess of his passion than
from the violence of his character, I took the firm
resolution to separate from him entirely. I refused
to see him in his last moments, because the
sight would have rent my heart; because I feared
to appear too barbarous if I remained inflexible,
and to make myself wretched if I yielded. Such,
madame, are the motives of my conduct—motives
for which, I think, no one can blame me.’[Pg 85]“‘It would indeed,’ said the lady, ‘be unjust
to condemn you. My poor friend himself
in his reasonable moments acknowledged all that
he owed you. But his passion and his malady
overcame him, and your refusal to see him
hastened his last moments. He was counting
the minutes, when at half-past ten, his servant
came to tell him that decidedly you would not
come. After a moment’s silence, he took me by
the hand with a frightful expression of despair.
Barbarous woman! he cried; but she will gain
nothing by her cruelty. As I have followed her
in life, I shall follow her in death! I endeavored
to calm him; he was dead.’“I need scarcely tell you, my dear friend,
what effect these last words had upon me.
Their analogy to all my apparitions filled me
with terror, but time and reflection calmed my
feelings. The consideration that I was neither
the better nor the worse for all that had happened
to me, has led me to ascribe it all to
chance. I do not, indeed, know what chance is;
but it can not be denied that the something which
goes by that name has a great influence on all
that passes in the world.“Such is my story; do with it what you will.
If you intend to make it public, I beg you to
suppress the initial letter of the name, and the
name of the province.”
This last injunction was not, as we see, strictly
complied with; but, at the distance of half a
century, the suppression of a name was probably
of little consequence.
There is no reason to doubt the entire truth
of Mademoiselle Clairon’s narrative. The incidents
which she relates made such a deep and
enduring impression on her mind, that it remained
uneffaced during the whole course of her
brilliant career, and, almost at the close of a
long life spent in the bustle and business of the
world, inspired her with solemn and religious
thoughts. Those incidents can scarcely be
ascribed to delusions of her imagination; for she
had a strong and cultivated mind, not likely to
be influenced by superstitious credulity; and besides,
the mysterious sounds were heard by others
as well as herself, and had become the subject
of general conversation in Paris. The suspicion
of a trick or conspiracy never seems to have occurred
to her, though such a supposition is the
only way in which the circumstances can be explained;
and we are convinced that this explanation,
though not quite satisfactory in every
particular, is the real one. Several portentous
occurrences, equally or more marvelous, have
thus been accounted for.
Our readers remember the history of the Commissioners
of the Roundhead Parliament for the
sequestration of the royal domains, who were
terrified to death, and at last fairly driven out of
the Palace of Woodstock, by a series of diabolical
sounds and sights, which were long afterward
discovered to be the work of one of their
own servants, Joe Tomkins by name, a loyalist
in the disguise of a puritan. The famous “Cocklane
Ghost,” which kept the town in agitation for
months, and baffled the penetration of multitudes
of the divines, philosophers, and literati of the
day, was a young girl of some eleven or twelve
years old, whose mysterious knockings were
produced by such simple means, that their remaining
so long undetected is the most marvelous
part of the story. This child was the agent
of a conspiracy formed by her father, with some
confederates, to ruin the reputation of a gentleman
by means of pretended revelations from
the dead. For this conspiracy these persons
were tried, and the father, the most guilty party,
underwent the punishment of the pillory.
A more recent story is that of the “Stockwell
Ghost,” which forms the subject of a volume published
in 1772, and is shortly told by Mr. Hone
in the first volume of his “Every Day Book.”
Mrs. Golding, an elderly lady residing at Stockwell,
in Surrey, had her house disturbed by portents,
which not only terrified her and her family,
but spread alarm through the vicinity. Strange
noises were heard proceeding from empty parts
of the house, and heavy articles of furniture, glass,
and earthenware, were thrown down and broken
in pieces before the eyes of the family and neighbors.
Mrs. Golding, driven by terror from her
own dwelling, took refuge, first in one neighboring
house, and then in another, and thither the
prodigies followed her. It was observed that
her maid-servant, Ann Robinson, was always
present when these things took place, either in
Mrs. Golding’s own house, or in those of the
neighbors. This girl, who had lived only about
a week with her mistress, became the subject of
mistrust and was dismissed, after which the disturbances
entirely ceased. But the matter rested
on mere suspicion. “Scarcely any one,” says
Mr. Hone, “who lived at that time listened
patiently to the presumption, or without attributing
the whole to witchcraft.” At length Mr.
Hone himself obtained a solution of the mystery
from a gentleman who had become acquainted
with Ann Robinson many years after the affair
happened, and to whom she had confessed that
she alone had produced all these supernatural
horrors, by fixing wires or horse-hairs to different
articles, according as they were heavy or
light, and thus throwing them down, with other
devices equally simple, which the terror and confusion
of the spectators prevented them from detecting.
The girl began these tricks to forward
some love affair, and continued them for amusement
when she saw the effect they produced.
Remembering these cases, we can have little
doubt that Mademoiselle Clairon’s maid was the
author of the noises which threw her mistress
and her friends into such consternation. Her
own house was generally the place where these
things happened; and on the most remarkable
occasions where they happened elsewhere, is
expressly mentioned that the maid was present.
At St. Cloud it was to the maid, who was her
bed-fellow, that Clairon was congratulating herself
on being out of the way of the cry, when it
suddenly was heard in the very room. She had[Pg 86]
her maid in the carriage with her on the Boulevards,
and it was immediately after the girl had
asked her a question about the death of M. de
S—— that the gun-shot was heard, which seemed
to traverse the carriage. Had the maid a
confederate—perhaps her fellow-servant on the
box—to whom she might have given the signal?
When Mademoiselle Clairon went a-shopping to
the Rue St. Honoré, she probably had her maid
with her, either in or outside the carriage; and,
indeed, in every instance the noises took place
when the maid would most probably have been
present, or close at hand. In regard to the unearthly
cry, she might easily have produced it
herself without any great skill in ventriloquism,
or the art of imitating sounds; a supposition
which is rendered the more probable, as its realization
was rendered the more easy, by the fact
of no words having been uttered—merely a wild
cry. Most of the common itinerant ventriloquists
on our public race-courses can utter speeches for
an imaginary person without any perceptible
motion of the lips; the utterance of a mere
sound in this way would be infinitely less difficult.
The noises resembling the report of fire-arms
(very likely to have been unconsciously, and in
perfect good faith, exaggerated by the terror of
the hearers) may have been produced by a confederate
fellow-servant, or a lover. It is to be
observed, that the first time this seeming report
was heard, the houses opposite were guarded by
the police, and spies were placed in the street,
but Mademoiselle Clairon’s own house was merely
“examined.” It is evident that these precautions,
however effectual against a plot conducted
from without, could have no effect whatever
against tricks played within her house by one
or more of her own servants.
As to the maid-servant’s motives for engaging
in this series of deceptions, many may have existed
and been sufficiently strong; the lightest,
which we shall state last, would probably be the
strongest. She may have been in communication
with M. de S——’s relations for some hidden
purpose which never was effected. How far this
circumstance may be connected with the date of
the first portent, the very night of the young
man’s death, or whether that coincidence was
simply accidental, is matter for conjecture.
The old lady, his relative, who afterward visited
Clairon, and told her a tale calculated to fill
her with superstitious dread, may herself have
been the maid-servant’s employer for some similar
purpose; or (which is at least equally probable)
the tale may have had nothing whatever to
do with the sound, and may have been perfectly
true. But all experience in such cases assures
us that the love of mischief, or the love of power,
and the desire of being important, would be
sufficient motives to the maid for such a deception.
The more frightened Clairon was, the
more necessary and valuable her maid became
to her, naturally. A thousand instances of long
continued deception on the part of young women,
begun in mere folly, and continued for the reasons
just mentioned, though continued at an immense
cost of trouble, resolution, and self-denial
in all other respects, are familiar to most readers
of strange transactions, medical and otherwise.
There seem to be strong grounds for the conclusion
that the maid was the principal, if not
the sole agent in this otherwise supernatural part
of this remarkable story.
THE REV. WILLIAM LISLE BOWLES.
We must not allow a poet of the tender and
manly feeling of Mr. Bowles to pass away
from among us with a mere notice of his death
amid the common gossip of the week. The
peculiar excellence of his Sonnets and his influence
on English poetry deserve a further notice
at our hands.
The Rev. William Lisle Bowles, of an ancient
family in the county of Wilts, was born in the
village of King’s Sutton, in Northamptonshire—a
parish of which his father was vicar—on the
24th of September, 1762. His mother was the
daughter of Dr. Richard Gray, chaplain to
Nathaniel Crew, bishop of Durham. He was
educated at Winchester School, under Dr. Joseph
Warton, and rose to be the senior boy. Warton
took much notice of him; and, on his removal
to Oxford, in 1782, was the means, we have
heard, of inducing him to enter at Trinity College,
of which Tom Warton was then the senior
Fellow. “Among my contemporaries at Trinity,”
he says, “were several young men of talents and
literature—Headley, Kett, Benwell, Dallaway,
Richards, Dornford.” Of these Headley is still
remembered by some beautiful pieces of poetry,
distinguished for imagery, pathos, and simplicity.
Mr. Bowles became a poet in print in his
twenty-seventh year—publishing in 1789 a very
small volume in quarto, with the very modest
title of “Fourteen Sonnets.” His excellencies
were not lost on the public; and in the same
year appeared a second edition, with seven additional
sonnets. “I had just entered on my
seventeenth year,” says Coleridge, in his “Biographia
Literaria,” “when the Sonnets of Mr.
Bowles, twenty-one in number, and just then
published in a quarto pamphlet, were first made
known and presented to me by a schoolfellow
[at Christ’s Hospital] who had quitted us for
the University. As my school finances did not
permit me to purchase copies, I made, within
less than a year and a half, more than forty
transcriptions—as the best presents I could offer
to those who had in any way won my regard.
And with almost equal delight did I receive the
three or four following publications of the same
author.” Coleridge was always consistent in
his admiration of Mr. Bowles. Charlotte Smith
and Bowles, he says—writing in 1797—are they
who first made the sonnet popular among the
present generation of English readers; and in
the same year in which this encomium was
printed, his own volume of poetry contains
“Sonnets attempted in the manner of Mr.
Bowles.” “My obligations to Mr. Bowles,”[Pg 87]
he adds in another place, “were indeed important,
and for radical good;” and that his
approbation might not be confined to prose, he
has said in verse:
Whose sadness soothes me, like the murmuring
Of wild bees in the sunny showers of spring.”
Mr. Bowles’s sonnets were descriptive of his
personal feelings; and the manly tenderness
which pervades them was occasioned, he tells
us, by the sudden death of a deserving young
woman with whom
Et fido acclinis consenuisse sinu.”
An eighth edition appeared in 1802; and a
ninth and a tenth have since been demanded.
While at Trinity—where he took his degree
in 1792—Mr. Bowles obtained the Chancellor’s
prize for a Latin poem. On leaving the University
he entered into holy orders, and was appointed
to a curacy in Wiltshire; from which he
was preferred to a living in Gloucestershire—and
in 1803 to a canonry in Salisbury Cathedral.
His next step was to the rectory of Bremhill in
Wiltshire—to which he was presented by Archbishop
Moore. Here he remained till his death—beloved
by his parishioners and by all who
had the pleasure of his acquaintance. A volume
of his sermons (“Paulus Parochialis”), designed
for country congregations, was published
in 1826.
The Sonnets were followed, at an Horatian
interval, by other poems hardly of an inferior
quality: such, for instance, as his “Hope, an
Allegorical Sketch”—”St. Michael’s Mount”—”Coombe
Ellen”—and “Grave of Howard.”
His “Spirit of Discovery by Sea,” the longest
of his productions, was published in 1804, and
is now chiefly remembered by the unhappy
notoriety which Lord Byron obtained for it by
asserting in his “English Bards” that the poet
had made the woods of Madeira tremble to a
kiss. Lord Byron subsequently acknowledged
that he had mistaken Mr. Bowles’s meaning:
too late, however, to remove the injurious impression
which his hasty reading had occasioned.
Generally, Mr. Bowles’s more ambitious works
may be ranked as superior to the poems of Crowe
and Carrington—both of which in their day commanded
a certain reputation—and as higher in
academical elegance than the verse of Mr. James
Montgomery; while they have neither the nerve
and occasional nobility of Cowper, nor that intimate
mixture of fancy, feeling, lofty contemplations,
and simple themes and images which
have placed Wordsworth at the head of a school.
The school of the Wartons was not the school
of Pope; and the comparatively low appreciation
of the great poetical satirist, which Mr. Bowles
entertained and asserted in print, was no doubt
imbibed at Winchester under Joseph Warton, and
strengthened at Oxford under Tom. Mr. Bowles’s
edition of Pope is a very poor performance. He
had little diligence, and few indeed of the requirements
of an editor. He undertook to traduce
the moral character of Pope; and the line in
which Lord Byron refers to him on that account
will long be remembered to his prejudice. His
so-called “invariable principles of poetry” maintained
in his Pope and in his controversy with
Byron and Campbell, are better based than critics
hitherto have been willing to admit. Considering
how sharply the reverend Pamphleteer was
hit by the Peer’s ridicule, it must be always remembered,
to the credit of his Christianity, that
possibly the most popular of all the dirges written
on Lord Byron’s death came from Mr. Bowles’s
pen; and the following tributary stanza is deepened
in its music by the memory of the former war.
His wayward errors who thus sadly died,
Still less, Childe Harold, now thou art no more,
Will I say aught of Genius misapplied;
Of the past shadows of thy spleen or pride:
But I will bid th’ Arcadian cypress wave,
Pluck the green laurel from the Perseus’s side,
And pray thy spirit may such quiet have
That not one thought unkind be murmured o’er thy grave.”
It only remains for us to add, that Mr. Bowles
wrote a somewhat poor life of Bishop Ken—that
he was famous for his Parson Adams-like forgetfulness—that
his wife died in 1844, at the age
of 72—and that he himself at the time of his
death was in his eighty-eighth year.—London
Athenæum.
MORNING IN SPRING.
(from the german of gustav solling.)
See the morning mists arise;
And the early dew distills
Balmy incense to the skies.
Round the sun their soft sail fling;
Now they fade—and from his face
Beams the new-born bliss of Spring!
Myriad drops of diamond dew;
Bending ‘neath their pressure light,
Waves the green corn, springing new
Whispering softly through the trees,
Or, lightly perched, the early bird
Chirping to the morning breeze
Ope their buds of varied hue.
Fragrant shades—his beams to shun—
Hide the violet’s heavenly blue
Streams through every limb and vein:
I thank thee, Lord! that I have lived
To see the bright young Spring again!
Eta.
[From Household Words.]
WORK! AN ANECDOTE.
A calvary officer of large fortune, who
had distinguished himself in several actions,
having been quartered for a long time in a foreign
city, gradually fell into a life of extreme and incessant
dissipation. He soon found himself so
indisposed to any active military service, that
even the ordinary routine became irksome and
unbearable. He accordingly solicited and obtained
leave of absence from his regiment for six
months. But, instead of immediately engaging
in some occupation of mind and body, as a
curative process for his morbid condition, he
hastened to London, and gave himself up entirely
to greater luxuries than ever, and plunged into
every kind of sensuality. The consequence was
a disgust of life and all its healthy offices. He
became unable to read half a page of a book, or
to write the shortest note; mounting his horse
was too much trouble; to lounge down the street
was a hateful effort. His appetite failed, or every
thing disagreed with him; and he could seldom
sleep. Existence became an intolerable burden;
he therefore determined on suicide.
With this intention he loaded his pistols, and,
influenced by early associations, dressed himself
in his regimental frock-coat and crimson sash,
and entered St. James’s Park a little before
sunrise. He felt as if he was mounting guard
for the last time; listened to each sound, and
looked with miserable affection across the misty
green toward the Horse Guards, faintly seen in
the distance.
A few minutes after the officer had entered
the park, there passed through the same gate a
poor mechanic, who leisurely followed in the same
direction. He was a gaunt, half-famished looking
man, and walked with a sad air, his eyes
bent thoughtfully on the ground, and his large
bony hands dangling at his sides.
The officer, absorbed in the act he meditated,
walked on without being aware of the presence
of another person. Arriving about the middle
of a wide open space, he suddenly stopped, and
drawing forth both pistols, exclaimed, “Oh,
most unfortunate and most wretched man that
I am! Wealth, station, honor, prospects, are
of no avail! Existence has become a heavy
torment to me! I have not strength—I have
not courage to endure or face it a moment
longer!”
With these words he cocked the pistols, and
was raising both of them to his head, when his
arms were seized from behind, and the pistols
twisted out of his fingers. He reeled round,
and beheld the gaunt scarecrow of a man who
had followed him.
“What are you?” stammered the officer, with
a painful air; “How dare you to step between
me and death?”
“I am a poor, hungry mechanic;” answered
the man, “one who works from fourteen to sixteen
hours a day, and yet finds it hard to earn a
living. My wife is dead—my daughter was
tempted away from me—and I am a lone man.
As I have nobody to live for, and have become
quite tired of my life, I came out this morning,
intending to drown myself. But as the fresh
air of the park came over my face, the sickness
of life gave way to shame at my own want of
strength and courage, and I determined to walk
onward and live my allotted time. But what
are you? Have you encountered cannon-balls
and death in all shapes, and now want the
strength and courage to meet the curse of idleness?”
The officer was moving off with some confused
words, but the mechanic took him by the arm,
and threatening to hand him over to the police
if he resisted, led him droopingly away.
This mechanic’s work was that of a turner,
and he lived in a dark cellar, where he toiled at
his lathe from morning to night. Hearing that
the officer had amused himself with a little
turnery in his youth, the poor artisan proposed
to take him down into his work-shop. The
officer offered him money; and was anxious to
escape; but the mechanic refused it, and persisted.
He accordingly took the morbid gentleman
down into his dark cellar, and set him to work
at his lathe. The officer began very languidly,
and soon rose to depart. Whereupon, the
mechanic forced him down again on the hard
bench, and swore that if he did not do an hour’s
work for him, in return for saving his life, he
would instantly consign him to a policeman, and
denounce him for attempting to commit suicide.
At this threat the officer was so confounded, that
he at once consented to do the work.
When the hour was over, the mechanic insisted
on a second hour, in consequence of the slowness
of the work—it had not been a fair hour’s labor.
In vain the officer protested, was angry, and exhausted—had
the heartburn—pains in his back
and limbs—and declared it would kill him. The
mechanic was inexorable. “If it does kill you,”
said he, “then you will only be where you would
have been if I had not stopped you.” So the
officer was compelled to continue his work with
an inflamed face, and the perspiration pouring
down over his cheeks and chin.
At last he could proceed no longer, come what
would of it, and sank back in the arms of his persecuting
preserver. The mechanic now placed
before him his own breakfast, composed of a two-penny
loaf of brown bread, and a pint of small
beer; the whole of which the officer disposed of
in no time, and then sent out for more.
Before the boy who was dispatched on this
errand returned, a little conversation had ensued;
and as the officer rose to go, he smilingly placed
his purse, with his card, in the hands of the
mechanic. The poor, ragged man received
them with all the composure of a physician, and
with a sort of dry, grim humor which appeared
peculiar to him, and the only relief of his other
wise rough and rigid character, made sombre
by the constant shadows and troubles of life.
But the moment he read the name on the card[Pg 89]
all the hard lines in his deeply-marked face underwent
a sudden contortion. Thrusting back
the purse and card into the officer’s hand, he
seized him with a fierce grip by one arm—hurried
him, wondering, up the dark broken
stairs, along the narrow passage—then pushed
him out at the door!
“You are the fine gentleman who tempted my
daughter away!” said he.
“I—your daughter!” exclaimed the officer.
“Yes, my daughter; Ellen Brentwood!” said
the mechanic. “Are there so many men’s
daughters in the list, that you forget her
name?”
“I implore you,” said the officer, “to take
this purse. Pray, take this purse! If you will
not accept it for yourself, I entreat you to send
it to her!”
“Go and buy a lathe with it,” said the
mechanic. “Work, man! and repent of your
past life!”
So saying, he closed the door in the officer’s
face, and descended the stairs to his daily labor.
Ignorance in England.—Taking the whole
of northern Europe—including Scotland, and
France and Belgium (where education is at a
low ebb), we find that to every 2-1/4 of the population,
there is one child acquiring the rudiments
of knowledge; while in England there is only
one such pupil to every fourteen inhabitants.
It has been calculated that there are at the
present day in England and Wales nearly
8,000,000 persons who can neither read nor
write—that is to say, nearly one quarter of the
population. Also, that of all the children between
five and fourteen, more than one half
attend no place of instruction. These statements
would be hard to believe, if we had not
to encounter in our every-day life degrees of
illiteracy which would be startling, if we were
not thoroughly used to it. Wherever we turn,
ignorance, not always allied to poverty, stares
us in the face. If we look in the Gazette, at
the list of partnerships dissolved, not a month
passes but some unhappy man, rolling, perhaps,
in wealth, but wallowing in ignorance, is put to
the experimentum crucis of “his mark.” The
number of petty jurors—in rural districts especially—who
can only sign with a cross, is
enormous. It is not unusual to see parish documents
of great local importance defaced with
the same humiliating symbol by persons whose
office shows them to be not only “men of mark,”
but men of substance. A housewife in humble
life need only turn to the file of her tradesmen’s
bills to discover hieroglyphics which render
them so many arithmetical puzzles. In short,
the practical evidences of the low ebb to which
the plainest rudiments of education in this country
have fallen, are too common to bear repetition.
We can not pass through the streets, we
can not enter a place of public assembly, or
ramble in the fields, without the gloomy shadow
of Ignorance sweeping over us.—Dickens’s
“Household Words.”
[From The Ladies’ Companion.]
MEN AND WOMEN.
A woman is naturally gratified when a man
singles her out, and addresses his conversation
to her. She takes pains to appear to the
best advantage, but without any thought of willfully
misleading.
How different is it with men! At least it is
thus that women in general think of men. The
mask with them is deliberately put on and worn
as a mask, and wo betide the silly girl who is
too weak or too unsuspicious, not to appear displeased
with the well-turned compliments and
flattering attentions so lavishly bestowed upon
her by her partner at the ball. If a girl has
brothers she sees a little behind the scenes, and
is saved much mortification and disappointment.
She discovers how little men mean by attentions
they so freely bestow upon the last new face
which takes their fancy.
Men are singularly wanting in good feeling
upon this subject; they pay a girl marked attention,
flatter her in every way, and then, perhaps,
when warned by some judicious friend
that they are going too far, “can hardly believe
the girl could be so foolish as to fancy that any
thing was meant.”
The fault which strikes women most forcibly
in men is selfishness. They expect too much in
every way, and become impatient if their comforts
and peculiarities are interfered with. If
the men of the present day were less selfish and
self-indulgent, and more willing to be contented
and happy upon moderate means, there would
be fewer causes of complaint against young
women undertaking situations as governesses
when they were wholly unfit for so responsible
an office. I feel the deepest interest in the
present movement for the improvement of the
female sex; and most cordially do I concur in
the schemes for this desirable purpose laid down
in “The Ladies’ Companion;” but I could not
resist the temptation of lifting up my voice in
testimony against some of the every-day faults
of men, to which I think many of the follies
and weaknesses of women are mainly to be
attributed.
Mr. Thackeray is the only writer of the present
day who touches, with any severity, upon the
faults of his own sex. He has shown us the style
of women that he thinks men most admire, in
“Amelia,” and “Mrs. Pendennis.” Certainly,
my own experience agrees with his opinion; and
until men are sufficiently improved to be able to
appreciate higher qualities in women, and to
choose their wives among women who possess
such qualities, I do not expect that the present
desirable movement will make much progress.
The improvement of both sexes must be simultaneous.
A “gentleman’s horror” is still a
“blue stocking,” which unpleasing epithet is
invariably bestowed upon all women who have
read much, and who are able to think and act
for themselves.
A Young Wife
THE RETURN OF POPE PIUS IX. TO ROME.
The banishment of a Pope has hitherto been
a rare event: the following detailed and
graphic description of the return of Pius IX. to
his seat of empire, superadds a certain degree of
historical importance to its immediate interest.
It is from the correspondence of the “London
Times.”
Velletri, Thursday, April 11.
All speculation is now set at rest—the last
and the most important stage in the Papal progress
has been made—the Pope has arrived at
Velletri.
The Pope was expected yesterday at three
o’clock, but very early in the morning every one
in the town, whether they had business to execute
or not, thought it necessary to rush about,
here, there, and every where. I endeavored to
emulate this activity, and to make myself as
ubiquitous as the nature of the place, which is
built on an ascent, and my own nature, which
is not adapted to ascents, would allow me. At
one moment I stood in admiration at the skill
with which sundry sheets and napkins were
wound round a wooden figure, to give it a
chaste and classic appearance, which figure—supposed
to represent Charity, Fortitude, Prudence,
or Plenty—was placed as a basso relievo
on the triumphal arch, where it might have done
for any goddess or virtue in the mythology or
calendar. At another moment I stood on the
Grand Place, marveling at the arch and dry
manner in which half a dozen painters were
inscribing to Pio Nono, over the doors of the
Municipality, every possible quality which could
have belonged to the whole family of saints—one
man, in despair at giving adequate expression
to his enthusiasm, having satisfied himself
with writing Pio Nono Immortale! Immortale!
Immortale! Vero Angelo!
But to say the truth, there was something
very touching in the enthusiasm of this rustic
and mountain people, although it was sometimes
absurdly and quaintly expressed; for instance,
in one window there was a picture, or rather a
kind of transparency, representing little angels,
which a scroll underneath indicated as the children
of His Holiness. Whether the Velletrians
intended to represent their own innocence or to
question that of His Holiness, I did not choose
to inquire. Then there were other pictures of
the Pope in every possible variety of dress;
sometimes as a young officer, at another as a
cardinal; again, a corner shop had him as a
benevolent man in a black coat and dingy neck-cloth;
but, most curious of all, he at one place
took the shape of a female angel placing her
foot on the demon of rebellion. The circumstance
of his Protean quality arose from each
family having turned their pictures from the
inside outside the houses, and printed Pio Nono
under each; but if the features of each picture
differed, not so the feelings that placed them
there: it was a touching and graceful sight to
see the people as they greeted each other that
morning.
As the day drew on, the preparations were
completed, and the material of which every
house was built was lost under a mass of scarlet
and green. But, alas! about three o’clock the
clouds gathered upon Alba; Monte Calvi was
enveloped in mist, which sailed over the top of
Artemisio; the weather turned cold; and the
whole appearance of the day became threatening.
The figure of the Pope on the top of the
triumphal arch, to compose which sundry beds
must have been stripped of their sheets—for it
was of colossal dimensions—quivered in the
breeze, and at every blast I expected to see the
worst possible omen—the mitre, which was
only fastened by string to the sacred head, falling
down headless; but having pointed this out
to some persons who were too excited themselves
to see anything practical, a boy was sent
up, and with two long nails secured the mitre
more firmly on the sacred head than even Lord
Minto’s counsels could do. At three o’clock
the Municipality passed down the lines of troops
amid every demonstration of noisy joy. There
were half a dozen very respectable gentlemen
in evening dress, all looking wonderfully alike,
and remarkably pale, either from the excitement
or the important functions which they had
to perform; but I ought to speak well of them,
for they invited me to the reserved part of the
small entrance square, where I had the good
fortune to shelter myself from the gusts of wind
which drove down from the hills. From three
to six we all waited, the people very patient,
and fortunately so crowded that they could not
well feel cold. The cardinal’s servants—strange
grotesque-looking fellows in patchwork liveries—were
running up and down the portico, and
the soldiers on duty began to give evident signs
of a diminution of ardor. Some persons were
just beginning to croak, “Well, I told you he
would not come,” when the cannon opened
from the heights, the troops fell in—a carriage
is seen coming down the hill, but it is the
wrong road. Who can it be? The troops
seem to know, for the chasseurs draw their
swords, the whole line present arms, the band
strikes up, and the French General Baraguay
d’Hilliers dashes through the gates. Again
roar the cannon—another carriage is seen, and
this time in the right direction; it is preceded
by the Pope’s courier, covered with scarlet and
gold. The people cheered loudly, although they
could not have known whom it contained; but
they cheered the magnificent arms and the reeking
horses. It was the Vice-Legate of Velletri,
Monsignore Beraldi. The Municipality rushed
to the door of the carriage, and a little, energetic-looking
man in lace and purple descended,
and was almost smothered in the embraces of
the half dozen municipal officers, who confused
him with questions—”Dove e la sua Santita!”
“Vicino! Vicino!” “E a Frosinone, e a Valomontone?”
“Bellissimo, bellissimo, recevimento!
sorprendente! Tanto bello! tanto bello!”[Pg 91]
was all the poor little man could jerk out,
and at each word he was stifled with fresh embraces;
but he was soon set aside and forgotten,
when half a dozen of the Papal couriers galloped
up, splashed from head to foot. They were
followed by several carriages with four or six
horses, the postillions in their new liveries; then
came a large squadron of Neapolitan cavalry,
and immediately afterward the Pope. It was a
touching sight. While the women cried, the
men shouted; but however absurd a description
of enthusiasm may be, in its action it was
very fine. As he passed on, the troops presented
arms, and every one knelt. He drew up
in front of the municipality, who were so affected
or so frightened that their speech ended in
nothing. The carriage door was opened, and
then the scene which ensued was without parallel;
every one rushed forward to kiss the foot
which he put out. One little Abbate, Don Pietro
Metranga, amused me excessively. Nothing
could keep him back; he caught hold of the
sacred foot, he hugged it, he sighed, he wept
over it. A knot of gentlemen were standing
on the steps of the entrance, among others Mr.
Baillie Cochrane, in the Scotch Archers’ uniform,
whom His Holiness beckoned forward,
and put out his hand for him to kiss. Again
the carriages would have moved on, for it was
late, and Te Deum had to be sung; but for some
time it was quite impossible to shake off the
crowd at the door. At last the procession
moved, and I, at the peril of my life—for the
crowd, couriers, and chasseurs rode like lunatics—ran
down to the cathedral. To my surprise,
the Pope had anticipated me, and the
door was shut. I was about to retire in despair,
when I saw a little man creeping silently
up to a small gate, followed by a very tall and
ungainly prince in a red uniform, which put me
very much in mind of Ducrow in his worst days.
I looked again, and I knew it was my friend
the Abbé, and if I followed him I must go right.
It was as I expected. While we had been
abusing the arrangements, he had gone and
asked for the key of the sacristy, by which way
we entered the church. It was densely crowded
in all parts, and principally by troops who
had preoccupied it. When the host was raised,
the effect was grand in the extreme. The Pope,
with all his subjects, bowed their heads to the
pavement, and the crash of arms was succeeded
by the most perfect silence. The next ceremony
was the benediction of the people from
the palace, which is situate on the extreme
height of the town. Nerving myself for this
last effort, I struggled and stumbled up the hill.
There the thousands from the country and neighborhood
were assembled, and in a few minutes
the Pope arrived. In the interval all the façades
of the houses had been illuminated, and the
effects of the light on the various picturesque
groups and gay uniforms was very striking. A
burst of music and fresh cannon announced the
arrival of His Holiness. He went straight into
the palace, and in a few minutes the priests
with the torches entered the small chapel which
was erected on the balcony. The Pope followed,
and then arose one shout, such as I never
remember to have heard: another and another,
and all knelt, and not a whisper was heard. As
the old man stretched out his hands to bless the
people, his voice rung clear and full in the
night:
“Sit nomen Dei benedictum.”
And the people, with one voice, replied:
“Ex hoc et nunc et in seculum.”
Then the Pope:
“Adjutorum nostrum in nomine Domini.”
The people:
“Qui fecit cœlum et terram.”
His Holiness:
“Benedicat vos omnipotens Deus Pater, Filius, et
Spiritus Sanctus.”
And the people, with one voice:
“Amen!”
Thursday Evening.
The Velletri fireworks were certainly a failure;
the population understands genuflexions
better than squibs and crackers; but the illumination,
which consisted of large pots of
grease placed on posts at intervals of a yard
down every street, had really a very good effect,
and might afford a good hint for cheap illuminations
in England. What is most remarkable to
an Englishman on such occasions is, the total
absence of drunkenness and the admirable and
courteous conduct of the people to each other.
