AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK,
OR BLACK HAWK,

By Black Hawk

AFFIDAVIT.

DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS, SS. Be it remembered, that on this sixteenth day of
November, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and thirty-three, J.B. Patterson,
of said district, hath deposited in this office the title of a Book, the
title of which is in the words following, to wit:

“Life of Makataimeshekiakiak, or Black Hawk, embracing the Traditions of
his Nation—Indian Wars in which he has been engaged—Cause of
joining the British in their late War with America, and its History—Description
of the Rock River Village—Manners and Customs—Encroachments by
the Whites contrary to Treaty—Removal from his village in 1831. With
an account of the Cause and General History of the Late War, his Surrender
and Confinement at Jefferson Barracks, and Travels through the United
States. Dictated by himself.”

J.B. Patterson, of Rock Island, Illinois, Editor and Proprietor.

The right whereof he claims as author, in conformity with an act of
Congress, entitled “An act to amend the several acts respecting
copyrights.”

INDIAN AGENCY, ROCK ISLAND, October 16, 1833. I do hereby certify, that
Makataimeshekiakiak, or Black Hawk, did call upon me, on his return to his
people in August last, and expressed a great desire to have a History of
his Life written and published, in order (as he said) “that the people of
the United States, (among whom he had been traveling, and by whom he had
been treated with great respect, friendship and hospitality,) might know
the cause that had impelled him to acts as he had done, and the principles
by which he was governed.”

In accordance with his request, I acted as Interpreter; and was
particularly cautious to understand distinctly the narrative of Black Hawk
throughout—and have examined the work carefully since its
completion, and have no hesitation in pronouncing it strictly correct, in
all its particulars.

Contents

ORIGINAL DEDICATION.

NE-KA-NA-WEN.

MA-NE-SO-NO OKE-MAUT WAP-PI MAK-QUAI. WA-TA-SAI WE-YEU,

Ai nan-ni ta co-si-ya-quai, na-katch ai she-ke she-he-nack, hai-me-ka-ti
ya-quai ke-she-he-nack, ken-e-chawe-he-ke kai-pec-kien a-cob, ai-we-ne-she
we-he-yen; ne-wai-ta-sa-mak ke-kosh-pe kai-a-poi qui-wat. No-ta-wach-pai
pai-ke se-na-mon nan-ni-yoo, ai-ke-kai na-o-pen. Ni-me-to sai-ne-ni-wen,
ne-ta-to-ta ken ai mo-he-man ta-ta-que, ne-me-to-sai-ne-ne-wen.

Nin-a-kai-ka poi-pon-ni chi-cha-yen, kai-ka-ya ha-ma-we pa-she-to-he-yen.
Kai-na-ya kai-nen-ne-naip, he-nok ki-nok ke-cha-kai-ya pai-no-yen
ne-ket-te-sim-mak o-ke-te-wak ke-o-che, me-ka ti-ya-quois na-kach
mai-quoi, a-que-qui pa-che-qui ke-kan-ni ta-men-nin. Ke-to-ta we-yen,
a-que-ka-ni-co-te she-tai-hai-hai yen, nen, chai-cha-me-co kai-ke-me-se ai
we-ke ken-na-ta-mo-wat ken-ne-wa-ha-o ma-quo-qua-yeai-quoi. Ken-wen-na
ak-che-man wen-ni-ta-hai ke-men-ne to-ta-we-yeu, ke-kog-hai ke-ta-shi
ke-kai na-we-yen, he-na-cha wai-che-we to-mo-nan, ai pe-che-qua-chi mo-pen
ma-me-co, ma-che-we-ta na-mo-nan, ne-ya-we-nan qui-a-ha-wa pe-ta-kek, a
que-year tak-pa-she-qui a-to-ta-mo-wat, chi-ye-tuk he-ne cha-wai-chi
he-ni-nan ke-o-chi-ta mow-ta-swee-pai che-qua-que.

He-ni-cha-hai poi-kai-nen na-no-so-si-yen, ai o-sa-ke-we-yen,
ke-pe-me-kai-mi-kat hai-nen hac-yai, na-na-co-si-peu, nen-a-kai-ne co-ten
ne-co-ten ne-ka chi-a-quoi ne-me-cok me-to-sai ne-ne wak-kai
ne-we-yen-nen, kai-shai ma-ni-to-ke ka-to-me-nak ke-wa-sai he-co-wai
mi-a-me ka-chi pai-ko-tai-hear-pe kai-cee wa-wa-kia he-pe
ha-pe-nach-he-cha, na-na-ke-na-way ni-taain ai we-pa-he-wea to-to-na ca,
ke-to-ta-we-yeak, he-nok, mia-ni ai she-ke-ta ma-ke-si-yen, nen-a-kai
na-co-ten ne-ka-he-nen e-ta-quois, wa toi-na-ka che-ma-ke-keu na-ta-che
tai-hai-ken ai mo-co-man ye-we-yeu ke-to-towe. E-nok ma-ni-hai
she-ka-ta-ma ka-si-yen, wen-e-cha-hai nai-ne-mak, mai-ko-ten ke ka-cha
ma-men-na-tuk we-yowe, keu-ke-nok ai she-me ma-na-ni ta-men-ke-yowe.
MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK Ma-taus-we Ki-sis, 1833.

DEDICATION. [translation]

To Brigadier General H. Atkinson:

SIR—The changes of fortune and vicissitudes of war made you my
conqueror. When my last resources were exhausted, my warriors worn down
with long and toilsome marches, we yielded, and I became your prisoner.

The story of my life is told in the following pages: it is intimately
connected, and in some measure, identified, with a part of the history of
your own: I have, therefore, dedicated it to you.

The changes of many summers have brought old age upon me, and I can not
expect to survive many moons. Before I set out on my journey to the land
of my fathers, I have determined to give my motives and reasons for my
former hostilities to the whites, and to vindicate my character from
misrepresentation. The kindness I received from you whilst a prisoner of
war assures me that you will vouch for the facts contained in my
narrative, so far as they came under your observation.

I am now an obscure member of a nation that formerly honored and respected
my opinions. The pathway to glory is rough, and many gloomy hours obscure
it. May the Great Spirit shed light on yours, and that you may never
experience the humility that the power of the American government has
reduced me to, is the wish of him, who, in his native forests, was once as
proud and bold as yourself.

BLACK HAWK.

10th Moon, 1833.

ADVERTISEMENT

It is presumed that no apology will be required for presenting to the
public the life of a Hero who has lately taken such high rank among the
distinguished individuals of America. In the following pages he will be
seen in the character of a Warrior, a Patriot and a State prisoner; in
every situation he is still the chief of his Band, asserting their rights
with dignity, firmness and courage. Several accounts of the late war
having been published, in which he thinks justice is not done to himself
or nation, he determined to make known to the world the injuries his
people have received from the whites, the causes which brought on the war
on the part of his nation, and a general history of it throughout the
campaign. In his opinion this is the only method now left him to rescue
his little Band, the remnant of those who fought bravely with him, from
the effects of the statements that have already gone forth.

The facts which he states, respecting the Treaty of 1804, in virtue of the
provisions of which the government claimed the country in dispute and
enforced its arguments with the sword, are worthy of attention. It
purported to cede tot he United States all of the country, including the
village and corn-fields of Black Hawk and his band, on the east side of
the Mississippi. Four individuals of the tribe, who were on a visit to St.
Louis to obtain the liberation of on of their people from prison, were
prevailed upon, says Black Hawk, to make this important treaty, without
the knowledge or authority of the tribes, or nation.

In treating with the Indians for their country, it has always been
customary to assemble the whole nation; because, as has been truly
suggested by the Secretary of War, the nature of the authority of the
chiefs of the tribe is such, that it is not often that they dare make a
treaty of much consequence, and we might add, never, when involving so
much magnitude as the one under consideration, without the presence of
their young men. A rule so reasonable and just ought never to be violated,
and the Indians might well question the right of the Government to
dispossess them, when such violation was made the basis of its right.

The Editor has written this work according to the dictation of Black Hawk,
through the United States Interpreter, at the Sac and Fox Agency of Rock
Island. He does not, therefore, consider himself responsible for any of
the facts, or views, contained in it, and leaves the Old Chief and his
story with the public, whilst he neither asks, nor expects, any fame for
his services as an amanuensis.

THE EDITOR.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BLACK HAWK.

I was born at the Sac village, on Rock river, in the year 1767, and am now
in my 67th year. My great grandfather, Nanamakee, or Thunder, according to
the tradition given me by my father, Pyesa, was born in the vicinity of
Montreal, Canada, where the Great Spirit first placed the Sac nation, and
inspired him with a belief that, at the end of four years he should see a
white man, who would be to him a father. Consequently he blacked
his face, and eat but once a day, just as the sun was going down, for
three years, and continued dreaming, throughout all this time whenever he
slept. When the Great Spirit again appeared to him, and told him that, at
the end of one year more, he should meet his father, and directed him to
start seven days before its expiration, and take with him his two
brothers, Namah, or Sturgeon, and Paukahummawa, or Sunfish, and travel in
a direction to the left of sun-rising. After pursuing this course for five
days, he sent out his two brothers to listen if they could hear a noise,
and if so, to fasten some grass to the end of a pole, erect it, pointing
in the direction of the sound, and then return to him.

Early next morning they returned, and reported that they had heard sounds
which appeared near at hand, and that they had fulfilled his order. They
all then started for the place where the pole had been erected; when, on
reaching it, Nanamakee left his party and went alone to the place from
whence the sounds proceeded, and found, that the white man had arrived and
pitched his tent. When he came in sight, his father came out to meet him.
He took him by the hand and welcomed him into his tent. He told him that
he was the son of the King of France; that he had been dreaming for four
years; that the Great Spirit had directed him to come here, where he
should meet a nation of people who had never yet seen a white man; that
they should be his children and he should be their father; that he had
communicated these things to the King, his father, who laughed at him and
called him Mashena, but he insisted on coming here to meet his children
where the Great Spirit had directed him. The king had told him that he
would find neither land nor people; that this was an uninhabited region of
lakes and mountains, but, finding that he would have no peace without it,
he fitted out a napequa, manned it, and gave him charge of it, when he
immediately loaded it, set sail and had now landed on the very day that
the Great Spirit had told him in his dreams he should meet his children.
He had now met the man who should, in future, have charge of all the
nation.

He then presented him with a medal which he hung round his neck. Nanamakee
informed him of his dreaming, and told him that his two brothers remained
a little way behind. His father gave him a shirt, a blanket and a
handkerchief besides a variety of other presents, and told him to go and
bring his brethren. Having laid aside his buffalo robe and dressed himself
in his new dress, he started to meet his brothers. When they met he
explained to them his meeting with the white man and exhibited to their
view the presents that he had made him. He then took off his medal and
placed it on his elder brother Namah, and requested them both to go with
him to his father.

They proceeded thither, were where ushered into the tent, and after some
brief ceremony his father opened a chest and took presents therefrom for
the new comers. He discovered that Nanamakee had given his medal to his
elder brother Namah. He told him that he had done wrong; that he should
wear that medal himself, as he had others for his brothers. That which he
had given him was typical of the rank he should hold in the nation; that
his brothers could only rank as civil chiefs, and that their duties
should consist of taking care of the village and attending to its civil
concerns, whilst his rank, from his superior knowledge, placed him over
all. If the nation should get into any difficulty with another, then his
puccohawama, or sovereign decree, must be obeyed. If he declared war he
must lead them on to battle; that the Great Spirit had made him a great
and brave general, and had sent him here to give him that medal and make
presents to him for his people.

His father remained four days, during which time he gave him guns, powder
and lead, spears and lances, and taught him their use, so that in war he
might be able to chastise his enemies, and in peace they could kill
buffalo, deer and other game necessary for the comforts and luxuries of
life. He then presented the others with various kinds of cooking utensils
and taught them their uses. After having given them large quantities of
goods as presents, and everything necessary for their comfort, he set sail
for France, promising to meet them again, at the same place, after the
12th moon.

The three newly made chiefs returned to their village and explained to
Mukataquet, their father, who was the principal chief of the nation, what
had been said and done.

The old chief had some dogs killed and made a feast preparatory to
resigning his scepter, to which all the nation were invited. Great anxiety
prevailed among them to know what the three brothers had seen and heard. .
When the old chief arose and related to them the sayings and doings of his
three sons, and concluded by saying that the Great Spirit had directed
that these, his three sons, should take the rank and power that had once
been his, and that he yielded these honors and duties willingly to them,
because it was the wish of the Great Spirit, and he could never consent to
make him angry.

He now presented the great medicine bag to Nanamakee, and told him that he
“cheerfully resigned it to him, it is the soul of our nation, it has never
yet been disgraced and I will expect you to keep it unsullied.”

Some dissensions arose among them, in consequence of so much power being
given to Nanamakee, he being so young a man. To quiet them, Nanamakee,
during a violent thunder storm, told them that he had caused it, and that
it was an exemplification of the name the Great Spirit had given him.
During the storm the lightning struck, and set fire to a tree near by, a
sight they had never witnessed before. He went to it and brought away some
of its burning branches, made a fire in the lodge and seated his brothers
around it opposite to one another, while he stood up and addressed his
people as follows:

“I am yet young, but the Great Spirit has called me to the rank I hold
among you. I have never sought to be more than my birth entitled me to. I
have not been ambitious, nor was it ever my wish while my father was yet
among the living to take his place, nor have I now usurped his powers. The
Great Spirit caused me to dream for four years. He told me where to go and
meet the white man who would be a kind father to us all. I obeyed. I went,
and have seen and know our new father.

“You have all heard what was said and done. The Great Spirit directed him
to come and meet me, and it is his order that places me at the head of my
nation, the place which my father has willingly resigned.

“You have all witnessed the power that has been given me by the Great
Spirit, in making that fire, and all that I now ask is that these, my two
chiefs, may never let it go out. That they may preserve peace among you
and administer to the wants of the needy. And should an enemy invade our
country, I will then, and not until then, assume command, and go forth
with my band of brave warriors and endeavor to chastise them.”

At the conclusion of this speech every voice cried out for Nanamakee. All
were satisfied when they found that the Great Spirit had done what they
had suspected was the work of Nanamakee, he being a very shrewd young man.

The next spring according to promise their French father returned, with
his napequa richly laden with goods, which were distributed among them. He
continued for a long time to keep up a regular trade with them, they
giving him in exchange for his goods furs and peltries.

After a long time the British overpowered the French, the two nations
being at War, and drove them away from Quebec, taking possession of it
themselves. The different tribes of Indians around our nation, envying our
people, united their forces against them and by their combined strength
succeeded in driving them to Montreal, and from thence to Mackinac. Here
our people first met our British father, who furnished them with goods.
Their enemies still wantonly pursued them and drove them to different
places along the lake. At last they made a village near Green Bay, on what
is now called Sac river, having derived its name from this circumstance.
Here they held a council with the Foxes, and a national treaty of
friendship and alliance was agreed upon. The Foxes abandoned their village
and joined the Sacs. This arrangement, being mutually obligatory upon both
parties, as neither were sufficiently strong to meet their enemies with
any hope of success, they soon became as one band or nation of people.
They were driven, however, by the combined forces of their enemies to the
Wisconsin. They remained here for some time, until a party of their young
men, who descended Rock river to its mouth, had returned and made a
favorable report of the country. They all descended Rock river, drove the
Kaskaskias from the country and commenced the erection of their village,
determined never to leave it.

At this village I was born, being a lineal descendant of the first chief,
Nanamakee, or Thunder. Few, if any events of note transpired within my
recollection until about my fifteenth year. I was not allowed to paint or
wear feathers, but distinguished myself at an early age by wounding an
enemy; consequently I was placed in the ranks of the Braves.

Soon after this a leading chief of the Muscow nation came to our village
for recruits to go to war against the Osages, our common enemy.

I volunteered my services to go, as my father had joined him, and was
proud to have an opportunity to prove to him that I was not an unworthy
son, and that I had courage and bravery. It was not long before we met the
enemy and a battle immediately ensued. Standing by my father’s side, I saw
him kill his antagonist and tear the scalp from off his head. Fired with
valor and ambition, I rushed furiously upon another and smote him to the
earth with my tomahawk. I then ran my lance through his body, took off his
scalp and returned in triumph to my father. He said nothing but looked
well pleased. This was the first man I killed. The enemy’s loss in this
engagement having been very great, they immediately retreated, which put
an end to the war for the time being. Our party then returned to the
village and danced over the scalps we had taken. This was the first time I
was permitted to join in a scalp dance.

After a few moons had passed, being acquired considerable reputation as a
brave, I led a party of seven and attacked one hundred Osages! I killed
one man and left him for my comrades to scalp while I was taking
observations of the strength and preparations of the enemy. Finding that
they were equally well armed with ourselves, I ordered a retreat and came
off without the loss of a man. This excursion gained for me great
applause, and enabled me, before a great while, to raise a party of one
hundred and eighty to march against the Osages. We left our village in
high spirits and marched over a rugged country, until we reached the land
of the Osages, on the borders of the Missouri.

We followed their trail until we arrived at the village, which we
approached with exceeding caution, thinking that they were all here, but
found, to our sorrow, that they had deserted it. The party became
dissatisfied in consequence of this disappointment, and all, with the
exception of five noble braves, dispensed and went home. I then placed
myself at the head of this brave little band, and thanked the Great Spirit
that so many had remained. We took to the trail of our enemies,
with a full determination never to return without some trophy of victory.
We followed cautiously on for several days, killed one man and a boy, and
returned home with their scalps.

In consequence of this mutiny in camp, I was not again able to raise a
sufficient force to go against the Osages until about my Nineteenth year.
During this interim they committed many outrages on our nation; hence I
succeeded in recruiting two hundred efficient warriors, and early one
morning took up the line of march. In a few days we were in the enemy’s
country, and we had not gone far before we met a force equal to our own
with which to contend. A general battle immediately commenced, although my
warriors were considerably fatigued by forced marches. Each party fought
desperately. The enemy seemed unwilling to yield the ground and we were
determined to conquer or die. A great number of Osages were killed and
many wounded before they commenced a retreat. A band of warriors more
brave, skillful and efficient than mine could not be found. In this
engagement I killed five men and one squaw, and had the good fortune to
take the scalps of all I struck with one exception—that of the
squaw, who was accidentally killed. The enemy’s loss in this engagement
was about one hundred braves. Ours nineteen. We then returned to our
village well pleased with our success, and danced over the scalps which we
had taken.

The Osages, in consequence of their great loss in this battle, became
satisfied to remain on their own lands. This stopped for a while their
depredations on our nation. Our attention was now directed towards an
ancient enemy who had decoyed and murdered some of our helpless women and
children. I started with my father, who took command of a small party, and
proceeded against the enemy to chastise them for the wrongs they had
heaped upon us. We met near the Merimac and an action ensued; the
Cherokees having a great advantage in point of numbers. Early in this
engagement my father was wounded in the thigh, but succeeded in killing
his enemy before he fell. Seeing that he had fallen, I assumed command,
and fought desperately until the enemy commenced retreating before the
well directed blows of our braves. I returned to my father to administer
to his necessities, but nothing could be done for him. The medicine man
said the wound was mortal, from which he soon after died. In this battle I
killed three men and wounded several. The enemy’s loss was twenty-eight
and ours seven.

I now fell heir to the great medicine bag of my forefathers, which had
belonged to my father. I took it, buried our dead, and returned with my
party, sad and sorrowful, to our village, in consequence of the loss of my
father.

Owing to this misfortune I blacked my face, fasted and prayed to the Great
Spirit for five years, during which time I remained in a civil capacity,
hunting and fishing.

The Osages having again commenced aggressions on our people, and the Great
Spirit having taken pity on me, I took a small party and went against
them. I could only find six of them, and their forces being so weak, I
thought it would be cowardly to kill them, but took them prisoners and
carried them to our Spanish father at St. Louis, gave them up to him and
then returned to our village.

Determined on the final and complete extermination of the dastardly
Osages, in punishment for the injuries our people had received from them,
I commenced recruiting a strong force, immediately on my return, and
stated in the third moon, with five hundred Sacs and Foxes, and one
hundred Iowas, and marched against the enemy. We continued our march for
many days before we came upon their trail, which was discovered late in
the day. We encamped for the night, made an early start next morning, and
before sundown we fell upon forty lodges, killed all the inhabitants
except two squaws, whom I took as prisoners. Doing this engagement I
killed seven men and two boys with my own hands. In this battle many of
the bravest warriors among the Osages were killed, which caused those who
yet remained of their nation to keep within the boundaries of their own
land and cease their aggressions upon our hunting grounds.

The loss of my father, by the Cherokees, made me anxious to avenge his
death by the utter annihilation, if possible, of the last remnant of their
tribe. I accordingly commenced collecting another party to go against
them. Having succeeded in this, I started with my braves and went into
their country, but I found only five of their people, whom I took
prisoners. I afterwards released four of them, the other, a young squaw,
we brought home. Great as was my hatred of these people, I could not kill
so small a party.

About the close of the ninth moon, I led a large party against the
Chippewas, Kaskaskias and Osages. This was the commencement of a long and
arduous campaign, which terminated in my thirty-fifth year, after having
had seven regular engagements and numerous small skirmishes. During this
campaign several hundred of the enemy were slain. I killed thirteen of
their bravest warriors with my own hands.

Our enemies having now been driven from our hunting grounds, with so great
a loss as they sustained, we returned in peace to our village. After the
seasons of mourning and burying our dead braves and of feasting and
dancing had passed, we commenced preparations for our winter’s hunt. When
all was ready we started on the chase and returned richly laden with the
fruits of the hunter’s toil.

We usually paid a visit to St. Louis every summer, but in consequence of
the long protracted war in which we had been engaged, I had not been there
for some years.

Our difficulties all having been settled, I concluded to take a small
party and go down to see our Spanish father during the summer. We went,
and on our arrival put up our lodges where the market house now stands.
After painting and dressing we called to see our Spanish father and were
kindly received. He gave us a great variety of presents and an abundance
of provisions. We danced through the town as usual, and the inhabitants
all seemed well pleased. They seemed to us like brothers, and always gave
us good advice. On my next and last visit to our Spanish father, I
discovered on landing, that all was not right. Every countenance seemed
sad and gloomy. I inquired the cause and was informed that the Americans
were coming to take possession of the town and country, and that we were
to lose our Spanish father. This news made me and my band exceedingly sad,
because we had always heard bad accounts of the Americans from the Indians
who had lived near them. We were very sorry to lose our Spanish father,
who had always treated us ‘with great friendship.

A few days afterwards the Americans arrived. I, in company with my band,
went to take leave for the last time of our father. The Americans came to
see him also. Seeing their approach, we passed out at one door as they
came in at another. We immediately embarked in our canoes for our village
on Rock river, not liking the change any more than our friends at St.
Louis appeared to.

On arriving at our village we gave out the news that a strange people had
taken possession of St. Louis and that we should never see our generous
Spanish father again. This information cast a deep gloom over our people.

Sometime afterwards a boat came up the river with a young American chief,
at that time Lieutenant, and afterwards General Pike, and a small party of
soldiers aboard. The boat at length arrived at Rock river and the young
chief came on shore with his interpreter. He made us a speech and gave us
some presents, in return for which we gave him meat and such other
provisions as we could spare.

We were well pleased with the speech of the young chief. He gave us good
advice and said our American father would treat us well. He presented us
an American flag which we hoisted. He then requested us to lower the British
colors, which were waving in the air, and to give him our British
medals, promising to send others on his return to St: Louis. This we
declined to do as we wished to have two fathers.

When the young chief started we sent runners to the village of the Foxes,
some miles distant, to direct them to treat him well as he passed, which
they did. He went to the head of the Mississippi and then returned to St.
Louis. We did not see any Americans again for some time, being supplied
with goods by British traders.

We were fortunate in not giving up our medals, for we learned afterwards,
from our traders, that the chiefs high up the Mississippi, who gave
theirs, never received any in exchange for them. But the fault was not
with the young American chief. He was a good man, a great brave, and I
have since learned, died in his country’s service.

Some moons after this young chief had descended the Mississippi, one of
our people killed an American, was taken prisoner and was confined in the
prison at St. Louis for the offence. We held a council at our village to
see what could be done for him, and determined that Quashquame, Pashepaho,
Ouchequaka and Hashequarhiqua should go down to St. Louis, see our
American father and do all they could to have our friend released by
paying for the person killed, thus covering the blood and satisfying the
relations of the murdered man. This being the only means with us for
saving a person who had killed another, and we then thought it was the
same way with the whites.

The party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, who had high
hopes that the emissaries would accomplish the object of their mission.
The relations of the prisoner blacked their faces and fasted, hoping the
Great Spirit would take pity on them and return husband and father to his
sorrowing wife and weeping children.

Quashquame and party remained a long time absent. They at length returned
and encamped near the village, a short distance below it, and did not come
up that day, nor did any one approach their camp. They appeared to be
dressed in fine coats and had medals. From these circumstances we were in
hopes that they had brought good news. Early the next morning the Council
Lodge was crowded, Quashquame and party came up and gave us the following
account of their mission:

On our arrival at St. Louis we met our American father and explained to
him our business, urging the release of our friend. The American chief
told us he wanted land. We agreed to give him some on the west side of the
Mississippi, likewise more on the Illinois side opposite Jeffreon. When
the business was all arranged we expected to have our friend released to
come home with us. About the time we were ready to start our brother was
let out of the prison. He started and ran a short distance when he was
SHOT DEAD!

This was all they could remember of what had been said and done. It
subsequently appeared that they had been drunk the greater part of the
time while at St. Louis.

This was all myself and nation knew of the treaty of 1804. It has since
been explained to me. I found by that treaty, that all of the country east
of the Mississippi, and south of Jeffreon was ceded to the United States
for one thousand dollars a year. I will leave it to the people of the
United States to say whether our nation was properly represented in this
treaty? Or whether we received a fair compensation for the extent of
country ceded by these four individuals?

I could say much more respecting this treaty, but I will not at this time.
It has been the origin of all our serious difficulties with the whites.

Sometime after this treaty was made, a war chief with a party of soldiers
came up in keel boats, encamped a short distance above the head of the Des
Moines rapids, and commenced cutting timber and building houses. The news
of their arrival was soon carried to all our villages, to confer upon
which many councils were held. We could not understand the intention, or
comprehend the reason why the Americans wanted to build homes at that
place. We were told that they were a party of soldiers, who had brought
great guns with them, and looked like a war party of whites.

A number of people immediately went down to see what was going on, myself
among them. On our arrival we found that they were building a fort. The
soldiers were busily engaged in cutting timber, and I observed that they
took their arms with them when they went to the woods. The whole party
acted as they would do in an enemy’s country. The chiefs held a council
with the officers, or head men of the party, which I did not attend, but
understood from them that the war chief had said that they were building
homes for a trader who was coming there to live, and would sell us goods
very cheap, and that the soldiers were to remain to keep him company. We
were pleased at this information ad hoped that it was all true, but we
were not so credulous as to believe that all these buildings were intended
merely for the accommodation of a trader. Being distrustful of their
intentions, we were anxious for them to leave off building and go back
down the river.