It seemed to me that the population never slept;
they were perambulating the streets chanting
“Viva Pio Nono” all night; and, at 8 o’clock
this morning, there was the same crowd, with
the same excitement. I went early to the Papal
Palace to witness the reception of the different
deputations; but, notwithstanding my activity, I
arrived one of the last, and on being shown into
a waiting-room found myself standing in a motley
group of generals of every clime, priests in
every variety of costume, judges, embassadors,
and noble guards. A long suite of ten rooms
was thrown open, and probably the old and
tapestried walls had never witnessed so strange
a sight before as the gallery presented. There
was a kind of order and degree preserved in the
distribution of the visitors. The first room
mostly contained priests of the lower ranks, in
the second were gentlemen in violet colored
dresses, looking proud and inflated; then came
a room full of officers, then distinguished strangers,
among whom might be seen General Baraguay
d’Hilliers, Count Ludolf, the Neapolitan
embassador, the Princes Massimo, Corsini, Ruspoli,
Cesareni, all covered with stars, ribbons,
and embroidery. The door of each room was
kept by the municipal troops, who were evidently
very new to the work, for the pages in their
pink silk dresses might be seen occasionally
instructing them in the salute. Presently there
was a move, every one drew back for Cardinal
Macchi; he is the doyen of the college, and, as
Archbishop of Velletri, appeared in his brightest
scarlet robes—a fit subject for the pencil of[Pg 92]
the great masters. He was followed by Cardinals
Asquini and Dupont in more modest garb,
and each as he passed received and gracefully
acknowledged the homage of the crowd. While
we were standing waiting, two priests in full
canonicals marched by with stately steps, preceded
by the cross, and bearing the consecrated
elements which they were to administer to the
Pope; they remained with him about twenty
minutes, and again the doors were thrown open,
and they came out with the same forms. The
Sacrament was succeeded by the breakfast
service of gold, which it would have made any
amateurs of Benvenuto Cellini’s workmanship
envious to see. At last the breakfast was ended,
and I began to hope there was some chance of
our suspense terminating, when there was a
great movement among the crowd at one end
of the gallery, the pages rushed to their posts,
flung back the two doors, and the Prime Minister,
Cardinal Antonelli, entered. Standing in
that old palace, and gazing on the Priest Premier,
I could realize the times of Mazarin and
Richelieu. Neither of these could have possessed
a haughtier eye than Antonelli, or carried
themselves more proudly: every action spoke
the man self-possessed and confident in the
greatness of his position. He is tall, thin, about
forty-four or forty-five, of a dark and somewhat
sallow complexion, distinguished not by the
regularity or beauty of his features, but by the
calmness and dignity of their expression. As
the mass moved to let him pass to the Papal
apartments at the other extremity of the gallery,
there was nothing flurried in his manner or
hurried in his step—he knew to a nicety the
precise mode of courtesy which he should show
to each of his worshipers; for instance, when
the French general—ay, the rough soldier of
the camp—bent to kiss his hand, he drew it
back, and spoke a few low, complimentary
words as he bowed low to him, always graciously,
almost condescendingly. When the Roman
princes wished to perform the same salute his
hand met their lips half-way. When the crowd
of abbes, monks, priests, and deacons, seized it,
it passed on unresistingly from mouth to mouth,
as though he knew that blessing was passing
out of him, but that he found sufficient for all.
I was beginning to marvel what had become of
my little friend of the preceding evening, Don
Pietro, when I observed a slight stoppage, occasioned
by some one falling at the Cardinal’s
feet. It was Don Pietro. He had knelt down
to get a better hold of the hanging fringes, and
no power could withdraw them from his lips;
he appeared determined to exhaust their valuable
savor, and, for the first time, I saw a smile
on Antonelli’s countenance, which soon changed
into a look of severity, which so frightened the
little abbate that he gave up his prey. Cardinal
Antonelli went in to the Pope, and expectation
and patience had to be renewed. Then
came all the deputations in succession, men
with long parchments and long faces of anxiety.
There could not have been less than eight or
ten of these, who all returned from the interview
looking very bright and contented, ejaculating
“Quanto e buono! quanto buono!” To my
great disappointment, a very officious little gentleman,
who, it appears, is a nephew of Cardinal
Borroneo, and who, only two days since,
had been appointed a kind of deputy master of
the ceremonies, informed me that it was very
unlikely His Holiness could receive any more
people, as he had to go out at eleven, which fact
was confirmed by the Papal couriers, who
marched, booted and spurred, whip in hand,
into the ante-room. This announcement had
scarcely been made, when Cardinal Antonelli
appeared and informed us that the Pope would
receive two or three at a time, but that they
must not stop long. The first batch consisted
of “our own correspondent;” Don Flavio Ghigi,
I looked round to see who was the third, it was
the little abbate. As we entered the presence
chamber, I made an inclination, but, to my surprise,
both Don Flavio and Don Pietro rushed
forward. The Ghigi gracefully, and with emotion,
kissed the Sovereign’s foot, and then his
hand, which was extended to him. His Holiness
had evidently been greatly excited. He
took Don Flavio by the hand, saying, “Rise
up, my son, our sorrows are over.” Meanwhile
Don Pietro had embraced not merely the foot,
but the ankle. Vainly the Pope bade him rise.
At last he exclaimed, looking at the little man
with wonder, “Eh! Ché Don Pietro con una
barba!” “Ah,” said the unclerical priest, not
in any degree taken by surprise, “Since our
misfortunes, your Holiness, I never had the
heart to shave.” “Then, now that happier
times are come, we shall see your face quite
clean,” was the Pope’s reply. More genuflexions,
more embracings, and away we went.
After a few minutes’ delay, the gentlemen of
the chamber gave notice that His Holiness was
about to pass; he was preceded by priests bearing
the crucifix, and this time wore a rich embroidered
stole; his benevolent face lighted up
as he blessed all his servants who knelt on his
passage. He has a striking countenance, full
of paternal goodness; nor does his tendency to
obesity interfere with the dignity of his movements.
Some half-dozen Capuchins fell down
before him, and the guards had some difficulty
in making them move out of the way. As the
Pope moved he dispensed his blessing to the
right and to the left. Meanwhile a great crowd
had collected outside. When he appeared he
was enthusiastically cheered. He entered his
carriage—the scarlet couriers kicked, cracked,
and spurred—the troops all knelt—the band
played some strange anthem, for he has become
rather tired of “Viva Pio Nono,” with which
he has no agreeable associations—and the
pageant passed away.
I was compelled to decline the invitation
from the Council of State; and, soon after his
Holiness’s departure, I started for Rome, in
order to arrive before the gates were shut, for
the passport system is in the strictest operation.[Pg 93]
All along the road fortunately the preparations
have taken the turn of cleanliness—whitewash
is at a premium. At Genzano and Albano the
woods of Dunsinane seem to be moving through
the towns. At the former place I saw General
Baraguay d’Hilliers, who had to send to Albano
for two cutlets and bread, the supplies of Genzano
being exhausted. The Pope leaves Velletri
to-morrow, Friday, 12th, at 8 o’clock. At
Genzano the Neapolitan troops leave him, and
are replaced by the French; at Albano he
breakfasts, and enters Rome at 4 o’clock.
Preparations are making for a grand illumination,
and the town is all alive.
Rome, Friday Evening, April 12.
The history of the last two years has taught
us to set very little reliance on any demonstrations
of public opinion. But for this sad experience
I should have warmly congratulated
the Pope and his French advisers on the success
of their experiment, and augured well of the
new Roman era from the enthusiasm which has
ushered it in. It is true that there was wanting
the delirious excitement which greeted our
second Charles on his return from a sixteen
years’ exile; nor were the forms of courtly
etiquette broken through as on that memorable
21st of March, when Napoleon, accompanied
by Cambronne and Bertrand dashed into
the court of the Tuileries and was borne on
the shoulders of his troops into the Salle des
Maréchaux. Even the genuine heartiness, the
uncalculating expression of emotion, which delighted
the Pope at Frosinone and Velletri,
were not found in Rome; but then it must be
remembered that it was from Rome the Pope
was driven forth as an exile—that shame and
silence are the natural expressions of regret
and repentance; so, considering every thing,
the Pope was very well received. Bright banners
waved over his head, bright flowers were
strewn on his path, the day was warm and
sunny—in all respects it was a morning albâ
notanda credâ, one of the dies fasti of the reformed
Papacy.
And yet the thoughts which the gorgeous
scene suggested were not of unmixed gratification.
French troops formed the Papal escort;
French troops lined the streets and thronged
St. Peter’s. At first the mind was carried back
to the times when Pepin, as the eldest son of
the Catholic church, restored the Pope to the
throne of the Apostle, and for the moment we
were disposed to feel that the event and the instrument
were happily associated; but a moment’s
glance at the tri-color standard, at the
free and easy manner of the general-in-chief
when he met the Pope at the gate of the Lateran,
recalled the mind back to the French Republic,
with all its long train of intrigue, oppression,
and infatuated folly.
But, whatever the change of scene may be,
it must be admitted that the drama was full of
interest and the decorations magnificent. When
the sun shone on the masses collected in the
Piazza of St. Giovanni, and the great gates of
the Lateran being thrown open the gorgeous
hierarchy of Rome, with the banners of the
various Basilicæ, the insignia and costume of
every office issued forth, the effect was beyond
measure imposing. An artist must have failed
in painting, as he must have failed in composing
such a picture. Precisely at 4 o’clock the batteries
on the Place announced that the cortége
was in view, and presently the clouds of dust
blown before it gave a less agreeable assurance
of its approach. The procession was headed
by a strong detachment of cavalry; then followed
the tribe of couriers, outriders, and officials—whom
I described from Velletri—more troops,
and then the Pope. As he passed the drums
beat the générale, and the soldiers knelt, it was
commonly reported, but I know not with what
truth; it was the first time they ever knelt before
the head of the church. Certainly, with
the Italians church ceremonies are an instinct—the
coloring and grouping are so accidentally
but artistically arranged; the bright scarlet of
the numerous cardinals mingling with the solemn
black of the Conservatori, the ermine of the senate,
the golden vestments of the high-priests, and
the soberer hues of the inferior orders of the clergy.
When the Pope descended from the carriage
a loud cheer was raised and handkerchiefs were
waved in abundance; but, alas! the enthusiasm
that is valuable is that which does not boast of
such a luxury as handkerchiefs. Very few people
seemed to think it necessary to kneel, and, on
the whole, the mass were more interested in
the pageant itself than in the circumstances in
which it originated. The excitement of curiosity
was, however, at its height, for many people in
defiance of horse and foot broke into the square,
where they afforded excellent sport to the
chasseurs, who amused themselves in knocking
off their hats and then in preventing them from
picking them up. I ran down in time to see
his Holiness march in procession up the centre
of the magnificent St. Giovanni. This religious
part of the ceremony was perhaps more imposing
than that outside the church. The dead
silence while the Pope prayed, the solemn strains
when he rose from his knees, the rich draperies
which covered the walls and cast an atmosphere
of purple light around, the black dresses and
the vails which the ladies wore, mingling with
every variety of uniform, stars, and ribbons, produced
an admirable effect. The great object,
when this ceremony was half finished, was to
reach St. Peter’s before the Pope could arrive
there, every body, of course, starting at the
same moment, and each party thinking they
were going to do a very clever thing in taking
a narrow roundabout way to the Ponte Sisto,
so choking it up and leaving the main road by
the Coliseum and the Foro Trajano quite deserted.
In the palmiest days of the circus
Rome could never have witnessed such chariot-racing.
All ideas of courtesy and solemnity
befitting the occasion were banished. The only
thing was who could arrive first at the bridge.
The streets as we passed through were quite[Pg 94]
deserted—it looked like a city of the dead. As
we passed that admirable institution, the Hospital
St. Giovanni Colabita, which is always open
to public view, the officiating priests and soldiers
were standing in wonder at the entrance,
and the sick men raised themselves on their
arms and looked with interest on the excitement
occasioned by the return of the Head of that
Church, to which they owed the foundation
where they sought repose, and the faith that
taught them hope. By the time we arrived
at St. Peter’s the immense space was already
crowded, but, thanks to my Irish pertinacity, I
soon elbowed myself into a foremost place at the
head of the steps. Here I had to wait for about
an hour, admiring the untiring energy of the
mob, who resisted all the attempts of the troops
to keep them back, the gentle expostulations of
the officers, and sometimes the less gentle persuasion
of the bayonet. At 6 o’clock, the banners
flew from the top of Adrian’s Tomb, and
the roar of cannon recommenced; but again
the acclamations were very partial, and, but
for the invaluable pocket-handkerchiefs of the
ever-sympathizing ladies, the affair must have
passed off rather coldly. It was, however, very
different in St. Peter’s. When his Holiness
trod that magnificent temple the thousands collected
within its walls appeared truly impressed
with the grandeur, the almost awful grandeur
of the scene. The man, the occasion, and the
splendor, all so striking; never was the host
celebrated under a more remarkable combination
of circumstances. The word of command
given to the troops rang through the immense
edifice, then the crash of arms, and every man
knelt for some moments amid a breathless silence,
only broken by the drums, which rolled
at intervals. The mass was ended. St. Peter’s
sent forth the tens of thousands, the soldiers fell
in, the pageantry was at an end. Then came
the illumination, which was very beautiful, not
from the brilliancy of the lights, but from its
being so universal. St. Peter’s was only lighted
en demi-toilette, and is to appear in his glory to-morrow
evening; but as the wind played among
the lamps, and the flames flickered and brightened
in the breeze, the effect from the Pincian
was singularly graceful. The Campodoglio,
that centre of triumph, was in a blaze of glory,
and the statues of the mighty of old stood forth,
like dark and solemn witnesses of the past, in
the sea of light. But one by one the lamps
died out, the silence and the darkness of the
night resumed their sway, and the glory of the
day became the history of the past.
Thus far prognostications have been defeated.
The Pope is in the Vatican. Let us hope the
prophets of evil may again find their predictions
falsified; but, alas! it is impossible to be blind
to the fact, that within the last few days the
happiness of many homes has been destroyed,
and that the triumph of the one has been purchased
by the sorrows of the many. True,
some 30,000 scudi have been given in charity,
of which the Pope granted 25,000; but there is
that which is even more blessed than food—it
is liberty. There were conspiracies, it is true.
An attempt was made to set fire to the Quirinal;
a small machine infernale was exploded near the
Palazzo Teodoli. There was the excuse for
some arrests, but not for so many. But if the
hand of the administration is to press too heavily
on the people, the absence of prudence and indulgence
on the part of the church can not be
compensated for by the presence of its head.
In former days of clerical ignorance and religious
bigotry the master-writings of antiquity,
which were found inscribed on old parchments,
were obliterated to make way for missals, homilies,
and golden legends, gorgeously illuminated
but ignorantly expressed. Let not the church
fall into the same error in these days, by effacing
from its record the stern but solemn lessons of
the past, to replace them by illiberal, ungenerous,
and therefore erroneous views, clothed although
they may be with all the pride and pomp
of papal supremacy. Doubtless some time will
elapse before any particular course of policy will
be laid down. The Pope will for the moment
bide his time and observe. No one questions
his good intentions, no man puts his benevolence
in doubt. Let him only follow the dictates of
his own kindness of heart, chastened by his bitter
experience, which will teach him alike to
avoid the extremes of indulgence and the excesses
of severity.
Saturday Morning, April 13.
I am glad to be able to add that the night
has passed off in the most quiet and satisfactory
manner, and I do not hear that in a single instance
public tranquillity was disturbed. The
decorations, consisting of bright colors and rich
tapestry, which ornamented the windows and
balconies yesterday, are kept up to-day, and
the festive appearance of the city is fully maintained.
There is an apparent increase of movement
in all the principal thoroughfares. His
Holiness is engaged to-day in receiving various
deputations, but to-morrow the ceremonies will
recommence with high mass at St. Peter’s, after
which the Pope will bless the people from the
balcony, and no doubt for several days to come
religious observances will occupy all the time
and attention of his Holiness. I am very glad to
find, from a gentleman who arrived last night,
having followed the papal progress through
Cesterna, Velletri, Genzano, and Albano, several
hours after I had left, that the most perfect
tranquillity prevailed on the whole line of road,
and up to the gates of Rome, at four o’clock this
morning not a single accident had occurred to
disturb the general satisfaction. Of course the
whole city is alive with reports of various descriptions;
every body draws his own conclusions
from the great events of yesterday, and
indulges in vaticinations in the not improbable
event of General Baraguay d’Hilliers’ immediate
departure, now that his mission has been accomplished.
A fine field will be open for speculation.
Meanwhile the presence of the sovereign
has been of one inestimable advantage to the[Pg 95]
town—it has put the municipality on the alert.
The heaps of rubbish have been removed from
the centres of the squares and the corners of the
different streets, to the great discomfiture of the
tribes of hungry dogs which, for the comfort of
the tired population, had not energy to bay
through the night. Workpeople have been incessantly
employed in carting away the remains
of republican violence. I observe, however,
that the causeway between the Vatican and St.
Angelo, which was broken down by the mob,
has not yet been touched. Are we to hail this
as an omen that the sovereign will never again
require to seek the shelter of the fortress, or as
an evidence that the ecclesiastical and the civil
power are not yet entirely united?
[From Bentley’s Miscellany.]
THE GENIUS OF GEORGE SAND.
the comedy of françois le champi.
Scarcely half a dozen years have elapsed
since it was considered a dangerous experiment
to introduce the name of George Sand
into an English periodical. In the interval we
have overcome our scruples, and the life and
writings of George Sand are now as well known
in this country as those of Charles Dickens, or
Bulwer Lytton. The fact itself is a striking
proof of the power of a great intellect to make
itself heard in spite of the prejudices and aversion
of its audience.
The intellectual power of George Sand is attested
by the suffrages of Europe. The use to
which she has put it is another question. Unfortunately,
she has applied it, for the most
part, to so bad a use, that half the people who
acknowledge the ascendency of her genius, see
too much occasion to deplore its perversion.
The principles she has launched upon the
world have an inevitable tendency toward the
disorganization of all existing institutions, political
and social. This is the broad, palpable
fact, let sophistry disguise or evade it as it may.
Whether she pours out an intense novel that shall
plow up the roots of the domestic system, or composes
a proclamation for the Red Republicans
that shall throw the streets into a flame, her influence
is equally undeniable and equally pernicious.
It has been frequently urged, in the defense
of her novels, that they do not assail the institution
of marriage, but the wrongs that are
perpetrated in its name. Give her the full
benefit of her intention, and the result is still
the same. Her eloquent expositions of ill-assorted
unions—her daring appeals from the obligations
they impose, to the affections they outrage—her
assertion of the rights of nature over
the conventions of society, have the final effect
of justifying the violation of duty on the precarious
ground of passion and inclination. The
bulk of her readers—of all readers—take such
social philosophy in the gross; they can not
pick out its nice distinctions, and sift its mystical
refinements. It is less a matter of reasoning
than of feeling. Their sensibility, and not
their judgment, is invoked. It is not to their
understanding that these rhapsodies are addressed,
but to their will and their passions. A
writer who really meant to vindicate an institution
against its abuses, would adopt a widely
different course; and it is only begging George
Sand out of the hands of the jury to assert that
the intention of her writings is opposed to their
effect, which is to sap the foundations upon which
the fabric of domestic life reposes.
Her practice accords harmoniously with her
doctrines. Nobody who knows what the actual
life of George Sand has been, can doubt for a
moment the true nature of her opinions on the
subject of marriage. It is not a pleasant subject
to touch, and we should shrink from it, if it
were not as notorious as every thing else by
which she has become famous in her time. It
forms, in reality, as much a part of the philosophy
she desires to impress upon the world, as
the books through which she has expounded her
theory. It is neither more nor less than her
theory of freedom and independence in the matter
of passion (we dare not dignify it by any
higher name) put into action—rather vagrant
action, we fear, but, on that account, all the
more decisive. The wonder is, how any body,
however ardent an admirer of George Sand’s
genius, can suppose for a moment that a woman
who leads this life from choice, and who
carries its excesses to an extremity of voluptuous
caprice, could by any human possibility
pass so completely out of herself into another
person in her books. The supposition is not
only absurd in itself, but utterly inconsistent
with the boldness and sincerity of her character.
Some sort of justification for the career of
Madame Dudevant has been attempted to be
extracted from the alleged unhappiness of her
married life, which drove her at last to break
the bond, and purchase her liberty at the sacrifice
of a large portion of her fortune, originally
considerable. But all such justifications must
be accepted with hesitation in the absence of
authentic data, and more especially when subsequent
circumstances are of a nature to throw
suspicion upon the defense. Cases undoubtedly
occur in which the violent disruption of domestic
ties may be extenuated even upon moral
grounds; but we can not comprehend by what
process of reasoning the argument can be
stretched so as to cover any indiscretions that
take place afterward.
Madame Dudevant was married in 1822,
her husband is represented as a plain country
gentleman, very upright and literal in his way,
and quite incapable, as may readily be supposed,
of sympathizing with what one of her ablest
critics calls her “aspirations toward the infinite,
art and liberty.” She bore him two children,
lived with him eight years, and, shortly after
the insurrection of July, 1830, fled from her
dull house at Nohant, and went up to Paris.
Upon this step nobody has a right, to pronounce
judgment. Nor should the world penetrate the
recesses of her private life from that day forward,[Pg 96]
if her life could be truly considered private,
and if it were not in fact and in reality a
part and parcel of her literary career. She has
made so little scruple about publishing it herself,
that nobody else need have any such scruple
on that head. She has been interwoven in such
close intimacies with a succession of the most
celebrated persons, and has acted upon all occasions
so openly, that there is not the slightest
disguise upon the matter in the literary circles
of Paris. But even all this publicity might not
wholly warrant a reference to the erratic course
of this extraordinary woman, if she had not made
her own experiences, to some extent, the basis
of her works, which are said by those most familiar
with her habits and associations, to contain,
in a variety of forms, the confession of the
strange vicissitudes through which her heart and
imagination have passed. The reflection is not
limited to general types of human character and
passion, but constantly descends to individualization;
and her intimate friends are at no loss to
trace through her numerous productions a whole
gallery of portraits, beginning with poor M.
Dudevant, and running through a remarkable
group of contemporary celebrities. Her works
then are, avowedly, transcripts of her life; and
her life consequently becomes, in a grave sense,
literary property, as the spring from whence
has issued the turbid principles she glories in
enunciating.
We have no desire to pursue this view of
George Sand’s writings to its ultimate consequences.
It is enough for our present purpose
to indicate the source and nature of the influence
she exercises. Taking her life and her
works together, their action and re-action upon
each other, it may be observed that such a
writer could be produced and fostered only in
such a state of society as that of Paris. With
all her genius she would perish in London. The
moral atmosphere of France is necessary alike
to its culture and reception—the volcanic soil—the
perpetual excitement—the instability of the
people and the government—the eternal turmoil,
caprice, and transition—a society agitated
and polluted to its core. These elements of fanaticism
and confusion, to which she has administered
so skillfully, have made her what she
is. In such a country as England, calm, orderly,
and conservative, her social philosophy
would lack earth for its roots and air for its
blossoms. The very institutions of France, upon
which no man can count for an hour, are essential
to her existence as a writer.
But time that mellows all things has not been
idle with George Sand. After having written
“Indiana,” “Lelie,” “Valentine,” and sundry
other of her most conspicuous works, she found
it necessary to defend herself against the charge
of advocating conjugal infidelity. The defense,
to be sure, was pre-eminently sophistical, and
rested on a complete evasion of the real question;
but it was a concession to the feelings
and decorum of society which could not fail in
some measure to operate as a restraint in future
labors. Her subsequent works were not quite
so decisive on these topics; and in some of them
marriage was even treated with a respectful
recognition, and love was suffered to run its
course in purity and tranquillity, without any
of those terrible struggles with duty and conscience
which were previously considered indispensable
to bring out its intensity.
And now comes an entirely new phase in the
development of George Sand’s mind. Perhaps
about this time the influences immediately acting
upon her may have undergone a modification
that will partly help to explain the miracle.
Her daughter, the fair Solange, is grown up and
about to be married; and the household thoughts
and cares, and the tenderness of a serious and
unselfish cast, which creep to a mother’s heart
on such occasions, may have shed their sweetness
upon this wayward soul, and inspired it
with congenial utterances. This is mere speculation,
more or less corroborated by time and
circumstance; but whatever may have been the
agencies by which the charm was wrought, certain
it is that George Sand has recently produced
a work which, we will not say flippantly in the
words of the song,
but which is in the highest degree chaste in
conception, and full of simplicity and truthfulness
in the execution. This work is in the form
of a three-act comedy, and is called “François
le Champi.” (For the benefit of the country
gentlemen, we may as well at once explain that
the word champi means a foundling of the fields.)
The domestic morality, the quiet nature, the
home feeling of this comedy may be described
as something wonderful for George Sand; not
that her genius was not felt to be plastic enough
for such a display, but that nobody suspected
she could have accomplished it with so slight an
appearance of artifice or false sentiment, or with
so much geniality and faith in its truth. But
this is not the only wonder connected with
“François le Champi.” Its reception by the
Paris audience was something yet more wonderful.
We witnessed a few weeks ago at the
Odeon its hundred and fourth or fifth representation—and
it was a sight not readily forgotten.
The acting, exquisite as it was through the
minutest articulation of the scene, was infinitely
less striking than the stillness and patience of
the spectators. It was a strange and curious
thing to see these mercurial people pouring in
from their gay cafés and restaurants, and sitting
down to the representation of this dramatic pastoral
with much the same close and motionless
attention as a studious audience might be expected
to give to a scientific lecture. And it
was more curious still to contrast what was
doing at that moment in different places with a
like satisfaction to other crowds of listeners;
and to consider what an odd compound that
people must be who can equally enjoy the rustic
virtues of the Odeon, and the grossnesses and
prurient humors of the Variétés. Paris and the[Pg 97]
Parisians will, probably, forever remain an enigma
to the moral philosopher. One never can
see one’s way through their surprising contradictions,
or calculate upon what will happen
next, or what turn any given state of affairs will
take. In this sensuous, sentimental, volatile,
and dismal Paris, any body who may think it
worth while to cross the water for such a spectacle,
may see reproduced together, side by side,
the innocence of the golden age, and the worst
vices of the last stage of a high civilization.
At the bottom of all this, no doubt, will be
found a constitutional melancholy that goes a
great way to account for the opposite excesses
into which the national character runs. A
Frenchman is at heart the saddest man in the
universe; but his nature is of great compass at
both ends, being deficient only in the repose of
the middle notes. And this constitutional melancholy
opposed to the habitual frivolity (it
never deserved to be called mirth) of the French
is now more palpable than ever. Commercial
depression has brought it out in its darkest colors.
The people having got what they wanted,
begin now to discover that they want every
thing else. The shops are empty—the Palais
Royal is as triste as the suburb of a country
town—and the drive in the Champs Elysées, in
spite of its display of horsemen and private carriages,
mixed up in motley cavalcade with hack
cabriolets and omnibuses, is as different from
what it used to be in the old days of the monarchy,
as the castle of Dublin will be by-and-by,
when the viceregal pageant is removed to London.
The sparkling butterflies that used to
flirt about in the gardens of the Tuileries, may
now be seen pacing moodily along, their eyes
fixed on the ground, and their hands in their
pockets, sometimes with an old umbrella (which
seems to be received by common assent as the
emblem of broken-down fortunes), and sometimes
with a brown paper parcel under their
arms. The animal spirits of the Parisians are
very much perplexed under these circumstances;
and hence it is that they alternately try to drown
their melancholy in draughts of fierce excitement,
or to solace it by gentle sedatives.
George Sand has done herself great honor by
this charming little drama. That she should
have chosen such a turbulent moment for such
an experiment upon the public, is not the least
remarkable incident connected with it. Only a
few months before we heard of her midnight
revels with the heads of the Repulican party in
the midst of the fury and bloodshed of an emeute;
and then follows close upon the blazing track
of revolution, a picture of household virtues so
sweet and tranquil, so full of tenderness and
love, that it is difficult to believe it to be the
production of the same hand that had recently
flung flaming addresses, like brands, into the
streets to set the town on fire. But we must
be surprised at nothing that happens in France,
where truth is so much stranger than fiction, as
to extinguish the last fragment of an excuse for
credulity and wonder.
AMUSEMENTS OF THE COURT OF LOUIS XV.
At one time the whole court was thrown into
great commotion by a sudden fancy which
the king took for worsted work. A courier was
instantly dispatched to Paris for wool, needles,
and canvas. He only took two hours and a half
to go and come back, and the same day all the
courtiers in Versailles were seen, with the Duke
of Gesvres at their head, embroidering like their
sovereign. At a later period, both the new and
the old nobility joined in the common pursuit of
pleasure before their fall. Bad taste and frivolousness
marked their amusements. Titled
ladies, who eagerly sought the favor of being
allowed a seat in the presence of Madame de
Pompadour, visited in secret the popular ball of
the Porcherons, or amused themselves by breaking
plates and glasses in obscure cabarets, assuming
the free and reckless tone of men. Their
husbands in the meanwhile embroidered at home,
or paced the stately galleries of Louis XIV, at
Versailles, a little painted cardboard figure in
one hand, while with the other they drew the
string which put it in motion. This preposterous
amusement even spread throughout the whole
ration, and grave magistrates were to be met
in the streets playing, like the rest, with their
pantins, as these figures were called. This
childish folly was satirized in the following
epigram:
Pantin fut la divinité.
Faut-il être s’il chérissait l’image
Dont il est la réalité?”
The general degeneracy of the times was acknowledged
even by those who shared in it. The
old nobles ascribed it to that fatal evil, the want
of female chastity. Never, indeed, had this social
stain been so universal and so great.—Women
in France during the Eighteenth Century.
The Pleasures of Old Age.—One forenoon
I did prevail with my mother to let them carry
her to a considerable distance from the house,
to a sheltered, sunny spot, whereunto we did
often resort formerly to hear the wood-pigeons
which frequented the fir trees hereabout. We
seated ourselves, and did pass an hour or two
very pleasantly. She remarked, how merciful
it was ordered that these pleasures should remain
to the last days of life; that when the
infirmities of age make the company of others
burdensome to us and ourselves a burden to
them, the quiet contemplation of the works of
God affords a simple pleasure which needeth
not aught else than a contented mind to enjoy:
the singing of birds, even a single flower, or a
pretty spot like this, with its bank of primroses,
and the brook running in there below, and this
warm sunshine, how pleasant they are. They
take back our thoughts to our youth, which ago
doth love to look back upon.—Diary of Lady
Willoughby.[Pg 98]
[From Bentley’s Miscellany.]
THE CIRCASSIAN PRIEST-WARRIOR AND HIS WHITE HORSE.
a true tale of the daghestan.
Of a bold and lofty hill,
Where many a noble tree had root,
And babbled many a rill;
And the rill’s laughter and the shade—
The melody and shade combin’d—
Men of most gentle feelings made,
But of unbending mind.
Slumber’d Circassia’s might,
Awaiting till the war-horse neighs
His welcome to the light.
The first gray light broke forth at length,
And with it rose the Invader’s strength.
Foretelling blood and scenting strife,
Had not among the hill-clouds stirr’d,
One would have said that human life,
Save that of shepherds tending flocks,
Breathed not among yon silent rocks.
Of rising sun, meets Russian gaze,
And is it fright, amaze, or awe,
Distends each eye and hangs each jaw?
His master clothed all, too, in white,
Moved slowly up the mountain’s side,
Arching his neck in conscious pride.
And though the cannon pointed stood,
Charged with its slumb’ring lava flood,
The rider gave no spur nor stroke,
Nor did he touch the rein which lay
Upon the horse’s neck—who yoke
Of spur nor rein did e’er obey.
His master’s voice he knew—the horse,
And by it checked or strain’d his course.
But even no voice was needed now,
For when he reach’d the mountain’s brow,
He halted while his master spread
His arms full wide, threw back his head,
And pour’d to Allah forth a pray’r—
Or seem’d to pray—for Russian ear
Even in that pure atmosphere,
The name of Allah ‘lone could hear.
God’s name—it is an awful sound,
No matter from what lips it came,
Or in what form ’tis found—
Jehovah! Allah! God alike,
Most Christian heart with terror strike.
For ignorant as may be man,
Or with perverted learning stored,
There is, within the soul’s wide span,
A deep unutterable word.
Which any voice of love that breaks
From pious spirit gently wakes,
Like slumb’ring Cherubim.
More thrilling still for Russian foes
By Russian eyes unseen!
Behind a thick wood’s screen,
Circassia’s dreadful horsemen were
Bowed to the earth, and drinking there
Enthusiasm grand from pray’r,
Ready to spring as soldier fir’d,
When soldier is a Priest inspir’d.
Ay, o’er that host the sacred name
Of Allah rolled, a scorching flame,
That thrilled into the heart’s deep core,
And swelled it like a heaving ocean
Visited by Tempest’s roar.
Invader! such sublime emotion
Bodes thee no good—so do not mock
The sacred sound which fills each rock.
Damp the affrighted army’s zeal,
Who dream his body’s proof and good
‘Gainst flying ball or flashing steel.”
The ball leaped forth; the smoke spread wide.
And cleared away as the echo died,
And “Allah! Allah! Allah!” rose
From lips that never quiver’d:
Nor changed the White Priest’s grand repose,
The White Horse never shiver’d.
For he rarely missed his aim,
While his commander forward rushed,
With words of bitter blame.
Faltered the chidden man;
“Yon thing of white is as the sky—
No difference can I scan!”
“Let charge the gun with mitraille show’r,
And Allah will be heard no more.”
Full fifty bullets flew.
The smoke hung long, the men admired
How the cannon burst not through.
And the startled echoes thundered,
And more again all wondered—
As died away the echoes’ roar—
The name of Allah rose once more.
While horse and rider look’d repose,
As statues on the mountain raised,
Round whom the mitraille idly blazed,
And rent and tore the earth around;
But nothing shook except the ground,
Still the untroubled lip ne’er quivered,
Still that white altar-horse ne’er shivered.[Pg 99]
“The mountain’s side a mark supplies,
And range in line some twenty guns:
Fire one by one, as back he runs;
With mitraille loaded be each gun—
For him who kills a grade is won!”
His pace was gentle, grand, and slow;
His rider on the holy skies,
In meditation fix’d his eyes.
The enemy, with murderous plan,
Knew not which to most admire,
The grand White Steed, the grander man,
When, lo! the signal—”Fire!”
The laughing soldiers cried:
The White Horse quickens not his pace,
The Priest spurs not his side.
A second gun is ringing,
The rock itself is springing,
As from a mine’s low shock,
Its splinters flying in the air,
And round the Priest and steed is there
Of balls and stones an atmosphere.
The whited robe remains undyed—
No bloody rain upon the path—
Surprise subdues the soldier’s wrath.
“Give him a chance for life, one chance;
(Now, hear the chance the captain gave)
Let every gun be fired at once—
At random, too—and he, the brave,
If he escape, will have to tell
A prodigy—a miracle—
Or meet the bloodiest grave
That ever closed o’er human corse,
O’er rider brave, or gallant horse.”
Full twenty cannon blaze together;
Forth the volcano vomits wide.
The men who fired them spring aside,
As back the cannons wheeled.
Then came a solemn pause;
One would have thought the mountain reeled,
As a crater opes its jaws.
Down the mountain’s side, unfearing,
Phantom-like glided horse and man,
As though they had no danger ran.
And clap their hands in wild delight.
Circassia’s Priest, who scorn’d to fear,
Bears the applause of Muscovite.
But, soldiers, load your guns once more;
Load them if ye have time,
For ears did hear your cannons roar,
To whom it is as sweet bells chime,
Inviting to a battle feast.
With murderous intent,
‘Gainst the High Priest, to whom was given
Protection by offended Heaven,
From you on murder bent,
Haste, sacrilegious Russian, haste,
For behold, their forest-screen they form,
With the ominous sounds of a gathering storm.
That storm by Patriot-piety nursed;
Down it swept the mountain’s side;
Fast o’er the plain it pour’d,
An avalanche—a deluge wide,
O’er the invader roared.
A White Horse, like a foaming wave,
Dashed forward ‘mong the foremost brave,
And swift as is the silver light,
He arrowy clear’d his way,
And cut the mass as clouds a ray.
Or meteor piercing night.
Aimed at him now was many a lance,
No spear could stop his fiery prance,
Oft would he seize it with his mouth,
With snort and fierce tempestuous froth,
While swift the rider would cut down
The lanceman rash, and then dash on
Among advancing hosts, or flying,
Marking his path with foemen dying.
The gray light kiss’d the mountain,
And down it, like a fountain,
Freshly, clearly ran—oh, then
The Priest and White Horse rose,
So white they scarce threw shade,
But now no sacrilegious blows
At man nor horse are made.
Hung’ring for that sacred life,
Were quench’d in yester’s fatal strife,
And void of meaning stared.
No lip could mock—no Russian ear
Thanksgiving unto Allah hear,
“To Allah, the deliverer!”
The mountain look’d unchang’d, the plain is red;
Peaceful be the fallen invaders’ bed.
Paris.J.F.C.
On Atheism.—”I had rather,” says Sir
Francis Bacon, “believe all the fables in the
Legend, the Talmud, and the Koran, than that
this universal frame is without a mind. God
never wrought miracles to convince Atheists,
because His ordinary works are sufficient to
convince them. It is true, that a little philosophy
inclineth men’s minds to Atheism; but
depth in philosophy bringeth them back to
religion; for while the mind of man looketh
upon second causes scattered, it may sometimes
rest on them, and go no further; but when it
beholdeth the chain of them confederate and
linked together, it must needs fly to Providence
and Deity.”[Pg 100]
[From the London Examiner.]
UNSECTARIAN EDUCATION IN ENGLAND.
Upon none of the various classes of official
men who have been employed for the last
twenty years in introducing or extending social
and administrative reforms, has a more delicate,
invidious, and thankless task devolved, than upon
those who have had the charge of the preliminary
arrangements for a system of national education.
A growing sense of the importance of this
great subject has been slowly manifesting itself
since the close of last century. The Edgeworths
diffused practical views of individual
education. Lancaster demonstrated the possibility,
by judicious arrangement, of imparting
instruction to great numbers of children at once,
and, by thus reducing the cost of education, of
rendering it acceptable to the poorest. Before
Lancaster entered the field some benevolent
persons, among whom Nonconformists were the
most numerous and active, had set on foot Sunday
schools for the benefit of those whose week-day
toil left them no leisure for mental cultivation.
The High Church and Tory parties at
first very bitterly opposed these Sunday and
Lancaster schools; but finding the tide too
strong against them, they set up Dr. Bell, as a
Churchman, against Lancaster the Dissenter,
and organized the National School Society in
opposition to the British and Foreign School
Society. Controversy, as usual, not only increased
the numbers of those who took an interest
in the discussion, but rectified and improved
public opinion on the matters at issue. The
Edinburgh Review took the lead, and for a considerable
time kept it, as the champion of unsectarian
education; and the wit and wisdom
of Sydney Smith did invaluable service in this
field.
The result was, that, very gradually, by means
of individuals and private associations, opportunities
of education were extended to classes
who had not previously enjoyed them; improved
methods of tuition were introduced; and the
good work went on in an imperfect, scrambling,
amorphous way till after the passing of the reform
bill, and the establishment of the Whigs in
power. From this time we have to date the
first regular efforts—poor enough at first, lamentably
inadequate still, but steadily and progressively
increasing—to countenance and extend
general education by the government and
legislature.
The beginnings were very feeble, as we have
said. From 1833 to 1838, £20,000 was annually
voted for the promotion of educational
purposes, and this paltry sum was administered
by the Lords of the Treasury. Since 1839 the
annual grant has been administered by the Committee
of Council on Education, and its amount
has been progressively augmented. From 1839
to 1842 inclusive it was £30,000 per annum;
in 1843 and 1844 it was £40,000; £75,000
in 1845; £100,000 in 1846 and in 1847; and
in 1848 it was raised to £125,000. The distribution
of this grant being intrusted to a committee
of council, the president became to a
certain extent invested with the character of a
Minister of Education. A machinery of government
inspectors of schools was organized, and a
permanent educational secretary attached to the
committee. Not to mention other valuable results,
we may add that the establishment of
workhouse and factory schools, and the institution
of the normal school for training teachers
at Kneller Hall, are among the most prominent
benefits for which we are indebted to this growing
recognition of a care for the extension of
general education as one of the duties of government.
When we thus look back on the twenty years
since 1830, it can not be denied that a great
advance has been made. We have now the
rudiments of an educational department of government.
The grants annually voted by parliament
for educational purposes are still, it must
be confessed, unworthily small, when contrasted
with the sums freely voted for less essential objects;
and the operations of the committee on
education have been thwarted, impeded, and
obstructed by all kinds of narrow-minded and
vexatious opposition. Still we can console ourselves
by the reflection that we have got an
educational department of government; that the
public mind is becoming familiarized with its
existence, and convinced of its utility; and that
its organization, slowly indeed, but surely, is
being extended and perfected.
This was substantially admitted by Mr. Fox
in the able speech introducing his supplementary
educational plan to the House of Commons; and
with the strongest sense of the merits and claims
of the government measure, we find ourselves
able very heartily to approve of the proposal of
Mr. Fox. It would remedy the defects of the
existing system with the least possible jar to
existing prejudices. With nothing heretofore
set on foot for the promotion of educational purposes
would it in any way meddle—being addressed
simply to the remedy of notorious defects,
and for that purpose using and strengthening the
machinery at present employed by government.
It is on every account desirable that a fair and
earnest consideration should be given to the
second reading of this bill. It has been mixed
up with other educational projects lately set on
foot, and not a very correct impression prevails
respecting it.
For here we must be allowed to remark, in
passing, that of all the caviling and vexatious
obstructions which the committee of council
have had to encounter, the most ungracious
and indefensible appear to have been those offered
by advocates of unsectarian education less
reasonable and considerate than Mr. Fox. We
are not going to challenge any particular respect
for the feelings of men in office. It is the well-understood
fate of those who undertake reforms
to be criticised sharply and unreflectingly; such[Pg 101]
unsparing treatment helps to harden them for
the discharge of unpalatable duties; and even
the most captious objections may be suggestive
of improved arrangements. But making every
allowance on this score, it remains incontrovertible
that men entertaining sound abstract views
respecting unsectarian education, and the importance
of intrusting to the local public a large
share in the control of educational institutions,
like the members of the Lancashire School Association
and others, have not only refused to
make due allowance for the obstructions opposed
to the committee of council on education by the
prepossessions of the general public, but, by assuming
an attitude of jealous opposition to it,
have materially increased the difficulties with
which it has had to labor. These gentlemen
think no reform worth having unless it accord
precisely with their preconceived notions; and
are not in the least contented with getting what
they wish, unless they can also have it in the
exact way they wish it. Other and even more
factious malcontents have been found among a
class of very worthy but not very wise persons,
who, before government took any charge of
education, had exerted themselves to establish
Sunday and other schools; and have now allowed
the paltry jealousy lest under a new and
improved system of general education their own
local and congregational importance may be
diminished, to drive them into a virulent opposition
to any scheme of national education under
the auspices or by the instrumentality of government.
But all this parenthetically. Our immediate
object is to comment upon an opposition
experienced in carrying out the scheme of operations
which the state of public opinion has
compelled government to adopt, coming from
the very parties who were most instrumental in
forcing that scheme upon it.
The committee of council, finding it impossible,
in the face of threatened resistance from
various religious bodies, to institute schools by
the unaided power of the secular authorities,
yielded so far as to enter into arrangements with
the existing societies of promoters of schools,
with a view to carry out the object through
their instrumentality. The correspondence commenced
in 1845 under the administration of Sir
Robert Peel, and the arrangements were concluded
under the ministry of Lord John Russell
in 1846. It was agreed that money should be
advanced by government to assist in founding
and supporting schools in connection with various
religious communions, on the conditions
that the schools should be open to the supervision
of government inspectors (who were,
however, to be restrained from all interference
“with the religious instruction, or discipline, or
management of the schools”), and that certain
“management clauses,” drawn up in harmony
with the religious views of the respective communions,
should be adhered to. On these terms
arrangements were concluded with the National
Society, representing the promoters of Church
of England schools; with the British and Foreign
School Society; with the Wesleyan body;
and with the Free Church of Scotland. A negotiation
with the Poor-school Committee of the
Roman Catholic Church is still pending.
With the exception of the National Society
all the bodies who entered into these arrangements
with the Committee of Council have co-operated
with it in a frank and fair spirit, and
to good purpose. A majority of the National
Society, on the other hand, have made vehement
efforts to recede from the very arrangements
which they themselves had proposed; and have
at length concluded a tedious and wrangling
attempt to cajole or bully the committee on
education to continue their grants, and yet
emancipate them from the conditions on which
they were made, by passing, on the 11th of
December last, a resolution which virtually suspends
all co-operation between the society and
government. The state of the controversy may
be briefly explained.
The “management clauses” relating to
Church of England schools are few in number.
They relate, first, to the constitution of the managing
committee in populous and wealthy districts
of towns; second, to the constitution of
the committee in towns and villages having not
less than a population of five hundred, and a
few wealthy and well-educated inhabitants;
third, to its constitution in very small parishes,
where the residents are all illiterate, or indifferent
to education; and, fourth, to its constitution
in rural parishes having a population under five
hundred, and where, from poverty and ignorance,
the number of subscribers is limited to very few
persons. There are certain provisions common
to all these clauses. The master, mistress, assistant
teachers, managers, and electors, must
all be bona fide members of the church; the
clergyman is ex-officio chairman of the committee,
with power to place his curate or curates
upon it, and with a casting vote; the superintendence
of the religious and moral instruction
is vested exclusively in the clergyman, with an
appeal to the bishop, whose decision is final;
the bishop has a veto on the use of any book, in
school hours, which he deems contrary to the
doctrines of the church; in matters not relating
to religious and moral instruction, an appeal lies
to the president of the council, who refers it to
one of the inspectors of schools nominated by
himself, to another commissioner nominated by
the bishop of the diocese, and to a third named
by the other two commissioners. It must be
kept in mind as bearing on the composition of
such commissions, that the concurrence of the
archbishop of the province is originally requisite
in appointing inspectors of church schools, and
that the third commissioner must be a magistrate
and member of the church. We now
come to the points of difference in these “management
clauses.” They relate exclusively to
the constitution of the local school committees.
In the first class of schools, the committee is
elected by annual subscribers; in the second, it
is nominated by the promoters, and vacancies[Pg 102]
are supplied by election; in the third it is nominated,
as the promotions and vacancies are filled
up, by the remaining members, till the bishop
may direct the election to be thrown open to
subscribers; in the fourth no committee is provided,
but the bishop may order one to be nominated
by the clergyman from among the subscribers.
The management clauses, thus drawn, were
accepted by the National Society. The provisions
for appeal, in matters of moral and religious
instruction, had been proposed by themselves,
and were in a manner forced by them on
the committee of council. Let us now look at
the claims which the society has since advanced,
and on account of the refusal of which it has
suspended, if not finally broken off, its alliance
with the committee.
The National Society required: 1st, that a
free choice among the several clauses be left to
the promoters of church schools; 2d, that another
court of appeal be provided, in matters
not relating to religious and moral instruction;
and 3d, that all lay members of school committees
shall qualify to serve, by subscribing a
declaration not merely to the effect that they
are members of the church, but that they have
for three years past been communicants. And
because demur is made to these demands, the
committee of the society have addressed a letter
to the committee of council, in which they state
that they “deeply regret the resolution finally
adopted by the committee of council to exclude
from all share in the parliamentary grant for
education, those church schools the promoters
of which are unwilling to constitute their trust
deeds on the model prescribed by their lordships.”
It is a minor matter, yet, in connection with
considerations to be hereafter alluded to, not
unworthy of notice, that this statement is simply
untrue. The committee of council have only
declined to contribute, in the cases referred to,
to the building of schools; they have not absolutely
declined to contribute to their support
when built. They have refused to give public
money to build schools without a guarantee for
their proper management; but they have not
refused to give public money to support even
such schools as withhold the guarantee, so long
as they are properly conducted.
The object of the alterations in the management
clauses demanded by the National Society
is sufficiently obvious. It is asked that a free
choice among the several clauses be left to the
promoters of church schools. This is a Jesuitical
plan for getting rid of the co-operation and
control of lay committee-men. The fourth
clause would uniformly be chosen, under which
no committee is appointed, but the bishop may
empower the clergyman to nominate one. It
is asked that another court of appeal be provided
in matters relating to the appointment,
selection, and dismissal of teachers and their
assistants. By this means the teachers would
be placed, in all matters, secular as well as religious,
under the despotic control of the clergy
instead of being amenable, in purely secular
matters, to a committee principally composed
of laymen, with an appeal to lay judges. The
third demand also goes to limit the range of
lay interference with, and control of church
schools. The sole aim of the demands of the
National Society, however variously expressed,
is to increase the clerical power. Their desire
and determination is to invest the clergy with
absolute despotic power over all Church of
England Schools.
In short, the quarrel fastened by the National
Society on the committee on education is but
another move of that clerical faction which is
resolute to ignore the existence of laymen as
part of the church, except in the capacity of
mere passing thralls and bondsmen of the clergy.
It is a scheme to further their peculiar views.
It is another branch of the agitation which preceded
and has followed the appeal to the judicial
committee of the privy council in the Gorham
case. It is a trick to render the church policy
and theories of Philpotts omnipotent. The
equivocation to evade the arrangement investing
a degree of control over church schools in
lay contributors to their foundation and support,
by insisting upon liberty to choose an inapplicable
“management clause,” is transparent. So
is the factious complaint against the court of
appeal provided in secular matters, and the
allegation that Nonconformists have no such
appeal, when the complainants know that this
special arrangement was conceded at their own
request. The untrue averment that the committee
of council have refused to contribute to
the support of schools not adopting the management
clauses is in proper keeping with these
equivocations. Let us add that the intolerant,
almost blasphemous denunciations of the council,
and of all who act with it, which some advancers
of these falsehoods and equivocations have uttered
from the platform, are no more than might have
been expected from men so lost to the sense of
honesty and shame.
The position of the committee of council on
education is, simply and fairly, this: They have
yielded to the religious sentiment of an overwhelming
majority in the nation, and have consented
to the experiment of conducting the
secular education of the people by the instrumentality
of the various ecclesiastical associations
into which the people are divided. But
with reference to the church, as to all other
communions, they insist upon the laity having a
fair voice in the administration of those schools
which are in part supplied by the public money,
and which have in view secular as well as
religious instruction. The clergy of only two
communions seek to thwart them in this object,
and to arrogate all power over the schools to
themselves. The conduct of the ultra-High
Church faction in the Anglican establishment
we have attempted to make clear. The conduct
of the Roman Catholic clergy has been more
temperate, but hardly less insincere or invidious.[Pg 103]
Their poor-school committee declare that their
prelates would be unwilling “to accept, were it
tendered to them, an appellate jurisdiction over
schools in matters purely secular;” but at the
same time they claim for their “ecclesiastical
authorities” the power of deciding what questions
do or do not affect “religion and morals.”
The committee of the council, on the one hand,
are exerting themselves to give effect to the
desire of a great majority of the English public,
that religious and moral shall be combined with
intellectual education; and, on the other, to
guard against their compliance with this desire
being perverted into an insidious instrument for
enabling arrogant priesthoods to set their feet
on the necks of the laity.
We challenge for public men thus honorably
and usefully discharging important duties a more
frank and cordial support than it has yet been
their good fortune to obtain. Several ornaments
of the church, conspicuous for their learning and
moderation—such men as the Bishop of Manchester,
Archdeacon Hare, and the Rev. Henry
Parr Hamilton—have already borne direct and
earnest testimony to the temper and justice, as
well as straightforward, honesty of purpose, displayed
by the committee of council. It is to be
hoped that the laity of the church will now
extend to them the requisite support; and that
the Nonconformists and educational enthusiasts,
who, by their waywardness, have been playing
the game of the obscurantist priests, may see
the wisdom of altering this very doubtful policy.
[From the London Athenæum.]
WILLIAM WORDSWORTH.
The great philosophical poet of our age,
William Wordsworth, died at Rydal Mount,
in Westmoreland—among his native lakes and
hills—on the 23d of April, in the eighty-first year
of his age. Those who are curious in the accidents
of birth and death, observable in the biographies
of celebrated men, have thought it
worthy of notice that the day of Wordsworth’s
death was the anniversary of Shakspeare’s birth.
William Wordsworth was born at Cockermouth,
in Cumberland, on the 7th of April,
1770, and educated at Hawkeshead Grammar
School, and at St. John’s College, Cambridge.
He was designed by his parents for the Church—but
poetry and new prospects turned him into
another path. His pursuit through life was
poetry, and his profession that of Stamp Distributor
for the Government in the counties of
Cumberland and Westmoreland: to which office
he was appointed by the joint interest, as we
have heard, of his friend, Sir George Beaumont,
and his patron, Lord Lonsdale.
Mr. Wordsworth made his first appearance
as a poet in the year 1793, by the publication
of a thin quarto volume entitled “An Evening
Walk—an Epistle in Verse, addressed to a
young Lady from the Lakes of the North of
England, by W. Wordsworth, B.A., of St. John’s
College, Cambridge.” Printed at London, and
published by Johnson in St. Paul’s Church-yard
from whose shop seven years before had appeared
“The Task” of Cowper. In the same
year he published “Descriptive Sketches in
Verse, taken during a Pedestrian Tour in the
Italian, Grison, Swiss and Savoyard Alps.”
What was thought of these poems by a few
youthful admirers may be gathered from the
account given by Coleridge in his “Biographia
Literaria.” “During the last year of my residence
at Cambridge, 1794, I became acquainted
with Mr. Wordsworth’s first publication, entitled
‘Descriptive Sketches;’ and seldom, if
ever, was the emergence of an original poetic
genius above the literary horizon more evidently
announced.” The two poets, then personally
unknown to each other, first became acquainted
in the summer of 1796, at Nether Stowey, in
Somersetshire. Coleridge was then in his
twenty-fourth year, and Wordsworth in his
twenty-sixth. A congeniality of pursuit soon
ripened into intimacy; and in September, 1798,
the two poets, accompanied by Miss Wordsworth,
made a tour in Germany.
Wordsworth’s next publication was the first
volume of his “Lyrical Ballads,” published in
the summer of 1798 by Mr. Joseph Cottle, of
Bristol, who purchased the copyright for thirty
guineas. It made no way with the public, and
Cottle was a loser by the bargain. So little,
indeed, was thought of the volume, that when
Cottle’s copyrights were transferred to the
Messrs. Longman, the “Lyrical Ballads” was
thrown in as a valueless volume, in the mercantile
idea of the term. The copyright was afterward
returned to Cottle; and by him transferred
to the great poet, who lived to see it of
real money value in the market of successful
publications.
Disappointed but not disheartened by the very
indifferent success of his “Lyrical Ballads,”
years elapsed before Mr. Wordsworth again
appeared as a poet. But he was not idle. He
was every year maturing his own principles of
poetry and making good the remark of Coleridge,
that to admire on principle is the only
way to imitate without loss of originality. In
the very year which witnessed the failure of his
“Lyrical Ballads,” he wrote his “Peter Bell,”
the most strongly condemned of all his poems.
The publication of this when his name was better
known (for he kept it by him till, he says, it
nearly survived its minority) brought a shower
of contemptuous criticisms on his head.
Wordsworth married in the year 1803 Miss
Mary Hutchinson of Penrith, and settled among
his beloved Lakes—first at Grasmere, and afterward
at Rydal Mount. Southey’s subsequent
retirement to the same beautiful country, and
Coleridge’s visits to his brother poets, originated
the name of the Lake School of Poetry—”the
school of whining and hypochondriacal poets
that haunt the Lakes”—by which the opponents
of their principles and the admirers of the Edinburgh
Review distinguished the three great poets[Pg 104]
whose names have long been and will still continue
to be connected.
Wordsworth’s fame increasing, slowly, it is
true, but securely, he put forth in 1807 two
volumes of his poems. They were reviewed by
Byron, then a young man of nineteen, and as
yet not even a poet in print, in the Monthly
Literary Recreations for the August of that
year. “The poems before us,” says the reviewer,
“are by the author of ‘Lyrical Ballads,’
a collection which has not undeservedly met
with a considerable share of public applause.
The characteristics of Mr. Wordsworth’s muse
are, simple and flowing, though occasionally inharmonious
verse, strong and sometimes irresistible
appeals to the feelings, with unexceptionable
sentiments. Though the present work
may not equal his former efforts, many of the
poems possess a native elegance, natural and
unaffected, totally devoid of the tinsel embellishments
and abstract hyperboles of several
contemporary sonneteers. ‘The Song at the
feasting of Brougham Castle,’ ‘The Seven Sisters,’
‘The Affliction of Margaret ——, of ——,’ possess
all the beauties and few of the
defects of this writer. The pieces least worthy
of the author are those entitled ‘Moods of My
Own Mind.’ We certainly wish these moods
had been less frequent.” Such is a sample of
Byron’s criticism—and of the criticising indeed
till very recently of a large class of people misled
by the caustic notices of the Edinburgh Review,
the pungent satires of Byron, and the
admirable parody of the poet’s occasional style
contained in the “Rejected Addresses.”
His next publication was “The Excursion,
being a portion of The Recluse,” printed in
quarto in the autumn of 1814. The critics
were hard upon it. “This will never do,” was
the memorable opening of the review in the
Edinburgh. Men who thought for themselves
thought highly of the poem—but few dared to
speak out. Jeffrey boasted wherever he went
that he had crushed it in its birth. “He crush
‘The Excursion!'” said Southey, “tell him he
might as easily crush Skiddaw.” What Coleridge
often wished, that the first two books of
“The Excursion” had been published separately
under the name of “The Deserted Cottage”
was a happy idea—and one, if it had been carried
into execution, that would have removed
many of the trivial objections made at the time
to its unfinished character.
While “The Excursion” was still dividing
the critics much in the same way that Davenant’s
“Gondibert” divided them in the reign of
Charles the Second, “Peter Bell” appeared, to
throw among them yet greater difference of
opinion. The author was evidently aware that
the poem, from the novelty of its construction,
and the still greater novelty of its hero, required
some protection, and this protection he sought
behind the name of Southey: with which he
tells us in the Dedication, his own had often appeared
“both for good and evil.” The deriders
of the poet laughed still louder than before—his
admirers too were at first somewhat amazed—and
the only consolation which the poet obtained
was from a sonnet of his own, in imitation of
Milton’s sonnet, beginning:
This sonnet runs as follows—
Not negligent the style;—the matter?—good
As aught that song records of Robin Hood;
Or Roy, renowned through many a Scottish dell;
But some (who brook these hackneyed themes full wet
Nor heat at Tam O’Shanter’s name their blood)
Waxed wrath, and with foul claws, a harpy brood
On Bard and Hero clamorously fell.
Heed not, wild Rover once through heath and glen.
Who mad’st at length the better life thy choice.
Heed not such onset! Nay, if praise of men
To thee appear not an unmeaning voice,
Lift up that gray-haired forehead and rejoice
In the just tribute of thy poet’s pen.
Lamb in thanking the poet for his strange
but clever poem, asked “Where was ‘The
Wagoner?'” of which he retained a pleasant
remembrance from hearing Wordsworth read it
in MS. when first written in 1806. Pleased
with the remembrance of the friendly essayist,
the poet determined on sending “The Wagoner”
to press—and in 1815 the poem appeared with
a dedication to his old friend who had thought
so favorably of it. Another publication of this
period which found still greater favor with many
of his admirers, was “The White Doe of Rylstone;”
founded on a tradition connected with
the beautiful scenery that surrounds Bolton
Priory, and on a ballad in Percy’s collection
called “The Rising of the North.”
His next poem of consequence in the history
of his mind is “The River Duddon,” described
in a noble series of sonnets, and containing some
of his very finest poetry. The poem is dedicated
to his brother, the Rev. Dr. Wordsworth,
and appeared in 1820. The subject seems to
have been suggested by Coleridge; who, among
his many unfulfilled intentions, designed writing
“The Brook,” a poem which in his hands would
surely have been a masterly performance.
The “Duddon” did much for the extension of
Wordsworth’s fame; and the public began to
call, in consequence, for a fresh edition of his
poems. The sneers of Byron, so frequent in
his “Don Juan,” such as,
Thou shalt not set up Wordsworth, Coleridge, Southey,
Because the first is crazed beyond all hope,
The second drunk, the third so quaint and mouthey;
and again in another place,
Of Pope and Dryden, are we come to this?
and somewhat further on,
Can sneer at him who drew Achitophel,
fell comparatively harmless. The public had
now found out (what was known only to a few
before) that amid much novelty of construction[Pg 105]
and connected with some very homely heroes,
there was a rich vein of the very noblest poetry
throughout the whole of Wordsworth’s works,
such as was not to be found elsewhere in the
whole body of English poetry. The author felt
at the same time the truth of his own remark,
that no really great poet had ever obtained an
immediate reputation, or any popular recognition
commensurate to his merits.
Wordsworth’s last publication of importance
was his “Yarrow Revisited, and other Poems,”
published in 1835. The new volume, however,
rather sustained than added to his reputation.
Some of the finer poems are additions to his
Memorials of a Tour in Scotland, which have
always ranked among the most delightful of his
works.
In the same year Mr. Wordsworth received a
pension of £300 a year from Sir Robert Peel’s
government, and permission to resign his office
of Stamp Distributor in favor of his son. The
remaining fifteen years of his life were therefore
even less diversified by events of moment than
any fifteen years previous had been. He seems
henceforth to have surrendered himself wholly
to the muse—and to contemplations suitable to
his own habits of mind and to the lovely country
in which he lived. This course of life, however,
was varied by a tour to Italy in company
with his friend, Mr. Crabb Robinson. The result
of his visit, as far as poetry is concerned,
was not remarkable.
On Southey’s death Mr. Wordsworth was
appointed Poet Laureate: an appropriate appointment,
if such an office was to be retained
at all—for the laurel dignified by the brows of
Ben Johnson, Davenant, Dryden, Tom Warton,
and Southey, had been sullied and degraded by
appearing on the unworthy temples of Tate,
Eusden, Whitehead, and Pye. Once, and once
only, did Wordsworth sing in discharge of his
office—on the occasion of Her Majesty’s visit
to the University of Cambridge. There is more
obscurity, however, than poetry in what he
wrote. Indeed, the Ode in question must be
looked on as another addition to the numerous
examples that we possess of how poor a figure
the Muse invariably makes when the occasion
of her appearance is such as the poet himself
would not have selected for a voluntary invocation.
If Wordsworth was unfortunate—as he certainly
was—in not finding any recognition of
his merits till his hair was gray, he was luckier
than other poets similarly situated have been in
living to, a good old age, and in the full enjoyment
of the amplest fame which his youthful
dreams had ever pictured. His admirers have
perhaps carried their idolatry too far: but there
can be no doubt of the high position which he
must always hold among British Poets. His
style is simple, unaffected, and vigorous—his
blank verse manly and idiomatic—his sentiments
both noble and pathetic—and his images poetic
and appropriate. His sonnets are among the
finest in the language: Milton’s scarcely finer.
“I think,” says Coleridge, “that Wordsworth
possessed more of the genius of a great philosophic
poet than any man I ever knew, or, as I
believe, has existed in England since Milton;
but it seems to me that he ought never to have
abandoned the contemplative position which is
peculiarly—perhaps I might say exclusively—fitted
for him. His proper title is Spectator ab
extra.”
Mr. Wordsworth’s works are rich in quotations
suitable to the various phases of human
life; and his name will be remembered not by
his “Peter Bell,” or his “Idiot Boy,” or even
his “Wagoner,” but by his “Excursion,” his
“Laodamia,” his “Tintern Abbey,” some twenty
of his sonnets, his “Daisy,” and his “Yarrow
Unvisited.” The lineaments of his face will be
perpetuated by Chantrey’s noble bust; not by
the pictures of it, which in too many cases
justify the description that he gave of one of
them in our hearing: “It is the head of a
drover, or a common juryman, or a writer in
the Edinburgh Review, or a speaker in the
House of Commons: … as for the head of a
poet, it is no such thing.”
THE MOTHER’S FIRST DUTY.
I would wish every mother to pay attention
to the difference between a course of action,
adopted in compliance with the authority, and
between a conduct pursued for the sake of another.
The first proceeds from reasoning; the second
flows from affection. The first may be abandoned,
when the immediate cause may have
ceased to exist; the latter will be permanent,
as it did not depend upon circumstances, or
accidental considerations, but is founded in a
moral and constant principle.
In the case now before us, if the infant does
not disappoint the hope of the mother, it will
be a proof, first of affection, secondly, of confidence.
Of affection—for the earliest, and the most
innocent wish to please, is that of the infant to
please the mother. If it be questioned, whether
that wish can at all exist in one so little advanced
in development. I would again, as I do
upon almost all occasions, appeal to the experience
of mothers.
It is a proof, also, of confidence. Whenever
an infant has been neglected; when the necessary
attention has not been paid to its wants;
and when, instead of the smile of kindness, it
has been treated with the frown of severity; it
will be difficult to restore it to that quiet and
amiable disposition, in which it will wait for the
gratification of its desires without impatience,
and enjoy it without greediness.
If affection and confidence have once gained
ground in the heart, it will be the first duty of
the mother to do every thing in her power to
encourage, to strengthen, and to elevate this
principle.—Pestalozzi.[Pg 106]
PHYSICAL EDUCATION.