By this time a considerable number of Indians had arrived to see what was
doing. I discovered that the whites were alarmed. Some of our young men
watched a party of soldiers, who went out to work, carrying their arms,
which were laid aside before they commenced. Having stolen quietly to the
spot they seized the guns and gave a wild yell! The party threw down their
axes and ran for their arms, but found them gone, and themselves
surrounded. Our young men laughed at them and returned their weapons.

When this party came to the fort they reported what had been done, and the
war chief made a serious affair of it. He called our chiefs to council
inside his fort. This created considerable excitement in our camp, every
one wanting to know what was going to be done. The picketing which had
been put up, being low, every Indian crowded around the fort, got upon
blocks of wood and old barrels that they might see what was going on
inside. Some were armed with guns and others with bows and arrows. We used
this precaution, seeing that the soldiers had their guns loaded and having
seen them load their big guns in the morning.

A party of our braves commenced dancing and proceeded up to the gate with
the intention of, going in, but were stopped. The council immediately
broke up, the soldiers with their guns in hands rushed out from the rooms
where they had been concealed. The cannon were hauled to the gateway, and
a soldier came running with fire in his hand, ready to apply the match.
Our braves gave way and retired to the camp. There was no preconcerted
plan to attack the whites at that time, but I am of the opinion now that
had our braves got into the fort all of the whites would have been killed,
as were the British soldiers at Mackinac many years before.

We broke up our camp and returned to Rock river. A short time afterward
the party at the fort received reinforcements, among whom we observed some
of our old friends from St. Louis.

Soon after our return from Fort Madison runners came to our village from
the Shawnee Prophet. Others were despatched by him to the village of the
Winnebagoes, with invitations for us to meet him on the Wabash.
Accordingly a party went from each village.

All of our party returned, among whom came a prophet, who explained to us
the bad treatment the different nations of Indians had received from the
Americans, by giving them a few presents and taking their land from them.

I remember well his saying: “If you do not join your friends on the
Wabash, the Americans will take this very village from you!” I little
thought then that his words would come true, supposing that he used these
arguments merely to encourage us to join him, which we concluded not to
do. He then returned to the Wabash, where a party Of Winnebagoes had
preceded him, and preparations were making for war. A battle soon ensued
in which several Winnebagoes were killed. As soon as their nation heard of
this battle, and that some of their people had been killed, they sent
several war parties in different directions. One to the mining county, one
to Prairie du Chien, and another to Fort Madison. The latter returned by
our village and exhibited several scalps which they had taken. Their
success induced several parties to go against the fort. Myself and several
of my band joined the last party, and were determined to take the fort. We
arrived in the vicinity during the night. The spies that we had sent out
several days before to watch the movements of those at the garrison, and
ascertain their numbers, came to us and gave the following information: “A
keel arrived from below this evening with seventeen men. There are about
fifty men in the fort and they march out every morning to exercise.” It
was immediately determined that we should conceal ourselves in a position
as near as practicable to where the soldiers should come out, and when the
signal was given each one was to fire on them and rush into the fort. With
my knife I dug a hole in the ground deep enough that by placing a few
weeds around it, succeeded in concealing myself. I was so near the fort
that I could hear the sentinels walking on their beats. By day break I had
finished my work and was anxiously awaiting the rising of the sun. The
morning drum beat. I examined the priming of my gun, and eagerly watched
for the gate to open. It did open, but instead of the troops, a young man
came out alone and the gate closed after him. He passed so close to me
that I could have killed him with my knife, but I let him pass unharmed.
He kept the path toward the river, and had he gone one step from it, he
must have come upon us and would have been killed. He returned immediately
and entered the gate. I would now have rushed for the gate and entered it
with him, but I feared that our party was not prepared to follow me.

The gate opened again when four men emerged and went down to the river for
wood. While they were gone another man came out, walked toward the river,
was fired on and killed by a Winnebago. The others started and ran rapidly
towards the fort, but two of them were shot down dead. We then took
shelter under the river’s bank out of reach of the firing from the fort.

The firing now commenced from both parties and was kept up without
cessation all day. I advised our party to set fire to the fort, and
commenced preparing arrows for that purpose. At night we made the attempt,
and succeeded in firing the buildings several times, but without effect,
as the fire was always instantly extinguished.

The next day I took my rifle and shot in two the cord by which they
hoisted their flag, and prevented them from raising it again. We continued
firing until our ammunition was expended. Finding that we could not take
the fort, we returned home, having one Winnebago killed and one wounded
during the siege.

I have since learned that the trader who lived in the fort, wounded the
Winnebago while he was scalping the first man that was killed. The
Winnebago recovered, and is now living, and is very friendly disposed
towards the trader, believing him to be a great brave.

Soon after our return home, news reached us that a war was going to take
place between the British and the Americans.

Runners continued to arrive from different tribes, all confirming the
reports of the expected war. The British agent, Colonel Dixon, was holding
talks with, and making presents to the different tribes. I had not made up
my mind whether to join the British or remain neutral. I had not
discovered yet one good trait in the character of the Americans who had
come to the country. They made fair promises but never fulfilled them,
while the British made but few, and we could always rely implicitly on
their word.

One of our people having killed a Frenchman at Prairie du Chien, the
British took him prisoner and said they would shoot him next day. His
family were encamped a short distance below the mouth of the Wisconsin. He
begged for permission to go and see them that night, as he was to die the
next day. They permitted him to go after he had promised them to return by
sunrise the next morning.

He visited his family, which consisted of his wife and six children. I can
not describe their meeting and parting so as to be understood by the
whites, as it appears that their feelings are acted upon by certain rules
laid down by their preachers, while ours are governed by the monitor
within us. He bade his loved ones the last sad farewell and hurried across
the prairie to the fort and arrived in time. The soldiers were ready and
immediately marched out and shot him down. I visited the stricken family,
and by hunting and fishing provided for them until they reached their
relations.

Why did the Great Spirit ever send the whites to this island to drive us
from our homes and introduce among us poisonous liquors, disease and
death? They should have remained in the land the Great Spirit allotted
them. But I will proceed with my story. My memory, however, is not very
good since my late visit to the white people. I have still a buzzing noise
in my ear from the noise and bustle incident to travel. I may give some
parts of my story out of place, but will make my best endeavors to be
correct.

Several of our chiefs were called upon to go to Washington to see our
Great Father. They started and during their absence I went to Peoria, on
the Illinois river, to see an old friend and get his advice. He was a man
who always told u the truth, sad knew everything that was going on. When I
arrived at Peoria he had gone to Chicago, and was not at home. I visited
the Pottawattomie villages and then returned to Rock river. Soon after
which our friends returned from their visit to the Great Father and
reported what had been said and done. Their Great Father told them that in
the event of a war taking place with England, not to interfere on either
side, but remain neutral. He did not want our help, but wished us to hunt
and supply our families, and remain in peace. He said that British traders
would not be allowed to come on the Mississippi to furnish us with goods,
but that we would be well supplied by an American trader. Our chiefs then
told him that the British traders always gave us credit in the fall for
guns, powder and goods, to enable us to hunt and clothe our families. He
replied that the trader at Fort Madison would have plenty of goods, and if
we should go there in the autumn of the year, he would supply us on
credit, as the British traders had done. The party gave a good account of
what they had seen and the kind treatment they had received. This
information pleased us all very much. We all agreed to follow our Great
Father’s advice and not interfere in the war. Our women were much pleased
at the good news. Everything went on cheerfully in our village. We resumed
our pastimes of playing ball, horse-racing and dancing, which had been
laid aside when this great war was first talked about. We had fine crops
of corn which were now ripe, and our women were busily engaged in
gathering it and making caches to contain it.

In a short time we were ready to start to Fort Madison to get our supply
of goods, that we might proceed to our hunting grounds. We passed merrily
down the river, all in high spirits. I had determined to spend the winter
at my old favorite hunting ground on Skunk river. I left part of my corn
and mats at its mouth to take up as we returned and many others did the
same.

The next morning we arrived at the fort and made our encampment. Myself
and principal men paid a visit to the war chief at the fort. He received
us kindly and gave us some tobacco, pipes and provisions.

The trader came in and we all shook hands with him, for on him all our
dependence was placed, to enable us to hunt and thereby support our
families. We waited a long time, expecting the trader would tell us that
he had orders from our Great Father to supply us with goods, but he said
nothing on the subject. I got up and told him in a short speech what we
had come for, and hoped he had plenty of goods to supply us. I told him
that he should be well paid in the spring, and concluded by informing him
that we had decided to follow our Great Father’s advice and not go to war.

He said that he was happy to hear that we had concluded to remain in
peace. That he had a large quantity of goods, and that if we had made a
good hunt we should be well supplied, but he remarked that he had received
no instructions to furnish us anything on credit, nor could he give us any
without receiving the pay for them on the spot!

We informed him what our Great Father had told our chiefs at Washington,
and contended that he could supply us if he would, believing that our
Great Father always spoke the truth. The war chief said the trader could
not furnish us on credit, and that he had received no instructions from
our Great Father at Washington. We left the fort dissatisfied and went to
camp. What was now to be done we knew not. We questioned the party that
brought us the news from our Great Father, that we could get credit for
our winter supplies at this place. They still told the same story and
insisted on its truth. Few of us slept that night. All was gloom and
discontent.

In the morning a canoe was seen descending the river, bearing an express,
who brought intelligence that La Gutrie, a British trader, had landed at
Rock Island with two boat loads of goods. He requested us to come up
immediately as he had good news for us, and a variety of presents. The
express presented us with tobacco, pipes and wampum. The news ran through
our camp like fire through dry grass on the prairie. Our lodges were soon
taken down and we all started for Rock Island. Here ended all hopes of our
remaining at peace, having been forced into war by being deceived.

Our party were not long in getting to Rock Island. When we came in sight
and saw tents pitched, we yelled, fired our guns and beat our drums. Guns
were immediately fired at the island, returning our salute, and a British
flag hoisted. We loaded, were cordially received by La Gutrie, and then
smoked the pipe with him. After which he made a speech to us, saying that
he had been sent by Col. Dixon. He gave us a number of handsome presents,
among them a large silk flag and a keg of rum. He then told us to retire,
take some refreshments and rest ourselves, as he would have more to say to
us next day.

We accordingly retired to our lodges, which in the meantime had been put
up, and spent the night. The next morning we called upon him and told him
we wanted his two boat loads of goods to divide among our people, for
which he should be well paid in the spring in furs and peltries. He
consented for us to take them and do as we pleased with them. While our
people were dividing the goods, he took me aside and informed me that
Colonel Dixon was at Green Bay with twelve boats loaded with goods, guns
and ammunition. He wished to raise a party immediately and go to him. He
said our friend, the trader at Peoria, was collecting the Pottawattomies
and would be there before us. I communicated this information to my
braves, and a party of two hundred warriors were soon collected and ready
to depart. I paid a visit to the lodge of an old friend, who had been the
comrade of my youth, and had been in many war parties with me, but was now
crippled and no longer able to travel. He had a son that I had adopted as
my own, and who had hunted with me the two winters preceding. I wished my
old friend to let him go with me. He objected, saying he could not get his
support if he did attend me, and that I, who had always provided for him
since his misfortune, would be gone, therefore he could not spare him as
he had no other dependence. I offered to leave my son in his stead but he
refused to give his consent. He said that he did not like the war, as he
had been down the river and had been well treated by the Americans and
could not fight against them. He had promised to winter near a white
settler above Salt river, and must take his son with him. We parted and I
soon concluded my arrangements and started with my party for Green Bay. On
our arrival there we found a large encampment; were well received by
Colonel Dixon and the war chiefs who were with him. He gave us plenty of
provisions, tobacco and pipes, saying that he would hold a council with us
the next day. In the encampment I found a great number of Kickapoos,
Ottawas and Winnebagoes. I visited all their camps and found them in high
spirits. They had all received new guns, ammunition and a variety of
clothing.

In the evening a messenger came to visit Colonel Dixon. I went to his
tent, in which them were two other war chiefs and an interpreter. He
received me with a hearty shake of the hand; presented me to the other
chiefs, who treated me cordially, expressing themselves as being much.
Pleased to meet me. After I was seated Colonel Dixon said: “General Black
Hawk, I sent for you to explain to you what we are going to do and give
you the reasons for our coming here. Our friend, La Gutrie, informs us in
the letter you brought from him, of what has lately taken place. You will
now have to hold us fast by the hand. Your English Father has found out
that the Americans want to take your country from you and has sent me and
my braves to drive them back to their own country. He has, likewise, sent
a large quantity of arms and ammunition, and we want all your warriors to
join us.”

He then placed a medal around my neck and gave me a paper, which I lost in
the late war, and a silk flag, saying: “You are to command all the braves
that will leave here the day after to-morrow, to join our braves at
Detroit.”

I told him I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the
Mississippi and make war upon the settlements. He said he had been ordered
to lay in waste the country around St. Louis. But having been a trader on
the Mississippi for many years himself, and always having been treated
kindly by the people there, he could not send brave men to murder helpless
women and innocent children. There were no soldiers there for us to fight,
and where he was going to send us there were a great many of them. If we
defeated them the Mississippi country should be ours. I was much pleased
with this speech, as it was spoken by a brave.

I inquired about my old friend, the trader at Peoria, and observed, “that
I had expected that he would have been here before me.” He shook his head
and said, “I have sent express after express for him, and have offered him
great sums of money to come and bring the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos with
him.” He refused, saying, “Your British father has not enough money to
induce me to join you. I have now laid a trap for him. I have sent Gomo
and a party of Indians to take him prisoner and bring him here alive. I
expect him in a few days.”

The next day arms and ammunition, knives, tomahawks and clothing were
given to my band. We had a great feast in the evening, and the morning
following I started with about five hundred braves to join the British
army. We passed Chicago and observed that the fort had been evacuated by
the Americans, and their soldiers had gone to Fort Wayne. They were
attacked a short distance from the fort and defeated. They had a
considerable quantity of powder in the fort at Chicago, which they had
promised to the Indians, but the night before they marched away they
destroyed it by throwing it into a well. If they had fulfilled their word
to the Indians, they doubtless would have gone to Fort Wayne without
molestation. On our arrival, I found that the Indians had several
prisoners, and I advised them to treat them well. We continued our march,
joining the British below Detroit, soon after which we had a battle. The
Americans fought well, and drove us back with considerable loss. I was
greatly surprised at this, as I had been told that the Americans would not
fight.

Our next movement was against a fortified place. I was stationed with my
braves to prevent any person going to, or coming from the fort. I found
two men taking care of cattle and took them prisoners. I would not kill
them, but delivered them to the British war chief. Soon after, several
boats came down the river fail of American soldiers. They landed on the
opposite side, took the British batteries, and pursued the soldiers that
had left them. They went too far without knowing the strength of the
British and were defeated. I hurried across the river, anxious for an
opportunity to show the courage of my braves, but before we reached the
scene of battle all was over.

The British had taken many prisoners and the Indians were killing them. I
immediately put a stop to it, as I never thought it brave, but base and
cowardly to kill in unarmed and helpless foe. We remained here for some
time. I can not detail what took place, as I was stationed with my braves
in the woods. It appeared, however, that the British could not take this
fort, for we marched to another, some distance off. When we approached it,
I found a small stockade, and concluded that there were not many men in
it. The British war chief sent a flag of truce. Colonel Dixon carried it,
but soon returned, reporting that the young war chief in command would not
give up the fort without fighting. Colonel Dixon came to me and said, “you
will see to-morrow, how easily we will take that fort.” I was of the same
opinion, but when the morning came I was disappointed. The British
advanced and commenced the attack, fighting like true braves, but were
defeated by the braves in the fort, and a great number of our men were
killed. The British army was making preparations to retreat. I was now
tired of being with them, our success being bad, and having got no
plunder. I determined on leaving them and returning to Rock river, to see
what had become of my wife and children, as I had not heard from them
since I left home. That night I took about twenty of my braves, and left
the British camp for home. On our journey we met no one until we came to
the Illinois river. Here we found two lodges of Pottawattomies. They
received us in a very friendly manner, and gave us something to eat. I
inquired about their friends who were with the British. They said there
had been some fighting on the Illinois river, and that my friend, the
Peoria trader, had been taken prisoner. “By Gomo and his party?” I
immediately inquired. They replied, “no, but by the Americans, who came up
with boats. They took him and the French settlers prisoners, and they
burned the village of Peoria.” They could give us no information regarding
our friends on Rock river. In three days more we were in the vicinity of
our village, and were soon after surprised to find that a party of
Americans had followed us from the British camp. One of them, more daring
than his comrades, had made his way through the thicket on foot, and was
just in the act of shooting me when I discovered him. I then ordered him
to surrender, marched him into camp, and turned him over to a number of
our young men with this injunction: “Treat him as a brother, as I have
concluded to adopt him in our tribe.”

A little while before this occurrence I had directed my party to proceed
to the village, as I had discovered a smoke ascending from a hollow in the
bluff, and wished to go alone to the place from whence the smoke
proceeded, to see who was there. I approached the spot, and when I came in
view of the fire, I saw an old man sitting in sorrow beneath a mat which
he had stretched over him. At any other time I would have turned away
without disturbing him, knowing that he came here to be alone, to humble
himself before the Great Spirit, that he might take pity on him. I
approached and seated myself beside him. He gave one look at me and then
fixed his eyes on the ground. It was my old friend. I anxiously inquired
for his son, my adopted child, and what had befallen our people. My old
comrade seemed scarcely alive. He must have fasted a long time. I lighted
my pipe and put it into his mouth. He eagerly drew a few puffs, cast up
his eyes which met mine, and recognized me. His eyes were glassy and he
would again have fallen into forgetfulness, had I not given him some
water, which revived him. I again inquired, “what has befallen our people,
and what has become of our son?”

In a feeble voice he said, “Soon after your departure to join the British,
I descended the river with a small party, to winter at the place I told
you the white man had asked me to come to. When we arrived I found that a
fort had been built, and the white family that had invited me to come and
hunt near them had removed to it. I then paid a visit to the fort to tell
the white people that my little band were friendly, and that we wished to
hunt in the vicinity of the fort. The war chief who commanded there, told
me that we might hunt on the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and no
person would trouble us. That the horsemen only ranged on the Missouri
side, and he had directed them not to cross the river. I was pleased with
this assurance of safety, and immediately crossed over and made my
winter’s camp. Game was plenty. We lived happy, and often talked of you.
My boy regretted your absence and the hardships you would have to undergo.
We had been here about two moons, when my boy went out as usual to hunt.
Night came on and he did not return. I was alarmed for his safety and
passed a sleepless night. In the morning my old woman went to the other
lodges and gave the alarm and all turned out to hunt for the missing one.
There being snow upon the ground they soon came upon his track, and after
pursuing it for some distance, found he was on the trail of a deer, which
led toward the river. They soon came to the place where he had stood and
fired, and near by, hanging on the branch of a tree, found the deer, which
he had killed and skinned. But here were also found the tracks of white
men. They had taken my boy prisoner. Their tracks led across the river and
then down towards the fort. My friends followed on the trail, and soon
found my boy lying dead. He had been most cruelly murdered. His face was
shot to pieces, his body stabbed in several places and his head scalped.
His arms were pinioned behind him.”

The old man paused for some time, and then told me that his wife had died
on their way up the Mississippi. I took the hand of my old friend in mine
and pledged myself to avenge the death of his son. It was now dark, and a
terrible storm was raging. The rain was descending in heavy torrents, the
thunder was rolling in the heavens, and the lightning flashed athwart the
sky. I had taken my blanket off and wrapped it around the feeble old man.
When the storm abated I kindled a fire and took hold of my old friend to
remove him nearer to it. He was dead! I remained with him during the
night. Some of my party came early in the morning to look for me, and
assisted me in burying him on the peak of the bluff. I then returned to
the village with my friends. I visited the grave of my old friend as I
ascended Rock river the last time.

On my arrival at the village I was met by the chiefs and braves and
conducted to the lodge which was prepared for me. After eating, I gave a
fall account of all that I had seen and done. I explained to my people the
manner in which the British and Americans fought. Instead of stealing upon
each other and taking every advantage to kill the enemy and save their own
people as we do, which, with us is considered good policy in a war chief,
they march out in open daylight and fight regardless of the number of
warriors they may lose. After the battle is over they retire to feast and
drink wine as if nothing had happened. After which they make a statement
in writing of what they have done, each party claiming the victory, and
neither giving an account of half the number that have been killed on
their own side They all fought like braves, but would not do to lead a
party with us. Our maxim is: “Kill the enemy and save our own men.” Those
chiefs will do to paddle a canoe but not to steer it. The Americans shot
better than the British, but their soldiers were not so well clothed, nor
so well provided for.

The village chief informed me that after I started with my braves and the
parties who followed, the nation was reduced to a small party of fighting
men; that they would have been unable to defend themselves if the
Americans had attacked them. That all the children and old men and women
belonging to the warriors who had joined the British were left with them
to provide for. A council had been called which agreed that Quashquame,
the Lance, and other chiefs, with the old men, women and children, and
such others as chose to accompany them, should descend the Mississippi to
St. Louis, and place themselves under the American chief stationed there.
They accordingly went down to St. Louis, were received as the friendly
band of our nation, were sent up the Missouri and provided for, while
their friends were assisting the British!

Keokuk was then introduced to me as the war chief of the braves then in
the village. I inquired how he had become chief? They said that a large
armed force was seen by their spies going toward Peoria. Fears were
entertained that they would come up and attack the village and a council
had been called to decide as to the best course to be adopted, which
concluded upon leaving the village and going to the west side of the
Mississippi to get out of the way. Keokuk, during the sitting of the
council, had been standing at the door of the lodge, not being allowed to
enter, as he had never killed an enemy, where he remained until old Wacome
came out. He then told him that he heard what they had decided upon, and
was anxious to be permitted to speak before the council adjourned. Wacome
returned and asked leave for Keokuk to come in and make a speech. His
request was granted. Keokuk entered and addressed the chiefs. He said: “I
have heard with sorrow that you have determined to leave our village and
cross the Mississippi, merely because you have been told that the
Americans were coming in this direction. Would you leave our village,
desert our homes and fly before an enemy approaches? Would you leave all,
even the graves of our fathers, to the mercy of an enemy without trying to
defend them? Give me charge of your warriors and I’ll defend the village
while you sleep in safety.”

The council consented that Keokuk should be war chief. He marshalled his
braves, sent out his spies and advanced with a party himself on the trail
leading to Peoria. They returned without seeing an enemy. The Americans
did not come by our village. All were satisfied with the appointment of
Keokuk. He used every precaution that our people should not be surprised.
This is the manner in which and the cause of his receiving the
appointment.

I was satisfied, and then started to visit my wife and children. I found
them well, and my boys were growing finely. It is not customary for us to
say much about our women, as they generally perform their part cheerfully
and never interfere with business belonging to the men. This is the only
wife I ever had or ever will have. She is a good woman, and teaches my
boys to be brave. Here I would have rested myself and enjoyed the comforts
of my lodge, but I could not. I had promised to avenge the death of my
adopted son.

I immediately collected a party of thirty braves, and explained to them
the object of my making this war party, it being to avenge the death of my
adopted son, who had been cruelly and wantonly murdered by the whites. I
explained to them the pledge I had made to his father, and told them that
they were the last words that he had heard spoken. All were willing to go
with me to fulfill my word. We started in canoes, and descended the
Mississippi, until we arrived ear the place where Fort Madison had stood.
It had been abandoned and burned by the whites, and nothing remained but
the chimneys. We were pleased to see that the white people had retired
from the country. We proceeded down the river again. I landed with one
brave near Cape Gray, the remainder of the party went to the mouth of the
Quiver. I hurried across to the tail that led from the mouth of the Quiver
to a fort, and soon after heard firing at the mouth of the creek. Myself
and brave concealed ourselves on the side of the road. We had not remained
here long before two men, riding one horse, came at full speed from the
direction of the sound of the firing. When they came sufficiently near we
fired; the horse jumped and both men fell. We rushed toward them and one
rose and ran. I followed him and was gaining on him, when he ran over a
pile of rails that had lately been made, seized a stick and struck at me.
I now had an opportunity to see his face, and I knew him. He had been at
Qaashquame’s village to teach his people how to plow. We looked upon him
as a good man. I did not wish to kill him, and pursued him no further. I
returned and met my brave. He said he had killed the other man and had his
scalp in his hand. We had not proceeded far before we met the man supposed
to be killed, coming up the road, staggering like a drunken man, and
covered all over with blood. This was the most terrible sight I had ever
seen. I told my comrade to kill him to put him out of his misery. I could
not look at him. I passed on and heard a rustling in the bushes. I
distinctly saw two little boys concealing themselves in the undergrowth,
thought of my own children, and passed on without noticing them. My
comrade here joined me, and in a little while we met the other detachment
of our party. I told them that we would be pursued, and directed them to
follow me. We crossed the creek and formed ourselves in the timber. We had
not been here long, when a party of mounted men rushed at full speed upon
us. I took deliberate aim and shot the leader of the party. He fell
lifeless from his horse. All my people fired, but without effect. The
enemy rushed upon us without giving us time to reload. They surrounded us
and forced us into a deep sink-hole, at the bottom of which there were
some bushes. We loaded our gum and awaited the approach of the enemy. They
rushed to the edge of the hole, fired on us and killed one of our men. We
instantly returned their fire, killing one of their party. We reloaded and
commenced digging holes in the side of the bank to protect ourselves,
while a party watched the enemy, expecting their whole force would be upon
us immediately. Some of my warriors commenced singing their death songs. I
heard the whites talking, and called to them to come out and fight. I did
not like my situation and wished the matter settled. I soon heard chopping
and knocking. I could not imagine what they were doing. Soon after they
ran up a battery on wheels and fired without hurting any of us. I called
to them again, and told them if they were brave men to come out and fight
us. They gave up the siege and returned to their fort about dusk. There
were eighteen in this trap with me. We came out unharmed, with the
exception of the brave who was killed by the enemy’s fist fire, after we
were entrapped. We found one white man dead at the edge of the sink-hole,
whom they did not remove for fear of our fire, and scalped him, placing
our dead brave upon him, thinking we could not leave him in a better
situation than on the prostrate form of a fallen foe.