The revival of gymnastics is, in my opinion,
the most important step that has been done
in that direction. The great merit of the gymnastic
art is not the facility with which certain
exercises are performed, or the qualification
which they may give for certain exertions that
require much energy and dexterity; though an
attainment of that sort is by no means to be
despised. But the greatest advantage resulting
from a practice of these exercises, is the natural
progress which is observed in the arrangement
of them, beginning with those which, while they
are easy in themselves, yet lead as a preparatory
practice to others which are more complicated
and more difficult. There is not, perhaps, any
art in which it may be so clearly shown, that
energies which appeared to be wanting, are to
be produced, as it were, or at least are to be
developed, by no other means than practice
alone. This might afford a most useful hint to
all those who are engaged in teaching any object
of instruction, and who meet with difficulties
in bringing their pupils to that proficiency
which they had expected. Let them recommence
on a new plan, in which the exercises
shall be differently arranged, and the subjects
brought forward in a manner that will admit of
the natural progress from the easier to the more
difficult. When talent is wanting altogether, I
know that it can not be imparted by any system
of education. But I have been taught by
experience to consider the cases, in which
talents of any kind are absolutely wanting, but
very few. And in most cases, I have had the
satisfaction to find, that a faculty which had
been quite given over, instead of being developed,
had been obstructed rather in its agency by
a variety of exercises which tended to perplex
or to deter from further exertion.
And here I would attend to a prejudice, which
is common enough, concerning the use of gymnastics;
it is frequently said, that they may be
very good for those who are strong enough; but
that those who are suffering from weakness of
constitution would be altogether unequal to, and
even endangered by, a practice of gymnastics.
Now, I will venture to say, that this rests
merely upon a misunderstanding of the first
principles of gymnastics: the exercises not only
vary in proportion to the strength of individuals;
but exercises may be, and have been devised,
for those also who were decidedly suffering.
And I have consulted the authority of the first
physicians, who declared, that in cases which
had come under their personal observation, individuals
affected with pulmonary complaints,
if these had not already proceeded too far, had
been materially relieved and benefited by a constant
practice of the few and simple exercises,
which the system in such cases proposes.
And for this very reason, that exercises may
be devised for every age, and for every degree
of bodily strength, however reduced, I consider
it to be essential, that mothers should make
themselves acquainted with the principles of gymnastics,
in order that, among the elementary and
preparatory exercises, they may be able to select
those which, according to circumstances, will be
most likely to suit and benefit their children.
If the physical advantage of gymnastics is
great and incontrovertible, I would contend,
that the moral advantage resulting from them
is as valuable. I would again appeal to your
own observation. You have seen a number of
schools in Germany and Switzerland, of which
gymnastics formed a leading feature; and I
recollect that in our conversations on the subject,
you made the remark, which exactly
agrees with my own experience, that gymnastics,
well conducted, essentially contribute
to render children not only cheerful and healthy,
which, for moral education, are two all-important
points, but also to promote among them a
certain spirit of union, and a brotherly feeling,
which is most gratifying to the observer: habits
of industry, openness and frankness of character,
personal courage, and a manly conduct in suffering
pain, are also among the natural and
constant consequences of an early and a continued
practice of exercises on the gymnastic
system.—Pestalozzi.
Married Men.—So good was he, that I now
take the opportunity of making a confession
which I have often had upon my lips, but have
hesitated to make from the fear of drawing upon
myself the hatred of every married woman. But
now I will run the risk—so now for it—some
time or other, people must unburden their hearts.
I confess, then, that I never find, and never
have found a man more lovable, more captivating
than when he is a married man; that is
to say, a good married man. A man is never
so handsome, never so perfect in my eyes as
when he is married, as when he is a husband,
and the father of a family, supporting, in his
manly arms, wife and children, and the whole
domestic circle, which, in his entrance into the
married state, closes around him and constitutes
a part of his home and his world. He is not
merely ennobled by this position, but he is actually
beautified by it. Then he appears to me as
the crown of creation; and it is only such a
man as this who is dangerous to me, and with
whom I am inclined to fall in love. But then
propriety forbids it. And Moses, and all European
legislators declare it to be sinful, and all
married women would consider it a sacred duty
to stone me.
Nevertheless, I can not prevent the thing. It
is so, and it can not be otherwise, and my only
hope of appeasing those who are excited against
me is in my further confession, that no love
affects me so pleasantly; the contemplation of
no happiness makes me so happy, as that between
married people. It is amazing to myself,
because it seems to me, that I living unmarried,
or mateless, have with that happiness little to do.
But it is so, and it always was so.—Miss Bremer.[Pg 107]
[From the London Examiner.]
SIDNEY SMITH ON MORAL PHILOSOPHY.
Elementary Sketches of Moral Philosophy; delivered
at the Royal Institution, in the years
1804, 1805, and 1806. By the late Rev.
Sydney Smith, M.A. Longman and Co.
How difficult it is to discover the merits of a
manuscript appears from the history of this
book. Lord Jeffrey, consulted as to the expediency
of its publication, while it yet existed but
in pen and ink, gave a decidedly adverse opinion.
But some hundred copies having been printed for
private distribution, and a copy reaching Lord
Jeffrey, he hastened, with his accustomed candor
and sweetness of disposition, to retract his
hostile verdict, after reading the book in print;
and (only three days before he was attacked by
the illness which terminated his valuable life)
thus wrote to Sydney Smith’s widow:
“I am now satisfied that in what I then said,
I did great and grievous injustice to the merit of
these lectures, and was quite wrong in dissuading
their publication, or concluding they would
add nothing to the reputation of the author; on
the contrary, my firm impression is, that, with a
few exceptions, they will do him as much credit
as any thing he ever wrote, and produce, on the
whole, a stronger impression of the force and vivacity
of his intellect, as well as a truer and
more engaging view of his character, than most
of what the world has yet seen of his writings.”
One practical application of this anecdote is to
enforce the importance of calligraphical studies
upon authors. A hieroglyphical hand is the
false medium excluding British authors from the
public; In general we should say that there is
no class of men whose education in this respect
is so deplorably imperfect, or to whom “only six
lessons” would so often be priceless.
We must confess that the book before us has
taken us by surprise, notwithstanding our affectionate
esteem and admiration for its writer. It
has raised our estimate of the power and range
of his intellect, of his insight into human character,
of his well-balanced judgment, of his tolerance
and charity undebased by compromise with the
vicious or mean, of the vigorous play of his
thoughts, of the sustained beauty of his style, of
his eloquence as well as his humor, and of his
profundity no less than of his wit. Hurriedly
composed and unrevised though the lectures
obviously are, fragmentary as the condition is
in which they have been preserved, they are an
invaluable addition to English literature.
Their delivery is associated with the first outbreak
of a fashion ridiculed by Lord Byron in his
Beppo and his Blues. The poet’s satirical touches
notwithstanding, we think that those lectures
at the Royal Institution were even more wanted
by their fashionable auditors at the time, than
the similar prelections at Mechanics’ Institutes
which came in vogue for less fashionable auditors
some few years later. Had it only been
possible to insure the services of a series of
Sydney Smiths, the Institution might have gone
on lecturing to the present day to the unspeakable
advantage of all parties concerned. What
innumerable fopperies in literature, in politics, in
religion, we might thus have escaped, it is not
easy to conjecture!
The “Elementary Sketches” were delivered
soon after the commencement of Sydney’s metropolitan
career, and bear strong marks of his
recent residence in Edinburgh. In their general
outline they closely approximate to the course
delivered from the moral philosophy chairs of
Scotch Universities. The division of the subject
is the same; the authorities most frequently and
panegyrically cited are the same; the principles
and opinions set forth are in the main the same.
Sydney Smith’s moral philosophy belongs undeniably
to the Scotch school—to the school of Reid,
Stewart, and Adam Smith. But his “sketches”
do not the less indicate an original thinker, a
master in the science taught, and one who can
suggest to the great men we have named almost
as much as he receives from them.
The book is an excellent illustration of what
could be gained by engrafting the Edinburgh
philosophy on a full-grown healthy English intellect.
The habits of English society, and the
classical tastes imbibed at an English University,
preserved Sydney Smith from that touch of pedantry
which characterized the thinkers of the
Scotch universities, trained in a provincial sphere,
and trammeled by the Calvinistic logic even after
they had freed themselves from the Calvinistic
theology. Without disparaging the Edinburgh
school of literature, the fact must be admitted
that its most prominent ornaments have generally
had the advantage of a “foreign” education.
Hume and Black studied in France; Adam Smith
was the member of an English university; Jeffrey
had become familiar with Oxford, though he
did not stay there; Homer was caught young,
and civilized at Hackney; and Mackintosh and
Brougham, thoroughly Scotch-bred, expanded
amazingly when transplanted to the south. It
may be a national weakness, but it occurs to us
that Sydney Smith, who was southern born as
well as bred, is still more free from narrownesses
and angularities than any of them.
The healthy and genial nature of the man accounts
for his most characteristic excellencies,
but this book exhibits much we had not looked
for. The lectures on the passions evince a power
of comprehending and sympathizing with what is
great in the emotional part of human nature for
which we were not prepared. The lectures on
the conduct of the understanding, and on habit,
show that the writer had studied profoundly and successfully
the discipline of the mind and character.
The lectures on the beautiful are pervaded
by a healthy and unaffected appreciation
of the loveliness of external nature. And combined
with these high qualities, is that incessant
play of witty and humorous fancy (perhaps the
only certain safeguard against sentimental and
systematic excesses, and, when duly restrained[Pg 108]
by the judgment and moral sense, the best corrective
of hasty philosophizing), so peculiar to
Sydney Smith. Much of all that we have mentioned
is indeed and undoubtedly attributable to
the original constitution of Smith’s mind; but
for much he was also, beyond all question, indebted
to the greater freedom of thought and
conversation which (as compared with the
Scotch) has always characterized literary and
social opinion in England.
The topics discussed in the lectures naturally
resolve themselves into, and are arranged in,
three divisions. We have an analysis of the
thinking faculties, or the powers of perception,
conception, and reasoning; an analysis of the
powers of taste, or of what Schiller and other
Germans designate the æsthetical part of our
nature; and an exposition of the “active powers
of the mind,” as they are designated in the
nomenclature of the school of Reid, the appetites,
passions, and will. All these themes are discussed
with constant reference to a practical
application of the knowledge conveyed. Every
thing is treated in subordination to the establishment
of rules for the right conduct of the understanding,
and the formation of good habits.
These practical lessons for the strengthening of
the reason, and the regulation of the emotions
and imagination, constitute what, in the language
of Sydney Smith, and the school to which
he belongs, is called “Moral Philosophy.”
Apart from any particular school, the impression
of the author left by the perusal of his lectures
is that he was a man of considerable
reading in books, but far more deeply read in
the minds of those he encountered in society.
It is in this extensive knowledge of the world,
confirming and maturing the judgments suggested
by his wisely-balanced powers of feeling
and humor, that the superiority of Smith over
the rest of his school consists. He knows men
not merely as they are represented in books, but
as they actually are; he knows them not only
as they exist in a provincial sphere, narrowed
by petty interests and trammeled by pedantic
opinion, but as they exist in the freest community
of the world, where boundless ambition and enterprise
find full scope.
It appears to us that Sidney Smith is most
perfectly at home—most entirely in his element—when
discussing the “active powers” of man,
or those impulses in which originate the practical
business of life. Scarcely, if at all, secondary in
point of excellence to his remarks on these topics,
are those which he makes on the sublime and
beautiful (a fact for which many will not be
prepared), and on wit and humor (which every
body will have expected). The least conclusive
and satisfactory of his discussions are those which
relate to the intellectual powers, or the anatomy
of mind. With reference to this part of the
course, however, it must be kept in remembrance
that here, more than in the other two departments,
he was fettered by the necessity of being
popular in his language, and brief and striking
in his illustrations, in order to keep within the
range of the understandings and intellects of his
auditory. These earlier lectures, too, survive
in a more fragmentary and dilapidated condition
than the rest. And after all, even where we
seem to miss a sufficiently extensive and intimate
acquaintance with the greatest and best writers
on the subjects handled, or a sufficiently subtle
and precise phraseology, we always find the
redeeming qualities of lively and original conception,
of witty and forcible illustration, and of
sound manly sense most felicitously expressed.
In the general tone and tendency of the lectures
there is something Socratic. There is the
pervading common sense and practical turn of
mind which characterized the Greek philosopher.
There is the liberal tolerance, and the moral
intrepidity. There is the amusement always
insinuating or enforcing instruction. There is
the conversational tone, and adaptation to the
tastes and habits of the social circle. We feel
that we are listening to a man who moves
habitually in what is called the best society, who
can relish and add a finishing grace to the
pleasures of those portions of the community, but
who retains unsophisticated his estimate of
higher and more important matters, and whose
incessant aim is to engraft a better and worthier
tone of thought and aspiration upon the predominating
frivolity of his associates. Nothing
can be more graceful or charming than the way
in which Sydney accommodates himself to the
habitual language and thoughts of his brilliant
auditory; nothing more manly or strengthening
than the sound practical lessons he reads to them.
Such a manual should now be invaluable to our
aristocracy. Let them thoroughly embue themselves
with its precepts, and do their best to act
as largely as possible upon its suggestions.
They can have no better chance of maintaining
their position in the front of English society.
To appreciate the book as a whole—and its
purpose, thought, and sentiment impart to it a
unity of the highest kind—it must be not only
read but studied. A few citations, however,
gleaned here and there at random, may convey
some notion of the characteristic beauties and
felicities of thought and expression which are
scattered through every page of it.
socrates.
Socrates was, in truth, not very fond of subtle
and refined speculations; and upon the intellectual
part of our nature, little or nothing of his
opinions is recorded. If we may infer any thing
from the clearness and simplicity of his opinions
on moral subjects, and from the bent which his
genius had received for the useful and the
practical, he would certainly have laid a strong
foundation for rational metaphysics. The slight
sketch I have given of his moral doctrines contains
nothing very new or very brilliant, but
comprehends those moral doctrines which every
person of education has been accustomed to hear
from his childhood; but two thousand years ago
they were great discoveries, two thousand years
since, common sense was not invented. If[Pg 109]
Orpheus, or Linus, or any of those melodious
moralists, sung, in bad verses, such advice as a
grandmamma would now give to a child of six
years old, he was thought to be inspired by the
gods, and statues and altars were erected to his
memory. In Hesiod there is a very grave
exhortation to mankind to wash their faces: and
I have discovered a very strong analogy between
the precepts of Pythagoras and Mrs. Trimmer;
both think that a son ought to obey his father,
and both are clear that a good man is better
than a bad one. Therefore, to measure aright
this extraordinary man, we must remember the
period at which he lived; that he was the first
who called the attention of mankind from the
pernicious subtleties which engaged and perplexed
their wandering understandings to the
practical rules of life; he was the great father
and inventor of common sense, as Ceres was of
the plow, and Bacchus of intoxication. First,
he taught his contemporaries that they did not
know what they pretended to know; then he
showed them that they knew nothing; then he
told them what they ought to know. Lastly, to
sum the praise of Socrates, remember that two
thousand years ago, while men were worshiping
the stones on which they trod, and the insects
which crawled beneath their feet; two thousand
years ago, with the bowl of poison in his hand,
Socrates said, “I am persuaded that my death,
which is now just coming, will conduct me into
the presence of the gods, who are the most
righteous governors, and into the society of just
and good men; and I derive confidence from the
hope that something of man remains after death,
and that the condition of good men will then be
much better than that of the bad.” Soon after
this he covered himself up with his cloak and
expired.
plato.
Of all the disciples of Socrates, Plato, though
he calls himself the least, was certainly the most
celebrated. As long as philosophy continued to
be studied among the Greeks and Romans, his
doctrines were taught, and his name revered.
Even to the present day his writings give a tinge
to the language and speculations of philosophy
and theology. Of the majestic beauty of Plato’s
style, it is almost impossible to convey an adequate
idea. He keeps the understanding up to
a high pitch of enthusiasm longer than any existing
writer; and, in reading Plato, zeal and
animation seem rather to be the regular feelings
than the casual effervescence of the mind. He
appears almost disdaining the mutability and
imperfection of the earth on which he treads, to
be drawing down fire from heaven, and to be
seeking among the gods above, for the permanent,
the beautiful, and the grand! In contrasting
the vigor and the magnitude of his conceptions
with the extravagance of his philosophical
tenets, it is almost impossible to avoid wishing
that he had confined himself to the practice of
eloquence; and, in this way giving range and
expansion to the mind which was struggling
within him, had become one of those famous
orators who
Shook th’ arsenal, and fulmin’d over Greece
To Macedon and Artaxerxes’ throne.”
After having said so much of his language, I
am afraid I must proceed to his philosophy;
observing always, that, in stating it, I do not
always pretend to understand it, and do not even
engage to defend it. In comparing the very
few marks of sobriety and discretion with the
splendor of his genius, I have often exclaimed as
Prince Henry did about Falstaff’s bill, “Oh,
monstrous! but one half-pennyworth of bread to
this intolerable deal of sack!”
dr. reid.
In answer to these metaphysical lunacies, Dr.
Reid has contended that, for all reasoning, there
must be some first principles from whence such
reasoning originates, and which must necessarily
be incapable of proof or they would not be first
principles; and that facts so irresistibly ingrafted
upon human belief as the existence of mind and
matter, must be assumed for truths, and reasoned
upon as such. All that these skeptics have said
of the outer and the inner world may, with equal
justice, be applied to every other radical truth.
Who can prove his own personal identity? A
man may think himself a clergyman, and believe
he has preached for these ten years last past;
but I defy him to offer any sort of proof that he
has not been a fishmonger all the time …
ever doubt that all reasoning must end in arbitrary
belief; that we must, at last, come to
that point where the only reply can be, “I am
so—this belief is the constitution of my nature—God
willed it.” I grant that this reasoning is
a ready asylum for ignorance and imbecility, and
that it affords too easy a relief from the pain of
rendering a reason: but the most unwearied
vigor of human talents must at last end there;
the wisdom of ages can get no further; here,
after all, the Porch, the Garden, the Academy,
the Lyceum, must close their labors.
Much as we are indebted to Dr. Reid for
preaching up this doctrine, he has certainly executed
it very badly; and nothing can be more
imperfect than the table of first principles which
he has given us—an enumeration of which is still
a desideratum of the highest importance. The
skeptics may then call the philosophy of the
human mind merely hypothetical; but if it be
so, all other knowledge must, of course, be
hypothetical also; and if it be so, and all is erroneous,
it will do quite as well as reality, if we
keep up a certain proportion in our errors: for
there may be no such things as lunar tables, no
sea, and no ships; but, by falling into one of
these errors after the other, we avoid shipwreck,
or, what is the same thing, as it gives the same
pain, the idea of shipwreck. So with the philosophy
of the human mind: I may have no
memory, and no imagination—they may be mistakes;
but if I cultivate them both, I derive
honor and respect from my fellow-creatures,[Pg 110]
which may be mistakes also; but they harmonize
so well together, that they are quite as good as
realities. The only evil of errors is, that they
are never supported by consequences; if they
were, they would be as good as realities. Great
merit is given to Dr. Reid for his destruction of
what is called the ideal system, but I confess I
can not see the important consequences to which
it has yet led.
puns.
I have mentioned puns. They are, I believe,
what I have denominated them—the wit of
words. They are exactly the same to words
which wit is to ideas, and consist in the sudden
discovery of relations in language. A pun, to
be perfect in its kind, should contain two distinct
meanings; the one common and obvious; the
other, more remote; and in the notice which the
mind takes of the relation between these two
sets of words, and in the surprise which that
relation excites, the pleasure of a pun consists.
Miss Hamilton, in her book on Education, mentions
the instance of a boy so very neglectful,
that he could never be brought to read the word
patriarchs; but whenever he met with it he
always pronounced it partridges. A friend of
the writer observed to her, that it could hardly
be considered as a mere piece of negligence, for
it appeared to him that the boy, in calling them
partridges, was making game of the patriarchs.
Now, here are two distinct meanings contained
in the same phrase; for to make game of the
patriarchs is to laugh at them; or to make game
of them is, by a very extravagant and laughable
sort of ignorance of words, to rank them among
pheasants, partridges, and other such delicacies,
which the law takes under its protection and
calls game; and the whole pleasure derived from
this pun consists in the sudden discovery that
two such different meanings are referable to
one form of expression. I have very little to
say about puns; they are in very bad repute,
and so they ought to be. The wit of language
is so miserably inferior to the wit of ideas, that
it is very deservedly driven out of good company.
Sometimes, indeed, a pun makes its appearance
which seems for a moment to redeem
its species; but we must not be deceived by
them; it is a radically bad race of wit. By
unremitting persecution, it has been at last got
under, and driven into cloisters—from whence
it must never again be suffered to emerge into
the light of the world.
importance of being able to despise ridicule.
I know of no principle which it is of more
importance to fix in the minds of young people
than that of the most determined resistance
to the encroachment of ridicule. Give up to
the world, and to the ridicule with which the
world enforces its dominion, every trifling question
of manner and appearance; it is to toss
courage and firmness to the winds, to combat
with the mass upon such subjects as these. But
learn from the earliest days to insure your principles
against the perils of ridicule: you can no
more exercise your reason, if you live in the
constant dread of laughter, than you can enjoy
your life, if you are in the constant terror of
death. If you think it right to differ from the
times, and to make a stand for any valuable
point of morals, do it, however rustic, however
antiquated, however pedantic it may appear—do
it, not for insolence, but seriously and grandly—as
a man who wore a soul of his own in his
bosom, and did not wait till it was breathed into
him by the breath of fashion. Let men call you
mean, if you know you are just; hypocritical,
if you are honestly religious; pusillanimous, if
you feel that you are firm: resistance soon converts
unprincipled wit into sincere respect; and
no after-time can tear from you those feelings
which every man carries within him who has
made a noble and successful exertion in a virtuous
cause.
bulls and charades.
A bull—which must by no means be passed
over in this recapitulation of the family of wit and
humor—a bull is exactly the counterpart of a
witticism: for as wit discovers real relations
that are not apparent, bulls admit apparent
relations that are not real. The pleasure arising
from bulls, proceeds from our surprise at suddenly
discovering two things to be dissimilar in
which a resemblance might have been suspected.
The same doctrine will apply to wit and bulls in
action. Practical wit discovers connection or
relation between actions, in which duller understandings
discover none; and practical bulls
originate from an apparent relation between two
actions which more correct understandings immediately
perceive to have none at all. In the
late rebellion in Ireland, the rebels, who had
conceived a high degree of indignation against
some great banker, passed a resolution that they
would burn his notes; which they accordingly
did, with great assiduity; forgetting, that in
burning his notes they were destroying his
debts, and that for every note which went into
the flames, a correspondent value went into the
banker’s pocket. A gentleman, in speaking of
a nobleman’s wife of great rank and fortune,
lamented very much that she had no children.
A medical gentleman who was present observed,
that to have no children was a great misfortune,
but he thought he had remarked it was hereditary
in some families. Take any instance of this
branch of the ridiculous, and you will always
find an apparent relation of ideas leading to a
complete inconsistency.
I shall say nothing of charades, and such sort
of unpardonable trumpery: if charades are made
at all, they should be made without benefit of
clergy, the offender should instantly be hurried
off to execution, and be cut off in the middle of
his dullness, without being allowed to explain
to the executioner why his first is like his second,
or what is the resemblance between his
fourth and his ninth.[Pg 111]
wit and professed wits.
I wish, after all I have said about wit and
humor, I could satisfy myself of their good
effects upon the character and disposition; but
I am convinced the probable tendency of both
is, to corrupt the understanding and the heart.
I am not speaking of wit where it is kept down
by more serious qualities of mind, and thrown
into the background of the picture; but where
it stands out boldly and emphatically, and is
evidently the master quality in any particular
mind. Professed wits, though they are generally
courted for the amusement they afford, are
seldom respected for the qualities they possess.
The habit of seeing things in a witty point of
view, increases, and makes incursions from its
own proper regions, upon principles and opinions
which are ever held sacred by the wise and
good. A witty man is a dramatic performer:
in process of time, he can no more exist without
applause than he can exist without air; if his
audience be small, or if they are inattentive, or
if a new wit defrauds him of any portion of his
admiration, it is all over with him—he sickens,
and is extinguished. The applauses of the theatre
on which he performs are so essential to
him, that he must obtain them at the expense
of decency, friendship, and good feeling. It
must always be probable, too, that a mere wit is
a person of light and frivolous understanding.
His business is not to discover relations of ideas
that are useful, and have a real influence upon
life, but to discover the more trifling relations
which are only amusing; he never looks at
things with the naked eye of common sense,
but is always gazing at the world through a
Claude Lorraine glass—discovering a thousand
appearances which are created only by the
instrument of inspection, and covering every
object with factitious and unnatural colors. In
short, the character of a mere wit it is impossible
to consider as very amiable, very respectable,
or very safe. So far the world, in judging
of wit where it has swallowed up all other
qualities, judge aright; but I doubt if they are
sufficiently indulgent to this faculty where it
exists in a lesser degree, and as one out of
many other ingredients of the understanding.
There is an association in men’s minds between
dullness and wisdom, amusement and folly, which
has a very powerful influence in decision upon
character, and is not overcome without considerable
difficulty. The reason is, that the outward
signs of a dull man and a wise man are
the same, and so are the outward signs of a
frivolous man and a witty man; and we are not
to expect that the majority will be disposed to
look to much more than the outward sign. I
believe the fact to be, that wit is very seldom
the only eminent quality which resides in the
mind of any man; it is commonly accompanied
by many other talents of every description, and
ought to be considered as a strong evidence of
a fertile and superior understanding. Almost
all the great poets, orators, and statesmen of all
times, have been witty, Cæsar, Alexander,
Aristotle, Descartes, and Lord Bacon, were
witty men; so were Cicero, Shakspeare, Demosthenes,
Boileau, Pope, Dryden, Fontenelle,
Jonson, Waller, Cowley, Solon, Socrates, Dr.
Johnson, and almost every man who has made
a distinguished figure in the House of Commons.
I have talked of the danger of wit: I
do not mean by that to enter into commonplace
declamation against faculties because they are
dangerous; wit is dangerous, eloquence is dangerous,
a talent for observation is dangerous,
every thing is dangerous that has efficacy and
vigor for its characteristics: nothing is safe but
mediocrity. The business is, in conducting the
understanding well, to risk something; to aim
at uniting things that are commonly incompatible.
The meaning of an extraordinary man is,
that he is eight men, not one man; that he has
as much wit as if he had no sense, and as much
sense as if he had no wit; that his conduct is as
judicious as if he were the dullest of human
beings, and his imagination as brilliant as if he
were irretrievably ruined. But when wit is
combined with sense and information; when it
is softened by benevolence, and restrained by
strong principle; when it is in the hands of a
man who can use it and despise it, who can be
witty and something much better than witty, who
loves honor, justice, decency, good-nature, morality,
and religion, ten thousand times better
than wit; wit is then a beautiful and delightful
part of our nature. There is no more interesting
spectacle than to see the effects of wit upon
the different characters of men; than to observe
it expanding caution, relaxing dignity, unfreezing
coldness—teaching age, and care, and pain
to smile—extorting reluctant gleams of pleasure
from melancholy, and charming even the
pangs of grief. It is pleasant to observe how it
penetrates through the coldness and awkwardness
of society, gradually bringing men nearer
together, and, like the combined force of wine
and oil, giving every man a glad heart and a
shining countenance. Genuine and innocent
wit like this, is surely the flavor of the mind!
Man could direct his ways by plain reason, and
support his life by tasteless food; but God has
given us wit, and flavor, and brightness, and
laughter, and perfumes, to enliven the days of
man’s pilgrimage, and to “charm his pained
steps over the burning marl.”
influence of association.
I remember once seeing an advertisement in
the papers, with which I was much struck; and
which I will take the liberty of reading: “Lost,
in the Temple Coffee-house, and supposed to be
taken away by mistake, an oaken stick, which
has supported its master not only over the
greatest part of Europe, but has been his companion
in his journeys over the inhospitable deserts
of Africa: whoever will restore it to the
waiter, will confer a very serious obligation on
the advertiser; or, if that be any object, shall
receive a recompense very much above the value[Pg 112]
of the article restored.” Now, here is a man,
who buys a sixpenny stick, because it is useful;
and, totally forgetting the trifling causes which
first made his stick of any consequence, speaks
of it with warmth and affection; calls it his companion;
and would hardly have changed it, perhaps,
for the gold stick which is carried before
the king. But the best and the strongest example
of this, and of the customary progress of
association, is in the passion of avarice. A child
only loves a guinea because it shines; and, as
it is equally splendid, he loves a gilt button as
well. In after-life, he begins to love wealth,
because it affords him the comforts of existence;
and then loves it so well, that he denies himself
the common comforts of life to increase it. The
uniting idea is so totally forgotten, that it is
completely sacrificed to the ideas which it unites.
Two friends unite against the person to whose
introduction they are indebted for their knowledge
of each other; exclude him their society,
and ruin him by their combination.
indestructibility of enjoyment.
Mankind are always happier for having been
happy; so that if you make them happy now,
you make them happy twenty years hence, by
the memory of it. A childhood passed with a
due mixture of rational indulgence, under fond
and wise parents, diffuses over the whole of life
a feeling of calm pleasure; and, in extreme old
age, is the very last remembrance which time
can erase from the mind of man. No enjoyment,
however inconsiderable, is confined to the
present moment. A man is the happier for
life, from having made once an agreeable tour,
or lived for any length of time with pleasant
people, or enjoyed any considerable interval of
innocent pleasure: and it is most probably the
recollection of their past pleasures, which contributes
to render old men so inattentive to the
scenes before them; and carries them back to a
world that is past, and to scenes never to be
renewed again.
happiness as a moral agent.
That virtue gives happiness we all know;
but if it be true that happiness contributes to
virtue, the principle furnishes us with some sort
of excuse for the errors and excesses of able
young man, at the bottom of life, fretting
with impatience under their obscurity, and
hatching a thousand chimeras of being neglected
and overlooked by the world. The natural
cure for these errors is the sunshine of prosperity:
as they get happier, they get better, and
learn, from the respect which they receive from
others, to respect themselves. “Whenever,”
says Mr. Lancaster (in his book just published),
“I met with a boy particularly mischievous, I
made him a monitor: I never knew this fail.”
The cause for the promotion, and the kind of
encouragement it must occasion, I confess
appear rather singular, but of the effect, I have
no sort of doubt.
power of habit.
Habit uniformly and constantly strengthens
all our active exertions: whatever we do often,
we become more and more apt to do. A snuff-taker
begins with a pinch of snuff per day, and
ends with a pound or two every month. Swearing
begins in anger; it ends by mingling itself
with ordinary conversation. Such-like instances
are of too common notoriety to need that they
be adduced; but, as I before observed, at the
very time that the tendency to do the thing is
every day increasing, the pleasure resulting
from it is, by the blunted sensibility of the
bodily organ, diminished, and the desire is irresistible,
though the gratification is nothing.
There is rather an entertaining example of this
in Fielding’s “Life of Jonathan Wild,” in that
scene where he is represented as playing at
cards with the count, a professed gambler.
“Such,” says Mr. Fielding, “was the power
of habit over the minds of these illustrious persons,
that Mr. Wild could not keep his hands
out of the count’s pockets, though he knew they
were empty; nor could the count abstain from
palming a card, though he was well aware Mr.
Wild had no money to pay him.”
the use of the passions.
The passions are in morals, what motion is
in physics; they create, preserve, and animate,
and without them all would be silence and death.
Avarice guides men across the deserts of the
ocean; pride covers the earth with trophies,
and mausoleums, and pyramids; love turns men
from their savage rudeness; ambition shakes the
very foundations of kingdoms. By the love of
glory, weak nations swell into magnitude and
strength. Whatever there is of terrible, whatever
there is of beautiful in human events, all
that shakes the soul to and fro, and is remembered
while thought and flesh cling together,
all these have their origin from the passions.
As it is only in storms, and when their coming
waters are driven up into the air, that we catch
a sight of the depths of the sea, it is only in the
season of perturbation that we have a glimpse
of the real internal nature of man. It is then
only that the might of these eruptions, shaking
his frame, dissipates all the feeble coverings of
opinion, and rends in pieces that cobweb vail
with which fashion hides the feelings of the
heart. It is then only that Nature speaks her
genuine feelings; and, as at the last night
of Troy, when Venus illumined the darkness,
Æneas saw the gods themselves at work, so
may we, when the blaze of passion is flung
upon man’s nature, mark in him the signs of a
celestial origin, and tremble at the invisible
agents of God!