We had now effected our purpose and concluded to go back by land, thinking
it unsafe to use our canoes. I found my wife and children, and the greater
part of our people, at the mouth of the Iowa river. I now determined to
remain with my family and hunt for them, and to humble myself before the
Great Spirit, returning thanks to him for preserving me through the war. I
made my hunting camp on English river, which is a branch of the Iowa.
During the winter a party of Pottawattomies came from the Illinois to pay
me a visit, among them was Washeown, an old man who had formerly lived in
our village. He informed as that in the fall the Americans had built a
fort at Peoria and had prevented them from going down the Sangamon to
hunt. He said they were very much distressed. Gomo had returned from the
British army, and brought news of their defeat near Malden. He told us
that he went to the American chief with a flag, gave up fighting, and told
him he desired to make peace for his nation. The American chief gave him a
paper to the war chief at Peoria, and I visited that fort with Gomo. It
was then agreed that there should be no more hostilities between the
Americans and the Pottawattomies. Two of the white chiefs, with eight
Pottawattomie braves, and five others, Americans, had gone down to St.
Louis to have the treaty of peace confirmed. This, said Washeown, is good
news; for we can now go to our hunting grounds, and, for my part, I never
had anything to do with this war. The Americans never killed any of our
people before the war, nor interfered with our hunting grounds, and I
resolved to do nothing against them. I made no reply to these remarks as
the speaker was old and talked like a child.

We gave the Pottawattomies a great feast. I presented Washeown with a good
horse. My braves gave one to each of his party, and, at parting, said they
wished us to make peace, which we did not promise, but told them that we
would not send out war parties against the settlements.

A short time after the Pottawattomies had gone, a party of thirty braves
belonging to our nation, from the peace camp on the Missouri, paid us a
visit. They exhibited five scalps which they had taken on the Missouri,
and wished us to join in a dance over them, which we willingly did. They
related the manner in which they had taken these scalps. Myself and braves
showed them the two we had taken near the Quiver, and told them the cause
that induced us to go out with the war party, as well as the manner in
which we took these scalps, and the difficulty we had in obtaining them.

They recounted to us all that had taken place, the number that had been
slain by the peace party, as they were called and recognized to be, which
far surpassed what our warriors, who had joined the British, had done.
This party came for the purpose of joining the British, but I advised them
to return to the peace party, and told them the news which the
Pottawattomies had brought. They returned to the Missouri, accompanied by
some of my braves whose families were there.

After “sugar-making” was over in the spring, I visited the Fox village at
the lead mines. They had nothing to do with the war, and consequently were
not in mourning. I remained there some days, spending my time very
pleasantly with them in dancing and feasting. I then paid a visit to the
Pottawattomie village on the Illinois river, and learned that Sanatuwa and
Tatapuckey had been to St. Louis. Gomo told me that “peace had been made
between his people and the Americans, and that seven of his band remained
with the war chief to make the peace stronger.” He then told me: “Washeown
is dead! He had gone to the fort to carry some wild fowl to exchange for
tobacco, pipes and other articles. He had secured some tobacco and a
little flour, and left the fort before sunset, but had not proceeded far
when he was shot dead by a white war chief, who had concealed
himself near the path for that purpose. He then dragged him to the lake
and threw him in, where I afterwards found him. I have since given two
homes and a rifle to his relatives, not to break the peace, to which they
have agreed.”

I remained for some time at the village of Gomo, and went with him to the
fort to pay a visit to the war chief. I spoke the Pottawattomie tongue
well, and was taken for one of their people by him. He treated us
friendly, and said he was very much displeased about the murder of’
Washeown. He promised us he would find out and punish the person who
killed him. He made some inquiries about the Sacs, which I answered. On my
return to Rock river, I was informed that a party of soldiers had gone up
the Mississippi to build a fort at Prairie du Chien. They stopped near our
village, appearing very friendly, and were treated kindly by our people.

We commenced repairing our lodges, putting our village in order, and
clearing our cornfields. We divided the fields belonging to the party on
the Missouri among those who wanted them, on condition that they should be
relinquished to their owners on their return from the peace establishment.
We were again happy in our village. Our women went cheerfully to work and
all moved on harmoniously.

Some time afterward, five or six boats arrived loaded with soldiers on
their way to Prairie du Chien to reinforce the garrison at that place.
They appeared friendly and were well received, and we held a council with
the war chief. We had no intention of hurting him or any of his party, for
we could easily have defeated them. They remained with us all day and gave
oar people plenty of whisky. Doing the night a party arrived, by way of
Rock river, who brought us six kegs of powder. They told us that the
British had gone to Prairie du Chien and taken the fort. They wished us to
again join them in the war, which we agreed to do. I collected my warriors
and determined to pursue the boats, which had sailed with a fair wind. If
we had known the day before, we could easily have taken them all, as the
war chief used no precaution to prevent it.

I started immediately with my party, by land, in pursuit, thinking that
some of their boats might get aground, or that the Great Spirit would put
them in our power, if he wished them taken and their people killed. About
half way up the rapids I had a full view of the boats all sailing with a
strong wind. I discovered that one boat was badly managed, and was
suffered to be drawn ashore by the wind. They landed by running hard
aground and lowered their sail. The others passed on. This boat the Great
Spirit gave to us. All that could, hurried aboard, but they were unable to
push off, being fast aground. We advanced to the river’s bank undercover,
and commenced firing on the boat. I encouraged my braves to continue
firing. Several guns were fired from the boat, but without effect. I
prepared my bow and arrows to throw fire to the sail, which was lying on
the boat. After two or three attempts, I succeeded in setting it on fire.
The boat was soon in flames. About this time, one of the boats that had
passed returned, dropped anchor and swung in close to one which was on
fire, taking off all the people except those who were killed or badly
wounded. We could distinctly see them passing from one boat to the other,
and fired on them with good effect. We wounded the war chief in this way.
Another boat now came down, dropped her anchor, which did not take hold,
and drifted whore. The other boat cut her cable and drifted down the
river, leaving their comrades without attempting to assist them. We then
commenced an attack upon this boat, firing several rounds, which was not
returned. We thought they were afraid or only had a few aboard. I
therefore ordered a rush toward the boat, but when we got near enough they
fired, killing two of our braves—these being all we lost in the
engagement. Some of their men jumped out and shoved the boat off, and thus
got away without losing a man. I had a good opinion of this war chief, as
he managed so much better than the others. It would give me pleasure to
shake him by the hand.

We now put out the fire on the captured boat to save the cargo, when a
skiff was seen coming down the river. Some of our people cried out, “Here
comes an express from Prairie du Chien.” We hoisted the British flag, but
they would not land. They turned their little boat around, and rowed up
the river. We directed a few shots at them, but they were so far off that
we could not hurt them. I found several barrels of whisky on the captured
boat, knocked in the heads and emptied the bad medicine late the river. I
next found a box full of small bottles and packages, which appeared to be
bad medicine also, such as the medicine men kill the white people with
when they are sick. This I threw into the river. Continuing my search for
plunder, I found several guns, some large barrels filled with clothing,
and a number of cloth lodges, all of which I distributed among my
warriors. We now disposed of the dead, and returned to the Fox village
opposite the lower end of Rock Island, where we put up our new lodges, and
hoisted the British flag. A great many of our braves were dressed in the
uniform clothing which we had taken from the Americans, which gave our
encampment the appearance of a regular camp of soldiers. We placed out
sentinels and commenced dancing over the scalps we had taken. Soon after
several boats passed down, among them a very large one carrying big guns.
Our young men followed them some distance, but could do them no damage
more than scare them. We were now certain that the fort at Prairie du
Chien had been taken, as this large boat went up with the first party who
built the fort.

In the course of the day some of the British came down in a small boat.
They had followed the large one, thinking it would get fast in the rapids,
in which case they were sure of taking her. They had summoned her on her
way down to surrender, but she refused to do so, and now, that she had
passed the rapids in safety, all hope of taking her had vanished. The
British landed a big gun and gave us three soldiers to manage it. They
complimented us for our bravery in taking the boat, and told us what they
had done at Prairie do Chien. They gave us, a keg of rum, and joined with
us in our dancing and feasting. We gave them some things which we had
taken from the boat, particularly books and papers. They started the next
morning, promising to return in a few days with a large body of soldiers.

We went to work under the direction of the men left with us, and dug up
the ground in two places to put the big gun in, that the men might remain
in with it and be safe. We then sent spies down the river to reconnoitre,
who sent word by a runner that several boats were coming up filled with
men. I marshalled my forces and was soon ready for their arrival. I
resolved to fight, as we had not yet had a fair fight with the Americans
during the war. The boats arrived in the evening, stopping at a small
willow island, nearly opposite to us. During the night we removed our big
gun further down, and at daylight next morning commenced firing. We were
pleased to see that almost every shot took effect. The British being good
gunners, rarely missed. They pushed off as quickly as possible, although I
had expected they would land and give us battle. I was fully prepared to
meet them but was sadly disappointed by the boats all sailing down the
river. A party of braves followed to watch where they landed, but they did
not stop until they got below the Des Moines rapids, where they came
ashore and commenced building a fort. I did not want a fort in our
country, as we wished to go down to the Two River country in the fall and
hunt, it being our choice hunting ground, and we concluded that if this
fort was built, it would prevent us from going there. We arrived in the
vicinity in the evening, and encamped on a high bluff for the night. We
made no fire, for fear of being observed, and our young men kept watch by
turns while others slept. I was very tired, and was soon asleep. The Great
Spirit, during my slumber, told me to go down the bluff to a creek, that I
would there find a hollow tree cut down, and by looking in at the top of
it, I would see a large snake with head erect—to observe the
direction he was looking, and I would see the enemy close by and unarmed.
In the morning I communicated to my braves what the Great Spirit had said
to me, took one of them and went down a ravine that led to the creek. I
soon came in sight of the place where they were building the fort, which
was on a hill at the opposite side of the creek. I saw a great many men.
We crawled cautiously on our hands and knees until we got to the bottom
land, then through the grass and weeds until we reached the bank of the
creek. Here I found a tree that had been cut down; I looked in at the top
of it and saw a large snake, with his head raised, looking across the
creek. I raised myself cautiously, and discovered nearly opposite to me,
two war chiefs walking arm in arm, without guns. They turned and walked
back toward the place where the men were working at the fort. In a little
while they returned, walking directly towards the spot where we lay
concealed, but did not come so near as before. If they had they would have
been killed, for each of us had a good rifle. We crossed the creek and
crawled to a cluster of bushes. I again raised myself a little to see if
they were coming; but they went into the fort, and by this they saved
their lives.

We recrossed the creek and I returned alone, going up the same ravine I
came down. My brave went down the creek, and I, on raising the brow of a
hill to the left of the one we came down, could plainly see the men at
work. I saw a sentinel walking in the bottom near the mouth of the creek.
I watched him attentively, to see if he perceived my companion, who had
gone toward him. The sentinel stopped for some time and looked toward
where my brave was concealed. He walked first one way and then the other.

I observed my brave creeping towards him, at last he lay still for a
while, not even moving the grass, and as the sentinel turned to walk away,
my brave fired and he fell. I looked towards the fort, and saw the whites
were in great confusion, running wildly in every direction, some down the
steep bank toward a boat. My comrade joined me, we returned to the rest of
the party and all hurried back to Rock river, where we arrived in safety
at our village. I hung up my medicine bag, put away my rifle and spear,
feeling as if I should want them no more, as I had no desire to raise
other war parties against the whites unless they gave me provocation.
Nothing happened worthy of note until spring, except that the fort below
the rapids had been abandoned and burned by the Americans.

Soon after I returned from my wintering ground we received information
that peace had been made between the British and Americans, and that we
were required to make peace also, and were invited to go down to Portage
des Sioux, for that purpose. Some advised that we should go down, others
that we should not. Nomite, our principal civil chief, said he would go,
as soon as the Foxes came down from the mines.

They came and we all started from Rock river, but we had not gone far
before our chief was taken sick and we stopped with him at the village on
Henderson river. The Foxes went on and we were to follow as soon as our
chief got better, but he rapidly became worse and soon died. His brother
now became the principal chief. He refused to go down, saying, that if he
started, he would be taken sick and die as his brother had done. This
seemed to be reasonable, so we concluded that none of us would go at this
time. The Foxes returned. They said, “we have smoked the pipe of peace
with our enemies, and expect that the Americans will send a war party
against you if you do not go down.” This I did not believe, as the
Americans had always lost by their armies that were sent against us. La
Gutrie and other British traders arrived at our village in the fall. La
Gutrie told us that we must go down and make peace, as this was the wish
of our English father. He said he wished us to go down to the Two River
country to winter, where game was plenty, as there had been no hunting
there for several years.

Having heard the principal war chief had come up with a number of troops,
and commenced the erection of a fort near the Rapids des Moines, we
consented to go down with the traders to visit the American chief, and
tell him the reason why we had not been down sooner. When we arrived at
the head of the rapids, the traders left their goods, and all of their
boats with one exception, in which they accompanied us to see the
Americans. We visited the war chief on board his boat, telling him what we
had to say, and explaining why we had not been down sooner. He appeared
angry and talked to La Gutrie for some time. I inquired of him what the
war chief said. He told me that he was threatening to hang him up to the
yard arm of his boat. “But” said he, “I am not afraid of what he says. He
dare not put his threats into execution. I have done no more than I had a
right to do a. a British subject.”

I then addressed the chief, asking permission for ourselves and some
Menomonees, to go down to the Two River country for the purpose of
hunting. He said we might go down but must return before the ice came, as
he did not intend that we should winter below the fort. “But,” he
inquired, “what do you want the Menomonee to go with you for?”

I did not know at first what reply to make, but told him that they had a
great many pretty squaws with them, and we wished them to go with us on
that account. He consented. We all went down the river and remained all
winter, as we had no intention of returning before spring when we asked
leave to go. We made a good hunt. Having loaded our trader’s boats with
furs and peltries, they started to Mackinac, and we returned to our
village.

There is one circumstance that I did not relate at the proper place. It
has no reference to myself or people, but to my friend Gomo, the
Pottawattomie chief. He came to Rock river to pay me a visit, and during
his stay he related to me the following story:

“The war chief at Peoria is a very good man. He always speaks the truth
and treats our people well. He sent for me one day, told me he was nearly
out of provisions, and wished me to send my young men hunting to supply
his fort. I promised to do so, immediately returned to my camp and told my
young men the wishes and wants of the war chief. They readily agreed to go
and hurt for our friend and returned with plenty of deer. They carried
them to the fort, laid them down at the gate and returned to our camp. A
few days afterward I went again to the fort to see if they wanted any more
meat. The chief gave me powder and lead and said he wanted, me to send my
hunters out again. When I returned to camp, I told my young men that the
chief wanted more meat. Matatah, one of my principal braves, said he would
take a party and go across the Illinois, about one day’s travel, where
game was plenty, and make a good hunt for our friend the war chief. He
took eight hunters with him, and his wife and several other squaws went
with them. They had travelled about half the day in the prairie when they
discovered a party of white men coming towards them with a drove of
cattle. Our hunters apprehended no danger or they would have kept out of
the way of the whites, who had not yet perceived them. Matatah changed his
course, as he wished to meet and speak to the whites. As soon as the
whites saw our party, some of them put off at full speed, and came up to
our hunters. Matatah gave up his gun to them, and endeavored to explain to
them that he was friendly and was hunting for the war chief. They were not
satisfied with this but fired at and wounded him. He got into the branches
of a tree that had blown down, to keep the horses from running over him.
He was again fired on several times and badly wounded. He, finding that he
would be murdered, and, mortally wounded already, sprang at the man
nearest him, seized his gun and shot him from his horse. He then fell,
covered with blood from his wounds, and immediately expired. The other
hunters being in the rear of Matatah attempted to escape, after seeing
their leader so basely murdered by the whites. They were pursued and
nearly all of the party killed. My youngest brother brought me the news in
the night, he having been with the party and was slightly wounded. He said
the whites had abandoned their cattle and gone back towards the
settlement. The rest of the night we spent in mourning for our friends. At
daylight I blacked my face and started for the fort to see the chief. I
met him at the gate and told him what had happened. His countenance
changed and I could see sorrow depicted in it for the death of my people.
He tried to persuade me that I was mistaken, as he could not believe that
the whites would act so cruelly. But when I convinced him, he said to me,
‘those cowards who murdered your people shall be punished.’ I told him
that my people would have revenge, that they would not trouble any of his
people at the fort, as we did not blame him or any of his soldiers, but
that a party of my braves would go towards the Wabash to avenge the death
of their friends and relations. The next day I took a party of hunters,
killed several deer, and left them at the fort gate as I passed.”

Here Gomo ended his story. I could relate many similar ones that have come
within my own knowledge and observation, but I dislike to look back and
bring on sorrow afresh. I will resume my narrative.

The great chief at St. Louis having sent word for us to come down and
confirm the treaty, we did not hesitate, but started immediately that we
might smoke the peace pipe with him. On our arrival we met the great
chiefs in council. They explained to us the words of our Great Father at
Washington, accusing us of heinous crimes and many misdemeanors,
particularly in not coming down when first invited. We knew very well that
our Great Father had deceived us and thereby forced us to join the
British, and could not believe that he had put this speech into the mouths
of those chiefs to deliver to us. I was not a civil chief and consequently
made no reply, but our civil chiefs told the commissioner that, “What you
say is a lie. Our Great Father sent us no such speech, he knew that the
situation in which we had been placed was caused by him.” The white chiefs
appeared very angry at this reply and said, “We will break off the treaty
and make war against you, as you have grossly insulted us.”

Our chiefs had no intention of insulting them and told them so, saying,
“we merely wish to explain that you have told us a lie, without any desire
to make you angry, in the same manner that you whites do when you do not
believe what is told you.” The council then proceeded and the pipe of
peace was smoked.

Here for the first time, I touched the goose quill to the treaty not
knowing, however, that, by the act I consented to give away my village.
Had that been explained to me I should have opposed it and never would
have signed their treaty, as my recent conduct will clearly prove.

What do we know of the manners, the laws, and the customs of the white
people? They might buy our bodies for dissection, and we would touch the
goose quill to confirm it and not know what we were doing. This was the
case with me and my people in touching the goose quill for the first time.

We can only judge of what is proper and right by our standard of what is
right and wrong, which differs widely from the whites, if I have been
correctly informed. The whites may do wrong all their lives, and then if
they are sorry for it when about to die, all is well, but with us it is
different. We must continue to do good throughout our lives. If we have
corn and meat, and know of a family that have none, we divide with them.
If we have more blankets than we absolutely need, and others have not
enough, we must give to those who are in want. But I will presently
explain our customs and the manner in which we live.

We were treated friendly by the whites and started on our return to our
village on Rock river. When we arrived we found that the troops had come
to build a fort on Rock Island. This, in our opinion, was a contradiction
to what we had done—”to prepare for war in time of peace.” We did
not object, however, to their building their fort on the island, but were
very sorry, as this was the best one on the Mississippi, and had long been
the resort of our young people during the summer. It was our garden, like
the white people have near their big villages, which supplied us with
strawberries, blackberries, gooseberries, plums, apples and nuts of
different kinds. Being situated at the foot of the rapids its waters
supplied us with the finest fish. In my early life I spent many happy days
on this island. A good spirit had charge of it, which lived in a cave in
the rocks immediately under the place where the fort now stands. This
guardian spirit has often been seen by our people. It was white, with
large wings like a swan’s, but ten times larger. We were particular not to
make much noise in that part of the island which it inhabited, for fear of
disturbing it. But the noise at the fort has since driven it away, and no
doubt a bad spirit has taken its place.

Our village was situated on the north side of Rock river, at the foot of
the rapids, on the point of land between Rock river and the Mississippi.

In front a prairie extended to the Mississippi, and in the rear a
continued bluff gently ascended from the prairie.

BLACK HAWK’S TOWER.

On its highest peak our Watch Tower was situated, from which we had a fine
view for many miles up and down Rock river, and in every direction. On the
side of this bluff we had our corn fields, extending about two miles up
parallel with the larger river, where they adjoined those of the Foxes,
whose village was on the same stream, opposite the lower end of Rock
Island, and three miles distant from ours. We had eight hundred acres in
cultivation including what we had on the islands in Rock river. The land
around our village which remained unbroken, was covered with blue-grass
which furnished excellent pasture for our horses. Several fine springs
poured out of the bluff near by, from which we were well supplied with
good water. The rapids of Rock river furnished us with an abundance of
excellent fish, and the land being very fertile, never failed to produce
good crops of corn, beans, pumpkins and squashes. We always had plenty;
our children never cried from hunger, neither were our people in want.
Here our village had stood for more than a hundred years, during all of
which time we were the undisputed possessors of the Mississippi valley,
from the Wisconsin to the Portage des Sioux, near the mouth of the
Missouri, being about seven hundred miles in length.

At this time we had very little intercourse with the whites except those
who were traders. Our village was healthy, and there was no place in the
country possessing such advantages, nor hunting grounds better than those
we had in possession. If a prophet had come to our village in those days
and told us that the things were to take place which have since come to
pass, none of our people would have believed him. What! to be driven from
our village, and our hunting grounds, and not even to be permitted to
visit the graves of our forefathers and relatives and our friends?

This hardship is not known to the whites. With us it is a custom to visit
the graves of our friends and keep them in repair for many years. The
mother will go alone to weep over the grave of her child. The brave, with
pleasure, visits the grave of his father, after he has been successful in
war, and repaints the post that marks where he lies. There is no place
like that where the bones of our forefathers lie to go to when in grief.
Here prostrate by the tombs of our fathers will the Great Spirit take pity
on us.

But how different is our situation now from what it was in those happy
days. Then were we as happy as the buffalo on the plains, but now, we are
as miserable as the hungry wolf on the prairie. But I am digressing from
my story. Bitter reflections crowd upon my mind and must find utterance.

When we returned to our village in the spring, from our wintering grounds,
we would finish bartering with our traders, who always followed us to our
village. We purposely kept some of our fine furs for this trade, and, as
there was great opposition among them, who should get these furs, we
always got our goods cheap. After this trade was met, the traders would
give us a few kegs of rum, which were generally promised in the fall, to
encourage us to make a good hunt and not go to war. They would then start
with their furs and peltries, for their homes, and our old men would take
a frolic. At this time our young men never drank. When this was ended, the
next thing to be done was to bury our dead; such as had died during the
year. This is a great medicine feast. The relations of those who have
died, give all the goods they have purchased, as presents to their
friends, thereby reducing themselves to poverty, to show the Great Spirit
that they are humble, so that he will take pity on them. We would next
open the caches, take out the corn and other provisions which had been put
up in the fall. We would then commence repairing our lodges. As soon as
this was accomplished, we repair the fences around our corn fields and
clean them off ready for planting. This work was done by the women. The
men during this time are feasting on dried venison, bear’s meat, wild fowl
and corn prepared in different ways, while recounting to one another what
took place during the winter.

Our women plant the corn, and as soon as they are done we make a feast, at
which we dance the crane dance in which they join us, dressed in their
most gaudy attire, and decorated with feathers. At this feast the young
men select the women they wish to have for wives. He then informs his
mother, who calls on the mother of the girl, when the necessary
arrangements are made and the time appointed for him to come. He goes to
the lodge when all are asleep, or pretend to be, and with his flint and
steel strikes a light and soon finds where his intended sleeps. He then
awakens her, holds the light close to his face that she may know him,
after which he places the light close to her. If she blows it out the
ceremony is ended and he appears in the lodge next morning as one of the
family. If she does not blow out the light, but leaves it burning he
retires from the lodge. The next day he places himself in full view of it
and plays his flute. The young women go out one by one to see who he is
playing for. The tune changes to let them know he is not playing for them.
When his intended makes her appearance at the door, he continues his
courting tune until she returns to the lodge. He then quits playing and
makes another trial at night which mostly turns out favorable. During the
first year they ascertain whether they can agree with each other and be
happy, if not they separate and each looks for another companion. If we
were to live together and disagree, we would be as foolish as the whites.
No indiscretion can banish a woman from her parental lodge; no difference
how many children she may bring home she is always welcome—the
kettle is over the fire to feed them.

The crane dance often lasts two or three days. When this is over, we feast
again and have our national dance. The large square in the village is
swept and prepared for the purpose. The chiefs and old warriors take seats
on mats, which have been spread on the upper end of the square, next come
the drummers and singers, the braves and women form the sides, leaving a
large space in the middle. The drums beat and the singing commences. A
warrior enters the square keeping time with the music. He shows the manner
he started on a war party, how he approached the enemy, he strikes and
shows how he killed him. All join in the applause, and he then leaves the
square and another takes his place. Such of our young men have not been
out in war parties and killed in enemy stand back ashamed, not being
allowed to enter the square. I remember that I was ashamed to look where
our young men stood, before I could take my stand in the ring as a
warrior.

What pleasure it is to an old warrior, to see his son come forward and
relate his exploits. It makes him feel young, induces him to enter the
square and “fight his battles o’er again.”

This national dance makes our warriors. When I was travelling last summer
on a steamboat on the river, going from New York to Albany, I was shown
the place where the Americans dance the war-dance, (West Point), where the
old warriors recount to their young men what they have done to stimulate
them to go and do likewise. This surprised me, as I did not think the
whites understood our way of making braves.

When our national dance is over, our cornfields hoed, every weed dug up
and our corn about knee high, all our young men start in a direction
toward sundown, to hunt deer and buffalo and to kill Sioux if any are
found on our hunting grounds. A part of our old men and women go to the
lead mines to make lead, and the remainder of our people start to fish and
get meat stuff. Every one leaves the village and remains away about forty
days. They then return, the hunting party bringing in dried buffalo and
deer meat, and sometimes Sioux scalps, when they are found trespassing on
our hunting grounds. At other times they are met by a party of Sioux too
strong for them and are driven in. If the Sioux have killed the Sacs last,
they expect to be retaliated upon and will fly before them, and so with
us. Each party knows that the other has a right to retaliate, which
induces those who have killed last to give way before their enemy, as
neither wishes to strike, except to avenge the death of relatives. All our
wars are instigated by the relations of those killed, or by aggressions on
our hunting grounds. The party from the lead mines brings lead, and the
others dried fish, and mats for our lodges. Presents are now made by each
party, the first giving to the others dried buffalo and deer, and they in
return presenting them lead, dried fish and mats. This is a happy season
of the year, having plenty of provisions, such as beans, squashes and
other produce; with our dried meat and fish, we continue to make feasts
and visit each other until our corn is ripe. Some lodge in the village a
feast daily to the Great Spirit. I cannot explain this so that the white
people will understand me, as we have no regular standard among us.

Every one makes his feast as he thinks best, to please the Great Spirit,
who has the care of all beings created. Others believe in two Spirits, one
good and one bad, and make feasts for the Bad Spirit, to keep him quiet.
They think that if they can make peace with him, the Good Spirit will not
hurt them. For my part I am of the opinion, that so far as we have reason,
we have a right to use it in determining what is right or wrong, and we
should always pursue that path which we believe to be right, believing
that “whatsoever is, is right.” If the Great and Good Spirit wished us to
believe and do as the whites, he could easily change our opinions, so that
we could see, and think, and act as they do. We are nothing compared to
his power, and we feel and know it. We have men among us, like the whites,
who pretend to know the right path, but will not consent to show it
without pay. I have no faith in their paths, but believe that every man
must make his own path.

When our corn is getting ripe, our young people watch with anxiety for the
signal to pull roasting ears, as none dare touch them until the proper
time. When the corn is fit for use another great ceremony takes place,
with feasting and returning thanks to the Great Spirit for giving us Corn.