Look at great men in critical and perilous
moments, when every cold and little spirit is
extinguished: their passions always bring them
out harmless, and at the very moment when
they seem to perish, they emerge into greater
glory. Alexander in the midst of his mutinous[Pg 113]
soldiers; Frederick of Prussia, combating against
the armies of three kingdoms; Cortes, breaking
in pieces the Mexican empire: their passions
led all these great men to fix their attention
strongly upon the objects of their desires; they
saw them under aspects unknown to, and unseen
by common men, and which enabled them to
conceive and execute those hardy enterprises,
deemed rash and foolish, till their wisdom was
established by their success. It is, in fact, the
great passions alone which enable men to distinguish
between what is difficult and what is
impossible; a distinction always confounded by
merely sensible men, who do not even suspect
the existence of those means which men of
genius employ to effect their object. It is only
passion which gives a man that high enthusiasm
for his country, and makes him regard it as the
only object worthy of human attention; an enthusiasm
which to common eyes appears madness
and extravagance, but which always creates
fresh powers of mind, and commonly insures
their ultimate success. In fact, it is only the
great passions which, tearing us away from the
seductions of indolence, endow us with that continuity
of attention, to which alone superiority
of mind is attached. It is to their passions
alone, under the providence of God, that nations
must trust, when perils gather thick
about them, and their last moments seem to be
at hand. The history of the world shows us
that men are not to be counted by their numbers,
but by the fire and vigor of their passions;
by their deep sense of injury; by their memory
of past glory; by their eagerness for fresh fame;
by their clear and steady resolution of ceasing
to live, or of achieving a particular object,
which, when it is once formed, strikes off a load
of manacles and chains, and gives free space to
all heavenly and heroic feelings. All great and
extraordinary actions come from the heart.
There are seasons in human affairs, when qualities
fit enough to conduct the common business
of life, are feeble and useless, and when men
must trust to emotion for that safety which
reason at such times can never give. These
are the feelings which led the ten thousand over
the Carduchian mountains; these are the feelings
by which a handful of Greeks broke in
pieces the power of Persia: they have, by turns,
humbled Austria, reduced Spain; and in the
fens of the Dutch, and on the mountains of the
Swiss, defended the happiness, and revenged
the oppressions of man! God calls all the
passions out in their keenness and vigor for the
present safety of mankind. Anger, and revenge,
and the heroic mind, and a readiness to suffer;
all the secret strength, all the invisible array of
the feelings, all that nature has reserved for the
great scenes of the world. For the usual hopes
and the common aids of man are all gone!
Kings have perished, armies are subdued, nations
mouldered away! Nothing remains, under God,
but those passions which have often proved the
best ministers of His vengeance, and the surest
protectors of the world.
In that, and similar passages, a sustained
feeling and expression not ordinarily associated
with Sydney Smith, impresses the reader with its
unaffected eloquence and emotion. We close
the book reluctantly, for we leave many things
unquoted that had the most forcibly impressed
us. In the two chapters on the conduct of the
understanding, there are most masterly disquisitions
on labor and study as connected with the
manifestations of genius; on the importance of
men adhering to the particular line of their
powers or talents, and on the tendency of all
varieties of human accomplishment to the same
great object of exalting and gladdening life.
We would also particularly mention a happy and
noble recommendation of the uses of classical
study at the close of the chapter on the sublime.
YOUNG POET’S PLAINT.
Beauteous blight hath sadly kiss’d her
Whiter than the wild, white roses,
Famine in her face discloses
Mute submission, patience holy,
Passing fair! but passing slowly.
In her heart green trees are sighing;
Not of them hath pain bereft her,
In the city, where we left her:
“Bring,” she said, “a hedgeside blossom!”
Love shall lay it on her bosom.
Elliott.
Alexander after the retreat from
Lutzen.—”The Emperor of Russia passed the
night of the battle at Pegau, whither his britcka
containing his papers and camp-bed had been
brought; and, after having been twenty-four
hours on horseback, Lord Cathcart and his
staff found the bare floor of a cottage so comfortable
a couch, without even the luxury of
straw, that no one seemed in a hurry to rise
when we were informed soon after daylight,
that his imperial majesty was about to mount
and depart, and that the enemy were approaching
to dislodge us. The emperor slowly rode
some miles toward the rear, along the Altenburg
road, conversing with Lord Cathcart about
the battle: he laid great stress upon the report
of the commandant of artillery as to the want
of ammunition, which he assigned as the principal
reason for not renewing the action; he
spoke of the result as a victory gained on our
side; and it was afterward the fashion in the
army to consider it as such, though not perhaps
a victory so important in its consequences,
or so decisive as could have been wished. At
length the emperor observed that he did not
like to be seen riding, fast to the rear, and that it was
now necessary for him to go to Dresden with all expedition,
and prepare for ulterior operations: he
then entered his little traveling-carriage, which
was drawn by relays of Cossack horses, and
proceeded by Altenburg to Penig.”—Cathcart.[Pg 114]
[From the Dublin University Magazine.]
SONNETS FROM THE ITALIAN.
upon the death of the redeemer.
by minzoni.
Rent open graves and shook the mountain’s steep—
Adam, affrighted from his world-long sleep,
Raised up his head; then stark and upright stood:
With fear and wonder filled, he moved around
His troubled eyes—then asked, with throbbing heart,
Who was that awful One who hung apart,
Gore-stained and lifeless, on the curst tree bound.
Soon as he learned, his penitent hand defiled
His shriveled brow and bloodless cheeks, and tore
The hoary locks that streamed his shoulders o’er.
Turning to Eve, in lamentation wild,
He cried, ’till Calvary echoed to the cry—
“Woman! for thee I’ve given my Lord to die!”
two sonnets on judas.
by monti.
i.
The infamous bribe for which he sold the Lord,
Then in despair rushed forth, and with a cord,
From out the tree, his reprobate body hung.
Pent in his throat, the struggling spirit poured
A mingled sound of rage and wildest grief,
And Christ it cursed, and its own sin in chief,
Which glutted hell with triumphs so abhorred.
Forth with a howl at last the spirit fled.
Then Justice bore it to the holy mount,
And dipping there her finger in the fount
Of Christ’s all-sacred blood, the sentence dread
Wrote on its brow of everlasting woe,
Then, loathing, plunged it into hell below.
ii.
When lo! a mighty earthquake shook the ground;
The mountain reeled. The wind swept fierce around
The black and strangled body where it hung.
From Calvary at eve, the angels wending,
On slow, hushed wing, their holy vigil o’er,
Saw it afar, and swift their white wings, blending
With trembling fear, their pure eyes spread before.
Meanwhile fiends pluck the corse down in the gloom,
And on their burning shoulders, as a bier,
Convey the burden to its nameless doom.
Cursing and howling, downward thus they steer
Their hell-ward course, and in its depths restore
The wandering soul to its damned corse once more.
sonnet upon judas.
by gianni.
Judas hung gasping from the fatal tree;
Then swift the tempter-fiend sprang on him there,
Flapping his flame-red wings exultingly.
With griping claws he clutched the noose that bound
The traitor’s throat, and hurled him down below,
Where hell’s hot depths, incessant bubbling glow
His burning flesh and crackling bones around:
There, mid the gloomy shades, asunder riven
By storm and lurid flame, was Satan seen;
Relaxing his stern brow, with hideous grin.
Within his dusky arms the wretch he caught,
And with smutched lips, fuliginous and hot,
Repaid the kiss which he to Christ had given.
THE CHARACTER OF BURNS.
by ebenezer elliott.
Perhaps no falsehood has been more frequently
repeated, than that men of genius
are less fortunate and less virtuous than other
men; but the obvious truth, that they who attempt
little are less liable to failure than they
who attempt much, will account for the proverbial
good luck of fools. In our estimate of
the sorrows and failings of literary men, we
forget that sorrow is the common lot; we forget,
too, that the misfortunes and the errors of
men of genius are recorded; and that, although
their virtues may be utterly forgotten, their
minutest faults will be sure to find zealous historians.
And this is as it should be. Let the
dead instruct us. But slanderers blame, in
individuals, what belongs to the species. “We
women,” says Clytemnestra in Eschylus, when
meditating the murder of her husband, and in
reply to an attendant who was praising the
gentleness of the sex, “We women are—what
we are.” So is it with us all. Then let every
fault of men of genius be known; but let not
hypocrisy come with a sponge, and wipe away
their virtues.
Of the misfortunes of Cowper we have all
heard, and certainly he was unfortunate, for he
was liable to fits of insanity. But it might be
said of him, that he was tended through life by
weeping angels. Warm-hearted friends watched
and guarded him with intense and unwearied
solicitude; the kindest hearted of the softer
sex, the best of the best, seems to have been
born only to anticipate his wants. A glance at
the world, will show us that his fate, though
sad, was not saddest; for how many madmen are
there, and how many men still more unfortunate
than madmen, who have no living-creature to
aid, or soothe, or pity them! Think of Milton—”blind
among enemies!”
But the saddest incident in the life of Cowper[Pg 115]
remains to be told. In his latter days, he was
pensioned by the crown—a misfortune which I
can forgive to him, but not to destiny. It is
consoling to think, that he was not long conscious
of his degradation after the cruel kindness
was inflicted on him. But why did not
his friends, if weary of sustaining their kinsman
stricken by the arrows of the Almighty, suffer
him to perish in a beggars’ mad-house? Would
he had died in a ditch rather than this shadow
had darkened over his grave! Burns was
more fortunate in his death than Cowper: he
lived self-supported to the end. Glorious hearted
Burns! Noble, but unfortunate Cowper!
Burns was one of the few poets fit to be seen.
It has been asserted that genius is a disease—the
malady of physical inferiority. It is certain
that we have heard of Pope, the hunchback: of
Scott and Byron, the cripples: of the epileptic
Julius Cæsar, who, it is said, never planned a
great battle without going into fits; and of
Napoleon, whom a few years of trouble killed:
where Cobbett (a man of talent, not of genius)
would have melted St. Helena, rather than have
given up the ghost with a full belly. If Pope
could have leaped over five-barred gates, he
probably would not have written his inimitable
sofa-and-lap-dog poetry; but it does not follow
that he would not have written the “Essay on
Man;” and they who assert that genius is a
physical disease, should remember that, as true
critics are more rare than true poets, we having
only one in our language, William Hazlitt, so,
very tall and complete men are as rare as genius
itself, a fact well known to persons who have
the appointment of constables. And if it is undeniable
that God wastes nothing, and that we,
therefore, perhaps seldom find a gigantic body
combined with a soul of Æolian tones; it is
equally undeniable, that Burns was an exception
to the rule—a man of genius, tall, strong, and
handsome, as any man that could be picked out
of a thousand at a country fair.
But he was unfortunate, we are told. Unfortunate!
He was a tow-heckler who cleared
six hundred pounds by the sale of his poems:
of which sum he left two hundred pounds behind
him, in the hands of his brother Gilbert: two
facts which prove that he could neither be so
unfortunate, nor so imprudent, as we are told
he was. If he had been a mere tow-heckler,
I suspect he would never have possessed six
hundred shillings.
But he was imprudent, it is said. Now, he
is a wise man who has done one act that influences
beneficially his whole life. Burns did
three such acts—he wrote poetry—he published
it; and, despairing of his farm, he became an
exciseman. It is true he did one imprudent
act; and, I hope, the young persons around me
will be warned by it; he took a farm, without
thoroughly understanding the business of farming.
It does not appear that he wasted or lost
any capital, except what he threw away on his
farm. He was unlucky, but not imprudent in
giving it up when he did. Had he held it a
little longer, the Bank Restriction Act would
have enriched him at the expense of his landlord;
but Burns was an honest man, and, therefore,
alike incapable of desiring and foreseeing
that enormous villainy.
But he was neglected, we are told. Neglected!
No strong man in good health can be
neglected, if he is true to himself. For the
benefit of the young, I wish we had a correct
account of the number of persons who fail of
success, in a thousand that resolutely strive to
do well. I do not think it exceeds one per
cent. By whom was Burns neglected? Certainly
not by the people of Scotland: for they
paid him the highest compliment that can be
paid to an author: they bought his book! Oh,
but he ought to have been pensioned. Pensioned!
Can not we think of poets without
thinking of pensions? Are they such poor
creatures, that they can not earn an honest
living? Let us hear no more of such degrading
and insolent nonsense.
But he was a drunkard, it is said. I do not
mean to exculpate him when I say that he was
probably no worse, in that respect, than his
neighbors; for he was worse if he was not better
than they, the balance being against him;
and his Almighty Father would not fail to say
to him, “What didst thou with the lent talent?”
But drunkenness, in his time, was the vice of his
country—it is so still; and if the traditions of
Dumfries are to be depended on, there are allurements
which Burns was much less able to
resist than those of the bottle; and the supposition
of his frequent indulgence in the crimes
to which those allurements lead, is incompatible
with that of his habitual drunkenness.
Of Delays.—Fortune is like the market
where, many times, if you can stay a little, the
price will fall; and again, it is sometimes like
the Sibyl’s offer, who at first offereth the commodity
at full, then consumeth part and part,
and still holdeth up the price…. There is
surely no greater wisdom than well to time the
beginnings and onsets of things. Dangers are
no more light if they once seem light: and more
dangers have deceived men than forced them.
Nay, it were better to meet some dangers half-way,
though they come nothing near, than to
keep too long a watch upon their approaches;
for if a man watch too long, it is odds he will
fall asleep. On the other side, to be deceived
with too long shadows—as some have been,
when the moon was low and shone on their
enemies, and so to shoot off before the time—or
to teach dangers to come on, by an over-early
buckling toward them, is another extreme. The
ripeness or unripeness of the occasion must ever
be well weighed; and, generally, it is good to
commit the beginnings of all great actions to
Argus with his hundred eyes, and the ends to
Briareus with his hundred hands; first to watch,
and then to speed.—Lord Bacon.[Pg 116]
[From the London Examiner.]
THE PARIS ELECTION.
All Paris is absorbed in the contest between
the stationer Leclerc and Eugene Sue the
novelist. Strange it is that the party which
pretends to superior intelligence and refinement,
should have put forward as their candidate
merely a specimen of constabulary violence, an
honest policemen, in fact; while the party accused
of consisting of the mere dregs of society
has selected for its representative one of the
most refined and searching intellects of the day.
If ever a man became a Socialist from conviction,
it has been Sue; for his writings clearly
show the progress and the changes of his mind.
From depicting high society and influences he
acquired a disgust for them; by diving among
the vulgar, he discovered virtues whose existence
he did not suspect. And though the conclusions
he has drawn are erroneous, they would seem
to be sincere.
It is remarkable indeed to observe how all
the great literary geniuses of the day in France
have taken the popular side. We know how
boldly Lamartine plunged into it. Victor Hugo has
taken the same part, and Eugene Sue. Alexandre
Dumas, though in the employ of Louis
Philippe in 1830, soon flung aside court livery and
conservatism. Emile de Girardin, another man
of first rate literary ability, is decidedly Socialist.
Beranger, as far as age will permit him, is a
stern republican. When a cause thus attracts
and absorbs all the floating talent of a country,
there is a vitality and respectability in it, more
than we are at present inclined to allow to
French democratic parties.
That the intellect, that is, the entire working
intelligence of the country, has labored on the
Democratic, and, we fear even on the Socialist
side, is too evident from the fact that the opinions
of the latter have gained ground, and not
retrograded even in the provinces, where property
is subdivided, and where there are few of
the indigent classes. In no place is property
more generally possessed that in the South of
France; and there the results of the last two
years have been certainly to strengthen democratic
ideas, and to make monarchic ones decline.
There is no mistaking, indeed, in what
direction the current of ideas has set.
The Conservatives, or Monarchists, or the old
political class, whatever one pleases to call them,
begin to perceive that they are beaten in the
intellectual, the argumentative struggle. They
therefore make an appeal to arms. This is evident
in all their acts, arguments, and movements.
Their efforts are directed to crush the press,
proscribe and imprison writers, and abolish meetings
and speeches, except those delivered in their
own clubs. They give the universities over to
the Jesuits, and elect for the Assembly no longer
orators, but stout soldiers. Changarnier is the
Alpha, and Leclerc the Omega of such a party.
Strategy is its policy. It meditates no question
of political economy or of trade, but bethinks
it how streets are best defended, and how towns
are fortified against themselves. A War Minister,
a Tax Minister, and a Police Minister—these
form the head Cabinet of France. As to
foreign policy, trade policy, and the other paraphernalia
of government, all this is as much
a sham and a humbug, as an assembly must
be of which the majority is marshaled and instructed
in a club, before it dares proceed to its duties
of legislation.
The entire tendency is to change an intellectual
and argumentative into a physical struggle.
What events may occur, and what fortune
prevail in a war of this kind, it is utterly impossible
to foretell. For, after all, the results of
war depend infinitely upon chance, and still
more on the talent of the leader which either
party may choose to give itself. Nor is it always
the one which conquers first that maintains
its ascendency to the last. A war of this
kind in France would evidently have many soldiers
enlisted on either side, and soldiers in that
country make excellent officers. The Conservatives
seem to think that the strife will be
decided, as of old, in the streets of Paris; and
they look to the field of battle, and prepare for
it, with a forethought and a vigilance as sanguinary
and destructive as it is determined.
We doubt, however, whether any quantity of
street-fighting in the metropolis can decide a
quarrel which becomes every day more embittered
and more universal. Socialism will not be
put down in a night, nor yet in three days; no
nor, we fear, even in a campaign.
Looking on the future in this light, it appears
to us of trifling moment whether M. Leclerc
or M. Sue carry the Paris election. Some
thousand voters, more or less, on this side or on
that, is no decision. The terrible fact is, the
almost equal division of French society into two
camps, either of which makes too formidable a minority
to put up with defeat and its consequences,
without one day or other taking up arms to
advance fresh pretensions and defend new claims.
Mrs. Hemans.—She reminds us of a poet
just named, and whom she passionately admired,
namely, Shelley. Like him, drooping, fragile, a
reed shaken by the wind, a mighty mind, in
sooth, too powerful for the tremulous reed on
which it discoursed its music—like him, the
victim of exquisite nervous organization—like
him, verse flowed on and from her, and the
sweet sound often overpowered the meaning,
kissing it, as it were, to death; like him she was
melancholy, but the sadness of both was musical,
tearful, active, not stony, silent and motionless,
still less misanthropical and disdainful; like him
she was gentle, playful, they could both run about
their prison garden, and dally with the dark chains
which they knew bound them to death. Mrs.
Hemans was not indeed a Vates, she has never
reached his heights, nor sounded his depths, yet
they are, to our thought, so strikingly alike as to
seem brother and sister, in one beautiful but delicate
and dying family.—Gilfillan.[Pg 117]
THE POPE AT HOME AGAIN.
The Pope has returned to Rome, but the Papacy
is not reinstated. The past can not be
recalled. When Pius the Ninth abandoned the
territorial seat of the Papal power, he relinquished
the post that preserved to that power its
place of command throughout many parts of
Europe. It was the “Pope of Rome” to whom
the many did homage, and the Pope could only
be deemed to be “of Rome” so long as he was
at Rome: for there can be no doubt that a
great part of the spiritual influence possessed
by the Sovereign Pontiff has been indissolubly
connected with the temporal sovereignty and
territorial abode of the Pontificate. Even after
his dispossession, for a time, no doubt, heart
might have been kept up among his more refined
and cultivated followers; but the most faithful
peoples have always demanded a tangible standard
or beacon of their faith—a pillar of fire or a
visible church. When Pius left Rome, the rock
became tenantless; the mansion of St. Peter was
vacant; a Pope in lodgings was no Pope of
Europe. And so it was felt.
But the bodily restoration of Pius the Ninth
to the capital of his states is not the restoration
of the Pope to his spiritual throne. That can
no more be effected. The riddle has been read,
in these terrible days of reading and writing—so
different from the days when a Papal rustication
at Avignon disturbed the Catholic world,
and verily shook the Papacy to its foundations
even then. Some accounts describe the Pope’s
return as a triumph, and relate how the Romans
submitted themselves in obedient ecstasy to his
blessing: it is not true—it is not in the nature
of things. It is easy to get up an array of
popular feeling, as in a theatre, which shall make
a show—a frontage of delight; easy to hire
twelve beggars that their feet may be washed.
Mr. Anderson of Drury Lane can furnish any
amount of popular feeling or pious awe at a
shilling a head; and the managers know these
things in Rome, where labor is much cheaper
than with us. Pius returned to Rome under
cover of the French bayonets, to find a people
cowed and sulky—contrasting their traditions
with the presence of the Gaul, remembering in
bitterness the days before the Papacy, and imputing
this crowning finish of their disgrace to
the Pope forced back upon them.
Even were the people for a moment pleased
to see the well-meaning and most unfortunate
old man, the days of his inscrutable power are
over. Nothing can again be inscrutable that
he can hold. While he was away, the tongue
of Rome was let loose, and can he make the
ear of Rome forget what it heard in those days
of license? Can he undo the knowledge which
men then attained of each other, and their suppressed
ideas? Assuredly not. When he left
the keys of St. Peter in his flight, men unlocked
the door of the sanctuary, and found out his secret—that
it was bare. Political bondage to
them will be, not the renewal of pious ignorance,
but the rebinding of limbs that have learned to
be free.
Nay, were Rome to resume her subjection,
the past has been too much broken up elsewhere
for a quiet return to the old régime, even in
Italy. The ecclesiastical courts have been
abolished in Piedmont, and the Sardinian states
henceforth stand in point of free discussion on a
level with Germany, if not with France. The
Pope will be fain to permit more in Genoa or
Turin than the eating of eggs during Lent—to
permit a canvassing of Papal authority fatal to its
existence. But in Tuscany, for many generations,
a spirit of free discussion has existed among the
educated classes: the reforming spirit of Ricci
has never died in the capital of Tuscany, and the
memory of Leopold protected the freedom of
thought: a sudden and a new value has been
given to that prepared state of the Tuscan mind
by the existence of free institutions in Piedmont.
Giusti will no longer need to traverse the frontier
of Italy in search of a printer. With free
discussion in two of the Italian states, Milan
will not be deaf, nor Naples without a whisper.
Italy must sooner or later get to know her own
mind, and then the Bishop of Rome will have
to devise a new position for himself.
Abroad, in Catholic Europe, there is the same
disruption between the past and the future.
The Archbishop of Cologne exposed, in his
rashness, the waning sanctity of the Church;
the Neo-Catholics have exposed its frangible
condition. Sectarian distinctions are torn to
pieces in Hungary by the temporal conflicts, and
the dormant spirit of a national Protestantism
survives in sullen hatred to alien rule. Austria
proper is pledged to any course of political expediency
which may defer the evil day of Imperial
accountability, and will probably, in waxing
indifferency, see fit to put Lombardy on a spiritual
par with Piedmont. France is precarious
in her allegiance. Two countries alone remain
in unaltered relation to the See of Rome—Spain,
the most bigoted of the children of Rome; and
Ireland, the most faithful. But Ireland is impotent.
And to this day Spain asserts, and preserves,
the national independence which she
has retained throughout the most arrogant days
of Romish supremacy, throughout the tyrant
régime of Torquemada. Even court intrigue
dares not prostitute the nationality of Spain to
Roman influence. Rome is the talk of the
world, and the return of Pius to the Vatican
can not restore the silent submission of the faithful.
He is but to be counted among the “fashionable
arrivals.”—London Spectator.
Civil Liberty defined.—This is not the
liberty which we can hope, that no grievance
ever should arise in the commonwealth; that let
no man in this world expect; but when complaints
are freely heard, deeply considered, and
speedily reformed, then is the utmost bound of
civil liberty attained that wise men look for.—John
Milton.[Pg 118]
[From the London Examiner.]
THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES.
The Jutland and Sleswick pirates, who fourteen
centuries ago performed the great achievement
of conquering and colonizing Britain, have
since, in the persons of their descendants,
achieved the still greater feat of colonizing and
settling, while they are in a fair way of conquering
and occupying, a whole continent, to the
destruction or absorption of every other race.
The Anglo-Saxon population of America, in fact,
constitutes, at this moment, a people more
numerous and mighty than any European nation
of the period when their emigration commenced.
The very same people is now engaged in achieving
another great, although not equally great
enterprise, the colonization of another continent,
Australia; and the Australian colonies, within
sixty years of their first foundation, are already
calling loudly for self and responsible government,
which is, by more than a century, sooner
than the American Colonies made a similar
claim. We have not the least doubt but that it
will be to the mutual and permanent advantage
of both parties, that these demands of the
Colonists, which are in no respect unreasonable,
should be liberally and readily granted.
The better to understand our position in relation
to them, let us compare the two continents
alluded to. America has a greater extent of
territory, and therefore more room for expansion
than Australia. Its natural products are more
valuable, its soil is more fertile, and its climates
more varied and propitious to vegetation. Its
greatest superiority over Australia, however,
consists in its magnificent water communication—its
great rivers, its splendid lakes, its navigable
estuaries, and its commodious harbors. Finally,
it possesses the vast advantage of being only one-sixth
part of the distance that Australia is from
the civilization and markets of Europe.
Let us now see what Australia is. It is said
to contain three millions of square miles. But
of this we take it that about one-half, or all of it
that lies north of the twenty-fifth degree of south
latitude, is unfit for our use as Europeans, and,
most probably, for the profitable use of any
people, on account of the comparative sterility
of the land, or, what in such a situation is
equivalent to sterility, the drought of the climate.
But for these great and, we fear, insuperable
disadvantages, the tropical portion of Australia
might have been peopled from industrious and
teeming China, which, with the help of steam
navigation, is at an easy distance. Notwithstanding
this serious deduction from its available
area, Australia has extent enough for the abode
of a great people, as what remains is equal to
near twenty Britains, or above seven countries as
large as France!
The absence of good water communication is
the greatest defect of Australia. It has not one
great river which at once penetrates deeply into
the country and communicates by a navigable
course with the sea. The best of its rivers are
not equal to those of the fourth or fifth order in
America, and it has no lake at all of commercial
value. Another almost equally great disadvantage
is frequent and long-continued droughts,
even of its southern parts, which, however, as
strength and wealth increase, may in time be,
at least, mitigated by the erection of great works
of irrigation, such as those on which the existence
of whole populations depend in the warmer
regions of Asia.
In salubrity of climate Australia has a great
superiority, not only over America, but over
every other country. For the rearing of sheep
and the production of fine wool, it may be said
to possess almost a natural monopoly; and in
this respect, it will soon become as necessary to
us, and probably as important, as America is for
the growth of cotton. Its adaptation for pastoral
husbandry is such, indeed, that we have often
thought, had it been settled by Tartars or Arabs,
or even by Anglo-Saxons of the time of Hengist
and Horsa, that it would have been now thinly
inhabited by nomade hordes, mere shepherds
and robbers, if there was any one to rob. One
immense advantage Australia possesses over
America, which must not be omitted—the total
absence of a servile population and an alien race.
In America the bondsmen form a fourth part
of the whole population, and in Australia little
more than one sixtieth, speedily to vanish all
together.
If the comparison between America and
Australia have reference to the facility of
achieving and maintaining independence, all
the advantages are unquestionably on the side
of Australia. It is at least six times as far
away from Europe; and a military force sufficient
to have even a chance of coercing the
colonists could not get at them in less than four
months, while the voyage would force it to run
the gauntlet of the equator and both tropics.
When it reached its destination, supposing its
landing to be unopposed, it would have to march
every step to seek the insurgents, for there is
neither river nor estuary to transport it into the
interior of the country. The colonists, rifle in
hand, and driving their flocks and herds before
them to the privation of the invader, would of
course take to the bush, and do so with impunity,
being without tents or equipage, or risk of
starvation, having a wholesome sky over their
heads, and abundant food in their cattle. With
a thorough knowledge of localities, the colonial
riflemen, under such circumstances, would be
more than a match for regular troops, and could
pick off soldiers with more ease than they bring
down the kangaroo or opossum.
We should look, however, to the number and
character of the Australian population. In 1828
the total colonial population of Australia was
53,000, of whom a large proportion were convicts.
In 1848 it was 300,000, of which the
convicts were but 6000. In the two years
since, 37,000 emigrants have proceeded thither,
and the total population at this moment can not
be less than 350,000. It has, therefore, been[Pg 119]
multiplied in twenty-two years’ time by near
seven-fold; and if it should go on at this rate of
increase, in the year 1872 it will amount to
close on two millions and a half, which is a
greater population than that of the old American
colonies at the declaration of independence, and
after an existence of 175 years. Such a population,
or the one half of it, would, from numbers,
position, and resources, be unconquerable.
Such is a true picture, we conceive, of the
position in which we stand in relation to our
Australian colonies. Meanwhile, the colonists
are loyal, affectionate, and devoted, and (the
result of absence and distance) with really
warmer feelings toward the mother country than
those they left behind them. It will be the part
of wisdom on our side to keep them in this
temper. They demand nothing that is unreasonable—nothing
that it is not equally for
their advantage and ours that we should promptly
and freely concede. They ask for responsible
government, and doing so they ask for no more
than what is possessed by their fellow-citizens.
They ought to have perfect power over their
own resources and their own expenditure; but,
in justice and fairness, they ought also to defray
their own military charges; and, seeing they
have neither within nor without any enemy that
can cope with a company of light infantry, the
cost ought not to be oppressive to them.
The Australian colonies are, at present, governed
in a fashion to produce discontent and
recalcitration. They are, consequently, both
troublesome and expensive. The nation absolutely
gains nothing by them that it would not
gain, and even in a higher degree, were they
self-governed, or, for that matter, were they
even independent. Thus, emigration to them
would go on at least in the same degree as it
does now. It does so go on, to the self-governed
colony of Canada, and to the country
which was once colonies, and this after a virtual
separation of three quarters of a century.
In like manner will our commercial intercourse
with the Australian colonies proceed under self-government.
In 1828, the whole exports of
Australia amounted only to the paltry sum of
£181,000, and in 1845, the last for which there
is a return, they had come to £2,187,633, or
in seventeen years’ time, had been increased by
above fourteen-fold, a rapidity of progress to
which there is no parallel. At this ratio, of
course, they can not be expected to proceed in
future; for the Australians, having coal, iron,
and wool in abundance, will soon learn to make
coarse fabrics for themselves. The finer they
will long receive from us, as America, after its
long separation, still does. But that the Australian
Colonies, under any circumstances, are
destined to become one of the greatest marts of
British commerce, may be considered as a matter
of certainty. The only good market in the
world, for the wool, the tallow, the train oil,
and the copper ore of Australia, is England;
and to England they must come, even if Australia
were independent to-morrow; and they
must be paid for, too, in British manufactures.
Independence has never kept the tobacco of
America from finding its best market in England,
nor has it prevented American cotton
from becoming the greatest of the raw materials
imported by England.
A common lineage, a common language,
common manners, customs, laws, and institutions,
bind us and our Australian brethren together,
and will continue to do so, perhaps
longer than the British Constitution itself will
last. They form, in fact, a permanent bond of
union; whereas the influence of patronage, and
the trickeries of Conservative legislation, do but
provoke and hasten the separation which they
are foolishly framed to prevent.
[From the Dublin University Magazine.]
JEWISH VENERATION.
The veneration of the Jew for the law is
displayed by the grossest superstition, a
copy of the Torah or Decalogue being carefully
soldered into a narrow tin case, and hung over
the entrance to their chambers, as old crones
with us nail a horse-shoe to a door; it is even
believed to avail as an amulet or charm capable
of averting evil, or curing the most obstinate
disease. “Ah,” said a bed-ridden old Hebrew
woman to me, as I visited the mission hospital
in Jerusalem, “what can the doctors do for me?
If I could only touch the Torah I should be made
whole.” Not exactly comprehending what she
meant, I handed her a little tin-cased copy of
the Ten Commandments; she grasped it in her
emaciated hands, which trembled with anxiety,
and her eyes were lit up with a transient gleam
of joy. “Are you made whole?” I inquired;
she made no answer, fell back on her pillow,
let drop the Torah, and turned from me with a
sigh.
Sitting one evening with an intelligent German
Jew, who used often to pay me a visit at
my lodgings, the conversation turned on Jewish
religious rites and ceremonies. Alluding to the
day of atonement, he assured me that on that
day the Jews believe that ministers are appointed
in heaven for the ensuing year: a minister
over angels; one over the stars; one over earth;
the winds, trees, plants, birds, beasts, fishes,
men, and so forth.
That, on that day also, the good and evil
deeds of every son of Abraham are actually
summed up, and the balance struck for or
against each, individually. Where the evil deeds
preponderate, such individuals are brought in as
in debt to the law; and ten days after the day
of atonement, summonses are issued to call the
defaulters before God. When these are served,
the party summoned to appear is visited either
with sudden death or a rapid and violent disease
which must terminate speedily in death. “But
can not the divine wrath be appeased?” said I.
“Not appeased,” said my informant; “the decree
must be evaded.” “How so?” “Thus,”
he replied. “When a Jew is struck with sudden[Pg 120]
sickness about this time, if he apprehends
that his call is come, he sends immediately for
twelve elders of his people; they demand his
name; he tells them, for example, my name is
Isaac; they answer, thy name shall no more be
Isaac, but Jacob shall thy name be called. Then
kneeling round the sick roan, they pray for him
in these words: O God, thy servant, Isaac, has
not good deeds to exceed the evil, and a summons
against him has gone forth; but this pious
man before thee, is named Jacob, and not Isaac.
There is a flaw in the indictment; the name in
the angel’s summons is not correct, therefore,
thy servant Jacob can not be called on to appear.”
“After all,” said I, “suppose this Jacob
dies.” “Then,” replied my companion,
“the Almighty is unjust; the summons was irregular,
and its execution not according to law.”
Does not this appear incredible? Another
anecdote, and I have done.
On the same occasion we were speaking
about vows, and the obligation of fulfilling them.
“As to paying your vow,” said my Jewish
friend, “we consider it performed, if the vow
be observed to the letter.” He then gave me
the following rather ludicrous illustration as a
case in point: There was in his native village
a wealthy Jew, who was seized with a dangerous
illness. Seeing death approach, despite of
his physician’s skill, he bethought him of vowing
a vow; so he solemnly promised, that if
God would restore him to health, he, on his
part, on his recovery, would sell a certain fat
beast in his stall, and devote the proceeds to the
Lord.
The man recovered, and in due time appeared
before the door of the synagogue, driving before
him a goodly ox, and carrying under one arm a
large, black Spanish cock. The people were
coming out of the synagogue, and several Jewish
butchers, after artistically examining the
fine, fat beast, asked our convalescent what
might be the price of the ox. “This ox,” replied
the owner, “I value at two shillings (I
substitute English money); but the cock,” he
added, ostentatiously exhibiting chanticleer, “I
estimate at twenty pounds.” The butchers
laughed at him; they thought he was in joke.
However, as he gravely persisted that he was
in earnest, one of them, taking him at his word,
put down two shillings for the ox. “Softly,
my good friend,” rejoined the seller, “I have
made a vow not to sell the ox without the cock;
you must buy both, or be content with neither.”
Great was the surprise of the bystanders, who
could not conceive what perversity possessed
their wealthy neighbor. But the cock being
value for two shillings, and the ox for twenty
pounds, the bargain was concluded, and the
money paid.
Our worthy Jew now walks up to the Rabbi,
cash in hand. “This,” said he, handing the
two shillings, “I devote to the service of the
synagogue, being the price of the ox, which I
had vowed; and this, placing the twenty pounds
in his own bosom, is lawfully mine own, for is
it not the price of the cock?” “And what did
your neighbors say of the transaction? Did they
not think this rich man an arrant rogue?”
“Rogue!” said my friend, repeating my last
words with some amazement, “they considered
him a pious and a clever man.” Sharp enough,
thought I; but delicate about exposing my ignorance,
I judiciously held my peace.
[From Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine.]
THE MODERN ARGONAUTS.
i.
How the gallant sons of Greece,
Long ago, with Jason ventured
For the fated Golden Fleece;
How they traversed distant regions,
How they trod on hostile shores;
How they vexed the hoary Ocean
With the smiting of their oars;—
Listen, then, and you shall hear another wondrous tale,
Of a second Argo steering before a prosperous gale!
ii.
Over sea and over land;
From the blue Ionian islands,
And the old Hellenic strand,
That the sons of Agamemnon,
To their faith no longer true,
Had confiscated the carpets
Of a black and bearded Jew!
Helen’s rape, compared to this, was but an idle toy,
Deeper guilt was that of Athens than the crime of haughty Troy.
iii.
To the lofty chamber ran,
Where great Palmerston was sitting
In the midst of his Divan:
Like Saturnius triumphant,
In his high Olympian hall,
Unregarded by the mighty,
But detested by the small;
Overturning constitutions—setting nations by the ears,
With divers sapient plenipos, like Minto and his peers.
iv.
Smote the table that it rang—
From the crystal vase before him
The blood-red wine upsprang!
“Is my sword a wreath of rushes,
Or an idle plume my pen,
That they dare to lay a finger
On the meanest of my men?
No amount of circumcision can annul the Briton’s right—
Are they mad, these lords of Athens, for I know they can not fight?
v.
By the cold and haughty Czar,
I had trembled ere I opened
All the thunders of my war.
But I care not for the yelping
Of these fangless curs of Greece—
Soon and sorely will I tax them
For the merchant’s plundered Fleece.
From the earth his furniture for wrath and vengeance cries—
Ho, Eddisbury! take thy pen, and straightway write to Wyse!”
vi.
In the old Athenian town,
Gayly to Piræus harbor
Stream the merry people down;
For they see the fleet of Britain
Proudly steering to their shore,
Underneath the Christian banner
That they knew so well of yore,
When the guns at Navarino thundered o’er the sea,
And the Angel of the North proclaimed that Greece again was free.
vii.
On the deck a man appears
Stately as the Ocean-shaker—
“Ye Athenians, lend your ears!
Thomas Wyse am I, a herald
Come to parley with the Greek;
Palmerston hath sent me hither,
In his awful name I speak—
Ye have done a deed of folly—one that ye shall sorely rue!
Wherefore did ye lay a finger on the carpets of the Jew?
viii.
Dull indeed were Britain’s ear,
If the wrongs of such a hero
Tamely she could choose to hear!
Don Pacifico of Malta!
Knight-commander of the Fleece—
For his sake I hurl defiance
At the haughty towns of Greece.
Look to it—For by my head! since Xerxes crossed the strait,
Ye never saw an enemy so vengeful at your gate.
ix.
With a forfeit twenty-fold;
And a goodly tribute offer
Of your treasure and your gold
Sapienza and the islet
Cervi, ye shall likewise cede,
So the mighty gods have spoken,
Thus hath Palmerston decreed!
Ere the sunset, let an answer issue from your monarch’s lips;
In the mean time, I have orders to arrest your merchants’ ships.”
x.
Swiftly from a soldier’s hand,
And therein he blew so shrilly,
That along the rocky strand
Rang the war-note, till the echoes
From the distant hills replied,
Hundred trumpets wildly wailing,
Poured their blast on every side;
And the loud and hearty shout of Britain rent the skies,
“Three cheers for noble Palmerston! another cheer for Wyse!”
xi.
That I can not yet relate,
Of this gallant expedition,
What has been the final fate.
Whether Athens was bombarded
For her Jew-coercing crimes,
Hath not been as yet reported
In the columns of the Times.
But the last accounts assure us of some valuable spoil:
Various coasting vessels, laden with tobacco, fruit, and oil.
xii.
O’er the wild and stormy waves—
Let not sounds of later triumphs
Stir you in your quiet graves!
Other Argonauts have ventured
To your old Hellenic shore,
But they will not live in story
Like the valiant men of yore.
O! ’tis more than shame and sorrow thus to jest upon a theme
That for Britain’s fame and glory, all would wish to be dream!
MONTHLY RECORD OF CURRENT EVENTS.
THE NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE will
present monthly a digest of all Foreign
Events, Incidents, and Opinions, that may seem to
have either interest or value for the great body of
American readers. Domestic intelligence reaches
every one so much sooner through the Daily
and Weekly Newspapers, that its repetition in
the pages of a Monthly would be dull and profitless.
We shall confine our summary, therefore,
to the events and movements of foreign lands.
The Affairs of France continue to excite
general interest. The election of member of
the Assembly in Paris has been the great European
event of the month. The Socialists
nominated Eugene Sue; their opponents, M.
Leclerc. The first is known to all the world
as a literary man of great talent, personally a
profligate—wealthy, unprincipled, and unscrupulous.
The latter was a tradesman, distinguished
for nothing but having fought and lost a son
at the barricades, and entirely unqualified for
the post for which he had been put in nomination.
The contest was thus not so much a
struggle between the men, as the parties they
represented; and those parties were not simply
Socialists and Anti-Socialists. Each party included
more than its name would imply. The
Socialists in Paris are all Republicans: it suits
the purposes of the Government to consider all
Republicans as Socialists, inasmuch as it gives
them an admirable opportunity to make war
upon Republicanism, while they seem only to
be resisting Socialism. In this adroit and dangerous
manner Louis Napoleon was advancing
with rapid strides toward that absolutism—that
personal domination independent of the Constitution,
which is the evident aim of all his efforts
and all his hopes. He had gone on exercising
the most high-handed despotism, and violating
the most explicit and sacred guarantees of the
Constitution. He had forbidden public meetings,
suppressed public papers, and outraged
private rights, with the most wanton disregard
of those provisions of the Constitution by which
they are expressly guaranteed. The nomination
of Eugene Sue was a declaration of hostility
to this unconstitutional dynasty. He was
supported not only by the Socialists proper, but
by all citizens who were in favor of maintaining
the Republic with its constitutional guarantees.
The issue was thus between a Republic and a
Monarchy, between the Constitution and a Revolution.
For days previous to the election this
issue was broadly marked, and distinctly recognized
by all the leading royalist journals, and
the Republic was attacked with all the power
of argument and ridicule. Repressive laws,
and a stronger form of government, which
should bridle the fierce democracy, were clamorously
demanded. The very day before the
polls were opened, the Napoleon journal, which
derives its chief inspiration from the President,
drew a colored parallel between the necessities
of the 18th Brumaire, and those of the present
crisis, and entered into a labored vindication of
all the arbitrary measures which followed Bonaparte‘s
dissolution of the Assembly, and his
usurpation of the executive power. The most
high-handed expedients were resorted to by the
ministry to assure the success of the coalition.
The sale of all the principal democratic journals
in the streets was interdicted. The legal prosecutions
of the Procureur General virtually reestablished
the censorship of the Press. Placards
in favor of the democratic candidate were
excluded from the street walls, while those of
his opponent were every where emblazoned.
Electoral meetings were prohibited; democratic
merchants and shop-keepers were threatened
with a loss of patronage; and the whole republican
party was officially denounced as a horde
of imbeciles, and knaves, and fanatics. No
means were left unemployed by the reactionists
to secure a victory.
It was all in vain. On closing the polls the
vote stood thus:
| Eugene Sue | 128,007 |
| M. Leclerc | 119,420 |
| ——— | |
| Sue‘s majority | 8,587 |
And, what is still more startling, four-fifths of
all the votes given by the Army were cast for
Sue. The result created a good deal of alarm
in Paris. Stocks fell, and there seemed to be
a general apprehension of an outbreak. If any
such event occurs, however, it will be through
the instigation of the Government. Finding
himself outvoted, Louis Napoleon would undoubtedly
be willing to try force. In any event,
we do not believe it will be found possible to
overthrow Republicanism in France.
Previous to the election there was a Mutiny
in the 11th Infantry. On the march of the 2d
battalion from Rennes to Toulon, on the 11th
April, the popular cry was raised by the common
soldiers, urged on by the democrats of the
town, and they insulted their officers. At Angers
the men were entertained at a fete; and
in the evening the soldiers and subaltern officers,
accompanied by their entertainers, paraded the
streets, shouting again and again, “Vive la République
démocratique et sociale!” The Minister
of War, on receiving intelligence of this
affair, ordered the battalion to be disbanded,
and the subalterns and soldiers drafted into the
regiments at Algiers.
Besides this disgrace, an involuntary and
Appalling Calamity befell this regiment. When
the 3d battalion was leaving Angers, on the
16th, at eleven o’clock in the morning they met
a squadron of hussars coming from Nantes,
which crossed over the suspension-bridge of the
Basse Maine, without any accident. A fearful
storm raged at the time. The last of the horses[Pg 123]
had scarcely crossed the bridge than the head
of the column of the third battalion of the 11th
appeared on the other side. Reiterated warnings
were given to the troops to break into sections,
as is usually done, but, the rain falling
heavily, it was disregarded, and they advanced
in close column. The head of the battalion
had reached the opposite side—the pioneers, the
drummers, and a part of the band were off the
bridge, when a horrible crash was heard; the
cast-iron columns of the right bank suddenly
gave way, crushing beneath them the rear of the
fourth company, which, with the flank company,
had not stepped upon the bridge. To describe
the frightful spectacle, and the cries of despair
which were raised, is impossible. The whole
town rushed to the spot to give assistance. In
spite of the storm, all the boats that could be
got at were launched to pick up the soldiers in
the river, and a great number who were clinging
to the parapets of the bridge, or who were
afloat by their knapsacks, were immediately got
out. The greater number were, however, found
to be wounded by the bayonets, or by the fragments
of the bridge falling on them. As the
soldiers were got out, they were led into the
houses adjoining, and every assistance given.
A young lieutenant, M. Loup, rendered himself
conspicuous for his heroic exertions; and a
young workwoman, at the imminent danger of
her life, jumped into the water, and saved the
life of an officer who was just sinking. A journeyman
hatter stripped and jumped into the
river, and, by his strength and skill in swimming,
saved a great many lives. One of the
soldiers who had reached the shore unhurt, immediately
stripped, and swam to the assistance
of his comrades. The lieutenant-colonel, an old
officer of the empire, was taken out of the river
seriously wounded, but remained to watch over
the rescue of his comrades. It appears that
some people of the town were walking on the
bridge at the time of the accident, for among
the bodies found were those of a servant-maid
and two children.
When the muster-roll was called, it was found
that there were 219 soldiers missing, whose fate
was unknown. There were, besides, 33 bodies
lying in the hospital, and 30 wounded men; 70
more bodies were found during the morning, 4
of whom were officers.
M. Proudhon was arrested on the 18th, and
sent to the fortress of Doullens, for having
charged the ministry in his own paper, the
“Voix du Peuple,” with having occasioned the
disaster of Angers by sending the 11th Regiment
of Light Infantry to Africa. In a letter
from prison he acquitted the government of design
in producing the catastrophe, but in a tone
which hinted the possibility of so diabolical a
crime having been meditated.
A Notorious Murderer has been arrested in
France, whose mysterious and criminal career
would afford the materials for a romance. He was
taken at Ivry; in virtue of a writ granted by the
President, on the demand of the Sardinian government,
having been condemned for a murder
under extraordinary circumstances. He was
arrested in 1830, at Chambery, his native town,
for being concerned in a murder; but he escaped
from the prison of Bonneville, where he was confined,
and by means of a disguise succeeded in
reaching the town of Chene Tonnex, where he
went to an inn which was full of travelers.
There being no vacant beds, the innkeeper allowed
him to sleep in a room with a cattle-dealer,
named Claude Duret. The unfortunate
cattle-dealer was found dead in the morning, he
having been smothered with the mattress on
which he had slept. He had a large sum of
money with him, which was stolen, and this, as
well as his papers, had, no doubt, been taken by
Louis Pellet, who had disappeared. Judicial
inquiries ensued, and the result was that Louis
Pellet, already known to have committed a
murder, was condemned, par contumace, to ten
years’ imprisonment at the galleys by the senate
of Chambery. In the mean time Louis Pellet,
profiting by the papers of the unfortunate Claude
Duret, contrived to reach Paris, when he opened
a shop, where he organized a foreign legion for
Algeria, enrolled himself under the name of his
victim, and sailed for Oran in a government
vessel. From this time up to 1834 all trace of
him was lost. He came to Paris, took a house,
amassed a large sum of money, and it turns out
he was mixed up with a number of cases of
murder, swindling, and forgery. These facts
came to the knowledge of the police, owing to
Pellet having been taken before the Correctional
Police for a trifling offense, when he appealed
against the punishment of confinement for five
days. The French government immediately
sent an account of the arrest of this great criminal
to the consul of the government of Savoy
resident at Paris.
Political movements in England are not without
interest and importance, although nothing
startling has occurred. The birth of another
Prince, christened Arthur, has furnished another
occasion for evincing the attachment of the
English people to their sovereign. The event,
which, occurred on the 28th of April, was celebrated
by the usual demonstrations of popular
joy. Few years will elapse, however, before
each of the princes and princesses, whose advent
is now so warmly welcomed, will require
a splendid and expensive establishment, which
will add still more to the burdens of taxation
which already press, with overwhelming weight,
upon the great mass of the English people.
Thus it is that every thing in that country, however
fortunate and welcome it may appear, tends
irresistibly to an increase of popular burdens
which infallibly give birth to popular discontents.
The attention of Parliament has been attracted
of late, in an unusual degree, to the intellectual
wants of the humbler classes, and to the removal,
by legislation, of some of the many restrictions
which now deprive them of all access even to
the most ordinary sources of information. Eve[Pg 124]n
newspapers, which in this country go into the
hands of every man, woman, and child who can
read, and which therefore enable every member
of the community to keep himself informed concerning
all matters of interest to him as a citizen,
are virtually prohibited to the poorer classes in
England by the various duties which are imposed
upon them, and which raise the price so high as
to be beyond their reach. Mr. Gibson, in the
House of Commons, brought forward resolutions,
on the 16th of April, to abolish what he justly
styled these Taxes on Knowledge: they proposed
1st, to repeal the excise duty only on paper;
2d, to abolish the stamp, and 3d, the advertisement
duty on newspapers; 4th, to do away with
the customs duty on foreign books. In urging
these measures Mr. Gibson said, that the sacrifice
of the small excise duty on paper yearly,
would lead to the employment of 40,000 people
in London alone. The suppression of Chambers’
Miscellany, and the prevented re-issue of
Mr. Charles Knight’s Penny Cyclopædia, from
the pressure of the duty, were cited as gross
instances of the check those duties impose on
the diffusion of knowledge. Mr. Gibson did not
propose to alter the postal part of the newspaper
stamp duties; all the duty paid for postage—a
very large proportion—would therefore still be
paid. He dwelt on the unjust Excise caprices
which permit this privilege to humorous and
scientific weekly periodicals, but deny it to the
avowed “news” columns of the daily press. He
especially showed by extracts from a heap of
unstamped newspapers, that great evil is committed
on the poorest reading classes, by denying
them that useful fact and true exposition
which would be the best antidote to the pernicious
principles now disseminated among them
by the cheap, unstamped press. There is no
reason but this duty, which only gives £350,000
per annum, why the poor man should not have
his penny and even his halfpenny newspaper, to
give him the leading facts and the important
ideas of the passing time. The tax on advertisements
checks information, fines poverty,
mulcts charity, depresses literature, and impedes
every species of mental activity, to realize
£150,000 per annum. That mischievous tax
on knowledge, the duty on foreign books, is imposed
for the sake of no more than £8000 a
year! Mr. Gibson concluded by expressing his
firm conviction, that unless these taxes were removed,
and the progress of knowledge by that
and every other possible means facilitated, evils
most terrible would arise in the future—a not
unfit retribution for the gross impolicy of the
legislature. He was supported by Mr. Roebuck,
but the motion was negatived, 190 to 89.
In his speech he instanced a curious specimen
of the manner in which the act is sometimes
evaded. A Greenock publisher himself informed
him that, having given offense to the authorities
by some political reflections in a weekly unstamped
newspaper of his of the character of
Chambers’s Journal, he was prosecuted for violation
of the Stamp Act, and fined for each of
five numbers £25. Thereupon he diligently
studied the Act; and finding that printing upon
cloth was not within the prohibition, he set to
work and printed his journal upon cloth—giving
matter “savoring of intelligence” without the
penny stamp—and calling his paper the Greenock
Newscloth, sent it forth despite the Solicitor
to the Stamp Office.
The Education Bill introduced by Mr. Fox
came up on the 17th, and was discussed at
some length. The general character of the
measure proposed, is very forcibly set forth in an
article from the Examiner, which will be found
upon a preceding page of this Magazine. The
bill was opposed mainly by Lord Arundel, a
Catholic, on the ground that it made no provision
for religious education, and secular education
he denounced as essentially atheistic. Mr.
Roebuck advocated the bill in an able and
eloquent speech, urging the propriety of education
as a means of preventing crime. He
asked for the education of the people, and he
asked it upon the lowest ground. As a mere
matter of policy, the state ought to educate the
people; and why did he say so? Lord Ashley
had been useful in his generation in getting up
Ragged Schools. It was a great imputation
upon the kingdom that such schools were needed.
Why were they needed? Because of the
vice which was swarming in all our great cities.
“We pass laws,” said he, “send forth an army
of judges and barristers to administer them,
erect prisons and place aloft gibbets to enforce
them; but religious bigotry prevents the chance
of our controlling the evil at the source, by so
teaching the people as to prevent the crimes
we strive to punish.” It was because he believed
that prevention was better than cure;
it was because he believed that the business
of government was to prevent crime in every
possible way rather than to punish it after its
commission, that he asked the house to divest
themselves of all that prejudice and bigotry
which was at the bottom of the opposition to
this measure. The bill was warmly opposed,
however, and its further consideration was postponed
until the 20th of May.
The ministry during the month has been defeated
upon several measures, though upon
none of very great importance. In the first
week of the meeting of parliament after the
Easter holidays, the cabinet had to endure, in
the House of Commons, three defeats—two
positive, and one comparative; and, shortly after,
a fourth. On a motion, having for its object
improvement in the status and accommodation
of assistant-surgeons on board Her Majesty’s
ships, ministers were placed in a minority equal
to eight votes. On the measure for extending
the jurisdiction of county courts, to which they
were not disposed to agree, they voted with a
minority, which numbered 67 against 144 votes.
These were the positive defeats; the comparative
one arose out of a motion to abolish the
window-tax. Against this the cabinet made
come effort, but its supporters only mustered[Pg 125]
in sufficient strength to afford a majority of
three. Their last disaster was in a committee
on the New Stamp Duties Bill. The ministry
seem disposed to gratify the public by economy
so far as possible. Lord John Russell having
introduced and carried a motion for a select
committee on the subject.
Great preparations are making for the Industrial
Exhibition of 1851. It has been decided
that it is to take place in Hyde Park in
a building made of iron to guard against fire.
The Literary Gazette has the following paragraph
in regard to it:
“We are informed that an overture has been
received by the Royal Commissioners from the
government of the United States of America,
offering to remove the exhibition, after its close
in London, to be reproduced at New York, and
paying a consideration for the same which would
go toward the increase of the English fund.
With regard to this fund, while we again express
our regret at its languishing so much, and
at the continuance of the jobbing which inflicted
the serious wound on its commencement,
and is still allowed to paralyze the proceedings
in chief, we adhere to the opinion that it will
be sufficient for the Occasion. The Occasion,
not as bombastically puffed, but as nationally
worthy; and that the large sum which may be
calculated upon for admissions (not to mention
this new American element), will carry it
through in as satisfactory a manner as could be
expected.”
The Expeditions to the Arctic Seas in search
of Sir John Franklin attract a good deal of
attention. It is stated that Captain Penny was
to sail April 30th from Scotland, in command
of the two ships the Lady Franklin and the
Sophia. He will proceed without delay to
Jones’s Sound; which he purposes thoroughly
to explore. The proposed expedition under the
direction of Sir John Ross will also be carried
into execution. He will sail from Ayr about
the middle of May; and will probably be accompanied
by Commander Philips, who was with Sir
James Ross in his Antarctic Expedition. Another
expedition, in connection with that of Sir
John Ross, is under consideration. It has for
its object the search of Prince Regent’s Inlet by
ship as far south as Brentford Bay; from whence
walking and boating parties might be dispatched
in various directions. This plan—which could
be carried into effect by dispatching a small
vessel with Sir John Ross, efficiently equipped
for the service—is deemed highly desirable by
several eminent authorities; as it is supposed—and
not without considerable reason—that Sir
John Franklin may be to the south of Cape
Walker; and that he would, in such case, presuming
him to be under the necessity of forsaking
his ships this spring, prefer making for
the wreck of the Fury stores in Prince Regent’s
Inlet, the existence of which he is aware of, to
attempting to gain the barren shore of North
America, which would involve great hazard
and fatigue. As a matter of course this second
expedition would be of a private nature, and
wholly independent of those dispatched by the
Admiralty. These various expeditions, in addition
to that organized by Mr. Henry Grinell
of New York, will do all that can be done
toward rescuing Captain Franklin, or, at least,
obtaining some knowledge of his fate.
The death of Wordsworth, the Patriarch of
English Poetry, and that of Bowles, distinguished
also in the same high sphere, have called
forth biographical notices from the English press.
A sketch of each of these distinguished men will
be found in these pages. The propriety of discontinuing
the laureateship is forcibly urged.
About £2000 has been contributed toward the
erection of a monument to Lord Jeffrey.
The London Scientific Societies present
nothing of extraordinary interest for the month.
At the meeting of the Geological Society, March
28, Sir Roderick Murchison read a paper of
some importance on the Relations of the Hot
Water and Vapor sources of Tuscany to the
Volcanic Eruptions of Italy. On the 10th of
April, a paper was read from Prof. Lepsius on
the height of the Nile valley in Nubia, which
was formerly much greater than it is now.
At the Royal Society, April 12, the Rev.
Professor O’Brien, in a paper “on a Popular
View of certain Points in the Undulatory Theory
of Light,” restricted his illustration to a single
topic, namely, the analogy of the mixture of
colors to the mixture of sounds, having first
explained generally what the undulatory theory
of light is, and the composition of colors and
sounds. At the meeting on the 19th, Mr.
Stenhouse, in concluding a paper on the artificial
production of organic bases, said he did
not despair of producing artificially the natural
alkaloids, and the more especially as, thirty
years ago, we could not produce any alkaloids.
Before the chair was vacated, Mr. Faraday
submitted a powerful magnet which had been
sent to him by a foreign philosopher; indeed, it
was the strongest ever made. A good magnet,
Mr. Faraday said, weighing 8 lbs., would support
a weight of about 40 lbs. The magnet he
exhibited had surprised him; it weighed only
1 lb., and it supported 26-1/2 lbs. This magnet, so
beautifully made, was, we believe, constructed
by M. Lozeman, on a new method, the result
of the researches of M. Elias, both of Haarlem.
At another meeting of the same society, Dr.
Mantell submitted a paper upon the Pelorosaurus,
an undescribed, gigantic terrestrial reptile,
of which an enormous arm-bone, or humerus,
has recently been discovered in Sussex. It was
found imbedded in sandstone, by Mr. Peter
Fuller, of Lewes, at about twenty feet below
the surface; it presents the usual mineralized
condition of the fossil bones from the arneaceous
strata of the Wealden. It is four and a half
feet in length, and the circumference of its
distal extremity is 32 inches! It has a medullary
cavity 3 inches in diameter, which at once
separates it from the Cetiosaurus and other supposed[Pg 126]
marine Saurians, while its form and proportions
distinguish it from the humerus of the
Iguanodon, Hylæosaurus, and Megalosaurus.
It approaches most nearly to the Crocodilians,
but possesses characters distinct from any known
fossil genus. Its size is stupendous, far surpassing
that of the corresponding bone even of
the gigantic Iguanodon; and the name of
Pelorosaurus (from [Greek: pelor], pelõr, monster) is,
therefore, proposed for the genus, with the
specific term Conybeari, in honor of the palæontological
labors of the Dean of Llandaff. No
bones have been found in such contiguity with
this humerus as to render it certain that they
belonged to the same gigantic reptile; but several
very large caudal vertebræ of peculiar
characters, collected from the same quarry, are
probably referable to the Pelorosaurus; these,
together with some distal caudals which belong
to the same type, are figured and described by
the author. Certain femora and other bones
from the oolite of Oxfordshire, in the collection
of the dean of Westminster, at Oxford, are mentioned
as possessing characters more allied to
those of the Pelorosaurus, or to some unknown
terrestrial Saurian, than to the Cetiosaurus, with
which they have been confounded. As to the
magnitude of the animal to which the humerus
belonged, Dr. Mantell, while disclaiming the
idea of arriving at any certain conclusions from
a single bone, stated that in a Gavial 18 feet
long, the humerus is one foot in length, i.e.,
one-eighteenth part of the length of the animal,
from the end, of the muzzle to the tip of the
tail. According to these admeasurements the
Pelorosaurus would be 81 feet long, and its body
20 feet in circumference. But if we assume
the length and number of the vertebræ as the
scale, we should have a reptile of relatively abbreviated
proportions; even in this case, however,
the original creature would far surpass in
magnitude the most colossal of reptilian forms.
A writer in the Athenæum, in speaking of the
expense of marble and bronze statues, which
limits the possession of works of high art to the
wealthy, calls attention to the fact that lead
possesses every requisite for the casting of
statues which bronze possesses, while it excels
that costly material in two very important particulars—cheapness,
and fusibility at a low temperature.
As evidence that it may be used for
that purpose, he cites the fact that the finest
piece of statuary in Edinburgh is composed of
lead. This is the equestrian statue of Charles
the Second, erected in the Parliament Square
by the magistrates of Edinburgh in honor of the
restoration of that monarch. This statue is
such a fine work of art that it has deceived almost
every one who has mentioned its composition.
Thus, a late writer in giving an account
of the statuary in Edinburgh describes it as
consisting of “hollow bronze;” and in “Black’s
Guide through Edinburgh” it is spoken of as
“the best specimen of bronze statuary which
Edinburgh possesses.” It is, however, composed
of lead, and has already, without sensible deterioration,
stood the test of 165 years’ exposure
to the weather, and it still seems as fresh
as if erected but yesterday. Lead, therefore,
appears from this instance to be sufficiently
durable to induce artists to make trial of it in
metallic castings, instead of bronze.
Intelligence from Mosul to the 4th ult. states
that Mr. Layard and his party are still carrying
on their excavations at Nimrood and Nineveh.
A large number of copper vessels beautifully
engraved have been found in the former; and
from the latter a large assortment of fine slabs
illustrative of the rule, conquests, domestic life,
and arts of the ancient Assyrians, are daily coming
to light, and are committed to paper by the
artist, Mr. Cooper, one of the expedition. Mr
Layard intends to make a trip to the Chaboor,
the Chaboras of the Romans, and to visit Reish
Aina, the Resen of Scripture, where he hopes
to find a treasure of Assyrian remains.
The Literary Intelligence of the month
is not of special interest. The first part of a
new work by William Mure, entitled a “Critical
History of the Language and Literature of
Ancient Greece,” has just been published in
London, and elicits warm commendation from
the critical journals. The three volumes thus
far published are devoted mainly to a discussion
of Homer. Mr. Charles Merivale has also
completed and published two volumes of his
“History of the Romans under the Empire,”
which extend to the death of Julius Caesar.
Mrs. Sara Coleridge, widow of Henry
Nelson, and daughter of S.T. Coleridge, has
collected such of her father’s supposed writings
in the Watchman, Morning Post, and Courier,
ranging between the years 1795 and 1817, as
could with any certainty be identified for his,
and, with such as he avowed by his signature,
has published them in three duodecimo volumes,
as Essays on his own Times, or a second series
of The Friend. They are dedicated to Archdeacon
Hare, and embody not a little of that
system of thought, or method of regarding public
affairs from the point of view of a liberal and
enlarged Christianity, which is now ordinarily
associated with what is called the German party
in the English Church. The volumes are not
only a valuable contribution to the history of a
very remarkable man’s mind, but also to the
history of the most powerful influence now existing
in the world—the Newspaper Press.
A more complete and elaborate work upon
this subject, however, has appeared in the shape
of two post octavo volumes by Mr. F. Knight
Hunt, entitled The Fourth Estate. Mr. Hunt
describes his book very fairly as contributions
toward a history of newspapers, and of the liberty
of the press, rather than as a complete historical
view of either; but he has had a proper
feeling for the literature of his subject, and has
varied his entertaining anecdotes of the present
race of newspaper men, with extremely curious
and valuable notices of the past.
Of books on mixed social and political questions[Pg 127]
the most prominent has been a new volume
of Mr. Laing‘s Observations on the Social
and Political State of the European People, devoted
to the last two years, from the momentous
incidents of which Mr. Laing derives sundry
warnings as to the instability of the future, the
necessity of changes in education and political
arrangements, and the certain ultimate predominance
of material over imaginative influences in
the progress of civilization, which his readers will
very variously estimate, according to their habits
of thinking; and Mr. Kay‘s collections of evidence
as to the present Social Condition and
Education of the People in England and Europe,
the object of which is to show that the results
of the primary schools, and of the system of dividing
landed property, existing on the Continent,
has been to produce a certain amount of mental
cultivation and social comfort among the lower
classes of the people abroad, to which the same
classes in England can advance no claim whatever.
The book contains a great deal of curious
evidence in support of this opinion.
Of works strictly relating to modern history,
the first volume of General Klapka‘s memoirs
of the War in Hungary, and a military treatise
by Colonel Cathcart on the Russian and German
Campaigns of 1812 and 1813, may be
mentioned as having authority. Klapka was a
distinguished actor in the war he now illustrates
by his narrative, and Colonel Cathcart saw eight
general actions lost and won in which Napoleon
commanded in person.