I will has relate the manner in which corn first came. According to
tradition handed down to our people, a beautiful woman was seen to descend
from the clouds, and alight upon the earth, by two of our ancestors who
had killed a deer, and were sitting by a fire roasting a part of it to
eat. They were astonished at seeing her, and concluded that she was hungry
and had smelt the meat. They immediately went to her, taking with them a
piece of the roasted venison. They presented it to her, she ate it,
telling them to return to the spot where she was sitting at the end of one
year, and they would find a reward for their kindness and generosity. She
then ascended to the clouds and disappeared. The men returned to their
village, and explained to the tribe what they had seen, done ad heard, but
were laughed at by their people. When the period had arrived for them to
visit this consecrated ground, where they were to find a reward for their
attention to the beautiful woman of the clouds, they went with a large
party, and found where her right hand had rested on the ground corn
growing, where the left hand had rested beans, and immediately where she
had been seated, tobacco.

The two first have ever since been cultivated by our people as our
principal provisions, and the last is used for smoking. The white people
have since found out the latter, and seem to it relish it as much as we
do, as they use it in different ways: Smoking, snuffing and chewing.

We thank the Great Spirit for all the good he has conferred upon us. For
myself, I never take a drink of water from a spring without being mindful
of his goodness.

We next have our great ball play, from three to five hundred on a side
play this game. We play for guns, lead, homes and blankets, or any other
kind of property we may have. The successful party takes the stakes, and
all return to our lodges with peace and friendship. We next commence horse
racing, and continue on, sport and feasting until the corn is secured. We
then prepare to leave our village for our hunting grounds.

The traders arrive and give us credit for guns, flints, powder, shot and
lead, and such articles as we want to clothe our families with and enable
us to hunt. We first, however, hold a council with them, to ascertain the
price they will give for our skins, and then they will charge us for the
goods. We inform them where we intend hunting, and tell them where to
build their houses. At this place we deposit a part of our corn, and leave
our old people. The traders have always been kind to them and relieved
them when in want, and consequently were always much respected by our
people, and never since we were a nation, has one of them been killed by
our people.

We then disperse in small parties to make our hunt, and as soon as it is
over, we return to our trader’s establishment, with our skins, and remain
feasting, playing cards and at other pastimes until the close f the
winter. Our young men then start on the beaver hunt, others to hunt
raccoons and muskrats; the remainder of our people go to the sugar camps
to make sugar. All leave our encampment and appoint a place to meet on the
Mississippi, so that we may return together to our village in the spring.
We always spend our time pleasantly at the sugar camp. It being the season
for wild fowl, we lived well and always had plenty, when the hunters came
in that we might make a feast for them. After this is over we return to
our village, accompanied sometimes by our traders. In this way the time
rolled round happily. But these are times that were.

While on the subject of our manners and customs, it might be well to
relate an instance that occurred near our village just five years before
we left it for the last time.

In 1827, a young Sioux Indian got lost on the prairie, in a snow storm,
and found his way into a camp of the Sacs. According to Indian customs,
although he was an enemy, he was safe while accepting their hospitality.
He remained there for some time on account of the severity of the storm. Becoming
well acquainted he fell in love with the daughter of the Sac at whose
village he had been entertained, and before leaving for his own country,
promised to come to the Sac village for her at a certain time during the
approaching summer. In July he made his way to the Rock river village,
secreting himself in the woods until he met the object of his love, who
came out to the field with her mother to assist her in hoeing corn. Late
in the afternoon her mother left her and went to the village. No sooner
had she got out of hearing, than he gave a loud whistle which assured the
maiden that he had returned. She continued hoeing leisurely to the end of
the row, when her lover came to meet her, and she promised to come to him
as soon as she could go to the lodge and get her blanket, and together
they would flee to his country. But unfortunately for the lovers the
girl’s two brothers had seen the meeting, and after procuring their guns
started in pursuit of them. A heavy thunderstorm was coming on at the
time. The lovers hastened to, and took shelter under a cliff of rocks, at
Black Hawk’s watchtower. Soon after a loud peal of thunder was heard, the
cliff of rocks was shattered in a thousand pieces, and the lovers buried
beneath, while in full view of her pursuing brothers. This, their
unexpected tomb, still remains undisturbed.

This tower to which my name had been applied, was a favorite resort and
was frequently visited by me alone, when I could sit and smoke my pipe,
and look with wonder and pleasure, at the grand scenes that were presented
by the sun’s rays, even across the mighty water. On one occasion a
Frenchman, who had been making his home in our village, brought his violin
with him to the tower, to play and dance for the amusement of a number of
our people, who had assembled there, and while dancing with his back to
the cliff accidentally fell over it and was killed by the fall. The
Indians say that always at the same time of the year, soft strains of the
violin can be heard near that spot.

On returning in the spring from oar hunting grounds, I had the pleasure of
meeting our old friend, the trader of Peoria, at Rock Island. He came up
in a boat from St. Louis, not as a trader, but as our Agent. We were well
pleased to see him. He told us that he narrowly escaped falling into the
hands of Dixon. He remained with us a short time, gave us good advice, and
then returned to St. Louis.

The Sioux having committed depredations on our people, we sent out war
parties that summer, who succeeded in killing fourteen.

I paid several visits to Fort Armstrong, at Rock Island, during the
summer, and was always well received by the gentlemanly officers stationed
there, who were distinguished for their bravery, and they never trampled
upon an enemy’s rights. Colonel George Davenport resided near the
garrison, and being in connection with the American Fur Company, furnished
us the greater portion of our goods. We were not as happy then, in our
village, as formerly. Our people got more liquor from the small traders
than customary. I used all my influence to prevent drunkenness, but
without effect. As the settlements progressed towards us, we became worse
off and more unhappy.

Many of our people, instead of going to the old hunting grounds, when game
was plenty, would go near the settlements to hunt, and, instead of saving
their skins, to pay the trader for goods furnished them in the fall, would
sell them to the settlement for whisky, and return in the spring with
their families almost naked, and without the means of getting anything for
them.

About this time my eldest son was taken sick and died. He had always been
a dutiful child and had just grown to manhood. Soon after, my youngest
daughter, an interesting and affectionate child, died also. This was a
hard stroke, because I loved my children. In my distress I left the noise
of the village and built my lodge on a mound in the corn-field, and
enclosed it with a fence, around which I planted corn and beans. Here I
was with my family alone. I gave everything I had away, and reduced myself
to poverty. The only covering I retained was a piece of buffalo robe. I
blacked my face and resolved on fasting for twenty-four moons, for the
loss of my two children—drinking only of water during the day, and
eating sparingly of boiled corn at sunset. I fulfilled my promise, hoping
that the Great Spirit would take pity on me.

My nation had now some difficulty with the Iowas. Our young men had
repeatedly killed some of them, and the breaches had always been made up
by giving presents to the relations of those killed. But the last council
we had with them, we promised that in case any more of their people were
killed ours, instead of presents, we would give up the person or persons,
who had done the injury. We made this determination known to our people,
but notwithstanding this, one of our young men killed an Iowa the
following winter.

A party of our people were about starting for the Iowa village to give the
young man up, and I agreed to accompany them. When we were ready to start,
I called at the lodge for the young man to go with us. He was sick, but
willing to go, but his brother, however, prevented him and insisted on
going to die in his place, as he was unable to travel. We started, and on
the seventh day arrived in sight of the Iowa village, and within a short
distance of it we halted ad dismounted. We all bid farewell to our young
brave, who entered the village singing his death song, and sat down on the
square in the middle of the village. One of the Iowa chiefs came out to
us. We told him that we had fulfilled our promise, that we had brought the
brother of the young man who had killed one of his people—that he
had volunteered to come in his place, in consequence of his brother being
unable to travel from sickness. We had no further conversation but mounted
our horses and rode off. As we started I cast my eye toward the village,
and observed the Iowas coming out of their lodges with spears and war
clubs. We took the backward trail and travelled until dark—then
encamped and made a fire. We had not been there long before we heard the
sound of homes coming toward us. We seized our arms, but instead of an
enemy it was our young brave with two horses. He told me that after we had
left him, they menaced him with death for some time—then gave him
something to eat—smoked the pipe with him and made him a present of
the two horses and some goods, and started him after us. When we arrived
at on, village our people were much pleased, and for their noble and
generous conduct on this occasion, not one of the Iowa people has been
killed since by our nation.

That fall I visited Malden with several of my band, and was well treated
by the agent of our British Father, who gave us a variety of presents. He
also gave me a medal, and told me there never would be war between England
and America again; but for my fidelity to the British, during the war that
had terminated some time before, requested me to come with my band and get
presents every year, as Colonel Dixon had promised me.

I returned and hunted that winter on the Two Rivers. The whites were now
settling the country fast. I was out one day hunting in a bottom, and met
three white men. They accused me of killing their hogs. I denied it, but
they would not listen to me. One of them took my gun out of my hand and
fired it off—then took out the flint, gave it back to me and
commenced beating me with sticks, ordering me at the same time to be off.
I was so much bruised that I could not sleep for several nights.

Some time after this occurrence, one of my camp cut a bee tree and carried
the honey to his lodge. A party of white men soon followed him, and told
him the bee tree was theirs, and that he had no right to cut it. He
pointed to the honey and told them to take it. They were not satisfied
with this, but took all the packs of skins that he had collected during
the winter, to pay his trader and clothe his family with in the spring,
and carried them off.

How could we like a people who treated us so unjustly? We determined to
break up our camp for fear they would do worse, and when we joined our
people in the spring a great many of them complained of similar treatment.

This summer our agent came to live at Rock Island. He treated us well and
gave us good advice. I visited him and the trader very often during the
summer, and for the first time heard talk of our having to leave our
village. The trader, Colonel George Davenport, who spoke our language,
explained to me the terms of the treaty that had been made, and said we
would be obliged to leave the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and
advised us to select a good place for our village and remove to it in the
spring. He pointed out the difficulties we would have to encounter if we
remained at our village on Rock river. He had great influence with the
principal Fox chief, his adopted brother, Keokuk. He persuaded him to
leave his village, go to the west side of the Mississippi and build
another, which he did the spring following. Nothing was talked of but
leaving our village. Keokuk had been persuaded to consent to go, and was
using all his influence, backed by the war chief at Fort Armstrong and our
agent and trader at Rock Island, to induce others to go with him. He sent
the crier through our village, to inform our people that it was the wish
of our Great Father that we should remove to the west side of the
Mississippi, and recommended the Iowa river as a good place for the new
village. He wished his party to make such arrangements, before they
started on their winter’s hunt, an to preclude the necessity of their
returning to the village in the spring.

The party opposed to removing called on me for my opinion. I gave it
freely, and after questioning Quashquame about the sale of our lands, he
assured me that he “never had consented to the sale of our village.” I now
promised this party to be the leader, and raised the standard of
opposition to Keokuk, with a full determination not to leave our village.
I had an interview with Keokuk, to see if this difficulty could not be
settled with our Great Father, and told him to propose to give any other
land that our Great Father might choose, even our lead mines, to be
peaceably permitted to keep the small point of land on which our village
was situated. I was of the opinion that the white people had plenty of
land and would never take our village from us. Keokuk promised to make an
exchange if possible, and applied to our agent, and the great chief at St.
Louis, who had charge of all the agents, for permission to go to
Washington for that purpose.

This satisfied us for a time. We started to our hunting grounds with good
hopes that something would be done for us. Doing the winter I received
information that three families of whites had come to our village and
destroyed some of our lodges, were making fences and dividing our
cornfields for their own use. They were quarreling among themselves about
their lines of division. I started immediately for Rock river, a distance
of ten days’ travel, and on my arrival found the report true. I went to my
lodge and saw a family occupying it. I wished to talk to them but they
could not understand me. I then went to Rock Island; the agent being
absent, I told the interpreter what I wanted to say to these people, viz:
“Not to settle on our lands, nor trouble our fences, that there was plenty
of land in the country for them to settle upon, and that they must leave
our village, as we were coming back to it in the spring.” The interpreter
wrote me a paper, I went back to the village and showed it to the
intruders, but could not understand their reply. I presumed, however, that
they would remove as I expected them to. I returned to Rock Island, passed
the night there and had a long conversation with the trader. He advised me
to give up and make my village with Keokuk on the Iowa river. I told him
that I would not. The next morning I crossed the Mississippi on very bad
ice, but the Great Spirit had made it strong, that I might pass over safe.
I traveled three days farther to see the Winnebago sub-agent and converse
with him about our difficulties. He gave no better news than the trader
had done. I then started by way of Rock river, to see the Prophet,
believing that he as a man of great knowledge. When we met, I explained to
him everything as it was. He at once agreed that I was right, and advised
me never to give up our village, for the whites to plow up the bones of
our people. He said, that if we remained at our village, the whites would
not trouble us, and advised me to get Keokuk, and the party that consented
to go with him to the Iowa in the spring, to return and remain at our
village.

I returned to my hunting ground, after an absence of one moon, and related
what I had done. In a short time we came up to our village, and found that
the whites had not left it, but that others had come, and that the greater
part of our cornfields had been enclosed. When we landed the whites
appeared displeased because we came back. We repaired the lodges that hid
been left standing and built others. Keokuk came to the village, but his
object was to persuade others to follow him to the Iowa. He had
accomplished nothing towards making arrangements for us to remain, or to
exchange other lands for our village. There was no more friendship
existing between us. I looked upon him as a coward and no brave, to
abandon his village to be occupied by strangers. What right had these
people to our village, and our fields, which the Great Spirit had given us
to live upon?

My reason teaches me that land cannot be sold. The Great Spirit gave it to
his children to live upon and cultivate as far as necessary for their
subsistence, and so long as they occupy and cultivate it they have the
right to the soil, but if they voluntarily leave it, then any other people
have a right to settle on it. Nothing can be sold but such things as can
be carried away.

In consequence of the improvements of the intruders on our fields, we
found considerable difficulty to get ground to plant a little corn. Some
of the whites permitted us to plant small patches in the fields they had
fenced, keeping all the best ground for themselves. Our women had great
difficulty in climbing their fences, being unaccustomed to the kind, and
were ill treated if they left a rail down.

One of my old friends thought he was safe. His cornfield was on a small
island in Rock river. He planted his corn, it came up well, but the white
man saw it; he wanted it, and took his teams over, ploughed up the crop
and replanted it for himself. The old man shed tears, not for himself but
on account of the distress his family would be in if they raised no corn.
The white people brought whisky to our village, made our people drink, and
cheated them out of their homes, guns and traps. This fraudulent system
was carried to such an extent that I apprehended serious difficulties
might occur, unless a stop was put to it. Consequently I visited all the
whites and begged them not to sell my people whisky. One of them continued
the practice openly; I took a party of my young men, went to his house,
took out his barrel, broke in the head and poured out the whisky. I did
this for fear some of ‘the whites might get killed by my people when they
were drunk.

Our people were treated very badly by the whites on many occasions. At one
time a white man beat one of our women cruelly, for pulling a few suckers
of corn out of his field to suck when she was hungry. At another time one
of our young men was beat with clubs by two white men, for opening a fence
which crossed our road to take his horse through. His shoulder blade was
broken and his body badly braised, from the effects of which he soon after
died.

Bad and cruel as our people were treated by the whites, not one of them
was hurt or molested by our band. I hope this will prove that we are a
peaceable people—having permitted ten men to take possession of our
corn fields, prevent us from planting corn, burn our lodges, ill-treat our
women, and beat to death our men without offering resistance to their
barbarous cruelties. This is a lesson worthy for the white man to learn:
to use forebearance when injured.

We acquainted our agent daily with our situation, and through him the
great chief at St. Louis, and hoped that something would be done for us.
The whites were complaining at the same time that we were intruding upon
their rights. They made it appear that they were the injured party, and we
the intruders. They called loudly to the great war chief to protect their
property.

How smooth must be the language of the whites, when they can make right
look like wrong, and wrong like right.

During this summer I happened at Rock Island, when a great chief arrived,
whom I had known as the great chief of Illinois, (Governor Cole) in
company with another chief who I have been told is a great writer (judge
James Hall.) I called upon them and begged to explain the grievances to
them, under which my people and I were laboring, hoping that they could do
something for us. The great chief however, did not seem disposed to
council with, me. He said he was no longer the chief of Illinois; that his
children had selected another father in his stead, and that he now only
ranked as they did. I was surprised at this talk, as I had always heard
that he was a good brave and great chief. But the white people appear to
never be satisfied. When they get a good father, they hold councils at the
suggestion of some bad, ambitious man, who wants the place himself, and
conclude among themselves that this man, or some other equally ambitious,
would make a better father than they have, and nine times out of ten they
don’t get as good a one again.

I insisted on explaining to these chiefs the true situation of my people.
They gave their assent. I rose and made a speech, in which I explained to
them the treaty made by Quashquame, and three of our braves, according to
the manner the trader and others had explained it to me. I then told them
that Quashquame and his party positively denied having ever sold my
village, and that as I had never known them to lie, I was determined to
keep it in possession.

I told them that the white people had already entered our village, burned
our lodges, destroyed on, fences, ploughed up our corn and beat our
people. They had brought whisky into our country, made our people drunk,
and taken from them their homes, guns and traps, and that I had borne all
this injury, without suffering any of my braves to raise a hand against
the whites.

My object in holding this council was to get the opinion of these two
chiefs as to the best course for me to pursue. I had appealed in vain,
time after time to our agent, who regularly represented our situation to
the chief at St. Louis, whose duty it was to call upon the Great Father to
have justice done to us, but instead of this we are told that the white
people wanted our county and we must leave it for them!

I did not think it possible that our Great Father wished us to leave our
village where we had lived so long, and where the bones of so many of our
people had been laid. The great chief said that as he no longer had any
authority he could do nothing for us, and felt sorry that it was not in
his power to aid us, nor did he know how to advise us. Neither of them
could do anything for us, but both evidently were very sorry. It would
give e great pleasure at all times to take these two chiefs by the hand.

That fall I paid a visit to the agent before we started to our hunting
grounds, to hear if he had any good news for me. He had news. He said that
the land on which our village now stood was ordered to be sold to
individuals, and that when sold our right to remain by treaty would be at
an end, and that if we returned next spring we would be forced to remove.

We learned during the winter, that part of the land where our village
stood had been sold to individuals, and that the trader at Rock Island,
Colonel Davenport, had bought the greater part that had been sold. The
reason was now plain to me why he urged us to remove. His object, we
thought, was to get our lands. We held several councils that winter to
determine what we should do. We resolved in one of them, to return to our
village as usual in the spring. We concluded that if we were removed by
force, that the trader, agent and others must be the cause, and that if
they were found guilty of having driven us from our village they should be
killed. The trader stood foremost on this list. He had purchased the land
on which my lodge stood, and that of our graveyard also. We therefore
proposed to kill him and the agent, the interpreter, the great chief at
St. Louis, the war chiefs at Forts Armstrong, Rock Island and Keokuk,
these being the principal persons to blame for endeavoring to remove us.
Our women received bad accounts from the women who had been raising corn
at the new village, of the difficulty of breaking the new prairie with
hoes, and the small quantity of corn raised. We were nearly in the same
condition with regard to the latter, it being the first time I ever knew
our people to be in want of provisions.

I prevailed upon some of Keokuk’s band to return this spring to the Rock
river village, but Keokuk himself would not come. I hoped that he would
get permission to go to Washington to settle our affairs with our Great
Father. I visited the agent at Rock Island. He was displeased because we
had returned to our village, and told me that we must remove to the west
of the Mississippi. I told him plainly that we would not. I visited the
interpreter at his house, who advised me to do as the agent had directed
me. I then went to see the trader and upbraided him for buying our lands.
He said that if he had not purchased them some person else would, and that
if our Great Father would make an exchange with us, he would willingly
give up the land he had purchased to the government. This I thought was
fair, and began to think that he had not acted so badly as I had
suspected. We again repaired our lodges and built others, as most of our
village had been burnt and destroyed. Our women selected small patches to
plant corn, where the whites had not taken them in their fences, and
worked hard to raise something for our children to subsist upon.

I was told that according to the treaty, we had no right to remain on the
lands sold, and that the government would force us to leave them. There
was but a small portion however that had been sold, the balance remaining
in the hands of the government. We claimed the right, if we had no other,
to “live and hunt upon it as long as it remained the property of the
government,” by a stipulation in the treaty that required us to evacuate
it after it had been sold. This was the land that we wished to inhabit and
thought we had a right to occupy.

I heard that there was a great chief on the Wabash, and sent a party to
get his advice. They informed him that we had not sold our village. He
assured them then, that if we had not sold the land on which our village
stood, our Great Father would not take it from us.

I started early to Malden to see the chief of my British Father, and told
him my story. He gave the same reply that the chief on the Wabash had
given, and in justice to him I must say he never gave me any bad advice,
but advised me to apply to our American Father, who, he said, would do us
justice. I next called on the great chief at Detroit and made the same
statement to him that I had made to the chief of our British Father. He
gave me the same reply. He said if we had not sold our lands, and would
remain peaceably on them, that we would not be disturbed. This assured me
that I was right, and determined me to hold out as I had promised my
people. I returned from Malden late in the fall. My people were gone to
their hunting ground, whither I followed. Here I learned that they had
been badly treated all summer by the whites, and that a treaty had been
held at Prairie du Chien. Keokuk and some of our people attended it, and
found that our Great Father had exchanged a small strip of the land that
had been ceded by Quashquame and his party, with the Pottowattomies for a
portion of their lead near Chicago. That the object of this treaty was to
get it back again, and that the United States had agreed to give them
sixteen thousand dollars a year, forever for this small strip of land, it
being less than a twentieth part of that taken from our nation for one
thousand dollars a year. This bears evidence of something I cannot
explain. This land they say belonged to the United States. What reason
then, could have induced them to exchange it with the Pottowattomies if it
was so valuable? Why not keep it? Or if they found they had made a bad
bargain with the Pottowattomies, why not take back their land at a fair
proportion of what they gave our nation for it! If this small portion of
the land that they took from us for one thousand dollars a year, be worth
sixteen thousand dollars a year forever to the Pottowattomies, then the
whole tract of country taken from us ought to be worth, to our nation,
twenty times as much a this small fraction.

Here I was again puzzled to find out how the white people reasoned, and
began to doubt whether they had any standard of right and wrong.

Communication was kept up between myself and the Prophet. Runners were
sent to the Arkansas, Red river and Texas, not on the subject of our
lands, but on a secret mission, which I am not at present permitted to
explain.

It was related to me that the chiefs and head men of the Foxes had been
invited to Prairie du Chien, to hold a Council for the purpose of settling
the difficulties existing between them and the Sioux.

When I called to mind the scenes of my youth and those of later days, when
I reflected that the theatre on which these were acted, had been so long
the home of my fathers, who now slept on the hills around it, I could not
bring my mind to consent to leave this country to the whites for any
earthly consideration.

The winter passed off in gloom. We made a bad hunt for want of guns, traps
and other necessaries which the whites had taken from our people for
whisky. The prospect before me was a bad one. I fasted and called upon the
Great Spirit to direct my steps to the right path. I was in great sorrow
because all the whites with whom I was acquainted and had been on terms of
intimacy, advised me contrary to my wishes, that I began to doubt whether
I had a friend among them.

Keokuk, who has a smooth tongue, and is a great speaker, was busy in
persuading my band that I was wrong, and thereby making many of them
dissatisfied with me. I had one consolation, for all the women were on my
side on account of their cornfields.

On my arrival again at my village, with my band increased, I found it
worse than before. I visited Rock Island and the agent again ordered me to
quit my village. He said that if we did not, troops would be sent to drive
us off. He reasoned with me and told me it would be better for us to be
with the rest of our people, so that we might avoid difficulty and live in
peace. The interpreter joined him and gave me so many good reasons that I
almost wished I had not undertaken the difficult task I had pledged myself
to my brave band to perform. In this mood I called upon the trader, who is
fond of talking, and had long been my friend, but now amongst those who
advised me to give up my village. He received me very friendly and went on
to defend Keokuk in what he had done, endeavoring to show me that I was
bringing distress on our women and children. He inquired if some terms
could not be made that would be honorable to me and satisfactory to my
braves, for us to remove to the west side of the Mississippi. I replied
that if our Great Father could do us justice and make the proposition, I
could then give up honorably. He asked me “if the great chief at St. Louis
would give us six thousand dollars to purchase provisions and other
articles, if I would give up peaceably and remove to the west side of the
Mississippi?” After thinking some time I agreed that I could honorably
give up, being paid for it, according to our customs, but told him that I
could not make the proposal myself, even if I wished, because it would be
dishonorable in me to do so. He said that he would do it by sending word
to the great chief at St. Louis that he could remove us peaceably for the
amount stated, to the west side of the Mississippi. A steamboat arrived at
the island during my stay. After its departure the trader told me that he
had requested a war chief, who was stationed at Galena, and was on board
the steamboat, to make the offer to the great chief at St. Louis, and that
he would soon be back and bring his answer. I did not let my people know
what had taken place for fear they would be displeased. I did not much
like what had been done myself, and tried to banish it from my mind.

After a few days had passed the war chief returned and brought an answer
that “the great chief at St. Louis would give us nothing, and that if we
did not remove immediately we would be driven off.”

I was not much displeased with the answer they brought me, because I would
rather have laid my bones with those of my forefathers than remove for any
consideration. Yet if a friendly offer had been made as I expected, I
would, for the sake of our women and children have removed peaceably.

I now resolved to remain in my village, and make no resistance if the
military came, but submit to my fate. I impressed the importance of this
course on all my band, and directed them in case the military came not to
raise an arm against them.

About this time our agent was put out of office, for what reason I could
never ascertain. I then thought it was for wanting to make us leave our
village and if so it was right, because I was tired of hearing him talk
about it. The interpreter, who had been equally as bad in trying to
persuade us to leave our village was retained in office, and the young man
who took the place of our agent, told the same old story over about
removing us. I was then satisfied that this could not have been the cause.

Our women had planted a few patches of corn which was growing finely, and
promised a subsistence for our children, but the white people again
commenced ploughing it up. I now determined to put a stop to it by
clearing our county of the intruders. I went to their principal men and
told them that they should and must leave our country, giving them until
the middle of the next day to remove. The worst left within the time
appointed, but the one who remained, represented that his family, which
was large, would be in a starving condition, if he went and left his crop.
He promised to behave well, if I would consent to let him remain until
fall, in order to secure his crop. He spoke reasonably and I consented.

We now resumed some of our games and pastimes, having been assured by the
prophet that we would not be removed. But in a little while it was
ascertained that a great war chief, General Gaines, was on his way to Rock
river with a great number of soldiers. I again called upon the prophet,
who requested a little time to see into the matter. Early next morning he
came to me and said he had been dreaming; that he saw nothing bad in this
great war chief, General Gaines, who was now near Rock river. That his
object was merely to frighten us from our village, that the white people
might get our land for nothing. He assured us that this great war chief
dare not, and would not, hurt any of us. That the Americans were at peace
with the British, and when they made peace, the British required, and the
Americans agreed to it, that they should never interrupt any nation of
Indians that was at peace, and that all we had to do to retain our village
was to refuse any and every offer that might be made by this war chief.

The war chief arrived and convened a council at the agency. Keokuk and
Wapello were sent for, and with a number of their band were present.

The council house was opened and all were admitted, and myself and band
were sent for to attend. When we arrived at the door singing a war song,
and armed with lances, spears, war clubs, bows and arrows, as if going to
battle, I halted and refused to enter, as I could see no necessity or
propriety in having the room crowded with those who were already there. If
the council was convened for us, why then have others in our room. The war
chief having sent all out except Keokuk, Wapello and a few of their chiefs
and braves, we entered the council in this warlike appearance, being
desirous of showing the war chief that we were not afraid. He then rose
and made a speech. He said:

“The president is very sorry to be put to the trouble and expense of
sending so large a body of soldiers here to remove you from the lands you
have long since ceded to the United States. Your Great Father has already
warned you repeatedly, through your agent, to leave the country, and he is
very sorry to find that you have disobeyed his orders. Your Great Father
wishes you well, and asks nothing from you but what is reasonable and
right. I hope you will consult your own interests, and leave the country
you are occupying, and go to the other side of the Mississippi.”

“We have never sold our country. We never received any annuities from our
American father, and we are determined to hold on to our village.”

The war chief, apparently angry, rose and said

“Who is Black Hawk? Who is Black Hawk?”

I replied:

“I am a Sac! My forefather was a SAC! I and all the nations call me
a SAC!!”

The war chief said:

“I came here neither to beg nor hire you to leave your village. My
business is to remove you, peaceably if I can, forcibly if I must! I will
now give you two days in which to remove, and if you do not cross the
Mississippi by that time, I will adopt measures to force you away.”

I told him that I never would consent to leave my village and was
determined not to leave it.

The council broke up and the war chief retired to his fort. I consulted
the prophet again. He said he had been dreaming, and that the Great Spirit
had directed that a woman, the daughter of Mattatas, the old chief of the
village, should take a stick in her hand and go before the war chief, and
tell him that she is the daughter of Mattatas, and that he had always been
the white man’s friend. That he had fought their battles, been wounded in
their service and had always spoken well of them, and she had never heard
him say that he had sold their village. The whites are numerous, and can
take it from us if they choose, but she hoped they would not be so
unfriendly. If they were, he had one favor to ask; she wished her people
to be allowed to remain long enough to gather their provisions now growing
in their fields; that she was a woman and had worked hard to raise
something to support her children. And now, if we are driven from our
village without being allowed to save our corn, many of our little
children must perish with hunger.

Accordingly Mattatas’ daughter was sent to the fort, accompanied by
several of our young men and was admitted. She went before the war chief
and told the story of the prophet. The war chief said that the president
did not send him here to make treaties with the women, nor to hold council
with them. That our young men most leave the fort, but she might remain if
she wished.

All our plans were defeated. We must cross the river, or return to our
village and await the coming of the war chief with his soldiers. We
determined on the latter, but finding that our agent, interpreter, trader
and Keokuk, were determined on breaking my ranks, and had induced several
of my warriors to cross the Mississippi, I sent a deputation to the agent,
at the request of my band, pledging myself to leave the county in the
fall, provided permission was given us to remain, and secure our crop of
corn then growing, as we would be in a starving situation if we were
driven off without the means of subsistence.

The deputation returned with an answer from the war chief, “That no
further time would be given than that specified, and if we were not then
gone he would remove us.”

I directed my village crier to proclaim that my orders were, in the event
of the war chief coming to our village to remove us, that not a gun should
be fired or any resistance offered. That if he determined to fight, for
them to remain quietly in their lodges, and let him kill them if he chose.

I felt conscious that this great war chief would not hurt our people, and
my object was not war. Had it been, we would have attacked and killed the
war chief and his braves, when in council with us, as they were then
completely in our power. But his manly conduct and soldierly deportment,
his mild yet energetic manner, which proved his bravery, forbade it.

Some of our young men who had been out as spies came in and reported that
they had discovered a large body of mounted men coming toward our village,
who looked like a war party. They arrived and took a position below Rock
river, for their place of encampment. The great war chief, General Gaines,
entered Rock river in a steamboat, with his soldiers and one big gun. They
passed and returned close by our village, but excited no alarm among my
braves. No attention was paid to the boat; even our little children who
were playing on the bank of the river, as usual, continued their
amusement. The water being shallow, the boat got aground, which gave the
whites some trouble. If they had asked for assistance, there was not a
brave in my band who would not willingly have aided them. Their people
were permitted to pass and repass through our village, and were treated
with friendship by our people.

The war chief appointed the next day to remove us. I would have remained
and been taken prisoner by the regulars, but was afraid of the multitude
of pale faced militia, who were on horse back, as they were under no
restraint of their chiefs.

We crossed the river during the night, and encamped some distance below
Rock Island. The great war chief convened another council, for the purpose
of making a treaty with us. In this treaty he agreed to give us corn in
place of that we had left growing in our fields. I touched the goose quill
to this treaty, and was determined to live in peace.

The corn that had been given us was soon found to be inadequate to our
wants, when loud lamentations were heard in the camp by the women and
children, for their roasting ears, beans and squashes. To satisfy them, a
small party of braves went over in the night to take corn from their own
fields. They were discovered by the whites and fired upon. Complaints were
again made of the depredations committed by some of my people, on their
own corn fields.

I understood from our agent, that there had been a provision made in one
of our treaties for assistance in agriculture, and that we could have our
fields plowed if we required it. I therefore called upon him, and
requested him to have a small log home built for me, and a field plowed
that fall, as I wished to live retired. He promised to have it done. I
then went to the trader, Colonel Davenport, and asked for permission to be
buried in the graveyard at our village, among my old friends and warriors,
which he gave cheerfully. I then returned to my people satisfied.

A short time after this, a party of Foxes went up to Prairie du Chien to
avenge the murder of their chiefs and relations, which had been committed
the summer previous, by the Menomonees and Sioux. When they arrived in the
vicinity of the encampment of the Menomonees, they met with a Winnebago,
and inquired for the Menomonee camp. They requested him to go on before
them and see if there were any Winnebagoes in it, and if so, to tell them
that they had better return to their own camp. He went and gave the
information, not only to the Winnebagoes, but to the Menomonees, that they
might be prepared. The party soon followed, killed twenty-eight
Menomonees, and made their escape.

This retaliation which with us is considered lawful and right, created
considerable excitement among the whites. A demand was made for the Foxes
to be surrendered to, and tried by, the white people. The principal men
came to me during the fall and asked my advice. I conceived that they had
done right, and that our Great Father acted very unjustly in demanding
them, when he had suffered all their chiefs to be decoyed away, and
murdered by the Menomonees, without ever having made a similar demand of
them. If he had no right in the first instance he had none now, and for my
part, I conceived the right very questionable, if not an act of usurpation
in any case, where a difference exists between two nations, for him to
interfere. The Foxes joined my band with the intention to go out with them
on the fall hunt.

About this time, Neapope, who started to Malden when it was ascertained
that the great war chief, General Gaines, was coming to remove us,
returned. He said he had seen the chief of our British Father, and asked
him if the Americans could force us to leave our village. He said: “If you
had not sold your land the Americans could not take your village from you.
That the right being vested in you only, could be transferred by the voice
and will of the whole nation, and that as you have never given your
consent to the sale of your country, it yet remains your exclusive
property, from which the American government never could force you away,
and that in the event of war, you should have nothing to fear, as we would
stand by and assist you.”

He said that he had called at the prophet’s lodge on his way down, and
there had learned for the first time, that we had left our village. He
informed me privately, that the prophet was anxious to see me, as he had
much good news to tell me, and that I would hear good news in the spring
from our British Father. “The prophet requested me to give you all the
particulars, but I would much rather you would see him yourself and learn
all from him. But I will tell you that he has received expresses from our
British Father, who says that he is going to send us guns, ammunition,
provisions and clothing early in the spring. The vessels that bring them
will come by way of Milwaukee. The prophet has likewise received wampum
and tobacco from the different nations on the lakes, Ottawas, Chippewas,
and Pottowattomies, and as to the Winnebagoes he has them all at his
command. We are going to be happy once more.”

I told him I was pleased that our British Father intended to see us
righted. That we had been driven from our lands without receiving anything
for them, and I now began to hope from his talk, that my people would once
more be happy. If I could accomplish this I would be satisfied. I am now
growing old and could spend the remnant of my time anywhere. But I wish
first to see my people happy. I can then leave them cheerfully. This has
always been my constant aim, and I now begin to hope that our sky will
soon be clear.

Neapope said:

“The prophet told me that all the tribes mentioned would fight for us if
necessary, and the British father will support us. If we should be
whipped, which is hardly possible, we will still be safe, the prophet
having received a friendly talk from the chief of Wassicummico, at
Selkirk’s settlement, telling him, that if we were not happy in our own
country, to let him know and he would make us happy. He had received
information from our British father that we had been badly treated by the
Americans. We must go and see the prophet. I will go first; you had better
remain and get as many of your people to join you as you can. You know
everything that we have done. We leave the matter with you to arrange
among your people as you please. I will return to the prophet’s village
to-morrow. You can in the meantime make up your mind an to the course you
will take and send word to the prophet by me, as he is anxious to assist
us, and wishes to know whether you will join us, and assist to make your
people happy.”

During the night I thought over everything that Neapope had told me, and
was pleased to think that by a little exertion on my part, I could
accomplish the object of all my wishes. I determined to follow the advice
of the prophet, and sent word by Neapope, that I would get all my braves
together, explain everything that I had heard to them, and recruit as many
as I could from the different villages.

Accordingly I sent word to Keokuk’s band and the Fox tribe, explaining to
them all the good news I had heard. They would not hear. Keokuk said that
I had been imposed upon by liars, and had much better remain where I was
and keep quiet. When he found that I was determined to make an attempt to
recover my village, fearing that some difficulty would arise, he made
application to the agent and great chief at St. Louis, asking permission
for the chiefs of our nation to go to Washington to see our Great Father,
that we might have our difficulties settled amicably. Keokuk also
requested the trader, Colonel Davenport, who was going to Washington, to
call on our Great Father and explain everything to him, and ask permission
for us to come on and see him.

Having heard nothing favorable from the great chief at St. Louis, I
concluded that I had better keep my band together, and recruit as many as
possible, so that I would be prepared to make the attempt to rescue my
village in the spring, provided our Great Father did not send word for us
to go to Washington. The trader returned. He said he had called on our
Great Father and made a full statement to him in relation to our
difficulties, and had asked leave for us to go to Washington, but had
received no answer.

I had determined to listen to the advice of my friends, and if permitted
to go to see our Great Father, to abide by his counsel, whatever it might
be. Every overture was made by Keokuk to prevent difficulty, and I
anxiously hoped that something would be done for my people that it might
be avoided. But there was bad management somewhere, or the difficulty that
has taken place would have been avoided.

When it was ascertained that we would not be permitted to go to
Washington, I resolved upon my course, and again tied to recruit some
braves from Keookuk’s band, to accompany me, but could not.

Conceiving that the peaceable disposition of Keokuk and his people had
been in a great measure the cause of our having been driven from our
village, I ascribed their present feelings to the same cause, and
immediately went to work to recruit all my own band, and making
preparations to ascend Rock river, I made my encampment on the
Mississippi, where Fort Madison had stood. I requested my people to
rendezvous at that place, sending out soldiers to bring in the warriors,
and stationed my sentinels in a position to prevent any from moving off
until all were ready.

My party having all come in and got ready, we commenced our march up the
Mississippi; our women and children in canoes, carrying such provisions as
we had, camp equipage, &c. My braves and warriors were on horseback,
armed and equipped for defence. The prophet came down and joining us below
Rock river, having called at Rock Island on his way down, to consult the
war chief, agent and trader; who, he said, used many arguments to dissuade
him from going with us, requesting him to come and meet us and turn us
back. They told him also there was a war chief on his way to Rock Island
with a large body of soldiers.

The prophet said he would not listen to this talk, because no war chief
would dare molest us so long as we were at peace. That we had a right to
go where we pleased peaceably, and advised me to say nothing to my braves
and warriors until we encamped that night. We moved onward until we
arrived at the place where General Gaines had made his encampment the year
before, and encamped for the night. The prophet then addressed my braves
and warriors. He told them to “follow us and act like braves, and we have
nothing to fear and much to gain. The American war chief may come, but
will not, nor dare not interfere with us so long as we act peaceably. We
are not yet ready to act otherwise. We must wait until we ascend Rock
river and receive our reinforcements, and we will then be able to
withstand any army.”

That night the White Beaver, General Atkinson, with a party of soldiers
passed up in a steamboat. Our party became alarmed, expecting to meet the
soldiers at Rock river, to prevent us going up. On our arrival at its
mouth, we discovered that the steamboat had passed on.

I was fearful that the war chief had stationed his men on some high bluff,
or in some ravine, that we might be taken by surprise. Consequently, on
entering Rock river we commenced beating our drums and singing, to show
the Americans that we were not afraid.

Having met with no opposition, we moved up Rock river leisurely for some
distance, when we were overtaken by an express from White Beaver, with an
order for me to return with my band and recross the Mississippi again. I
sent him word that I would not, not recognizing his right to make such a
demand, is I was acting peaceably, and intended to go to the prophet’s
village at his request, to make corn.

The express returned. We moved on and encamped some distance below the
prophet’s village. Here another express came from the White Beaver,
threatening to pursue us and drive us back, if we did not return
peaceably. This message roused the spirit of my band, and all were
determined to remain with me and contest the ground with the war chief,
should he come and attempt to drive us. We therefore directed the express
to say to the war chief “if he wished to fight us he might come on.” We
were determined never to be driven, and equally so, not to make the first
attack, our object being to act only on the defensive. This we conceived
to be our right.

Soon after the express returned, Mr. Gratiot, sub-agent for the
Winnebagoes, came to our encampment. He had no interpreter, and was
compelled to talk through his chiefs. They said the object of his mission
was to persuade us to return. But they advised us to go on—assuring
us that the further we went up Rock river the more friends we would meet,
and our situation would be bettered. They were on our side and all of
their people were our friends. We must not give up, but continue to ascend
Rock river, on which, in a short time, we would receive reinforcements
sufficiently strong to repulse any enemy. They said they would go down
with their agent, to ascertain the strength of the enemy, and then return
and give us the news. They had to use some stratagem to deceive their
agent in order to help us.

During this council several of my braves hoisted the British flag, mounted
their horses and surrounded the council lodge. I discovered that the agent
was very much frightened. I told one of his chiefs to tell him that he
need not be alarmed, and then went out and directed my braves to desist.
Every warrior immediately dismounted and returned to his lodge. After the
council adjourned I placed a sentinel at the agent’s lodge to guard him,
fearing that some of my warriors might again frighten him. I had always
thought he was a good man and was determined that he should not be hurt.
He started with his chiefs to Rock Island.

Having ascertained that White Beaver would not permit us to remain where
we were, I began to consider what was best to be done, and concluded to
keep on up the river, see the Pottowattomies and have a talk with them.
Several Winnebago chiefs were present, whom I advised of my intentions, as
they did not seem disposed to render us any assistance. I asked them if
they had not sent us wampum during the winter, and requested us to come
and join their people and enjoy all the rights and privileges of their
country. They did not deny this; and said if the white people did not
interfere, they had no objection to our making corn this year, with our
friend the prophet, but did not wish us to go any further up.

The next day I started with my party to Kishwacokee. That night I encamped
a short distance above the prophet’s village. After all was quiet in our
camp I sent for my chiefs, and told them that we had been deceived. That
all the fair promises that had been held out to us through Neapope were
false. But it would not do to let our party know it. We must keep it
secret among ourselves, move on to Kishwacokee, as if all was right, and
say something on the way to encourage our people. I will then call on the
Pottowattomies, hear what they say, and see what they will do.

We started the next morning, after telling our people that news had just
come from Milwaukee that a chief of our British Father would be there in a
few days. Finding that all our plans were defeated, I told the prophet
that he must go with me, and we would see what could be done with the
Pottowattomies. On our arrival at Kishwacokee an express was sent to the
Pottowattomie villages. The next day a deputation arrived. I inquired if
they had corn in their villages. They said they had a very little and
could not spare any. I asked them different questions and received very
unsatisfactory answers. This talk was in the presence of all my people. I
afterwards spoke to them privately, and requested them to come to my lodge
after my people had gone to sleep. They came and took seats. I asked them
if they had received any news from the British on the lake. They said no.
I inquired if they had heard that a chief of our British Father was coming
to Milwaukee to bring us guns, ammunition, goods and provisions. They said
no. I told them what news had been brought to me, and requested them to
return to their village and tell the chiefs that I wished to see them and
have a talk with them.

After this deputation started, I concluded to tell my people that if White
Beaver came after us, we would go back, as it was useless to think of
stopping or going on without more provisions and ammunition. I discovered
that the Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies were not disposed to render us any
assistance. The next day the Pottowattomie chiefs arrived in my camp. I
had a dog killed, and made a feast. When it was ready, I spread my
medicine bags, and the chiefs began to eat. When the ceremony was about
ending, I received news that three or four hundred white men on horse-back
had been seen about eight miles off. I immediately started three young men
with a white flag to meet them and conduct them to our camp, that we might
hold a council with them and descend Rock river again. I also directed
them, in case the whites had encamped, to return, and I would go and see
them. After this party had started I sent five young men to see what might
take place. The first party went to the camp of the whites, and were taken
prisoners. The last party had not proceeded far before they saw about
twenty men coming toward them at full gallop. They stopped, and, finding
that the whites were coming toward them in such a warlike attitude, they
turned and retreated, but were pursued, and two of them overtaken and
killed. The others then made their escape. When they came in with the
news, I was preparing my flags to meet the war chief. The alarm was given.
Nearly all my young men were absent ten miles away. I started with what I
had left, about forty, and had proceeded but a short distance, before we
saw a part of the army approaching. I raised a yell, saying to y braves,
“Some of our people have been killed. Wantonly and cruelly murdered! We
must avenge their death!”

In a little while we discovered the whole army coming towards us at a full
gallop. We were now confident that our first party had been killed. I
immediately placed my men behind a cluster of bushes, that we might have
the first fire when they had approached close enough. They made a halt
some distance from us. I gave another yell, and ordered my brave warriors
to charge upon them, expecting that they would all be killed. They did
charge. Every man rushed towards the enemy and fired, and they retreated
in the utmost confusion and consternation before my little but brave band
of warriors.

After following the enemy for some distance, I found it useless to pursue
them further, as they rode so fast, and returned to the encampment with a
few braves, as about twenty-five of them continued in pursuit of the
flying enemy. I lighted my pipe and sat down to thank the Great Spirit for
what he had done. I had not been meditating long, when two of the three
young men I had seat with the flag to meet the American war chief,
entered. My astonishment was not greater than my joy to see them living
and well. I eagerly listened to their story, which was as follows:

“When we arrived near the encampment of the whites, a number of them
rushed out to meet us, bringing their guns with them. They took us into
their camp, where an American who spoke the Sac language a little told us
that his chief wanted to know how we were, where we were going, where our
camp was, and where was Black Hawk? We told him that we had come to see
his chief, that our chief had directed us to conduct him to our camp, in
case he had not encamped, and in that event to tell him that he, Black
Hawk, would come to see him; he wished to hold a council with him, as he
had given up all intention of going to war.”

This man had once been a member of our tribe, having been adopted by me
many years before and treated with the same kindness as was shown to our
young men, but like the caged bird of the woods, he yearned for freedom,
and after a few years residence with us an opportunity for escape came and
he left us. On this occasion he would have respected our flag and carried
back the message I had sent to his chief, had he not been taken prisoner,
with a comrade, by some of my braves who did not recognize him, and
brought him into camp. They were securely tied with cords to trees and
left to meditate, but were occasionally buffeted by my young men when
passing near them. When I passed by him there was a recognition on the
part of us both, but on account of former friendship I concluded to let
him go, and some little time before the sun went down I released him from
his captivity by untying the cords that bound him and accompanied him
outside of our lines so that he could escape safely. His companion had
previously made a desperate effort to escape from his guards and was
killed by them.

They continued their story:

“At the conclusion of this talk a party of white men came in on horseback.
We saw by their countenances that something had happened. A general tumult
arose. They looked at us with indignation, talked among themselves for a
moment, when several of them cocked their guns and fired at us in the
crowd. Our companion fell dead. We rushed through the crowd and made our
escape. We remained in ambush but a short time, before we heard yelling
like Indians running an enemy. In a little while we saw some of the whites
in full speed. One of them came near us. I threw my tomahawk and struck
him on the head which brought him to the ground; I ran to him and with his
own knife took off his scalp. I took his gun, mounted his horse, and
brought my friend here behind me. We turned to follow our braves, who were
chasing the enemy, and had not gone far before we overtook a white man,
whose horse had mired in a swamp. My friend alighted and tomahawked the
man, who was apparently fast under his horse. He took his scalp, horse and
gun. By this time our party was some distance ahead. We followed on and
saw several white men lying dead on the way. After riding about six miles
we met our party returning. We asked them how many of our men had been
killed. . They said none after the Americans had retreated. We inquired
how many whites had been killed. They replied that they did not know, but
said we will soon ascertain, as we must scalp them as we go back. On our
return we found ten men, besides the two we had killed before we joined
our friends. Seeing that they did not yet recognize us, it being dark, we
again asked how many of our braves had been killed? They said five. We
asked who they were? They replied that the first party of three who went
out to meet the American war chief, had all been taken prisoners and
killed in the encampment, and that out of a party of five, who followed to
see the meeting of the first party with the whites, two had been killed.
We were now certain that they did not recognize us, nor did we tell who we
were until we arrived at our camp. The news of our death had reached it
some time before, and all were surprised to see us again.”

The next morning I told the crier of my village to give notice that we
must go and bury our dead. In a little while all were ready. A small
deputation was sent for our absent warriors, and the remainder started to
bury the dead. We first disposed of them and then commenced an examination
in the enemy’s deserted encampment for plunder. We found arms and
ammunition and provisions, all of which we were sadly in want of,
particularly the latter, as we were entirely without. We found also a
variety of saddle bags, which I distributed among my braves, a small
quantity of whisky and some little barrels that had contained this bad
medicine, but they were empty. I was surprised to find that the whites
carried whisky with them, as I had understood that all the pale faces,
when acting is soldiers in the field, were strictly temperate.

The enemy’s encampment was in a skirt of woods near a run, about half a
day’s travel from Dixon’s ferry. We attacked them in the prairie, with a
few bushes between us, about sundown, and I expected that my whole party
would be killed. I never was so much surprised in all the fighting I have
seen, knowing, too, that the Americans generally shoot well, as I was to
see this army of several hundreds retreating, without showing fight, and
passing immediately through their encampment, I did think they intended to
halt there, as the situation would have forbidden attack by my party if
their number had not exceeded half of mine, as we would have been
compelled to take the open prairie whilst they could have picked trees to
shield themselves from our fire.

I was never so much surprised in my life as I was in this attack. An army
of three or four hundred men, after having learned that we were sueing for
peace, to attempt to kill the flag bearers that had gone unarmed to ask
for a meeting of the war chiefs of the two contending parties to hold a
council, that I might return to the west side of the Mississippi, to come
forward with a full determination to demolish the few braves I had with
me, to retreat when they had ten to one, was unaccountable to me. It
proved a different spirit from any I had ever before seen among the pale
faces. I expected to see them fight as the Americans did with the British
during the last war, but they had no such braves among them. At our feast
with the Pottowattomies I was convinced that we had been imposed upon by
those who had brought in reports of large re-enforcements to my band and
resolved not to strike a blow; and in order to get permission from White
Beaver to return and re-cross the Mississippi, I sent a flag of peace to
the American war chief, who was reported to be close by with his army,
expecting that he would convene a council and listen to what we had to
say. But this chief, instead of pursuing that honorable and chivalric
course, such as I have always practiced, shot down our flag-bearer and
thus forced us into war with less than five hundred warriors to contend
against three or four thousand soldiers.

The supplies that Neapope and the prophet told us about, and the
reinforcements we were to have, were never more heard of, and it is but
justice to our British Father to say were never promised, his chief being
sent word in lieu of the lies that were brought to me, “for us to remain
at peace as we could accomplish nothing but our own ruin by going to war.”

What was now to be done? It was worse than folly to turn back and meet an
enemy where the odds were so much against us and thereby sacrifice
ourselves, our wives and children to the fury of an enemy who had murdered
some of our brave and unarmed warriors when they were on a mission to sue
for peace.

Having returned to our encampment, and found that all our young men had
come in, I sent out spies to watch the movements of the army, and
commenced moving up Kishwacokee with the balance of my people. I did not
know where to go to find a place of safety for my women and children, but
expected to find a good harbor about the head of Rock river. I concluded
to go there, and thought my best route would be to go round the head of
Kishwacokee, so that the Americans would have some difficulty if they
attempted to follow us.

On arriving at the head of Kishwacokee, I was met by a party of
Winnebagoes, who seemed to rejoice at our success. They said they had come
to offer their services, and were anxious to join in. I asked them if they
knew where there was a safe place for our women and children. They told us
that they would send two old men with us to guide us to a good safe place.

I arranged war parties to send out in different directions, before I
proceeded further. The Winnebagoes went alone. The war parties having all
been fitted out and started, we commenced moving to the Four Lakes, the
place where our guides were to conduct us. We had not gone far before six
Winnebagoes came in with one scalp. They said they had killed a man at a
grove, on the road from Dixon’s to the lead mines. Four days after, the
party of Winnebagoes who had gone out from the head of Kishwacokee,
overtook us, and told me that they had killed four men and taken their
scalps: and that one of them was Keokuk’s father, (the agent). They
proposed to have a dance over their scalps. I told them that I could have
no dancing in my camp, in consequence of my having lost three young
braves; but they might dance in their own camp, which they did. Two days
after, we arrived in safety at the place where the Winnebagoes had
directed us. In a few days a great number of our warriors came in. I
called them all around me, and addressed them. I told them: “Now is the
time, if any of you wish to come into distinction, and be honored with the
medicine bag! Now is the time to show your courage and bravery, and avenge
the murder of our three braves!”

Several small parties went out, and returned again in a few days, with
success—bringing in provisions for our people. In the mean time,
some spies came in, and reported that the army had fallen back to Dixon’s
ferry; and others brought news that the horsemen had broken up their camp,
disbanded, and returned home.

Finding that all was safe, I made a dog feast, preparatory to leaving my
camp with a large party, (as the enemy were stationed so far off). Before
my braves commenced feasting, I took my medicine bags, and addressed them
in the following language:

“BRAVES AND WARRIORS: These are the medicine bags of our forefather,
Mukataquet, who was the father of the Sac nation. They were handed down to
the great war chief of our nation, Nanamakee, who has been at war with all
the nations of the plains, and have never yet been disgraced! I expect you
all to protect them!”