In the department of biography, the principal
publications have been a greatly improved edition
of Mr. Charles Knight’s illustrations of the
Life of Shakspeare, with the erasure of many
fanciful, and the addition of many authentic details;
a narrative of the Life of the Duke of
Kent, by Mr. Erskine Neale, in which the somewhat
troubled career of that very amiable prince
is described with an evident desire to do justice
to his character and virtues; and a Life of Dr.
Andrew Combe, of Edinburgh, an active and benevolent
physician, who led the way in that application
of the truths and teachings of physiology
to health and education, which has of late occupied
so largely the attention of the best thinkers
of the time, and whose career is described with
affectionate enthusiasm by his brother Mr. George
Combe. Not as a regular biography, but as a
delightful assistance, not only to our better
knowledge of the wittiest and one of the wisest
of modern men, but to our temperate and just
judgments of all men, we may mention the publication
of the posthumous fragments of Sydney
Smith’s Elementary Sketches of Moral Philosophy.
To the department of poetry, Mr. Browning‘s
Christmas Eve and Easter Day has been the
most prominent addition. But we have also to
mention a second and final volume of More Verse
and Prose by the late Corn-law Rhymer; a new
poetical translation of Dante’s Divine Comedy,
by Mr. Patrick Bannerman; and a dramatic
poem, called the Roman, by a writer who
adopts the fictitious name of Sydney Yendys, on
the recent revolutionary movements in Italy.
In prose fiction, the leading productions have
been a novel entitled the Initials, depicting German
social life, by a new writer; and an historical
romance, called Reginald Hastings, of which
the subject is taken from the English civil wars,
by Mr. Eliot Warburton.
The Deaths of Distinguished Persons,
during the month, have not been very numerous,
though they comprise names of considerable
celebrity in various departments.
Of Wordsworth and Bowles, both poets,
and both friends of Coleridge, Lamb, Southey,
and Crabbe, more detailed mention is made in
preceding pages.
Lieut.-General Sir James Bathurst, K.C.B.,
died at Kibworth Rectory, Leicestershire, on the
13th, in his 68th year. When he entered the
army in 1794, if his age be correctly stated, he
could have been only twelve years of age. He
served at Gibraltar and in the West Indies, the
capture of Surinam, the campaign in Egypt in
1801, in the expedition to Hanover, and in the
actions fought for the relief of Dantzic, as well
as in those of Lomitten, Deppen, Gutstadt, Heilsberg,
and Friedland. Subsequently he served
at Rugen, and at the siege of Copenhagen. In
1808 and 1809, he served with the army in
Portugal and Spain as assistant quartermaster-general,
and as military secretary to the Duke
of Wellington.
Madame Dulcken died on the 13th, in Harley-street,
aged 38. She was the sister of the
celebrated violinist, David, and had been for
many years resident in England, where she
held a conspicuous position among the most
eminent professors of the piano-forte.
Sir Archibald Galloway, Chairman of the
Hon. East India Company, died on the 6th, in
London, aged 74, after a few hours’ illness.
He transacted business at the India House, on
the 4th, and presided at the banquet recently
given by the directors of the East India Company
to Lord Gough.
Rear-Admiral Hills died on the 8th, aged
73. He became a lieutenant in 1798, and a
post-captain in 1814. The deceased was a
midshipman of the Eclair at the occupation of
Toulon, and was lieutenant of the Amethyst at
the capture of various prizes during the late
war.
Dr. Prout, F.R.S., expired in Piccadilly, on
the 9th, at an advanced age. He was till lately
in extensive practice as a physician, besides
being a successful author.
Captain Smith, R.N., the Admiralty superintendent
of packets at Southampton, died on
the 8th, unexpectedly. He was distinguished
as the inventor of paddle-box boats for steamers,
and of the movable target for practicing naval
gunnery. He entered the navy in 1808, and
saw a good deal of service till the close of the
war.
Madame Tussaud, the well-known exhibitor[Pg 128]
of wax figures, died on the 10th, in her 90th
year. She was a native of Berne, but left
Switzerland when but six years old for Paris,
where she became a pupil of her uncle, M.
Curtius, “artiste to Louis XVI.,” by whom she
was instructed in the fine arts, of which he was
an eminent professor. Madame Tussaud prided
herself upon the fact of having instructed Madame
Elizabeth to draw and model, and she continued
to be employed by that princess until
October, 1789. She passed unharmed through
the horrors of the Revolution, perhaps by reason
of her peculiar ability as a modeler; for she
was employed to take heads of most of the
Revolutionary leaders. She came to England
in 1802, and has from that time been occupied
in gathering the popular exhibition now exhibiting
in London.
Affairs in Italy seem very unpromising.
The Pope returned to Rome on the 12th: and
in this number of this Magazine will be found
a detailed and very graphic account of his approach,
entry, and reception. From subsequent
accounts there is reason to fear that the Pope
has fallen entirely under the influence of the Absolutist
party, which now sways the councils of
the Vatican; and the same arbitrary proceedings
appear to be carried on in his immediate presence
as were the order of the day when he resided at
Portici. The secret press of the Republican
party is kept at work, and its productions, somehow
or other, find their way into the hands of Pio
Nono himself, filling him with indignation. It
is said that the Pontiff is very much dissatisfied
with his present position, which he feels to be
that of a prisoner or hostage. No one is allowed
to approach him without permission, and all
papers are opened beforehand by the authority
of Cardinal Antonelli. It is generally feared
that his Holiness is a tool in the hands of the Absolutists—a
very pretty consummation to have
been brought about by the republican bayonets
of France! Italy, for which so many hopes
have been entertained, and of whose successful
progress in political regeneration so many delightful
anticipations have been indulged, seems
to be overshadowed, from the Alps to the Abruzzi,
with one great failure.
The two Overland Mails from India which
arrived during the month brought news that
there had been some fighting in the newly acquired
territories. On the 2d of February a
body of Affredies, inhabitants of the Kohat hills,
about a thousand strong, attacked the camp of a
party of British sappers, employed in making a
road in a pass between Peshawur and Kohat.
Twelve of the latter were killed, six wounded,
and the camp was plundered. To avenge this
massacre a strong force under Colonel Bradshaw,
Sir Charles Napier himself, with Sir John
Campbell, accompanying him, marched from Peshawur
an the 9th. The mountaineers made a
stand in every pass and defile; but although the
troops destroyed six villages and killed a great
number of the enemy, they were obliged to return
to Peshawur on the 11th without having
accomplished their object. On the 14th February
another force was sent to regain the passes
and to keep them open for a larger armament.
Accounts from Egypt to the 6th, state that
the Pacha, who had been residing at his new
palace in the Desert, had returned to Cairo.
The proximity of his residence has drawn his
attention to the Improvement of the Overland
Route; and he has said that means must be
adopted to reduce the period of traveling between
the ships in the Mediterranean and Red
Sea to 60 or 65 hours, instead of 80 or 85 hours.
He has sent a small landing steamer to ply in
Suez harbor; and he is causing the work of
Macadamizing the Desert road to be proceeded
with vigorously. An agreement has been made
with contractors to enlarge the station-houses on
the Desert, so as to admit of the necessary stabling
accommodation for eight or ten relays of
horses, instead of four or five, by which means
50 or 60 persons will be moved across in one
train, instead of, as at present, half that number.
Mules, again, are to be substituted for baggage
camels in the transport of the Indian luggage
and cargoes, with the view to a reduction of the
time consumed in this operation between Suez
and Cairo, from 36 to 24 hours. It is easy to
perceive the benefits which will be derived from
these measures.
Mr. P. Colquohon sends to the Athenæum,
the following extract of a letter from Baron de
Rennenkampff, the Chief Chamberlain of H.R.H.
the Grand Duke of Oldenburg, and President
of the Museum of Antiquities at Oldenburg,
which is almost entirely indebted to that gentleman
for its collection—narrating an important
discovery of Roman silver coins:
“A most interesting circumstance, the particulars
of which have much occupied my attention,
has occurred here lately. Some poor day
laborers in the neighborhood of the small town
of Jever, on the border of Marsch and Gest,
found, in a circle of a few feet, at a depth of
from 7 to 8 feet, a heap of small Roman coins,
of fine silver, being 5000 pieces of Roman denarii.
The half of them immediately fell into the
hands of a Jew of Altona, at a very inconsiderable
price. The greatest portion of the remainder
were dispersed before I gained intelligence
of it, and I only succeeded in collecting some 500
pieces for the Grand Duke’s collection, who permitted
me to remunerate the discoverers with
four times the value of the metal. The coins
date between the years 69 and 170 after Christ
while the oldest which have hitherto been discovered
on the European Continent, in Norway,
Sweden, Denmark, Germany, &c., date from 170
or 180. Each piece bears the effigy of one of
the Emperors of the time, the reverse is adorned
with the impression of some occurrence (a
woman lying down with a chariot wheel, and
beneath it the legend via Trajaceæ, a trophy, and[Pg 129]
on the escutcheon Dacia capta, &c.), and these
are so various that pairs have only been found
in a few cases. The discovery is so much the
more wonderful, as, historically, no trace can be
found of the Romans having penetrated so far
down as Jever.”
The French Minister of the Interior has decided
on postponing the Exhibition of Painting
in Paris this year until November. The comparative
absence from the capital during the
fine season of strangers and of rich amateurs
likely to be purchasers of pictures, is the motive
for this change in the period of opening the
Salon.
The French papers state that the submarine
electric telegraph between Dover and Calais is
to be opened to the public on the 4th of May,
the anniversary of the proclamation of the French
Republic by the Constituent Assembly.
The Indian Mail brings copies of a new journal
published in China on the first day of the
present year, and called the Pekin Monitor. It
is written in Chinese, and carefully printed, on
fine paper. The first number contains an ordinance
of the emperor, Toa-kouang, forbidding
the emigration of his subjects to California or the
State of Costa Rica.
It is stated in the Berliner Allgemeine Kirchen
Zeitung, that the Jews have obtained a firman
from the Porte, granting them permission to
build a temple on Mount Zion. The projected
edifice is, it is said, to equal Solomon’s Temple
in magnificence.
The creation of a university for New South
Wales is a striking expression of the rapid
development of the history of a colony founded,
in times comparatively recent, with the worst
materials of civilization grafted on the lowest
forms of barbarism existing on the earth. The
new institution is to be at Sydney; and a sum
of £30,000 has been, it is said, voted for
the building and £5000 for its fittings-up. It
will contain at first chairs of the Classical
Languages, Mathematics, Chemistry, Natural
History, Natural Philosophy, Mechanics, Physiology,
and the Medical Sciences; and professorships
of History, Philosophy, and Political
Economy are to be hereafter added. There is
to be no faculty of Theology—and no religious
tests.
The late Dr. Potts, inventor of the hydraulic
pile-driving process, and other mechanical inventions,
expired at his house in Buckingham-street,
Strand, on the 23d ultimo. Dr. Potts
belonged originally to the medical profession;
but by inclination, even from school-boy days,
and while a class-fellow with the present Premier
and the Duke of Bedford, he appears to have
devoted himself to mechanical and engineering
pursuits. His name, however, will be most
closely associated for the future with the ingenious
process for driving piles.
It is said that “among the agriculturists of
Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, and Herefordshire,”
there is a grand scheme of emigration
afloat, which projects the purchase of a million
acres of land in one of the Western States of
America.
Some of the paper slips dropped by the telegraphing
balloons, sent up experimentally by
the Admiralty at Whitehall, have been returned
by post from Hamburg and Altona, a distance
of 450 miles direct.
Box tunnel, London, which is 3192 yards in
length, was an object of some interest on Tuesday,
the 9th of April, as on that morning at
twenty-five minutes past five the sun shone
through it. The only other periods that such an
event occurs are on the 3d and 4th of September.
An oak tree, forty feet high, with three tons
of soil on its roots, has been transplanted at
Graisley, near Wolverhampton. The tree was
mounted on a timber-carriage, and, with its
branches lashed to prevent damage to windows,
passed through the streets, a singular but beautiful
sight.
The Plymouth Town-Council are about to lay
down a quantity of glass pipes, jointed with
gutta percha, as an experiment, for the conveyance
of water.
The French, Belgian, and Prussian governments
appointed a commission in 1848 to draw
up the base of an arrangement for an international
railway communication; the commission
is about to commence its sittings in Paris.
The Russian Geographical Society has decided
upon exploring that portion of the Northern Ural
which lies between Mount Kwognar and the pass
of Koppol; an extent of 2000 wersts, which has
not yet been explored by the Ural expedition.
The expedition will consist of only three persons—a
geognort, who also determines the altitude,
a geographer, and one assistant. A great number
of attendants, interpreters, workpeople, and
rein-deer sledges, have already been engaged.
The expedition will set out immediately, and it
is hoped will complete the investigation by September.
It is said that nothing indicates the social and
moral condition of any community more accurately
or impressively than its Records of
Crime. The following instances, selected from
English journals of the month, will not, therefore,
be without interest and instruction.
On the 2d, Thomas Denny was tried at Kingston-on-Thames,
for Murdering his Child. He
was a farm-servant, and so poor that he lived
in a hay-loft on his master’s premises, with his
reputed wife. In August a child was born, and
died immediately. Suspicions arose, and an investigation
took place, which led to the prisoner’s
commitment, charged with murdering the
infant. On the trial the prisoner’s son, an intelligent
boy of eight years old, told the following
graphic story of his father’s guilt: “We
all,” he said, “lived together in the hay-loft at
Ewell. When mother had a baby, I went to
my father and told him to come home directly.
When we got back my father took up the baby
in his arms. He then took up an awl. [Here
the child became much affected, and cried bitterly,[Pg 130]
and it was some time before he could proceed
with his testimony. At length he went
on.] My father took up the awl, and killed the
baby with it. He stuck the awl into its throat.
The baby cried, and my father took the child to
its mother, and asked her if he should make a
coffin for it. Before he said this, he asked her
if she would help to kill it, and gave her the
awl. She tried to kill it also. My father gave
her the child and the awl, and she did the same
to it that he had done. I was very much frightened
at what I saw, and ran away, and when
I came back I found mother in bed.” The
woman (Eliza Tarrant) had been charged as
an accomplice, but the bill against her was
ignored by the grand jury. On the trial she
was called as a witness; to which the prisoner’s
counsel objected, she being a presumed participator
in the crime. The woman, however, was called,
and partly corroborated her son’s testimony;
but denied that she took any share in killing her
offspring. The prisoner was convicted, and
Mr. Justice Maule passed sentence of death,
informing him that there was no hope of respite.
Subsequently, however, the objections of the
prisoner’s counsel proved more valid than the
judge supposed, for the secretary of state thought
proper to commute the sentence. The unfortunate
man received the respite with heartfelt
gratitude. Since his conviction he appeared to
be overcome with grief at his awful position.
A Tale of Misery was revealed on the 3d to
Mr. à Beckett, the magistrate Of Southwark
police court. He received a letter from a gentleman
who stated that as he was walking home
one evening, his attention was attracted to a
young woman. She was evidently following an
immoral career; but her appearance and demeanor
interesting him he spoke to her. She
candidly acknowledged, that having been deserted
by her parents, she was leading an abandoned
life to obtain food for her three sisters,
all younger than herself. Her father had been
in decent circumstances, but that unfortunately
her mother was addicted to drink, and owing to
this infirmity their parents had separated, and
abandoned them. The writer concluded by
hoping that the magistrate would cause an inquiry
to be made. Mr. à Beckett directed an
officer of the court to investigate into this case.
On the 4th, the officer called at the abode of the
young woman, in a wretched street, at a time
when such a visit could not have been expected.
He found Mary Ann Bannister, the girl alluded
to, and her three sisters, of the respective ages
of eight, eleven, and fourteen, in deep distress.
The eldest was washing some clothing for her
sisters. There was no food of any description
in the place. Altogether the case was a very
distressing one, and although accustomed to
scenes of misery, in the course of his duties, yet
this was one of the most lamentable the officer
had met with. The publication of the case had
the effect of inducing several benevolent individuals
to transmit donations to Mr. à Beckett for
these destitute girls, to the amount, as he stated
on a subsequent day, of above £25. He added
that it was in contemplation to enable the girls
to emigrate to South Australia, and that meanwhile
they had been admitted into the workhouse
of St. George’s parish, where they would
be kept till a passage was procured for them to
the colony. More than one person had offered to
take Mary Ann Bannister into domestic service;
but emigration for the whole four was thought
more advisable.
A female named Lewis, who resided at
Bassalleg, left her home on the 3d to go to
Newport, about three miles distant, to make
purchases. She never returned. A search was
made by her son and husband, who is a cripple,
and on the night of the following day they discovered
her murdered in a wood at no very great
distance from the village, so frightfully mangled
as to leave no doubt that she had been waylaid
and brutally murdered. The head was shockingly
disfigured, battered by some heavy instrument,
and the clothes were saturated with blood.
For some days the perpetrators escaped detection,
but eventually Murphy and Sullivan, two
young Irishmen, were arrested at Cheltenham,
on suspicion. Wearing apparel, covered with
blood, and a number of trifling articles were
found on them. They were sent off to Newport,
where it was found they had been engaged
in an atrocious outrage in Gloucestershire,
on an old man whom they had assailed
and robbed on the road near Purby; his skull
was fractured; and his life was considered to
be in imminent peril. Both prisoners were
fully committed to the county jail at Monmouth
to take their trial for willful murder.
A Dreadful Murder has been discovered in
the neighborhood of Frome, in Somersetshire.
On the 3d, a young man named Thomas
George, the son of a laborer residing near that
town, left his father’s house about eight in the
evening, and never returned. Next morning,
his father went in search of him, and found his
body in a farmer’s barn; he had been apparently
dead for some hours, and there were deep
wounds in his head and throat. A man named
Henry Hallier, who had been seen in company
with the deceased, the night he disappeared,
close to the barn where his body was found, was
apprehended on the 18th on suspicion, and committed
to the county jail.
An act of Unparalleled Atrocity was committed
during the Easter week in the Isle of Man. Two
poor men named Craine and Gill went to a hill-side
to procure a bundle of heather to make
brooms. The proprietor of the premises observed
them, and remarked that he would quickly make
them remove their quarters. He at once set fire
to the dry furze and heather, directly under the
hilly place where the poor men were engaged.
The fire spread furiously, and it was only by
rolling himself down the brow of the hill, and
falling over the edge of a precipice into the river
underneath, that Gill escaped. His unfortunate
companion, who was a pensioner, aged 80 years,
and quite a cripple, was left in his helpless state[Pg 131]
a prey to the flames. After they had subsided,
Gill went in search of Craine, whom he found
burned to a cinder. The proprietor of the heath
has been apprehended.
A Shot at his Sweetheart was fired by John
Humble Sharpe, a young man of 21, who was
tried for it at the Norfolk Circuit on the 9th.
The accused, a young carpenter, had courted
and had been accepted by the prosecutrix, Sarah
Lingwood. She, however, listened to other vows;
the lover grew jealous, and was at length rejected.
In the night after he had received his dismissal,
the family of the girl’s uncle with whom she lived
were alarmed by the report of a gun. On examining
her bedroom it was discovered that a
bullet had been fired through the window, had
crossed the girl’s bed, close to the bottom where
she lay, grazed a dress that was lying on the
bed-clothes, and struck a chest of drawers beyond.
Suspicion having fallen on the prisoner, he
was apprehended. The prisoner’s counsel admitted
the fact, but denied the intent. The
prisoner had, he said, no desire to harm the girl,
whom he tenderly loved, but only to alarm her
and induce her to return to him. The jury, after
long deliberation, acquitted the prisoner.
Several shocking instances of Agrarian Crime
have been mentioned in the Irish papers. At
Glasslough, in the county of Monaghan, a shot
was fired into the bed-room window of Mr. John
Robertson, land steward to C.P. Leslie, Esq.,
on the night of the 10th. Arthur O’Donnel,
Esq., of Pickwick Cottage, in Clare, was murdered
near his own house, on the night of the
11th. He was attacked by a party of men and
killed with a hatchet. The supposition was that
this deed was committed by recipients of relief
whom Mr. O’Donnel was wont to strike off the
lists at the weekly revision by the board of the
Kilrush union, of which he was one. A man
was arrested on strong suspicion. There was
another murder in Clare. The herdsman of
Mr. Scanlon, of Fortune in that county, went
out to look after some sheep, the property of his
master, when he was attacked by some persons
who had been lurking about the wood, and his
throat cut.
Two evidences of the Low Price of Labor
were brought before the magistrates. One at
Bow-street on the 10th, when W. Gronnow, a
journeyman shoemaker, was charged with pawning
eight pairs of ladies’ shoes intrusted to him
for making up. He pleaded extreme distress,
and said he intended to redeem the shoes that
week. The prisoner’s employer owned that the
man was entitled to no more than 4s. 8d. for
making and preparing the eight pairs of shoes.
“Why,” said the magistrate, “that price is only
sevenpence a pair for the workman. I am not
surprised to hear of so many persons pawning
their employers’ property, when they are paid
so badly.” The prisoner was fined 2s. and ordered
to pay the money he had received upon
the shoes within fourteen days; in default, to
be imprisoned fourteen days. Being unable to
pay the money, he was locked up.
On the previous day a man named Savage, a
slop shirt seller, was summoned at Guildhall for
9d., the balance due to Mrs. Wallis for making
three cotton shirts. When delivered, Savage
found fault with them, and deferred payment.
Eventually 1s. 3d. was paid instead of 2s. The
alderman said he was surprised at any tradesman
who only paid 8d. for making a shirt, deducting
3d. from so small a remuneration; it
was disgraceful. He then ordered the money
to be paid, with expenses.
Alexander Levey, a goldsmith, was tried at
the Central Criminal Court on the 10th, for the
Murder of his Wife. They were a quarrelsome
pair: one day, while the husband, with a knife
in his hand, was cooking a sweetbread, the wife
came in, and, in answer to his inquiry where she
had been, said she had been to a magistrate for
a warrant against him. On this, with a violent
exclamation, he stabbed her in the throat; she
ran out of the house, while he continued eating
with the knife with which he stabbed her, saying,
however, he hoped she was not much hurt.
She died in consequence of the wound. The
defense was, that the blow had been given in
the heat of passion, and the prisoner was found
guilty of manslaughter only. He was sentenced
to fifteen years’ transportation.
On the same day, Jane Kirtland was tried for
the Manslaughter of her Husband. They lived
at Shadwell, and were both addicted to drinking
and quarreling, in both which they indulged.
Kirtland having called his wife an opprobrious
name she took up a chopper, and said that if he
repeated the offensive expression, she would chop
him. He immediately repeated it with a still
more offensive addition, and at the same time
thrust his fist, in her face, when she struck him
on the elbow with the chopper, and inflicted a
wound of which he died a few days afterward.
The prisoner, when called upon for her defense,
burst into tears, and said that her husband was
constantly drunk, and that he was in the habit
of going out all day, and leaving her and her
children in a destitute state, and when he came
home he would abuse her and insult her in every
possible way. In a moment of anger she struck
him with a chopper, but she had no intention to
do him any serious injury. The jury found the
prisoner Guilty, but recommended her to mercy
on account of the provocation she had received.
She was sentenced to be kept to hard labor in
the House of Correction for six months.
A coroner’s inquest was held in Southwark
on the same day, respecting the death of Mrs.
Mary Carpenter, an Eccentric Old Lady, of
eighty-two. She had been left, by a woman
who attended her, cooking a chop for her dinner;
and soon afterward the neighbors were
alarmed by smoke coming from the house. On
breaking into her room on an upper floor, the
place was found to be on fire. The flames
were got under, but the old lady was burnt almost
to a cinder. Mrs. Carpenter was a very
singular person; she used at one time to wear
dresses so that they did not reach down to her[Pg 132]
knees. Part of her leg was exposed, but the
other was encased with milk-white stockings,
tied up with scarlet garters, the ribbons extending
to her feet, or flying about her person. In
this extraordinary dress she would sally forth to
market, followed by an immense crowd of men
and children. For some years past she discontinued
these perambulations, and lived entirely
shut up in her house in Moss-alley, the windows
of which she had bricked up, so that no
light could enter from without. Though she
had considerable freehold property, she had
only an occasional female attendant, and would
allow no other person, but the collector of her
rents, to enter her preserve.
On the 12th, Mrs. Eleanor Dundas Percival,
a lady of thirty-five, destroyed herself by poison
at the Hope Coffee-house, in Fetter-lane, where
she had taken temporary apartments. A Distressing
History transpired at the inquest. She
was the daughter of a Scotch clergyman, and
lost the countenance of her family by marrying
a Catholic, a captain in the navy; while her
husband suffered the same penalty for marrying
a Protestant. About a year ago he and their
infant died in the West Indies; she afterward
became governess in the family of Sir Colin
Campbell, governor of Barbadoes; her health
failing, she returned to England in October last,
and had since been reduced to extreme distress.
Having been turned out of a West-end hotel,
and had her effects detained on account of her
debt contracted there, she had been received into
the apartments in Fetter-lane, partly through
the compassion of a person who resided in the
house. While there, she had written to Miss
Burdett Coutts, and, a few days before her
death, a gentleman had called on her from that
benevolent lady, who paid up the rent she owed,
amounting to £2 14s., and left her 10s. On
the evening above-mentioned she went out, and
returned with a phial in her hand containing
morphia, which, it appeared, she swallowed on
going to bed between five and six, as she was
afterward found in a dying state, and the empty
phial beside her. The verdict was temporary
insanity.
Elias Lucas and Mary Reeder were executed
at Cambridge on the 13th. Lucas was the
husband of the female convict’s sister, whom
they had poisoned. Morbid curiosity had attracted
from twenty to thirty thousand spectators.
In the procession from the jail to the
scaffold there was a great parade of county
magistrates.
Louisa Hartley was charged at the Southwark
Police Court, on the 16th, with an Attempt
to poison her Father, who is a fellowship porter.
On the previous morning she made the coffee for
breakfast, on tasting it, it burnt Harley’s mouth,
and he charged the girl with having put poison
in his cup, which she denied; he then tasted
her coffee, and found it had no unpleasant flavor.
His daughter then snatched away his cup, and
threw the contents into a wash-hand basin. But
in spite of her tears and protestations of innocence,
he took the basin to Guy’s Hospital,
where it was found that the coffee must have
contained vitriol. The girl, who was said to
be of weak intellect, and stood sobbing at the
bar, being questioned, only shook her head, and
said she had nothing to say. At a subsequent
hearing the magistrate decided that there was
sufficient evidence for a committal.
A man named William Bennison, a workman
in an iron-foundry, has been committed to prison
at Leith on suspicion of having Poisoned his
Wife. The circumstances of the case are extraordinary.
The scene of the murder is an
old-fashioned tiled house in Leith. Bennison
and his wife occupied the second floor of a
house, in which also resides Alexander Milne,
a cripple from his infancy, well known to the
frequenters of Leith Walk, where he sits daily,
in a small cart drawn by a dog. Mrs. Bennison,
after, it is said, partaking of some gruel, became
very ill, and died on Monday, the 22d inst.
The dog which drew the cripple’s cart died
about the same time; suspicion was drawn
upon the husband, and he was apprehended,
and the dog’s body conveyed to Surgeon’s Hall
for examination. Some weeks before, Bennison
had purchased arsenic from a neighboring druggist,
to kill rats, as he said. When suspected he
called on the druggist, and requested him and his
wife not to mention that he had purchased the
arsenic. He even pressed for a written denial of
the fact, adding that there might be arsenic found
in his wife’s stomach, but he did not put it there.
On the Monday previous to her death it is said
he enrolled her name in a benefit society, by
which on her death he was entitled to a sum
of £6. At the prisoner’s examination before
the sheriff, the report of the chemists pronounced
the contents of the dog’s stomach to have been
metallic poison. The accused was eventually
committed for trial. The deceased and her
husband were members of the Wesleyan body,
and bore an excellent character for piety. Bennison
professed to be extremely zealous in behalf
of religion, and was in the habit of administering
its consolations to such as would accept
of them. His “gifts” of extempore prayer are
said to be extensive.
Two Men were shot at by a Gamekeeper lately
in a wood belonging to Lord Wharncliffe, near
Barnsley. The game on this estate is preserved
by a solicitor, who resides near Wokefield, who
employs Joseph Hunter as gamekeeper. Both
the men were severely injured, and Cherry, one
of them, sued Hunter as the author of the
offense, in the Barnsley County Court, and the
case was heard on the 19th instant. Cherry
stated, that on the 23d February he went to
see the Badsworth hounds meet at the village
of Notton, and in coming down by the side of a
wood he saw the defendant, who asked plaintiff
and two others where the hounds were. Plaintiff
told him they were in Notton-park. These
men left Hunter, and walked down by the side
of Noroyds-wood. They went through the
wood, when one of the men who was with him[Pg 133]
began cutting some sticks. Plaintiff then saw
Hunter, who was about twenty-five yards from
them, coming toward them: the men began to
run away, when plaintiff said to the other,
“He’s going to shoot us;” and before he had
well delivered the words, he was shot in the
arm and side, and could not run with the others.
A surgeon proved that the wounds were severe
and in a dangerous part of the body. The two
men who were with the plaintiff corroborated his
evidence. The judge said that defendant deserved
to be sent to York for what he had done
already. The damages might have been laid
at £100 or £1000 had plaintiff been acting
lawfully; but he thought plaintiff had acted
with discretion in laying the damages at £10
for which he should give a verdict, and all the
costs the law would allow.
An Affecting Case occurred at the Mansion
House on the 23d. William Powers, a boy,
was brought up on the charge of picking a gentleman’s
pocket of a handkerchief. A little boy,
who had seen the theft, was witness against him.
The prisoner made a feeble attempt to represent
the witness as an accomplice; but he soon abandoned
it, and said, with tears, that he “did not
believe the other boy to be a thief at all.” The
alderman, moved by his manner, asked him if
he had parents? He said he had, but they
were miserably poor. “My father was, when
I last saw him, six months ago, going into the
workhouse. What was I to do? I was partly
brought up to the tailoring business, but I can
get nothing to do at that. I am able to job
about, but still I am compelled to be idle. If I
had work, wouldn’t I work! I’d be glad to
work hard for a living, instead of being obliged
to thieve and tell lies for a bit of bread.” Alderman
Carden—If I send you for a month to Bridewell,
and from thence into an industrial school,
will you stick honestly to labor? The prisoner—Try
me. You shall never see me here or in
any other disgraceful situation again. Alderman
Carden—I will try you. You shall go to Bridewell
for a month, and to the School of Occupation
afterward, where you will have an opportunity
of reforming. The wretched boy expressed
himself in terms of gratitude to the
alderman, and went away, as seemed to be the
general impression in the justice-room, for the
purpose of commencing a new life.
On the 5th a pilot-boat brought into Cowes
the master of the Lincoln, sailing from Boston
for California. He had reached the latitude of
4° N. and longitude 25° W., and when at 10.30
p.m. of March 2, during a heavy shower of
rain, and without any menacing appearance in
the air, the ship was Struck with Lightning,
which shivered the mainmast, and darted into
the hold. On opening the scuttle, volumes of
smoke were emitted, and finding it impossible
to extinguish the fire, the crew endeavored to
stifle it by closing every aperture. In this state
they remained for nearly four days, with the fire
burning in the hold, when they were relieved
from their perilous situation by the providential
appearance of the Maria Christina, and taken
on board. Previous to leaving the ill-fated
brig, the hatches were opened, when the flames
burst forth, and in thirty minutes afterward the
mainmast fell over the side. The unfortunate
crew were most kindly treated by Captain Voss,
the master of the Maria Christina, who did every
thing in his power for their relief.
A Miss Downie met, on the 4th, with an Extraordinary
Death at Traquair-on-the-Tweed.
She had suffered, since childhood, from severe
pains in the head and deafness; her health had
been gradually declining for the last three years,
and in August last she was seized with most
painful inflammation in the left ear, accompanied
by occasional bleedings also from the ear.
On the 20th of March an ordinary-sized metallic
pin was extracted from the left ear, which was
enveloped in a firm substance with numerous
fibres attached to it; several hard bodies, in
shape resembling the grains of buckwheat, but
of various colors, were also taken out of the
right ear. The poor girl endured the most intense
pain, which she bore with Christian fortitude
till death terminated her sufferings. It is
believed the pin must have lodged in the head
for nearly twenty years, as she never recollected
of having put one in her ear, but she had a
distinct remembrance of having, when a child,
had a pin in her mouth, which she thought she
had swallowed.