After the ceremony was over and our feasting done I started, with about
two hundred warriors following my great medicine bags. I directed my
course toward sunset and dreamed, the second night after we started, that
there would be a great feast prepared for us after one day’s travel. I
told my warriors my dream in the morning and we started for Moscohocoynak,
(Apple river). When we arrived in the vicinity of a fort the white people
had built there we saw four men on horseback. One of my braves fired and
wounded a man when the others set up a yell as if a large force were near
and ready to come against us. We concealed ourselves and remained in this
position for some time watching to see the enemy approach, but none came.
The four men, in the mean time, ran to the fort and gave the alarm. We
followed them and attacked their fort. One of their braves, who seemed
more valiant than the rest, raised his head above the picketing to fire at
us when one of my braves, with a well-directed shot, put an end to his
bravery. Finding that these people could not be killed without setting
fire to their houses and fort I thought it more prudent to be content with
what flour, provisions, cattle and horses we could find than to set fire
to their buildings, as the light would be seen at a distance and the army
might suppose we were in the neighborhood and come upon us with a strong
force. Accordingly we opened a house and filled our bags with flour and
provisions, took several horses and drove off some of their cattle.

We started in a direction toward sunrise. After marching a considerable
time I discovered some white men coming towards us. I told my braves that
we would go into the woods and kill them when they approached. We
concealed ourselves until they came near enough and then commenced yelling
and firing and made a rush upon them. About this time their chief, with a
party of men, rushed up to rescue the men we had fired upon. In a little
while they commenced retreating and left their chief and a few braves who
seemed willing and anxious to fight. They acted like men, but were forced
to give way when I rushed upon them with my braves. In a short time the
chief returned with a lager party. He seemed determined to fight, and
anxious for a battle. When he came near enough I raised the yell and
firing commenced from both sides. The chief, who seemed to be a small man,
addressed his warriors in a loud voice, but they soon retreated, leaving
him and a few braves on the battle field. A great number of my warriors
pursued the retreating party and killed a number of their horses as they
ran.

The chief and his few braves were unwilling to leave the field. I ordered
my braves to rush upon them, and had the mortification of seeing two of my
chiefs killed before the enemy retreated.

This young chief deserves great praise for his courage and bravery, but
fortunately for us, his army was not all composed of such brave men.

During this attack we killed several men and about forty horses and lost
two young chiefs and seven warriors. My braves were anxious to pursue them
to the fort, attack and burn it, but I told them it was useless to waste
our powder as there was no possible chance of success if we did attack
them, and that as we had ran the bear into his hole we would there leave
him and return to our camp.

On arriving at our encampment we found that several of our spies had
returned, bringing intelligence that the army had commenced moving.
Another party of five came in and said they had been pursued for several
hours, and were attacked by twenty-five or thirty whites in the woods;
that the whites rushed in upon them as they lay concealed and received
their fire without seeing them. They immediately retreated whilst we
reloaded. They entered the thicket again and as soon as they came near
enough we fired. Again they retreated and again they rushed into the
thicket and fired. We returned their fire and a skirmish ensued between
two of their men and one of ours, who was killed by having his throat cut.
This was the only man we lost, the enemy having had three killed; they
again retreated.

Another party of three Sacs had come in and brought two young white
squaws, whom they had given to the Winnebagoes to take to the whites. They
said they had joined a party of Pottowattomies and went with them as a war
party against the settlers of Illinois.

The leader of this party, a Pottowattomie, had been severely whipped by
this settler, some time before, and was anxious to avenge the insult and
injury. While the party was preparing to start, a young Pottowattomie went
to the settler’s house and told him to leave it, that a war party was
coming to murder them. They started, but soon returned again, as it
appeared that they were all there when the war party arrived. The
Pottowattomies killed the whole family, except two young squaws, whom the
Sacs took up on their horses and carried off, to save their lives. They
were brought to our encampment, and a messenger sent to the Winnebagoes,
as they were friendly on both sides, to come and get them, and carry them
to the whites. If these young men, belonging to my band, had not gone with
the Pottowittomies, the two young squaws would have shared the same fate
as their friends.

During our encampment at the Four Lakes we were hard pressed to obtain
enough to eat to support nature. Situated in a swampy, marshy country,
(which had been selected in consequence of the great difficulty required
to gain access thereto,) there was but little game of any sort to be
found, and fish were equally scarce. The great distance to any settlement,
and the impossibility of bringing supplies therefrom, if any could have
been obtained, deterred our young men from making further attempts. We
were forced to dig roots and bark trees, to obtain something to satisfy
hunger and keep us alive. Several of our old people became so reduced, as
to actually die with hunger! Learning that the army had commenced moving,
and fearing that they might come upon and surround our encampment, I
concluded to remove our women and children across the Mississippi, that
they might return to the Sac nation again. Accordingly, on the next day we
commenced moving, with five Winnebagoes acting as our guides, intending to
descend the Wisconsin.

Neapope, with a party of twenty, remained in our rear, to watch for the
enemy, whilst we were proceeding to the Wisconsin, with our women and
children. We arrived, and had commenced crossing over to an island, when
we discovered a large body of the enemy coming towards us. We were now
compelled to fight, or sacrifice our wives and children to the fury of the
whites. I met them with fifty warriors, (having left the balance to assist
our women and children in crossing) about a mile from the river, When an
attack immediately commenced, I was mounted on a fine horse, and was
pleased to see my warriors so brave. I addressed them in a load voice,
telling them to stand their ground and never yield it to the enemy. At
this time I was on the rise of a hill, where I wished to form my warriors,
that we might have some advantage over the whites. But the enemy succeeded
in gaining this point, which compelled us to fall into a deep ravine, from
which we continued firing at them and they at us, until it began to grow
dark. My horse having been wounded twice during this engagement, and
fearing from his loss of blood that he would soon give out, and finding
that the enemy would not come near enough to receive our fire, in the dusk
of the evening, and knowing that our women and children had had sufficient
time to reach the island in the Wisconsin, I ordered my warriors to
return, by different routes, and meet me at the Wisconsin, and was
astonished to find that the enemy were not disposed to pursue us.

In this skirmish with fifty braves, I defended and accomplished my passage
over the Wisconsin, with a loss of only six men, though opposed by a host
of mounted militia. I would not have fought there, but to gain time for
our women and children to cross to an island. A warrior will duly
appreciate the embarrassments I labored under—and whatever may be
the sentiments of the white people in relation to this battle, my nation,
though fallen, will award to me the reputation of a great brave in
conducting it.

The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained by our party; but I am of
the opinion that it was much greater, in proportion, than mine. We
returned to the Wisconsin and crossed over to our people.

Here some of my people left me, and descended the Wisconsin, hoping to
escape to the west side of the Mississippi, that they might return home. I
had no objection to their leaving me, as my people were all in a desperate
condition, being worn out with traveling and starving with hunger. Our
only hope to save ourselves was to get across the Mississippi. But few of
this party escaped. Unfortunately for them, a party of soldiers from
Prairie du Chien were stationed on the Wisconsin, a short distance from
its mouth, who fired upon our distressed people. Some were killed, others
drowned, several taken prisoners, and the balance escaped to the woods and
perished with hunger. Among this party were a great many women and
children.

I was astonished to find that Neapope and his party of spies had not yet
come in, they having been left in my rear to bring the news, if the enemy
were discovered. It appeared, however, that the whites had come in a
different direction and intercepted our trail but a short distance from
the place where we first saw them, leaving our spies considerably in the
rear. Neapope and one other retired to the Winnebago village, and there
remained during the war. The balance of his party, being brave men, and
considering our interests as their own, returned, and joined our ranks.

Myself and band having no means to descend the Wisconsin, I started over a
rugged country, to go to the Mississippi, intending to cross it and return
to my nation. Many of our people were compelled to go on foot, for want of
horses, which, in consequence of their having had nothing to eat for a
long time, caused our march to be very slow. At length we arrived at the
Mississippi, having lost some of our old men and little children, who
perished on the way with hunger.

We had been here but a little while before we saw a steamboat (the
“Warrior,”) coming. I told my braves not to shoot, as I intended going on
board, so that we might save our women and children. I knew the captain
(Throckmorton) and was determined to give myself up to him. I then sent
for my white flag. While the messenger was gone, I took a small piece of
white cotton and put it on a pole, and called to the captain of the boat,
and told him to send his little canoe ashore and let me come aboard. The
people on board asked whether we were Sacs or Winnebagoes. I told a
Winnebago to tell them that we were Sacs, and wanted to give ourselves up!
A Winnebago on the boat called out to us “to run and hide, that the whites
were going to shoot!” About this time one of my braves had jumped into the
river, bearing a white flag to the boat, when another sprang in after him
and brought him to the shore. The firing then commenced from the boat,
which was returned by my braves and continued for some time. Very few of
my people were hurt after the first fire, having succeeded in getting
behind old logs and trees, which shielded them from the enemy’s fire.

The Winnebago on the steamboat must either have misunderstood what was
told, or did not tell it to the captain correctly; because I am confident
he would not have allowed the soldiers to fire upon us if he had known my
wishes. I have always considered him a good man, and too great a brave to
fire upon an enemy when sueing for quarters.

After the boat left us, I told my people to cross if they could, and
wished; that I intended going into the Chippewa country. Some commenced
crossing, and such as had determined to follow them, remained; only three
lodges going with me. Next morning, at daybreak, a young man overtook me,
and said that all my party had determined to cross the Mississippi—that
a number had already got over safely and that he had heard the white army
last night within a few miles of them. I now began to fear that the whites
would come up with my people and kill them before they could get across. I
had determined to go and join the Chippewas; but reflecting that by this I
could only save myself, I concluded to return, and die with my people, if
the Great Spirit would not give us another victory. During our stay in the
thicket, a party of whites came close by us, but passed on without
discovering us.

Early in the morning a party of whites being in advance of the army, came
upon our people, who were attempting to cross the Mississippi. They tried
to give themselves up; the whites paid no attention to their entreaties,
but commenced slaughtering them. In a little while the whole army arrived.
Our braves, but few in umber, finding that the enemy paid no regard to age
or sex, and seeing that they were murdering helpless women and little
children, determined to fight until they were killed. As many women as
could, commenced swimming the Mississippi, with their children on their
backs. A number of them were drowned, and some shot before they could
reach the opposite shore.

One of my braves, who gave me this information, piled up some saddles
before him, (when the fight commenced), to shield himself from the enemy’s
fire, and killed three white men. But seeing that the whites were coming
too close to him, he crawled to the bank of the without being perceived,
and hid himself under the bank until the enemy retired. He then came to me
and told me what had been done. After hearing this sorrowful news, I
started with my little party to the Winnebago village at Prairie La Cross.
On my arrival there I entered the lodge of one of the chiefs, and told him
that I wished him to go with me to his father, that I intended giving
myself up to the American war chief and die, if the Great Spirit saw
proper. He said he would go with me. I then took my medicine bag and
addressed the chief. I told him that it was “the soul of the Sac nation—that
it never had been dishonored in any battle, take it, it is my life—dearer
than life—and give it to the American chief!” He said he would keep
it, and take care of it, and if I was suffered to live, he would send it
to me.

During my stay at the village, the squaws made me a white dress of deer
skin. I then started with several Winnebagoes, and went to their agent, at
Prairie du Chien, and gave myself up.

On my arrival there, I found to my sorrow, that a large body of Sioux had
pursued and killed a number of our women and children, who had got safely
across the Mississippi. The whites ought not to have permitted such
conduct, and none but cowards would ever have been guilty of such cruelty,
a habit which had always been practiced on our nation by the Sioux.

The massacre, which terminated the war, lasted about two hours. Our loss
in killed was about sixty, besides a number that was drowned. The loss of
the enemy could not be ascertained by my braves, exactly; but they think
that they killed about sixteen during the action.

I was now given up by the agent to the commanding officer at Fort
Crawford, the White Beaver having gone down the river. We remained here a
short time, and then started for Jefferson Barracks, in a steam boat,
under the charge of a young war chief, (Lieut. Jefferson Davis) who
treated us all with much kindness. He is a good and brave young chief,
with whose conduct I was much pleased. On our way down we called at Galena
and remained a short time. The people crowded to the boat to see us: but
the war chief would not permit them to enter the apartment where we were—knowing,
from what his feelings would have been if he had been placed in a similar
situation, that we did not wish to have a gaping crowd around us.

We passed Rock Island without stopping. The great war chief, Gen. Scott,
who was then at Fort Armstrong, came out in a small boat to see us, but
the captain of the steamboat would not allow anybody from the fort to come
on board his boat, in consequence of the cholera raging among the
soldiers. I did think that the captain ought to have permitted the war
chief to come on board to see me, because I could see no danger to be
apprehended by it. The war chief looked well, and I have since heard was
constantly among his soldiers, who were sick and dying, administering to
their wants, and had not caught the disease from them and I thought it
absurd to think that any of the people on the steamboat could be afraid of
catching the disease from a well man. But these people are not brave like
war chiefs, who never fear anything.

On our way down, I surveyed the country that had cost us so much trouble,
anxiety and blood, and that now caused me to be a prisoner of war. I
reflected upon the ingratitude of the whites when I saw their fine houses,
rich harvests and everything desirable around them; and recollected that
all this land had been ours, for which I and my people had never received
a dollar, and that the whites were not satisfied until they took our
village and our graveyards from us and removed us across the Mississippi.

On our arrival at Jefferson Barracks we met the great war chief, White
Beaver, who had commanded the American army against my little band. I felt
the humiliation of my situation; a little while before I had been leader
of my braves, now I was a prisoner of war, but had surrendered myself. He
received us kindly and treated us well.

We were now confined to the barracks and forced to wear the ball and
chain. This was extremely mortifying and altogether useless. Was the White
Beaver afraid I would break out of his barracks and run away? Or was he
ordered to inflict this punishment upon me? If I had taken him prisoner on
the field of battle I would not have wounded his feelings so much by such
treatment, knowing that a brave war chief would prefer death to dishonor.
But I do not blame the White Beaver for the course he pursued, as it is
the custom among the white soldiers, and I suppose was a part of his duty.

The time dragged heavily and gloomily along throughout the winter,
although the White Beaver did everything is his power to render us
comfortable. Having been accustomed, throughout a long life, to roam the
forests o’er, to go and come at liberty, confinement, and under such
circumstances, could not be less than torture.

We passed away the time making pipes until spring, when we were visited by
the agent, trader and interpreter, from Rock Island, Keokuk and several
chiefs and braves of our nation, and my wife and daughter. I was rejoiced
to see the two latter and spent my time very agreeably with them and my
people as long as they remained.

The trader, Sagenash, (Col. Davenport) presented me with some dried
venison, which had been killed and cured by some of my friends. This was a
valuable present, and although he had given me many before, none ever
pleased me so much. This was the first meat I had eaten for a long time
that reminded me of the former pleasures of my own wigwam, which had
always been stored with plenty.

Keokuk and his chiefs, during their stay at the barracks, petitioned our
Great Father, the president, to release us, and pledged themselves for our
good conduct. I now began to hope I would soon be restored to liberty and
the enjoyment of my family and friends, having heard that Keokuk stood
high in the estimation of our Great Father, because he did not join me in
the war, but I was soon disappointed in my hopes. An order came from our
Great Father to the White Beaver to send us on to Washington.

In a little while all were ready and left Jefferson Barracks on board of a
steamboat, under charge of a young war chief and one soldier, whom the
White Beaver sent along as a guide to Washington. We were accompanied by
Keokuk, wife and son, Appanooce, Wapello, Poweshiek, Pashippaho,
Nashashuk, Saukee, Musquaukee, and our interpreter. Our principal traders,
Col. Geo. Davenport, of Rock Island, and S. S. Phelps and clerk, William
Cousland, of the Yellow Banks, also accompanied us. On our way up the Ohio
we passed several large villages, the names of which were explained to me.
The first is called Louisville, and is a very petty village, situated on
the bank of the Ohio River. The next is Cincinnati, which stands on the
bank of the same river. This is a large and beautiful village and seemed
to be in a thriving condition. The people gathered on the bank as we
passed, in great crowds, apparently anxious to see us.

On our arrival at Wheeling the streets and river banks were crowded with
people, who flocked from every direction to see us. While we remained here
many called upon us and treated us with kindness, no one offering to
molest or misuse us. This village is not so large as either of those
before mentioned, but is quite a pretty one.

We left the steamboat then, having traveled a long distance on the
prettiest river I ever saw (except our Mississippi) and took the stage.
Being unaccustomed to this mode of traveling, we soon got tired and wished
ourselves seated in a canoe on one of our own rivers, that we might return
to our friends. We had traveled but a short distance before our carriage
turned over, from which I received a slight injury, and the soldier had
one arm broken. I was sorry for this accident, as the young man had
behaved well.

We had a rough and mountainous country for several days, but had a good
trail for our carriage. It is astonishing what labor and pains the white
people have had to make this road, as it passes over several mountains,
which are generally covered with rocks and timber, yet it has been made
smooth and easy to travel upon.

Rough and mountainous as this country is there are many wigwams and small
villages standing on the roadside. I could see nothing in the country to
induce the people to live in it, and was astonished to find so many whites
living on the hills.

I have often thought of them since my return to my own people, and am
happy to think that they prefer living in their own country to coming out
to ours and driving us from it, as many of the whites have already done. I
think with them, that wherever the Great Spirit places his people they
ought to be satisfied to remain, and be thankful for what He has given
them, and not drive others from the country He has given them because it
happens to be better then theirs. This is contrary to our way of thinking,
and from my intercourse with the whites, I have learned that one great
principle of their religion is “to do unto others as you wish them to do
unto you.” Those people in the mountains seem to act upon this principle,
but the settlers on our frontiers and on our lands seem never to think of
it, if we are to judge by their actions.

The first village of importance that we came to, after leaving the
mountains, is called Hagerstown. It is a large village to be so far from a
river and is very pretty. The people appear to live well and enjoy
themselves much.

We passed through several small villages on the way to Fredericktown, but
I have forgotten their names. This last is a large and beautiful village.
The people treated us well, as they did at all other villages where we
stopped.

Here we came to another road much more wonderful than that through the
mountains. They call it a railroad, (the Baltimore and Ohio). I examined
it carefully, but need not describe it, as the whites know all about it.
It is the most astonishing sight I ever saw. The great road over the
mountains will bear no comparison to it, although it has given the white
people much trouble to make. I was surprised to see so much money and
labor expended to make a good road for easy traveling. I prefer riding
horse back, however, to any other way, but suppose these people would not
have gone to so much trouble and expense to make a road if they did not
prefer riding in their new fashioned carriages, which seem to run without
any trouble, being propelled by steam on the same principle that boats are
on the river. They certainly deserve great praise for their industry.

On our arrival at Washington, we called to see our Great Father, the
President. He looks as if he had seen as many winters as I have, and seems
to be a great brave. I had very little talk with him, as he appeared to be
busy and did not seem to be much disposed to talk. I think he is a good
man; and although he talked but little, he treated us very well. His
wigwam is well furnished with every thing good and pretty, and is very
strongly built.

He said he wished to know the cause of my going to war against his white
children. I thought he ought to have known this before; and consequently
said but little to him about it, as I expected he knew as well as I cold
tell him.

He said he wanted us to go to Fortress Monroe and stay awhile with the war
chief who commanded it. But having been so long from my people, I told him
that I would rather return to my nation; that Keokuk had come here once on
a visit to him, as we had done, and he had let him return again, as soon
as he wished, and that I expected to be treated in the same manner. He
insisted, however, on our going to Fortress Monroe; and as the interpreter
then present could not understand enough of our language to interpret a
speech, I concluded it was best to obey our Great Father, and say nothing
contrary to his wishes.

During our stay at the city, we were called upon by many of the people,
who treated us well, particularly the squaws; we visited the great council
home of the Americans; the place where they keep their big guns; and all
the public buildings, and then started for Fortress Monroe. The war chief
met us on our arrival, and shook hands, and appeared glad to see me. He
treated us with great friendship, and talked to me frequently. Previous to
our leaving this fort, he made us a feast, and gave us some presents,
which I intend to keep for his sake. He is a very good man and a great
brave. I was sorry to leave him, although I was going to return to my
people, because he had treated me like a brother, during all the time I
remained with him.

Having got a new guide, a war chief (Maj. Garland), we started for our own
country, taking a circuitous route. Our Great Father being about to pay a
visit to his children in the big towns towards sunrise, and being desirous
that we should have an opportunity of seeing them, had directed our guide
to take us through.

On our arrival at Baltimore, we were much astonished to see so large a
village; but the war chief told us we would soon see a larger one. This
surprised us more. During our stay here, we visited all the public
buildings and places of amusement, saw much to admire, and were well
entertained by the people who crowded to see us. Our Great Father was
there at the same time, and seemed to be much liked by his white children,
who flocked around him, (as they had around us) to shake him by the hand.
He did not remain long, having left the city before us. In an interview,
while here, the President said:

“When I saw you in Washington, I told you that you had behaved very badly
in going to war against the whites. Your conduct then compelled me to send
my warriors against you, and your people were defeated with great loss,
and several of you surrendered, to be kept until I should be satisfied
that you would not try to do any more injury. I told you, too, that I
would inquire whether your people wished you to return, and whether, if
you did return, there would be any danger to the frontier. Gen. Clark and
Gen. Atkinson, whom you know, have informed me that your principal chief
and the rest of your people are anxious you should return, and Keokuk has
asked me to send you back. Your chiefs have pledged themselves for your
good conduct, and I have given directions that you should be taken to your
own country.

“Major Garland, who is with you, will conduct you through some of our
towns. You will see the strength of the white people. You will see that
our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods. What can you do
against us? You may kill a few women and children, but such a force would
seen be sent against you as would destroy your whole tribe. Let the red
men hunt and take care of their families. I hope they will not again raise
the tomahawk against their white brethren. We do not wish to injure you.
We desire your prosperity and improvement. But if you again make war
against our people, I shall send a force which will severely punish you.
When you go back, listen to the councils of Keokuk and the other friendly
chiefs; bury the tomahawk and live in peace with the people on the
frontier. And I pray the Great Spirit to give you a smooth path and a fair
sky to return.”

I was pleased with our Great Father’s talk and thanked him. Told him that
the tomahawk had been buried so deep that it would never be resurrected,
and that my remaining days would be spent in peace with all my white
brethren.

We left Baltimore in a steamboat, and traveled in this way to the big
village, where they make medals and money, (Philadelphia.) We again
expressed surprise at finding this village so much larger than the one we
had left; but the war chief again told us we would see another much larger
than this. I had no idea that the white people had such large villages,
and so many people. They were very kind to us, showed us all their great
public works, their ships and steamboats. We visited the place where they
make money, (the mint) and saw the men engaged at it. They presented each
of us with a number of pieces of the coin as they fell from the mint,
which are very handsome.

I witnessed a militia training in this city, in which were performed a
number of singular military feats. The chiefs and men were all well
dressed, and exhibited quite a warlike appearance. I think our system of
military parade far better than that of the whites, but as I am now done
going to war I will not describe it, or say anything more about war, or
the preparations necessary for it.

We next started for New York, and on our arrival near the wharf, saw a
large collection of people gathered at Castle Garden. We had seen many
wonderful sights in our way—large villages, the great national road
over the mountains, the railroad, steam carriages, ships, steamboat, and
many other things; but we were now about to witness a sight more
surprising than any of these. We were told that a man was going up in the
air in a balloon. We watched with anxiety to see if this could be true;
and to our utter astonishment, saw him ascend in the air until the eye
could no longer perceive him. Our people were all surprised and one of our
young men asked the Prophet if he was going up to see the Great Spirit?

After the ascension of the balloon, we landed and got into a carriage to
go to the house that had been provided for our reception. We had proceeded
but a short distance before the street was so crowded that it was
impossible for the carriage to pass. The war chief then directed the
coachman to take another street, and stop at a different house from the
one we had intended. On our arrival here we were waited upon by a number
of gentlemen, who seemed much pleased to see us. We were furnished with
good rooms, good provisions, and everything necessary for our comfort.

The chiefs of this big village, being desirous that all their people
should have an opportunity to see us, fitted up their great council home
for this purpose, where we saw an immense number of people; all of whom
treated us with great friendship, and many with great generosity. One of
their great chiefs, John A. Graham, waited upon us and made a very pretty
talk, which appeared in the village papers, one of which I now hand you.

MR. GRAHAM’S SPEECH.

“BROTHERS: Open your ears. You are brave men. You have fought like tigers,
but in a bad cause. We have conquered you. We were sorry last year that
you raised the tomahawk against us; but we believe you did not know us
then as you do now. We think, in time to come, you will be wise, and that
we shall be friends forever. You see that we are a great people, numerous
as the flowers of the field, as the shells on the sea shore, or the fishes
in the sea, We put one hand on the eastern, and at the same time the other
on the western ocean. We all act together. If some time our great men talk
long and loud at our council fires, but shed one drop of white men’s
blood, our young warriors, as thick as the stars of the night, will leap
aboard of our great boats, which fly on the waves and over the lakes—swift
as the eagle in the air—then penetrate the woods, make the big guns
thunder, and the whole heavens red with the flames of the dwellings of
their enemies. Brothers, the President has made you a great talk. He has
but one mouth. That one has sounded the sentiments of all the people.
Listen to what he has said to you. Write it on your memories, it is good,
very good.

“Black Hawk, take these jewels, a pair of topaz earrings, beautifully set
in gold, for your wife or daughter, as a token of friendship, keeping
always in mind, that women and children are the favorites of the Great
Spirit. These jewels are from an old man, whose head is whitened with the
snows of seventy winters, an old man who has thrown down his bow, put off
his sword, and now stands leaning on his staff, waiting the commands of
the Great Spirit. Look around you, see all this mighty people, then go to
your homes, open your arms to receive your families. Tell them to buy the
hatchet, to make bright the chain of friendship, to love the white men,
and to live in peace with them, as long as the rivers run into the sea,
and the sun rises and sets. If you do so, you will be happy. You will then
insure the prosperity of unborn generations of your tribes, who will go
hand in hand with the sons of the white men, and all shall be blessed by
the Great Spirit. Peace and happiness by the blessing of the Great Spirit
attend you. Farewell.”

In reply to this fine talk, I said, “Brother: We like your talk. We like
the white people. They are very kind to us. We shall not forget it. Your
council is good. We shall attend to it. Your valuable present shall go to
my squaw. We shall always be friends.”

The chiefs were particular in showing us everything that they thought
would be pleasing or gratifying to us. We went with them to Castle Garden
to see the fire-works, which was quite an agreeable entertainment, but to
the whites who witnessed it, less magnificent than would have been the
sight of one of our large prairies when on fire.

We visited all the public buildings and places of amusement, which, to us,
were truly astonishing yet very gratifying.

Everybody treated us with friendship, and many with great liberality. The
squaws presented us many handsome little presents that are said to be
valuable. They were very kind, very good, and very pretty—for
pale-faces.

Among the men, who treated us with marked friendship, by the presentation
of many valuable presents, I cannot omit to mention the name of my old
friend Crooks, of the American Fur Company. I have known him long, and
have always found him to be a good chief, one who gives good advice, and
treats our people right. I shall always be proud to recognize him as a
friend, and glad to shake him by the hand.

Being anxious to return to our people, our guide started with us for our
own country. On arriving at Albany, the people were so anxious to see us,
that they crowded the streets and wharfs, where the steamboats landed, so
much, that it was almost impossible for us to pass to the hotel which had
been provided for our reception. We remained here but a short time, it
being a comparatively small village, with only a few large public
buildings. The great council home of the state is located here, and the
big chief (the governor) resides here, in an old mansion. From here we
went to Buffalo, thence to Detroit, where I had spent many pleasant days,
and anticipated, on my arrival, to meet many of my old friends, but in
this I was disappointed. What could be the cause of this? Are they all
dead? Or what has become of them? I did not see our old father them, who
had always given me good advice and treated me with great friendship.

After leaving Detroit it was but a few days before we landed at Prairie du
Chien. The war chief at the fort treated us very kindly, as did the people
generally. I called on the agent of the Winnebagoes, (Gen. J. M. Street),
to whom I had surrendered myself after the battle at Bad Axe, who received
me very friendly. I told him that I had left my great medicine bag with
his chiefs before I gave myself up; and now, that I was to enjoy my
liberty again, I was anxious to get it, that I might head it down to my
nation unsullied.

He said it was safe; he had heard his chiefs speak of it, and would get it
and send it to me. I hope he will not forget his promise, as the whites
generally do, because I have always heard that he was a good man, and a
good father, and made no promise that he did not fulfill.

Passing down the Mississippi, I discovered a large collection of people in
the mining country, on the west side of the river, and on the ground that
we had given to our relation, DUBUQUE, a long time ago. I was surprised at
this, As I had understood from our Great Father that the Mississippi was
to be the dividing line between his red and white children, and he did not
wish either to cross it. I was much pleased with this talk, and I knew it
would be much better for both parties. I have since found the country much
settled by the whites further down, and near to our people, on the west
side of the river. I am very much afraid that in a few years they will
begin to drive and abuse our people, as they have formerly done. I may not
live to see it, but I feel certain the day is not far distant.

When we arrived at Rock Island, Keokuk and the other chiefs were sent for.
They arrived the next day with a great number of their young men, and came
over to see me. I was pleased to see them, and they all appeared glad to
see me. Among them were some who had lost relations the year before. When
we met, I perceived the tear of sorrow gush from their eyes at the
recollection of their loss, yet they exhibited a smiling countenance, from
the joy they felt at seeing me alive and well.

The next morning, the war chief, our guide, convened a council at Fort
Armstrong. Keokuk and his party went to the fort; but, in consequence of
the war chief not having called for me to accompany him, I concluded that
I would wait until I was sent for. Consequently, the interpreter came and
said, “they were ready, and had been waiting for me to come to the fort.”
I told him I was ready and would accompany him. On our arrival there the
council commenced. The war chief said that the object of this council was
to deliver me up to Keokuk. He then read a paper, and directed me to
follow Keokuk’s advice, and be governed by his counsel in all things! In
this speech he said much that was mortifying to my feelings, and I made an
indignant reply.

I do not know what object the war chief had in making such a speech; or
whether he intended what he said; but I do know that it was uncalled for,
and did not become him. I have addressed many war chiefs and listened to
their speeches with pleasure, but never had my feelings of pride and honor
insulted on any other occasion. But I am sorry I was so hasty in reply to
this chief, because I said that which I did not intend.

In this council I met my old friend (Col. Wm. Davenport,) whom I had known
about eighteen years. He is a good and brave chief. He always treated me
well, and gave me good advice. He made me a speech on this occasion, very
different from that of the other chief. It sounded like coming from a
brave. He said he had known me a long time, that we had been good friends
during that acquaintance, and, although he had fought against my braves,
in our late war, he still extended the hand of friendship to me, and hoped
that I was now satisfied, from what I had seen in my travels, that it was
folly to think of going to war against the whites, and would ever remain
at peace. He said he would be glad to see me at all times, and on all
occasions would be happy to give me good advice.

If our Great Father were to make such men our agents he would much better
subserve the interests of our people, as well as his own, than in any
other way. The war chiefs all know our people, and are respected by them.
If the war chiefs at the different military posts on the frontier were
made agents, they could always prevent difficulties from arising among the
Indians and whites; and I have no doubt, had the war chief above alluded
to been our agent, we would never have had the difficulties with the
whites we have had. Our agents ought always to be braves. I would,
therefore, recommend to our Great Father the propriety of breaking up the
present Indian establishment, and creating a new one, and make the
commanding officers at the different frontier posts the agents of the
Government for the different nations of Indians.

I have a good opinion of the American war chiefs generally with whom I am
acquainted, and my people, who had an opportunity of seeing and becoming
well acquainted with the great war chief (Gen. Winfield Scott), who made
the last treaty with them, in conjunction with the great chief of Illinois
(Governor Reynolds), all tell me that he is the greatest brave they ever
saw, and a good man—one who fulfills his premises. Our braves spoke
more highly of him than of any chief that had ever been among us, or made
treaties with us. Whatever he says may be depended upon. If he had been
our Great Father we never would have been compelled to join the British in
the last war with America, and I have thought that as our Great Father is
changed every few years, that his children would do well to put this great
war chief in his place, for they cannot find a better chief for a Great
Father anywhere.

I would be glad if the village criers (editors), in all the villages I
passed through, would let their people know my wishes and opinions about
this great war chief.

During my travels my opinions were asked for on different subjects, but
for want of a good interpreter (our regular interpreter having gone home
on a different route), were seldom given. Presuming that they would be
equally acceptable now, I have thought it a part of my duty to lay the
most important before the public.

The subject of colonizing the negroes was introduced and my opinion asked
as to the best method of getting clear of these people. I was not fully
prepared at that time to answer, as I knew but little about their
situation. I have since made many inquiries on the subject, and find that
a number of States admit no slaves, whilst the balance hold these negroes
as slaves, and are anxious, but do not know how to get clear of them. I
will now give my plan, which, when understood, I hope will be adopted.

Let the free States remove all the male negroes within their limits to the
slave States; then let our Great Father buy all the female negroes in the
slave States between the ages of twelve and twenty, and sell them to the
people of the free States, for a term of years, say those under fifteen
until they are twenty-one, and those of and over fifteen, for five years,
and continue to buy all the females in the slave States as soon as they
arrive at the age of twelve, and take them to the free States and dispose
of them in the same way as the first, and it will not be long before the
country is clear of the black-skins, about which I am told they have been
talking for a long time, and for which they have expended a large amount
of money.

I have no doubt but our Great Father would willingly do his part in
accomplishing this object for his children, as he could not lose much by
it, and would make them all happy. If the free States did not want them
all for servants, we would take the balance in our nation to help our
women make corn.

I have not time now, or is it necessary to enter more into detail about my
travels through the United States. The white people know all about them,
and my people have started to their hunting grounds and I am anxious to
follow them.

Before I take leave of the public, I must contradict the story of some of
the village criers, who, I have been told, accuse me of having murdered
women ad children among the whites. This assertion is false! I never did,
nor have I any knowledge that any of my nation ever killed a white woman
or child. I make this statement of truth to satisfy the white people among
whom I have been traveling, and by whom I have been treated with great
kindness, that, when they shook me by the hand so cordially, they did not
shake the hand that had ever been raised against any but warriors.

It has always been our custom to receive all strangers that come to our
village or camps in time of peace on terms of friendship, to share with
them the best provisions we have, and give them all the assistance in our
power. If on a journey or lost, to put them on the right trail, and if in
want of moccasins, to supply them. I feel grateful to the whites for the
kind manner they treated me and my party whilst traveling among them, and
from my heart I assure them that the white man will always be welcome in
our village or camps, as a brother. The tomahawk is buried forever! We
will forget what has passed, and may the watchword between the Americans
and he Sacs and Foxes ever be—FRIENDSHIP.

I am done now. A few more moons and I must follow my fathers to the
shades. May the Great Spirit keep our people and the whites always at
peace, is the sincere wish of

STARTS FOR A NEW HOME.

After we had finished his autobiography the interpreter read it over to
him carefully, and explained it thoroughly, so that he might make any
needed corrections, by adding to, or taking from the narrations; but he
did not desire to change it in any material matter. He said, “It contained
nothing but the truth, and that it was his desire that the white people in
the big villages he had visited should know how badly he had been treated,
and the reason that had impelled him to act as he had done.” Arrangements
having been completed for moving to his new home, he left Rock Island on
the 10th of October with his family and a small portion of his band, for
his old hunting grounds on Skunk river, on the west side of the
Mississippi river below Shokokon. Here he had a comfortable dwelling
erected, and settled down with the expectation of making it his permanent
home, thus spending the evening of his days in peace and quietude.

Our next meeting with the Chief was in the Autumn Of 1834 while on our way
to the trading house of Captain William Phelps (now of Lewistown, Ills.),
at Sweet Home, located on the bank of the Des Moines river. This was soon
after the payment of the annuities at Rock Island, where the chiefs and
head men had been assembled and received the money and divided it among
their people by such rule as they saw fit to adopt; but this mode of
distribution had proved very unsatisfactory to a large number of Indians
who felt that they had been sorely wronged. The Sacs held a convocation at
Phelps’ trading house soon after our arrival, and petitioned their Great
Father to change the mode of payment of their annuities. Black Hawk was a
leading spirit in this movement, but thought best not to be present at the
meeting. The writer of this drew up a petition in advance of the
assembling of the meeting, in accordance with the views of the Messrs.
Phelps, and after a short council, in which the Indians generally
participated, the interpreter read and explained to them the petition,
which was a simple prayer to their Great Father, to charge the mode of
payment so that each head of a family should receive and receipt for his
proportion of the annuity. They were all satisfied and the entire party
“touched the goose quill,” and their names were thus duly attached to this
important document.

The Secretary of War had long favored this mode of payment of the
annuities to the Indians, and at a meeting of the Cabinet to consider this
petition the prayer of the Indians was granted, and in due time the Indian
department received instructions, so that upon the payment of 1835 this
rule was adopted. On his return from Rock Island, Black Hawk, with a
number of his band, called on his old friend Wahwashenequa (Hawkeye), Mr.
Stephen S. Phelps, to buy their necessary supplies for making a fall hunt,
and to learn at what points trading houses would be established for the
winter trade. During their stay the old chief had frequent interviews with
the writer (his former amanuensis). He said he had a very comfortable
home, a good corn field, and plenty of game, and had been well treated by
the few whites who had settled in his neighborhood. He spent several days
with us and then left for home with a good winter outfit.

The change in the manner of payment of annuities would have been opposed
by Keokuk and his head men, had they been let into the secret, as the
annuity money when paid over was principally controlled by him, and always
to the detriment of the Sacs’ traders who were in opposition to the
American Fur Company, the former having to rely almost entirely upon the
fall and winter trade in furs and peltries to pay the credits given the
Indians before leaving for their hunts.

BLACK HAWK’S LAST VISIT

To Yellow Banks was in the fall of 1836, after the town of Oquawka had
been laid out, and when told that the town had taken the Indian name,
instead of its English interpretation, he was very much gratified, as he
had known it as Oquawka ever since his earliest recollection and had
always made it a stopping place when going out to their winter camps. He
said the Skunk river country was dotted over with Cabins all the way down
to the Des Moines river, and was filling up very fast by white people. A
new village had been started at Shokokon (Flint Hills) by the whites, and
some of its people have already built good houses, but the greater number
are still living in log cabins. They should have retained its Indian name,
Shokokon, as our people have spent many happy days in this village. Here
too, we had our council house in which the braves of the Sac nation have
many times assembled to listen to my words of counsel. It was situated in
a secluded but romantic spot in the midst of the bluffs, not far from the
river, and on frequent occasions, when it became necessary to send out
parties to make war on the Sioux to redress our grievances, I have
assembled my braves here to give them counsel before starting on he
war-path. And here, too, we have often met when starting out in the fall
for our fall and winter’s hunt, to counsel in regard to our several
locations for the winter. In those days the Fur Company had a trading
house here and their only neighbors were the resident Indians of Tama’s
town, located a few miles above on the river.

The Burlington Hawk-Eye, of a late date, in reference to this
council house, says:

“A little distance above the water works, and further around the turn of
the bluff is a natural amphitheater, formed by the action of the little
stream that for ages has dripped and gurgled down its deep and narrow
channel to the river. It is a straight, clear cut opening in the hill
side, slightly rising till at a distance of seventy-five or one hundred
yards from the face of the bluff it terminates as suddenly and sharply as
do the steeply sloping sides.

“Well back in this grassy retreat, upon a little projection of earth that
elevates it above the surrounding surface, lies a huge granite boulder. In
connection with the surroundings it gives to the place the appearance of a
work of man, everything is so admirably arranged for a council chamber.
Here, it is rumored by tradition, the dusky warriors of the Sacs gathered
to listen in attentive silence to the words of their leader, Black Hawk,
who from his rocky rostrum addressed the motionless groups that strewed
the hill sides; motionless under his addresses and by them aroused to
deeds of darkness and crafty daring that made the name of their chief a
synonym with all things terrible.

“Whatever of truth this story may contain we cannot say, and it may be no
one knows. Certain it is, however, that Black Hawk’s early history is
intimately linked and interwoven with that of our city, and in justice to
a brave man and a soldier, as well as a ‘first settler’ and a citizen, his
name and his last resting place should be rescued from the oblivion that
will soon enshroud them.”

Another village has been commenced by the whites on the Mississippi river,
at Fort Madison, which is being built up very rapidly. The country, too,
is fast settling up by farmers, and as the Sacs have made a settlement on
the frontier farther west, on our old hunting grounds, he said he would
have to move farther back so as to be near his people; and on bidding us
farewell, said it might be the last time, as he was growing old, and the
distance would be too great from the point at which he intended to build a
house and open a little farm to make a visit on horseback, and as the Des
Moines river is always low in the fall of the year he could not come in
his canoe.

At the close of the summer of 1837 the President of the United States
invited deputations from several tribes Of Indians residing on the Upper
Mississippi to visit him at Washington. Among those who responded to his
invitation were deputations from the Sacs and Foxes and Sioux, who had
been at enmity, and between whom hostilities had been renewed, growing out
of their inhuman treatment of many of the women and children of the Sacs,
after they had made their escape from the battle of Bad Axe, at the close
of the war.

Keokuk, principal chief of the Sacs and Foxes, (by the advice of his
friend, Sagenash, Col. George Davenport, of Rock Island) invited Black
Hawk to join his delegation, which invitation he readily accepted, and
made one of the party; whilst the Sioux were represented by several of
their crafty chiefs. Several counsels were held, the object of which was
to establish peace between the Sacs and Foxes and Sioux, and in order to
perpetuate it, make a purchase of a portion of the country of the Sioux,
which territory should be declared neutral, and on which neither party
should intrude for any purpose; but the Sioux, whose domain extends far
and wide, would not consent to sell any of their land; hence nothing was
accomplished.

Before returning to their county the Sac and Fox delegation visited the
large cities in the East, in all of which Black Hawk attracted great
attention; but more particularly in Boston, as he did not visit it during
his former tour. The delegation embraced Keokuk, his wife and little son,
four chiefs of the nation, Black Hawk and son, and several warriors. Here
they were received and welcomed by the mayor of the city, and afterwards
by Governor Everett as the representative of the State. On the part of the
city, after a public reception, the doors of Faneuil Hall were opened to
their visitors to hold a levee for the visits of the ladies, and in a very
short time the “old cradle of liberty” was jammed full.

After dinner the delegation was escorted to the State House by a military
company, and on their arrival were conspicuously seated in front of the
Speakers’ desk, the house being filled with ladies, members of the
legislature, and dignitaries of the city council.

Governor Everett then addressed the audience, giving a brief history of
the Sac and Fox tribe, whose principal chiefs (including the great war
chief) were then present, and then turning to them hi said: “Chiefs and
warriors of the united Sacs and Foxes, you are welcome to our hall of
council. Brothers, you have come a long way from your home to visit your
white brethren; we rejoice to take you by the hand. Brothers, we have
heard the names of your chiefs and warriors. Our brethren who have
traveled in the West have told us a great deal about the Sacs and Foxes.
We rejoice to see you with our own eyes.

“Brothers, our faces are pale, and your faces are dark, but our hearts are
alike. The Great Spirit has made His children of different colors, but He
loves them all.

“Brothers, you dwell between the Mississippi and Missouri. They are mighty
rivers. They have one branch far East in the Alleghanies and another far
West in the Rocky Mountains, but they flow together at last into one great
stream and ran down into the sea. In like manner the red man dwells in the
West and the white man in the East, by the great water; but they are all
one band, one family. It has many branches; but one head.

“Brothers, as you entered our council house, you beheld the image of our
great father, Washington. It is a cold stone; it cannot speak to you, but
he was the friend of the red man, and bade his children live in friendship
with their red brethren. He is gone to the world of spirits, but his words
have made a very deep print in our hearts, like the step of a strong
buffalo on the soft clay of the prairie.

“Brother, (addressing Keokuk) I perceive your little son between your
knees. May the Great Spirit preserve his life, my brother. He grows up
before you, like the tender sapling by the side of the great oak. May they
flourish for a long time together; and when the mighty oak is fallen on
the ground may the young tree fill its place in the forest, and spread out
its branches over the tribe.

“Brothers, I make you a short talk and again bid you welcome to our
council hall.”

Keokuk rose and made an eloquent address. Several of the other chiefs
spoke, and after them the old war chief, Black Hawk, on whom the large
crowd were looking with intense interest, arose and delivered a short but
dignified address.

Presents were then distributed to them by the Governor. Keokuk received a
splendid sword and a brace of pistols, his son a nice little rifle, the
other chiefs long swords, and Black Hawk a sword and brace of pistols.

After the close of ceremonies in the Capitol, the Indians gave a
exhibition of the war dance, in the common in front of the Capitol, in
presence of thirty thousand spectators, and then returned to their
quarters.

BLACK HAWK’S REMOVAL TO THE DES MOINES RIVER.

Soon after his return from Boston he removed his family and little band
farther West, on the Des Moines river, near the storehouse of an Indian
trader, where he had previously erected a good house for his future home.
His family embraced his wife, two sons, Nashashuk and Gamesett, and an
only daughter and her husband. As he had given up the chase entirely—having
sufficient means from the annuities—he now turned his attention to
the improvement of his grounds, and soon had everything comfortably around
him. Here he had frequent visits from the whites, who came out in large
numbers to look at the country, many of whom called through curiosity to
see the great war chief, but all were made welcome and treated with great
hospitality.

In 1838 Fort Madison had grown to be a little village, and its inhabitants
were not only enterprising and industrious, but patriotic citizens. On the
4th of July of that year they had a celebration and having known and
respected Black Hawk while residing in that part of the country, invited
him to join them as a guest on that occasion.

In reply to a letter of B.F. Drake, Esq., of Cincinnati, asking for such
incidents in the life of Black Hawk as he knew, Hon. W. Henry Starr, of
Burlington, Iowa, whom we knew for many years as a highly honorable and
intelligent gentleman, gave the following account of the celebration in
his reply, dated March 21, 1839:

“On the 4th of July, 1838, Black Hawk was present by special invitation,
and was the most conspicuous guest of the citizens assembled in
commemoration of that day. Among the toasts called forth by the occasion
was the following:

“‘Our illustrious guest, Black Hawk: May his declining years be as calm
and serene as his previous life has been boisterous and full of warlike
incidents. His attachment and great friendship to his white brethren,
fully entitle him to a seat at our festive board.'”

“So soon as this sentiment was drank, Black Hawk arose and delivered the
following speech, which was taken down at the time by two interpreted, and
by them furnished for publication:

“It has pleased the Great Spirit that I am here to-day. I have eaten with
my white friends. The earth is our mother—we are now on it—with
the Great Spirit above us—it is good. I hope we are all friends
here. A few summers ago I was fighting against you—I did wrong,
perhaps; but that is past—it is buried—let it be forgotten.

“Rock river was a beautiful country—liked my towns, my cornfields,
and the home of my people. I fought for it. It is now yours—keep it
as we did—it will produce you good crops.

“I thank the Great Spirit that I am now friendly with my white brethren—we
are here together—we have eaten together—we are friends—it
is his wish and mine. I thank you for your friendship.

“I was once a great warrior-I am now poor. Keokuk has been the cause of my
present situation—but do not attach blame to him. I am now old. I
have looked upon the Mississippi since I have been a child. I love the
Great river. I have dwelt upon its banks from the time I was an infant. I
look upon it now. I shake hands with you, and as it is my wish, I hope you
are my friends.’

“In the course of the day he was prevailed upon to drink several times,
and became somewhat intoxicated, an uncommon circumstance, as he was
generally temperate.

“In the autumn of 1837, he was at the house of an Indian trader, in the
vicinity of Burlington, when I became acquainted and frequently convened
with him in broken English, and through the medium of gestures and
pantomine. A deep seated melancholy was apparent in his countenance, and
conversation. He endeavored to make me comprehend, on one occasion, his
former greatness, and represented that he was once master of the country,
east, north, and south of us—that he had been a very successful
warrior-called himself, smiting his breast, ‘big Captain Black Hawk,’
‘nesso Kaskaskias,’ (killed the Kaskaskias,) ‘nesso Sioux a heap,’ (killed
a great number of Sioux). He then adverted to the ingratitude of his
tribe, in permitting Keokuk to supercede him, who, he averred, excelled
him in nothing but drinking whisky.

“Toward Keokuk he felt the most unrelenting hatred. Keokuk was, however,
beyond his influence, being recognized as chief of the tribe by the
government of the United States. He unquestionably possessed talents of
the first order, excelled as an orator, but his authority will probably be
short-lived, on account of his dissipation and his profligacy in spending
the money paid him for the benefit of his tribe, and which he squanders
upon himself and a few favorites, through whose influence he seeks to
maintain his authority.

“You inquire if Black Hawk was at the battle of the Thames? On one
occasion I mentioned Tecumthe to him and he expressed the greatest joy
that I had heard of him, and pointing away to the East, and making a
feint, as if aiming a gun, said, ‘Chemocoman (white man) nesso,’ (kill.)
From which I had no doubt of his being personally acquainted with
Tecumthe, and I have been since informed, on good authority, that he was
in the battle of the Thames and in several other engagements with that
distinguished chief.”

In September, 1838, he started with the head men of his little band to go
to Rock Island, the place designated by the Agent, to receive their
annuities, but was taken sick on the way and had to return to his home. He
was confined to his bed about two weeks, and on the 3d day of October,
1838, he was called away by the Great Spirit to take up his abode in the
happy grounds of the future, at the age of seventy-one years. His devoted
wife and family were his only and constant attendants during his last
sickness, and when brought home sick, she had a premonition that he would
soon be called away.

The following account of his death and burial we take from the Burlington
Hawk-Eye, and as we knew the writer as a reliable gentleman, many years
ago, we have no doubt of it being strictly correct.

Captain James H. Jordan, a trader among the Sacs and Foxes before Black
Hawk’s death, was present at his burial, and is now residing on the very
spot where he died. In reply to a letter of inquiry he writes as follows:

ELDON, Iowa, July 15, 1881.

Black Hawk was buried on the northeast quarter of the southeast quarter of
section 2, township 70, range 12, Davis county, Iowa, near the northeast
corner of the county, on the Des Moines river bottom, about ninety rods
from where he lived when he died, and the north side of the river. I have
the ground on which he lived for a door yard, it being between my house
and the river. The only mound over the gave was some puncheons split out
and set over his grave and then sodded over with blue gross, making a
ridge about four feet high. A flag-staff, some twenty feet high, was
planted at the head, on which was a silk flag, which hung there until the
wind wore it out. My house and his were only about four rods apart when he
died. He was sick only about fourteen days. He was buried right where he
sat the year before, when in council with Iowa Indians, and was buried in
a suit of military clothes, made to order and given to him when in
Washington City by General Jackson, with hat, sword, gold epaulets, etc.,
etc.

The Annals of Iowa of 1863 and 1864 state that the old chief was buried by
laying his body on a board, his feet fifteen inches below the surface of
the ground, and his head raised three feet above the ground. He was
dressed in a military uniform, said to have been presented to him by a
member of General Jackson’s cabinet, with a cap on his head ornamented
with feathers. On his left side was a sword presented him by General
Jackson; on his right side a cane presented to him by Henry Clay, and one
given to him by a British officer, and other trophies. Three medals hung
about his neck from President Jackson, ex-President John Quincy Adams and
the city of Boston, respectively. The body was covered with boards on each
side, the length of the body, which formed a ridge, with an open space
below; the gables being closed by boards, and the whole was covered with
sod. At the head was a flag-staff thirty-five feet high which bore an
American flag worn out by exposure, and near by was the usual hewn post
inscribed with Indian characters representing his war-like exploits, etc.
Enclosing all was a strong circular picket fence twelve feet high. His
body remained here until July, 1839, when it was carried off by a certain
Dr. Turner, then living at Lexington, Van Buren county, Iowa. Captain Horn
says the bones were carried to Alton, Ills., to be mounted with wire. Mr.
Barrows says they were taken to Warsaw, Ills. Black Hawk’s sons, when they
heard of this desecration of their father’s grave, were very indignant,
and complained of it to Governor Lucas of Iowa Territory, and his
excellency caused the bones to be brought back to Burlington in the fall
of 1839, or the spring of 1840. When the sons came to take possession of
them, finding them safely stored “in a good dry place” they left them
there. The bones were subsequently placed in the collection of the
Burlington Geological and Historical Society, and it is certain that they
perished in the fire which destroyed the building and all the society’s
collections in 1855; though the editor of the Annals, (April, 1865, p.
478) says there is good reason to believe that the bones were not
destroyed by the fire, and he is “creditably informed that they are now at
the residence of a former officer of said society and thus escaped that
catastrophe.”

Another account, however, and probably a more reliable one, states that
the last remains of Black Hawk were consumed as stated, in the burning
building containing the collections and properties of the Burlington
Geological and Historical Society.

In closing this narrative of the life of this noble old chief it may be
but just to speak briefly of his personal traits. He was an Indian, and
from that standpoint we must judge him. The make-up of his character
comprised those elements in a marked degree which constitutes a noble
nature. In all the social relations of life he was kind and affable. In
his house he was the affectionate husband and father. He was free from the
many vices that others of his race had contracted from their associations
with the white people, never using intoxicating beverages to excess. As a
warrior he knew no fear, and on the field of battle his feats of personal
prowess stamped him as the “bravest of the brave.”