The Poet Bowles.—The canon’s absence
of mind was very great, and when his coachman
drove him into Bath he had to practice all kinds
of cautions to keep him to time and place. The
poet once left our office in company with a well-known
antiquary of our neighborhood, since deceased,
and who was as absent as Mr. Bowles
himself. The servant of the latter came to our
establishment to look for him, and, on learning
that he had gone away with the gentleman to
whom we have referred, the man exclaimed, in
a tone of ludicrous distress, “What! those two
wandered away together? then they’ll never be
found any more!” The act of composition was
a slow and laborious operation with him. He altered
and re-wrote his MS. until, sometimes,
hardly anything remained of the original, excepting
the general conception. When we add that
his handwriting was one of the worst that ever
man wrote—insomuch that frequently he could
not read that which he had written the day before—we
need not say that his printers had very
tough work in getting his works into type. At
the time when we printed for Mr. Bowles we
had one compositor in our office (his death is
recorded in our paper of to-day), who had a
sort of knack in making out the poet’s hieroglyphics,
and he was once actually sent for by Mr
Bowles into Wiltshire to copy some MS. written
a year or two before, which the poet had himself
vainly endeavored to decipher.—Bath Chronicle.[Pg 134]

ARCHIBALD ALISON.
Mr. Archibald Alison, author of the “History of Europe,” is son of the author of the
well-known “Essay on Taste.” He holds the office of sheriff of Lanarkshire, and is much
respected in the city of Glasgow, where his official duties compel him to reside. Though educated
for the profession of the law, and daily administering justice as the principal local judge
of a populous district, Mr. Alison’s tastes are entirely literary. Besides the “History of Europe,”
in 20 volumes—a work which, we believe, originated in the pages of a “Scottish Annual Register,”
long since discontinued—Mr. Alison has written a “Life of Marlborough” and various
economic and political pamphlets. He is also a frequent contributor to Blackwood’s Magazine.
It is, however, upon his “History of Europe” that his fame principally rests. If Mr. Alison be
not the most successful of modern historians, we know not to whom, in preference to him, the
palm can be conceded. His work is to be found in every library, and bids fair to rank hereafter
as the most valuable production of the age in which he lived. This success is due, not only to
the importance and interest of his theme, but to the skillful, eloquent, and generally correct
manner in which he has treated it. He has, doubtless, been guilty of some errors of omission[Pg 135]
as well as of commission, as we have heard of a literary amateur, whose chief amusement for
some years past, has been to make out a list of his mistakes; but, after all deductions of this
kind, enough of merit remains in the work to entitle its author to a place in the highest rank of
contemporary authors.
The bust of Mr. Alison, of which we present an engraving, was executed in the year 1846,
and presented in marble to Mr. Alison by a body of his private friends in Glasgow, as a testimonial
of their friendship to him as an individual; of their esteem and respect for him in his
public capacity, as one of their local judges; and of their admiration of his writings. It is
considered a very excellent likeness.
THE CORN-LAW RHYMER.
Ebenezer Elliott not only possessed
poetical spirit, or the apparent faculty of
producing poetry, but he produced poems beautiful
in description, touching in incident and
feeling, and kindly in sentiment, when he was
kept away from that bugbear of his imagination
a landed gentleman. A man of acres, or
any upholder of the corn-laws, was to him what
brimstone and blue flames are to a certain species
of devotee, or the giant oppressor of enchanted
innocence to a mad knight-errant. In
a squire or a farmer he could see no humanity;
the agriculturist was an incarnate devil, bent
upon raising the price of bread, reducing wages,
checking trade, keeping the poor wretched and
dirty, and rejoicing when fever followed famine,
to sweep them off by thousands to an untimely
grave. According to his creed, there was no
folly, no fault, no idleness, no improvidence in
the poor. Their very crimes were brought
upon them by the gentry class. The squires,
assisted a little by kings, ministers, and farmers,
were the true origin of evil in this world of
England, whatever might be the cause of it
elsewhere.
This rabid feeling was opposed to high poetical
excellence. Temper and personal passion
are fatal to art: “in the very torrent, tempest,
and (I may say) whirlwind of your passion, you
should acquire and beget a temperance that
may give it smoothness.” It is also fatal to
more than art: where a person looks with the
vulgar eyes that Ebenezer Elliott used on many
occasions, there can be neither truth nor justice.
Even the satirist must observe a partial truth
and a measure in expressing it, or he sinks down
to the virulent lampooner.
Part of this violence must be placed to the
natural disposition of the man, but part of it
was owing to his narrow education; by which
we mean, not so much book-learning or reading,
of which he had probably enough, but provincial
and possibly low associates. Something, perhaps,
should be ascribed to a self-sufficiency
rather morbid than proud; for we think Elliott
had a liking to be “head of the company,” and
that he resented any want of public notice as
an affront, even when the parties could not
know that he was entitled to notice.
These defects of character operated very
mischievously upon his works. The temper
marred his political poems; though the people,
their condition, vices, and virtues, is a theme
that, properly sung, might stir the Anglo-Saxon
race throughout the world and give immortality
to a poet. The provincial mind affected
the mass of Elliott’s poems even where the subject
was removed from his prejudices; for he
had no habitual elevation or refinement of taste:
it required a favorable theme or a happy moment
to triumph over the deficiencies of nature
and education. His self-sufficiency coupled
with his provincialism seems to have prevented
him from closely criticising his productions; so
that he often published things that were prosaic
as well as faulty in other respects.
The posthumous volumes before us naturally
abound in the author’s peculiarities; for the
feelings of survivors are prone to err on the
side of fullness, and the friends of the lately
dead too often print indiscriminately. The consequence
is, that the publication has an air of
gatherings, and contains a variety of things
that a critical stranger would wish away. It
was proper, perhaps, to have given prose as a
specimen of the author; and the review of his
works by Southey, said to have been rejected
by the Quarterly, is curious for its total disregard
of the reviewer’s own canons, since very
little description is given of the poems, and not
much of the characteristics of the poet. Much
of the poetry in these volumes would have been
better unpublished. Here and there we find a
touching little piece, or a bit of power; but the
greater part is not only unpoetical but trivial,
or merely personal in the expression of feeling.
There is, moreover, a savageness of tone
toward the agricultural interest, even after the
corn-laws were abolished, that looks as like
malignity as honest anger.—London Spectator.
Madame Grandin, the widow of M. Victor
Grandin, representative of the Seine Inférieure,
who died about seven or eight months since,
met with a melancholy end on the 6th, at her
residence at Elbœuf. She was confined to her
bed from illness, and the woman, who had been
watching by her during the night, had left her
but a short time, when the most piercing shrieks
were heard to proceed from her room. Her
brother ran in alarm to her assistance, but, unfortunately,
he was too late, the poor lady had
expired, having been burned in her bed. It is
supposed that in reaching to take something
from the table, her night-dress came in contact
with the lamp, and thus communicated to the
bed.[Pg 136]

T. BABINGTON MACAULAY.
Mr. Macaulay, though ambitious at one time, and perhaps still, of a reputation for poetry
though an acute critic and a brilliant essayist, and though a showy and effective orator, who
could command at all times the attention of an assembly that rather dislikes studied eloquence
seems at present inclined to build up his fame upon his historical writings. Most of his admirers
consider that, in this respect, he has judged wisely. As a poet—however pleasing his “Lays of
Ancient Rome” and some of his other ballads maybe—he could never have succeeded in retaining
the affection of the public. Depth of feeling, earnest and far-seeing thought, fancy, imagination,
a musical ear, a brilliancy of expression, and an absolute mastery of words, are all equally
essential to him who, in this or any other time, would climb the topmost heights of Parnassus.
Mr. Macaulay has fancy but not imagination; and though his ear is good, and his command of
language unsurpassed by any living writer, he lacks the earnestness and the deep philosophy of
all the mighty masters of song. As a critic he is, perhaps, the first of his age; but criticism,
even in its highest developments, is but a secondary thing to the art upon which it thrives.
Mr. Macaulay has in him the stuff of which artists and originators are made, and we are of the[Pg 137]
number of those who rejoice that, in the vigor of his days; he has formed a proper estimate of
his own powers, and that he has abandoned the poetical studies, in the prosecution of which he
never could have attained the first rank; and those critical corruscations which, however beautiful,
must always have been placed in a lower scale of merit than the compositions upon which
they were founded; and that he has devoted his life to the production of an original work in the
very highest department of literature.
There was, at one time, a prospect before Mr. Macaulay of being one of the men who make,
instead of those who write history; but his recent retirement from parliament and from public
life has, for a while at least, closed up that avenue. In cultivating at leisure the literary pursuits
that he loves, we trust that he, as well as the world, will be the gainer, and that his “History
of England,” when completed, will be worthy of so high a title. As yet the field is clear before
him. The histories that have hitherto appeared are mostly bad or indifferent. Some are good,
but not sufficiently good to satisfy the wants of the reader, or to render unnecessary the task
of more enlightened, more impartial, more painstaking, and more elegant writers. There never
was a work of art, whether in painting, sculpture, music, or literature, in which lynx-eyed criticism
could not detect a flaw, or something deficient, which the lynx-eyed critic, and he alone,
could have supplied. Mr. Macaulay’s history has not escaped the ordeal, neither was it desirable
that it should; but the real public opinion of the country has pronounced itself in his favor, and
longs for the worthy completion of a task which has been worthily begun.
The bust of Mr. Macaulay was executed shortly after that of Mr. Alison, and is, we believe,
in Mr. Macaulay’s own possession. It is a very admirable likeness.
MOSCOW AFTER THE CONFLAGRATION.
It was both a strange and a horrible spectacle.
Some houses appeared to have been razed;
of others, fragments of smoke-blackened walls
remained; ruins of all kinds encumbered the
streets; every where was a horrible smell of
burning. Here and there a cottage, a church,
a palace, stood erect amid the general destruction.
The churches especially, by their many-colored
domes, by the richness and variety of
their construction, recalled the former opulence
of Moscow. In them had taken refuge most of
the inhabitants, driven by our soldiers from the
houses the fire had spared. The unhappy
wretches, clothed in rags, and wandering like
ghosts amid the ruins, had recourse to the
saddest expedients to prolong their miserable
existence. They sought and devoured the
scanty vegetables remaining in the gardens;
they tore the flesh from the animals that lay
dead in the streets; some even plunged into the
river for corn the Russians had thrown there,
and which was now in a state of fermentation….
It was with the greatest difficulty we
procured black bread and beer; meat began to
be very scarce. We had to send strong detachments
to seize oxen in the woods where the
peasants had taken refuge, and often the detachments
returned empty-handed. Such was the
pretended abundance procured us by the pillage
of the city. We had liquors, sugar, sweetmeats,
and we wanted for meat and bread. We
covered ourselves with furs, but were almost
without clothes and shoes. With great store
of diamonds, jewels, and every possible object
of luxury, we were on the eve of dying of
hunger. A large number of Russian soldiers
wandered in the streets of Moscow. I had fifty
of them seized; and a general, to whom I reported
the capture, told me I might have had
them shot, and that on all future occasions he
authorized me to do so. I did not abuse the
authorization. It will be easily understood how
many mishaps, how much disorder, characterized
our stay in Moscow. Not an officer, not a
soldier, but could tell strange anecdotes on this
head. One of the most striking is that of a
Russian whom a French officer found concealed
in the ruins of a house; by signs he assured
him of protection, and the Russian accompanied
him. Soon, being obliged to carry an order,
and seeing another officer pass at the head of a
detachment, he transferred the individual to his
charge, saying hastily—”I recommend this
gentleman to you.” The second officer, misunderstanding
the intention of the words, and
the tone in which they were pronounced, took
the unfortunate Russian for an incendiary, and
had him shot.—Fezensac’s Journal.
Truth.—Truth is a subject which men will
not suffer to grow old. Each age has to fight
with its own falsehoods: each man with his love
of saying to himself and those around him pleasant
things and things serviceable for to-day,
rather than things which are. Yet a child appreciates
at once the divine necessity for truth;
never asks, “What harm is there in saying the
thing there is not?” and an old man finds in his
growing experience wider and wider applications
of the great doctrine and discipline of truth.—Friends
in Council.
A provincial paper mentions the discovery of
the Original Portrait of Charles the First, by
Vandyck, lost in the time of the Commonwealth,
and which has been found at Barnstaple in Devonshire.
It had been for many years in the
possession of a furniture-broker in that town,
from whom it was lately purchased by a gentleman
of the name of Taylor, for two shillings.
Mr. Taylor, the account adds, has since required
£2000 for it.[Pg 138]

WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT.
William H. Prescott, the American historian, is a native of Salem, Massachusetts, where
he was born on the 4th of May 1796. He is a son of the late eminent lawyer William
Prescott, LL.D., of Boston, and a grandson of Colonel William Prescott, who commanded
the forces in the redoubt on Breed’s Hill in the memorable battle fought there on the 17th of June
1775. Mr. Prescott entered Harvard college in 1811, where his chief delight consisted in the
study of the works of ancient authors. He left Harvard in 1814, and resolved to devote a year
to a course of historical study, before commencing that of the law, his chosen profession. His
reading was suddenly checked by a rheumatic inflammation of his eyes, which for a long time,
deprived him wholly of sight. He had already lost the use of one eye by an accidental blow
while at college; doubtless the burden of study being laid upon the other overtaxed it, and
produced disease. In the autumn of 1815 he went to Europe, where he remained two years, a
greater portion of the time utterly unable to enjoy the pleasures of reading and study. He
returned to Boston in 1817, and in the course of a few years married a grand-daughter of Captain
Linzee who commanded one of the British vessels at the battle of Bunker Hill. His vision[Pg 139]
gradually strengthened with advancing age, and he began to use his eye sparingly in reading.
The languages of continental Europe now attracted his attention, and he soon became proficient
in their use. These acquirements, and his early taste for, and intimate acquaintance with, the
best ancient writers, prepared him for those labors as a historian in which he has since been engaged.
As early as 1819, Mr. Prescott conceived the idea of producing an historical work of a superior
character. For this purpose, he allowed ten years for preliminary study, and ten for the investigation
and preparation of the work. He chose for his theme the history of the life and times of
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain; and at the end of nearly twenty years, pursuant to his original
plan, that great work was completed. He had resolved not to allow it to be published during
his lifetime, but the remark of his father, that “The man who writes a book which he is afraid to
publish, is a coward” decided him, and it went forth to the world in 1838. It was quickly republished
in London; every where it was pronounced a master-piece, and his fame was firmly
established. But little did those who read his delightful pages know of the vast toil, and patient,
persevering industry, in the midst of a great privation, which the historian had employed in his
task. His rare volumes from Spain and other sources were consulted through the medium of a
reader; the copious notes were written by a secretary; much of the work in its final shape was
written by himself with a writing machine for the blind, and in the whole preparation of this and
subsequent works, he relied far more upon his ear than his eye for aid.
The “Conquest of Mexico” next followed, and his publishers sold seven thousand copies the
next year. It was published at the same time in London, and translated in Paris, Berlin, Rome,
Madrid, and Mexico. His “Conquest of Peru” followed soon afterward, and was received at
home and abroad with equal favor. The “Conquest of Mexico” has had three separate translations
into the Castilian, and the “Peru,” two. They have been reprinted in English in London
and Paris, and have gone through repeated editions in this country. Whether we shall soon
have another work from Mr. Prescott’s pen, is a matter of doubt, as it is understood that he
proposes to employ the last ten years of his historic life in preparing a History of the Reign of
Philip the Second of Spain. His eyes have somewhat failed in strength, and he is now able to
use them for reading less than an hour each day; “But,” he says in a letter to a friend, “I am
not, and never expect to be, in the category of the blind men.”
Our allotted space will not permit us to take an analytical view of the character and writings
of Mr. Prescott. We can only say that great industry, sound judgment, comprehensive views,
purity of diction, and fine, flowing style in description and narrative, all governed by a genius
eminently philosophical, place him in the first rank of modern historians. Americans love him as
a cherished member of their household—throughout the Republic of Letters he is admired as one
of its brightest ornaments.
THE ENCHANTED BATHS.
These warm springs are natural phenomena,
which perhaps have not their equal in the
whole world. I am, therefore, quite inconsolable
at the thought of having made the long and
difficult journey from Bona, and having been five
whole days here in Guelma, within the distance
of five-and-twenty miles from those wonderful
springs, yet unable to see them. At the distance
of a mile or two from Hammam Meskutine,
thick clouds of vapor are seen rising from these
warm springs. The water is highly impregnated
with calcareous properties, whose accumulated
deposits have formed conical heaps,
some of which are upwards of thirty feet high.
From amidst these cones the springs jet forth
lofty columns of water, which descend in splendid
cascades, flowing over the ancient masonry,
and covering it with a white calcareous stratum.
The mass produced by the crystalization of
the particles escaping from the seething waters,
has been, after a long lapse of years, transformed
into beautiful rose-colored marble. F——
brought me a piece of this substance from the
springs. It is precisely similar to that used in
building the church at Guelma, which is obtained
from a neighboring quarry. From the remains
of an ancient tower and a fort, situated
near Hammam Meskutine, it is evident that these
springs were known to the Romans. An old
Arab legend records that, owing to the extreme
wickedness of the inhabitants of these districts,
God visited them with a punishment similar to
that of Lot’s wife, by transforming them into
the conical heaps of chalk I have mentioned above.
To this day, the mass of the people
firmly believe that the larger cones represent
the parents, and the smaller ones, the children.
Owing to the high temperature, the surrounding
vegetation is clothed in the most brilliant
green; and the water of a tepid brook, which
flows at the foot of the cascades, though in itself
as clear as a mirror, appears to be of a beautiful
emerald color. F—— told me that he was not
a little surprised to see in this warm rivulet a
multitude of little fishes sporting about, as lively
as though they had been in the coolest water.
This curious natural phenomenon is explainable
by the fact, that in this rivulet, which is of considerable
depth, the under-currents are sufficiently
cool to enable the fish to live and be healthy,
though the upper current of water is so warm,
that it is scarcely possible to hold the hand in it
any longer than a few seconds. The hilly environs
of Hammam Meskutine are exceedingly
beautiful, and around the waters perpetual spring
prevails.—Travels in Barbary.[Pg 140]
LITERARY NOTICES.
Letters of A Traveler; or, Notes of Things
seen in Europe and America. By William
Cullen Bryant. 12mo, pp. 442. New York:
G.P. Putnam.
Every one will welcome a volume of descriptive
sketches from the eminent American poet.
The author has made a collection of letters,
written at wide intervals from each other, during
different journeys both in Europe and in this country,
rightly judging that they possess sufficient
elements of interest to claim a less ephemeral
form than that in which most of them have been
already presented to the public. They consist
of the reminiscences of travel in France, Italy,
England, the Netherlands, Cuba, and the most
interesting portions of the United States. Arranged
in the order of time, without reference to
subject or place, the transition from continent to
continent is often abrupt, and sometimes introduces
us without warning into scenes of the
utmost incongruity with those where we had
been lingering under the spell of enchantment
which the author’s pen throws around congenial
objects. Thus we are transported at once from
the delicious scenery and climate of Tuscany,
and the dreamy glories of Venice, to the horse
thieves and prairie rattlesnakes of Illinois, making
a break in the associations of the reader
which is any thing but agreeable. The method
of grouping by countries would be more natural,
and would leave more lively impressions both
on the imagination and the memory.
Mr. Bryant’s style in these letters is an admirable
model of descriptive prose. Without
any appearance of labor, it is finished with an
exquisite grace, showing the habitual elegance
and accuracy of his mental habits. The genial
love of nature, and the lurking tendency to humor,
which it every where betrays, prevent its severe
simplicity from running into hardness, and give
it a freshness and occasional glow, in spite of its
entire want of abandon, and its prevailing conscious
propriety and reserve.
The criticisms on Art, in the European portions
of the work, are less frequent than we
could have wished, and although disclaiming all
pretensions to connoisseurship, are of singular
acuteness and value. Mr. B.’s description of
his first impressions of Power’s Greek Slave,
which he saw in London in 1845, has a curious
interest at the present time, as predicting the
reputation which has since been gained by that
noble piece of statuary.
We notice rather a singular inadvertence for
one who enjoys such distinguished opportunities
of “stated preaching” in a remark in the first letter
from Paris, that “Here, too, was the tree which
was the subject of the first Christian miracle, the
fig, its branches heavy with the bursting fruit just
beginning to ripen for the market.” If the first
miracle was not the turning of water into wine,
we have forgot our catechism.
Eldorado; or, Adventures in the Path of
Empire; comprising a Voyage to California,
via Panama; Life in San Francisco and Monterey;
Pictures of the Gold Region, and Experiences
of Mexican Travel. By Bayard
Taylor. In two vols., 12mo, pp. 251, 247.
New York: G.P. Putnam.
California opens as rich a field for adventure
to the collector of literary materials, as to the
emigrant in pursuit of gold. We shall yet have
the poetry, the romance, the dramatic embodiment
of the strange life in the country of yellow
sands. Already it has drawn forth numerous
authors, describing the results of their experience,
in nearly every variety of style, from the
unpretending statement of every-day occurrences,
to the more ambitious attempts of
graphic descriptive composition. The spectacle
of a mighty nation, springing suddenly into
life, has been made so familiar to us, by the
frequent narratives of eye-witnesses, that we
almost lose sight of its unique and marvelous
character, surpassing the dreams of imagination
which have so wildly reveled in the magnificent
promises of the nineteenth century.
Mr. Taylor’s book is presented to us at the
right moment. It completes the series of valuable
productions which have been born of the
Californian excitement, supplying their deficiencies,
and viewing the subject from the highest
point that has yet been attained by any traveler.
He possesses many admirable qualifications for
the task which he has performed. With a natural
enthusiasm for travel, a curiosity that never
tires, and a rare power of adapting himself to
novel situations and strange forms of society, he
combines a Yankee shrewdness of perception, a
genial hilarity of spirit, and a freshness of poetical
illustration, which place him in the very first
rank of intelligent travelers. His European
experiences were of no small value in his Californian
expedition. He had learned from them
the quickness of observation, the habit of just
comparison, the facility of manners, and the
familiarity with foreign languages, which are
essential to the success of the tourist, and enable
him to feel equally at home beneath the
dome of St. Peter’s, or in the golden streets of
San Francisco.
Mr. Taylor visited California with no intention
of engaging in traffic or gold-hunting. He
had no private purposes to serve, no offices to
seek, no plans of amassing sudden wealth to
execute. He was, accordingly, able to look at
every thing with the eye of an impartial spectator.
He has described what he saw in a style
which is equally remarkable for its picturesque
beauty and its chaste simplicity. His descriptions
not only give you a lively idea of the objects
which they set forth, but the most favorable
impression of the author, although he never
allows any striking prominence to the first person[Pg 141]
singular. As a manual for the Californian
traveler, as well as a delightful work for the
home circle, these volumes will be found to be
at once singularly instructive and charming, and
will increase the enviable reputation which has
been so well won by the youthful author, as a
man both of genius and of heart.
We must not close our notice without refreshing
our pages with at least one specimen of
Mr. Taylor’s felicitous descriptions. Here is a
bit of fine painting, which gives us a vivid idea
of the scenery on the road between San Francisco
and the San Joaquin:
scenery of the inland.
Our road now led over broad plains, through occasional
belts of timber. The grass was almost entirely burned
up, and dry, gravelly arroyos, in and out of which we
went with a plunge and a scramble, marked the courses
of the winter streams. The air was as warm and balmy
as May, and fragrant with the aroma of a species of
gnaphalium, which made it delicious to inhale. Not a
cloud was to be seen in the sky, and the high, sparsely-wooded
mountains on either hand showed softened and
indistinct through a blue haze. The character of the
scenery was entirely new to me. The splendid valley,
untenanted except by a few solitary rancheros living
many miles apart, seemed to be some deserted location
of ancient civilization and culture. The wooded slopes
of the mountains are lawns, planted by Nature with a
taste to which Art could add no charm. The trees have
nothing of the wild growth of our forests; they are
compact, picturesque, and grouped in every variety of
graceful outline. The hills were covered to the summit
with fields of wild oats, coloring them, as far as the eye
could reach, with tawny gold, against which the dark,
glossy green of the oak and cypress showed with peculiar
effect. As we advanced further, these natural harvests
extended over the plain, mixed with vast beds of wild
mustard, eight feet in height, under which a thick crop
of grass had sprung up, furnishing sustenance to the thousands
of cattle, roaming every where unherded. The only
cultivation I saw was a small field of maize, green and
with good ears.
Mr. Taylor occasionally indulges in a touch
of natural transcendentalism, as in his comparison
between the Palm and the Pine, with which
we take our leave of his fascinating volumes:
I jogged steadily onward from sunrise till blazing noon,
when, having accomplished about half the journey, I
stopped under a palm-tree and let my horse crop a little
grass, while I refreshed myself with the pine-apple. Not
far off there was a single ranche, called Piedra Gorda—a
forlorn-looking place where one can not remain long without
being tortured by the sand-flies. Beyond it, there is
a natural dome of rock, twice the size of St. Peter’s,
capping an isolated mountain. The broad intervals of
meadow between the wastes of sand were covered with
groves of the beautiful fan-palm, lifting their tufted tops
against the pale violet of the distant mountains. In lightness,
grace, and exquisite symmetry, the Palm is a perfect
type of the rare and sensuous expression of Beauty in the
South. The first sight of the tree had nearly charmed me
into disloyalty to my native Pine; but when the wind
blew, and I heard the sharp, dry, metallic rustle of its
leaves, I retained the old allegiance. The truest interpreter
of Beauty is in the voice, and no tree has a voice
like the Pine, modulated to a rythmic accord with the
subtlest flow of Fancy, touched with a human sympathy
for the expression of Hope and Love and Sorrow, and
sounding in an awful undertone, to the darkest excess of
Passion.
Standish the Puritan. A Tale of the American
Resolution. By Edward Grayson, Esq.
12mo, pp. 320. New York: Harper and
Brothers.
A novel by a sharp-eyed Manhattaner, illustrating
some of the more salient aspects of New
York society at the period of the revolutionary
war, and combining many of the quaint traditions
of that day in a narrative of very considerable
interest and power. The author wields a satirical
pen of more than common vigor, and in his
descriptions of the state of traffic and the legal
profession at the time of his story, presents a
series of piquant revelations which, if founded
on personal history, would cause many “a galled
jade to wince,” if revivified at the present day.
His style does not exhibit a very practiced hand
in descriptive composition, nor is it distinguished
for its dramatic power; but it abounds in touches
of humor and pathos, which would have had still
greater effect if not so freely blended with moral
disquisitions, in which the author seems to take
a certain mischievous delight. In spite of these
drawbacks, his book is lively and readable, entitling
the author to a comfortable place among
the writers of American fiction, and if he will
guard against the faults we have alluded to, his
future efforts may give him a more eminent,
rank than he will be likely to gain from the
production before us.
Talbot and Vernon. A Novel. 12mo, pp
513. New York: Baker and Scribner.
The plot of this story turns on a point of circumstantial
evidence, by which the hero escapes
the ruin of his reputation and prospects, when
arraigned as a criminal on a charge of forgery.
The details are managed with a good deal of
skill, developing the course of affairs in such a
gradual manner, that the interest of the reader
never sleeps, until the final winding-up of the
narrative. Familiar with the routine of courts
of law, betraying no slight acquaintance with
the springs of human action, and master of a
bold and vigorous style of expression, the author
has attained a degree of success in the execution
of his plan, which gives a promising augury of
future eminence. In the progress of the story,
the scene shifts from one of the western cities
of the United States to the camp of General
Taylor on the plains of Mexico. Many stirring
scenes of military life are introduced with excellent
effect, as well as several graphic descriptions
of Mexican scenery and manners. The
battle of Buena Vista forms the subject of a
powerful episode, and is depicted with a life-like
energy. We presume the author is more conversant
with the bustle of a camp than with the
tranquil retirements of literature, although his
work betrays no want of the taste and cultivation
produced by the influence of the best books.
But he shows a knowledge of the world, a
familiarity with the scenes and topics of every
day life, which no scholastic training can give,
and which he has turned to admirable account
in the composition of this volume.[Pg 142]
Fashions for Early Summer.

There is a decided tendency in fashion this season to depart from simplicity in dress, and to
adopt the extreme ornamental elegance of the middle ages. Bonnets, dresses, and mantles
are trimmed all over with puffings of net, lace, and flowers. A great change has taken place in
the width of skirts, which, from being very large, are now worn almost narrow. Ball dresses
à tablier (apron trimming, as seen in the erect figure on the left of the above group) are much
in vogue, covered with puffings of net. The three flounces of lace, forming the trimming of
the bottom of the dress, have all a puffing of net at the top of them; the whole being fastened[Pg 143]
to the apron with a rosette of ribbon. A precious gem is sometimes worn in the centre of the
rosette, either diamond, emerald,
or ruby, according to the
color of the dress. Wreaths
are worn very full, composed
of flowers and fruits of every
kind; they are placed on the
forehead, and the branches
at the end of them are long,
and fall on the neck. Bouquets,
in shape of bunches,
are put high up on the body
of the dress. Such is the
mania in Paris and London
for mixing fruits of every
kind, that some even wear
small apples, an ornament
far less graceful than bunches
of currants, grapes, and
tendrils of the vine. The
taste for massive ornaments
is so decided, that roses and
poppies of enormous dimensions
are preferred. For
young persons, wreaths of
delicate flowers, lightly fastened,
and falling upon the
shoulders, are always the
prettiest. Silks of light texture,
in the styles which the
French manufacturers designate
chiné, will be generally
employed for walking dresses
until the extreme heat of
summer arrives, when they
will be superseded by French
barèges, having flounces woven with borders, consisting of either satin stripes or flowers. Many
of the patterns are in imitation of guipure lace. The most admired of the French light silks
are those wrought upon a white
ground, the colors including almost
every hue. In some the ground is
completely covered by rich arabesque
patterns. These chinés, on
account of the Oriental designs,
have obtained the name of Persian
silks. Worsted lace is the height
of fashion for mantles, which are
trimmed with quillings of this article,
plaited in the old style. The
dresses are made with several
flounces, narrower than last year,
and more numerous. Nearly all
the sleeves of visiting dresses are
Chinese, or “pagoda” fashion.
The bodies are open in front, and
laced down to the waist, as seen in
the figure in the group, standing
behind the sitting figure. Low
dresses are made falling on the
shoulders, and straight across the
chest; others are quite square, and
others are made in the shape of a
heart before and behind. Opera
polkas are worn short, with wide
sleeves, trimmed with large bands
of ermine.
![]() STRAW HATS FOR PROMENADE. | ![]() STRAW BONNET. | ![]() TULIP BONNET. |

THE LACE JACQUETTE.
Broad-brimmed straw hats are used
for the promenade; open-work straw bonnets,
of different colors, are adopted for
the earlier summer wear, trimmed with
branches of lilac, or something as appropriate.
White drawn silk bonnets, covered
with foldings of net, are much
worn. Also, drawn lace and crape
bonnets, and black and white lace ones,
are worn. Branches of fruit are much
worn upon these last-mentioned bonnets.
The tulip bonnet is composed of
white silk, covered with white spotted
tulle; the edges of the front foliated, so
as to give it a graceful and airy appearance.
Many of the straw bonnets are
of dark-colored ground, ornamented with
fine open straw work. Crinoline hats,
of open pattern, trimmed generally with
a flower or feathers, are worn to the
opera. They are exceedingly graceful
in appearance, and make a
fine accompaniment to a fancy
dress.
Elegant black lace jackets,
with loosely-hanging sleeves,
are worn, and form a beautiful
portion of the dress of a
well-developed figure. There
is a style of walking dress,
worn by those who have less
love for ornaments. The robe
is of a beautiful light apple-green
silk, figured with white.
The skirt is unflounced, but
ornamented up the front with
a row of green and white
fancy silk buttons. Bonnet
of pink crape, drawn in very
full bouillonnées; strings of
pink satin ribbon, and on one
side a drooping bouquet of
small pink flowers. Corresponding
bouquets in the inside
trimming. Shawl of pink
China crape, richly embroidered
with white silk.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The usual age for the ceremony among the wealthy
India.
[2] The celebrated tragedian.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Obvious punctuation errors have been repaired, other punctuations have
been left as printed in the paper book.
Erroneous page numbers in Table of Content corrected.
Obvious printer’s errors have been repaired, other inconsistent
spellings have been kept, including:
– use of hyphen (e.g. “death-bed” and “deathbed”);
– accents (e.g. “Republique” and “République”);
– any other inconsistent spellings (e.g. “fairy” and “faery”).
Following proper names have been corrected:
– In the Table of Content: “Farraday” corrected to be “Faraday” (Faraday, and Mantell),
“Oldenburgh” corrected to be “Oldenburg” (Duchy of Oldenburg”);
– Pg 116, “Lecler” corrected to be “Leclerc” (whether M. Leclerc or).
In the Table of Content, word “of” added (Arrest of M. Proudhon).
Pg 33, word “I” removed (I [I] don’t see).
Pg 77, title added to article (Tunnel of the Alps).
Pg 85, word “is” removed (is [is] expressly mentioned).
Pg 113, word “been” changed to “be seen” (to be seen riding).