But it was rather as a speaker and counsellor that he was distinguished.
His patriotism, his love of his country, his home, his lands and the
rights of his people to their wide domain, moved his great soul to take up
arms to protect the rights of his people. Revenge and conquest formed no
part of his purpose. Right was all that he demanded, and for that
he waged the unequal contests with the whites. With his tribe he had great
personal influence and his young men received his counsel and advice, and
yielded ready acquiescence in his admonitions. With other tribes he was
held in high esteem, as well as by English and American soldiers, who had
witnessed his prowess on the field of battle.

THE BLACK HAWK TOWER.

This favorite resort of Black Hawk, situated on the highest bank of Rock
river, had been selected by his father as a lookout, at the first building
up of their village. From this point they had an unobstructed view up and
down Rock river for many miles, and across the prairies as far as the
vision could penetrate, and since that country has been settled by the
whites, for more than half a century, has been the admiration of many
thousands of people.

The village of Black Hawk, including this grand “look out,” was purchased
from the Government by Col. George Davenport, at Black Hawk’s particular
request, for the reason, as he afterwards told us, that he could leave it
with an abiding assurance that the graves of their people would be
protected from vandal hands.

This property including hundreds of acres lying between Rock river and the
Mississippi, is now owned by Hon. B. Davenport, and as it has long been a
pleasure resort for picnic and other parties, he has erected an elegant
pavilion on its site, with a good residence for a family, who have charge
of it, which will now make it the finest pleasure resort in that part of
the country. And in order to make it more easy of access, he has
constructed a branch from the Rock Island and Milan railroad, leading
directly to the Tower. Now its many visitors in the future can sit on the
veranda, and while enjoying the elegant scenery, can take ease and comfort
in the cool shade. And for this high privilege the name of Davenport will
receive many hearty greetings.

Fifty years ago (1832) we made, our first visit to Black Hawk’s Tower with
Col. George Davenport, and listened with intense interest to his recital
of scenes that had been enacted there may years before; and one year later
had them all repeated, with may more, from the lips of Black Hawk himself.
How changed the scene. Then it was in its rustic state, now this fine
pavilion, being a long, low structure, built somewhat after the Swiss
cottage plan, with broad sloping roofs, and wide, long porches on the
north and south sides, the one facing the road and the other fronting the
river and giving a view of a beautiful stretch of country up and down Rock
river, greatly enhances its beauty and adds much to the comfort of
visitors.

The following beautiful word paintings by a recent visitor to the Tower,
we take from the Rock Island Union:

BLACK HAWK’S WATCH TOWER. BY JENNIE M. FOWLER

ROCK ISLAND, August 18, 1882.

THE BLACK HAWK WAR.

PREFACE.

On the 12th of April, 1832, soon after our arrival at Rock Island on a
visit to relatives, (the family of Col. Geo. Davenport) a steamboat came
down from Galena with officers to Fort Armstrong, for the purpose of
laying in supplies and medical stores for a brigade then being formed at
that place. One regiment, composed principally of miners, who had
abandoned their mines and came in to offer their services as soldiers in
the field, were unanimous in the election of Henry Dodge as Colonel. They
had long known him as a worthy, brave and accomplished gentleman, the soul
of honor, and hence would be an intrepid soldier.

Among the officers on this trip was Dr. A. K. Philleo, well known to Col.
Dodge as a social gentleman, a skilled physician and an accomplished
surgeon, who had accepted the position of surgeon at his urgent request,
with a proviso: Being editor of the Galenian, (the only
paper printed in the town) he considered the position a very important
one, as it was the only paper within hundreds of miles of the seat of war,
and the only one on the Mississippi above Alton, Ill.; hence he must
procure a substitute or decline the appointment of surgeon. Having made
his acquaintance after he had learned that we had been engaged in
newspaper life, he insisted that we should take a position on the Galenian
for a few weeks, or until the close of the war, so that he could accept
the offer of Col. Dodge, and seeing that he was a great favorite among the
officers, and anxious to go to the field, we accepted the position and
accompanied him to Galena the same evening.

Here we found an infantry regiment, commanded by Col. J.M. Strode,
composed principally of miners and citizens of Galena, which had been
hurriedly organized for home protection, whilst that of Col. Dodge, being
well mounted, were making preparations to take the field. After taking
charge of the Galenian we made the acquaintance of Col. Strode, and
found him to be a whole-souled Kentuckian, who advised us to enroll our
name on the company list of Capt. M. M. Maughs, and as our time would
mostly be devoted to the paper, he would detail us Printer to the
Regiment, by virtue of which appointment we would become an honorary
member of his staff. We retained our position on the paper and that on the
staff of the Colonel throughout the war, and was made the recipient of
dispatches of the regular movement of the army, its skirmishes and battles
from officers of the regular army as well as that of the volunteers, from
which we made our weekly report, and from these data we have made up most
of our history of the war.

FOX MURDERERS WANTED.

Early in April, 1832, Brig.-General Atkinson, with about three hundred
troops, was ordered to Fort Armstrong to prevent a threatened war between
the Menominees and Fox Indians, on account of a massacre, committed by a
band of the latter on a small band of drunken Menominees the previous
summer at a point near Fort Crawford. To prevent bloodshed he was directed
to demand the murderers of the Foxes; but on arriving at Rock Island he
soon learned that there was imminent danger of a war of a different
character—that Black Hawk, with his entire band, was then on his way
to invade the State of Illinois and would probably be joined by the
Pottowattamies and Winnebagoes. In order to ascertain the facts in the
case, he called upon the Indian Agent and Col. George Davenport, both
located here, and requested them to furnish, in writing, all the
information they had in relation to the movements and intentions of Black
Hawk in coming to the State of Illinois. Both gentlemen replied to his
inquiries immediately as follows:

ROCK ISLAND, April 12, 1832.

My opinion is that the squaws and old men have gone to the Prophet’s town,
on Rock river, and the warriors are now only a few miles below the mouth
of Rock river, within the limits of the State of Illinois. That these
Indians are hostile to the whites there is no doubt. That they have
invaded the State of Illinois, to the great injury of her citizens, is
equally true. Hence it is that that the public good requires that strong
as well as speedy measures should be taken against Black Hawk and his
followers.

Respectfully, I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

[Signed,] ANDREW S. HUGHES.

To Brig-Gen. Atkinson.

ROCK ISLAND, April 13, 1832.

“DEAR SIR:—In reply to your inquiry of this morning, respecting the
Indians, I have to state that I have been informed by the man I have
wintering with the Indians that the British band of Sac Indians are
determined to make war upon the frontier settlements. The British band of
Sac Indians did rendezvous at old Fort Madison, and induced a great many
of the young men to join them on their arrival at the Yellow Banks. They
crossed about five hundred head of horses into the State of Illinois, and
sent about seventy horses through the country toward Rock River. The
remainder, some on horseback the others in canoes, in a fighting order,
advanced up the Mississippi, and were encamped yesterday five or six miles
below Rock river and will no doubt endeavor to reach their stronghold in
the Rock river swamps if they are not intercepted. From every information
that I have received, I am of the opinion that the intentions of the
British band of Sac Indians is to commit depredations on the inhabitants
of the frontier.” Respectfully, your obedient servant, GEORGE DAVENPORT.
[Signed,] “To Brig. Gen. Atkinson.”

Being satisfied from the information thus acquired, that there was danger
ahead for the small settlements of whites in the Northern portion of the
State, he immediately addressed a letter to Gov. Reynolds, of Illinois,
from which we take the following:

FORT ARMSTRONG, April 13, 1832.

DEAR SIR:—The band of Sacs, under Black Hawk, joined by about one
hundred Kickapoos and a few Pottowattomies, amounting in all to about five
hundred men, have assumed a hostile attitude. They crossed the river at
the Yellow, Banks on the sixth inst., and are now moving up on the east
side of Rock river, towards the Prophet’s village.

“The regular force under my command is too small to justify me in pursuing
the hostile party. To make an unsuccessful attempt to coerce them would
only irritate them to acts of hostility on the frontier sooner than they
probably contemplate.

“Your own knowledge of the character of these Indians, with the
information herewith submitted, will enable you to judge of the course
proper to pursue. I think the frontier is in great danger, and will use
all the means at my disposal to co-operate with you in its protection and
defense. With great respect, Your most obedient servant, H. ATKINSON,
Brigadier General of the U. S. Army, His Excellency, Gov. Reynolds,
Belleville, Ills.”

On receipt of Gen. Atkinson’s letter, Gov. Reynolds issued his
proclamation, calling out a strong detachment of militia to rendezvous at
Beardstown on the 22d of April. In obedience to this command a large
number of citizens assembled and offered their services. They were met by
Gov. Reynolds, and after bring organized into a brigade, he appointed
Brig. Gen. Samuel Whitesides commander. His brigade embraced 1600 horsemen
and two hundred footmen—being four regiments and an odd spy
battalion.

First regiment, Col. Dewitt; second, Col. Fry; third, Col. Thomas; fourth,
Col. Thompson; Col. James D. Henry, commanded the spy battalion.

The troops took up their line of march at once, under command of Gen.
Whitesides, accompanied by the Commander-in-Chief, Gov. Reynolds. For the
purpose of laying in provisions for the campaign they went to Yellow
Banks, on the Mississippi river, where Major S. S. Phelps, who had been
appointed quarter master, supplied them. They arrived on the 3d of May,
and left for Rock river on the 7th.

THE BLACK HAWK WAR.

About the first of April Black Hawk’s band assembled at Fort Madison for
the purpose of making arrangements to ascend the Mississippi, and soon
after the entire party started. The old men, women and children, with
their provisions and camp equipage, in canoes, and the men all armed, came
on horseback. On the sixth day of April, the braves, on horseback, made a
call at Yellow Banks, one day after the canoes had passed the same point,
and told Josiah Smart, Mr. Phelps’ interpreter, where they were going, and
the object of their visit. They said they had observed a great war chief,
with a number of troops going up on a steamboat, and thought it likely
that the mission of this war chief was to prevent them going up Rock
river, but they were bound to go. Messrs. Phelps and Smart tried to
persuade them to recross the river and return to their country, assuring
them that the Government would not permit them to come into Illinois in
violation of the treaty they had made last year, in which they had agreed
to remain on the west side of the river. But they would not listen to
their advice. On the next day they took up the line of march for Rock
river, and on the 10th of April, 1832, Black Hawk, with a portion of his
band of Sacs, reached the mouth of Rock river a few miles below Rock
Island. The old men, women and children with their provisions and camp
equipage, who came up in canoes, arrived on the 9th, and the men all
armed, came up on horseback, reaching the camp on the 10th. While encamped
there they were joined by the Prophet, who had previously invited them to
come up to the country of the Winnebagoes and raise a crop. He called on
his way at Fort Armstrong and had talks with the Agent and Col. Davenport,
the trader, both of whom advised him to persuade Black Hawk and party to
return to their own country, or they would be driven back by the soldiers
then at Fort Armstrong, under the command of Gen. Atkinson, who had just
arrived. The Prophet would not listen to their advice, but assured Black
Hawk that he had a right to go forward with his entire party to the
Winnebago country; and as he expected large reinforcements to his little
army as he ascended Rock river, he was determined to go forward, but had
given positive orders to his band, under no circumstances, to strike a
blow until they had been reinforced by warriors from the Winnebagoes and
Pottowattomies.

Early next morning they broke camp and started up Rock river, but were
soon overtaken by a small detachment of soldiers, who held a council with
Black Hawk and communicated to him the orders of Gen. Atkinson. These were
for him to return with his band and re-cross the Mississippi. Black Hawk
said, as he was not on the war path, but going on a friendly visit to the
Prophet’s village, he intended to go forward, and continued on his
journey. On receipt of his answer, Gen. Atkinson sent another detachment
to Black Hawk with imperative orders for him to return, or he would pursue
him with his entire army and drive him back. In reply, Black Hawk said the
General had no right to make the order so long as his band was peaceable,
and that he intended to go on to the Prophet’s village.

In the meantime the forces under the command of Gen. Whitesides had
arrived, and were turned over to Gen. Atkinson by the Governor. The
brigade, under the command of Gen. Whitesides, was ordered up Rock river
to Dixon’s Ferry, and as soon as boats could be got ready, Gen. Atkinson
started for the same destination with 300 regulars and about the same
number of Illinois militia. Black Hawk with his party had already reached
a point some thirty or forty miles above Dixon’s Ferry, where they were
met in council by some Pottowattomies and Winnebago chiefs. They assured
Black Hawk that their people would not join him in making war against the
United States, and denied the Prophet’s story to him. During this council
Black Hawk became convinced that he had been badly imposed upon by the
Prophet, and resolved at once to send a flag of truce to Gen. Atkinson and
ask permission to descend Rock river, re-cross the Mississippi and go back
to their country.

STILLMAN’S DEFEAT.

About this time, Gen. Whitesides had concentrated a large force of militia
at Dixon’s Ferry, and at the solicitation of Major Stillman, permitted him
to take out a scouting party of nearly 300 mounted men. They went up Rock
river, about thirty miles to Sycamore creek, and encamped within a few
miles of Black Hawk’s camp, but were not aware of its position at the
time. Indian scouts having intercepted their coming reported at once to
Black Hawk that a large army of mounted militia were coming towards his
camp; and before the volunteers had entirely completed their arrangements
for encampment, outside guards espied three Indians coming in with a white
flag. After holding a parley with them, (one of the guards being able to
talk a little with them in their own language), they were hurried into
camp, and before any explanations were made, the flag bearer was shot and
instantly killed, whilst his comrades made their escape during the
confusion in getting the regiment ready to pursue the fleeing Indians.
These had secreted themselves in ambush as the army rushed by, helter
skelter, after another small party of Indians who had followed the flag
bearers, and who, when hearing the uproar in camp made a hasty retreat.
The entire regiment was soon mounted and started out in squads towards the
camp of Black Hawk. The latter having learned by a scout that the army was
coming, started at once with less than fifty mounted warriors, his entire
force then in camp, to meet the enemy, and on arriving at a copse of
timber and underbrush near Sycamore creek, made ready to meet them.

Capt. Eads’ company, who were the first to start out, killed two of the
five fleeing Indians. Soon after crossing Sycamore creek they were
surprised by a terrific war whoop from the Indians, who were concealed in
the bushes near by, and with deadly aim commenced firing into the front
ranks of the regiment, and with unearthly yells (as one of the fleeing
party told us on arriving at Galena), charged upon our ranks, with
tomahawks raised, ready to slaughter all who might come within their
reach. Judging from the yelling of the Indians, their number was variously
estimated at from one thousand to two thousand.

The entire party was thrown into such confusion that Major Stillman had no
control of any of them, and, with one exception, the entire army continued
their flight to Dixon’s Ferry, thirty miles distant, whilst some went back
to their homes.

The retreating army passed through their camping ground near Sycamore
creek, where they should have halted, and under cover of the timber, could
have shot down their pursuers while yet in open prairie. Black Hawk and a
small portion of his command gave up the chase, and returned to his camp,
while the remainder pursued the fugitives for several miles, occasionally
overtaking and killing some soldiers, whose horses had given out.

Among the retreating party was a Methodist preacher, whose horse was too
slow to keep out of the reach of the Indians, who adopted a novel plan to
save himself and horse. On coming to a ravine he left the track of his
pursuers name distance, and followed down the ravine until he found a
place deep enough to shelter himself and horse from view, and remained
there for two hours in safety. He had the precaution to keep a strict
count of the Indians as they went forward, and waited their return. Being
satisfied that all had returned and continued on the way to their camp, he
quietly left his hiding place, trotted leisurely along and reached Dixon’s
Ferry about sunrise next morning.

He reported his mode of procedure and the strategy used to render his
safety certain from the Indians who had dispersed and driven the army
before them. He was interrogated into the number, and when he reported
TWENTY, great indignation was manifested by some of the brave
volunteers who had got into camp some hours before him, and reported the
number at fifteen hundred to two thousand! But as he was well known to
many of the volunteers and highly respected as a meek and lowly Christian
gentleman, they stood by him and prevented any personal violence.

When the report of this fiasco came into Galena the next morning about 8
o’clock, on the 15th of May, our regiment was immediately called to arms,
as great danger was apprehended by the citizens. The general supposition
was that the Pottowattomies and Winnebagoes had joined Black Hawk, it
being well known that his entire band, including women and children, that
had gone up Rock river, did not exceed one thousand persons. Dwellings
were vacated and most of the inhabitants repaired to the stockades for
safety.

The news of Stillman’s defeat “by 2,000 blood-thirsty Indian warriors”
spread fast, far and wide, and the Governor of Illinois called for more
volunteers; and when the news reached Washington, the Secretary of War
ordered Gen. Scott, then at New York, to take a thousand soldiers and
proceed to the seat of war and take command of the army.

This violation of a flag of truce, the wanton murder of its bearers, and
the attack upon a mere remnant of Black Hawk’s band when sueing for peace,
precipitated a war that should have been avoided.

[In confirmation of the dastardly act of the volunteers in killing the
bearer of a white flag, and by which the war was precipitated, we give the
following letter of Mr. Elijah Kilbourn, one of the scouts connected with
Stillman’s command. Mr. K. is the man Black Hawk makes mention of in his
narrative as having been taken captive during our last war with Great
Britain, and by him adopted into the Sac tribe; and again taken prisoner
by three of his braves at the battle of Sycamore creek.]

KILBOURN’S NARRATIVE. A REMINISCENCE OF BLACK HAWK.

[From the Soldier’s Cabinet.]

Much has been said both for and against the Indian character; but we doubt
whether greater or nobler qualities have ever been exhibited in the
conduct of civilized rulers or commanders than are shown in the incidents
we are about to relate concerning Black Hawk, whose deeds upon the
northwestern frontier will render his name illustrious while history
exists.

Elijah Kilbourn, the subject of the great chieftain’s kindness, and to
whom we are indebted for the present sketch, was a native of Pennsylvania.
Just before the outbreak of the late war with Great Britain, he left the
place of his birth to join the stirring scenes of adventure on the
borders; and although now an old man, he still remembers, and loves to
recount, the deed, and perils of his younger days, and especially those we
are about to record.

“We had been,” commenced Kilbourn, in whose own language the story shall
be given, “scouting through the country that lay about Fort Stephenson,
when early one morning one of our number came in with the intelligence
that the Fort was besieged by a combined force of British and Indians. We
were very soon after in our saddles, bearing down with all speed in that
direction for the express purpose of joining in the fight—but on
arriving, we found that the enemy had been signally repulsed by the brave
little garrison under the command of Major Crogan. Our disappointment at
learning this was, however, in a measure lessened, when we learned that
Black Hawk, the leader of the savages, had, soon after the termination of
the battle, gone with some twenty of his warriors back to his village on
Rock river, whither we instantly determined to follow him.

“At sunrise the next morning we were on his trail, and followed it with
great care to the banks of a stream. Here we ascertained that the savages
had separated into nearly equal parties—the one keeping straight
down the banks of the stream, while the other had crossed to the other
side and continued on toward Rock river. A council was now held, in which
the oldest members of our party gave it as their opinion that Black Hawk
had changed his intention of going to his village, and had, with the
greater part of his followers, pursued his way down the stream, while the
rest had been sent by him for some purpose to the town. In this opinion
all coincided; but still our leader, who was a very shrewd man, had some
doubts on his mind concerning the movements of the chief, and therefore,
to make everything sure, he detailed four of us to follow the trail across
the stream, while he with the rest, some seven or eight in number,
immediately took the one down the bank.

“We soon after found ourselves alone and in the vicinity of Indian
settlements, and we were therefore obliged to move with the utmost
caution, which had the effect of rendering our progress extremely slow.
During the course of the following morning we came across a great many
different trails and by these we were so perplexed that we resolved to
return to the main body; but from the signs we had already seen we knew
that such a step would be attended with the greatest risk, and so it was
at last decided that it would be far more safe for all hands to separate,
and each man look out for himself. This resolve was no sooner made than it
was put into execution, and a few minutes later found me alone in the
great wilderness. I had often been so before, but never before had I been
placed in a situation as dangerous as the present one, for now on all
sides I was surrounded by foes, who would rejoice in the shedding of my
blood. But still I was not gong to give up easily, and looking well to my
weapons and redoubling my caution, I struck off at an angle from the
course I had first chosen, why I hardly knew.

“I encountered nothing very formidable till some two hours before sunset,
when, just as I emerged from a tangled thicket, I perceived an Indian on
his knees at a clear, sparkling spring, from which he was slaking his
thirst. Instinctively I placed my rifle to my shoulder, drew a bead upon
the savage and pulled the trigger. Imagine, if you can, my feelings as the
flint came down and was shivered to pieces while the priming remained
unignited.

“The next moment the savage was up on his feet, his piece levelled
directly at me and his finger pressing the trigger. There was no escape; I
had left my horse in the woods some time before. The thicket behind me was
too dense to permit me to enter it again quickly, and there was no tree
within reach of sufficient size to protect me from the aim of my foe, who,
now finding me at his mercy, advanced, his gun still in its threatening
rest, and ordered me to surrender. Resistance and escape were alike out of
the question, and I accordingly delivered myself up his prisoner, hoping
by some means or other to escape at some future period. He now told me, in
good English, to proceed in a certain direction. I obeyed him, and had not
gone a stone’s throw before, just as I turned a thick clump of trees, I
came suddenly upon an Indian camp, the one to which my captor undoubtedly
belonged.

“As we came up all the savages, some six or eight in number, rose quickly
and appeared much surprised at my appearing thus suddenly amongst their
number; but they offered me no harm, and they behaved with most marked
respect to my captor, whom, upon a close inspection, I recognized to be
Black Hawk himself.

“‘The White mole digs deep, but Makataimeshekiakiak (Black Hawk) flies
high and can see far off,’ said the chieftain is a deep, gutteral tone,
addressing me.

“He then related to his followers the occasion of my capture, and as he
did so they glared on me fiercely and handled their weapons in a
threatening manner, but at the conclusion of his remarks they appeared
better pleased, although I was the recipient of many a passing frown. He
now informed me that he had told his young men that they were to consider
me a brother, as he was going to adopt me into the tribe.

“This was to me but little better than death itself, but there was no
alternative and so I was obliged to submit, with the hope of making my
escape at some future time. The annunciation of Black Hawk, moreover,
caused me great astonishment, and after pondering the matter I was finally
forced to set down as its cause one of those unaccountable whims to which
the savage temperment is often subject.

“The next morning my captors forced me to go with them to their village on
Rock river, where, after going through a tedious ceremony, I was dressed
and painted, and thus turned from a white man into an Indian.

“For nearly three years ensuing it was my constant study to give my
adopted brothers the slip, but during the whole of that time I was so
carefully watched and guarded that I never found an opportunity to escape.

“However, it is a long lane that has no turning, and so it proves in my
case. Pretending to be well satisfied with my new mode of life, I at last
gained upon the confidence of the savages, and one day when their
vigilance was considerably relaxed, I made my escape and returned in
safety to my friends, who had mourned for me as dead.

“Many years after this I was a participant in the battle at Sycamore
Creek, which, as you know, is a tributary of Rock river. I was employed by
the government as a scout, in which capacity it was acknowledged that I
had no superior; but I felt no pride in hearing myself praised, for I knew
I was working against Black Hawk, who, although he was an Indian, had once
spared my life, and I was one never to forget a kindness. And besides this
I had taken a great liking to him, for there was something noble and
generous in his nature. However, my first duty was to my country, and I
did my duty at all hazards.

“Now you must know that Black Hawk, after moving west of the Mississippi,
had recrossed, contrary to his agreement, not, however, from any hostile
motive, but to raise a crop of corn and beans with the Pottowattomies and
Winnebagoes, of which his own people stood in the utmost need. With this
intention he had gone some distance up Rock river, when an express from
General Atkinson ordered him peremptorily to return. This order the old
chief refused to obey, saying that the General had no right to issue it. A
second express from Atkinson threatened Black Hawk that if he did not
return peaceably, force would be resorted to. The aged warrior became
incensed at this and utterly refused to obey the mandate, but at the same
time sent word to the General that he would not be the first one to
commence hostilities.

“The movement of the renowned warrior was immediately trumpeted abroad as
an invasion of the State, and with more rashness thin wisdom, Governor
Reynolds ordered the Illinois militia to take the field, and these were
joined by the regulars, under General Atkinson, at Rock Island. Major
Stillman, having under his command two hundred and seventy-five mounted
men, the chief part of whom were volunteers, while a few like myself were
regular scouts, obtained leave of General Whitesides, then lying at
Dixon’s Ferry, to go on a scouting expedition.

“I knew well what would follow; but still, as I was under orders, I was
obliged to obey, and together with the rest proceeded some thirty miles up
Rock river to where Sycamore creek empties into it. This brought us to
within six or eight miles of the camp of Black Hawk, who, on that day—May
14th-was engaged in preparing a dog feast for the purpose of fitly
celebrating a contemplated visit of some Pottawattomie chiefs.

“Soon after preparing to camp we saw three Indians approach us bearing a
white flag; and these, upon coming up, were made prisoners. A second
deputation of five were pursued by some twenty of our mounted militia, and
two of them killed, while the other three escaped. One of the party that
bore the white flag was, out of the most cowardly vindictiveness, shot
down while standing a prisoner in camp. The whole detachment, after these
atrocities, now bore down upon the camp of Black Hawk, whose braves, with
the exception of some forty or fifty, were away at a distance.

“As we rode up, a galling and destructive fire was poured in upon us by
the savages, who, after discharging their guns, sprung from their coverts
on either side, with their usual horrible yells, and continued the attack
with their tomahawks and knives. My comrades fell around me like leaves;
and happening to cast my eyes behind me, I beheld the whole detachment of
militia flying from the field. Some four or five of us were left unsupported
in the very midst of the foe, who, renewing their yells, rushed down upon
us in a body. Gideon Munson and myself were taken prisoners, while others
were instantly tomahawked and scalped. Munson, during the afternoon,
seeing, as he supposed, a good opportunity to escape, recklessly attempted
to do so, but was immediately shot down by his captor. And I now began to
wish that they would serve me in the same manner, for I knew that if
recognized by the savages, I should be put to death by the most horrible
tortures. Nothing occurred, however, to give me any real uneasiness upon
this point till the following morning, when Black Hawk, passing by me,
turned and eyed me keenly for a moment or so. Then, stepping close to me,
he said in a low tone: ‘Does the mole think that Black Hawk forgets?’

“Stepping away with a dignified air, he now left me, as you may well
suppose, bordering in despair, for I knew too well the Indian character to
imagine for a single instant that my life would be spared under the
circumstances. I had been adopted into the tribe by Black Hawk, had lived
nearly three years among them, and by escaping had incurred their
displeasure, which could only be appeased with my blood. Added to this, I
was now taken prisoner at the very time that the passions of the savages
were most highly wrought upon by the mean and cowardly conduct of the
whites. I therefore gave up all hope, and doggedly determined to meet
stoically my fate.

“Although the Indians passed and repassed me many times during the day,
often bestowing on me a buffet or a kick, yet not one of them seemed to
remember me as having formerly been one of the tribe. At times this
infused me with a faint hope, which was always immediately after
extinguished, as I recalled to mind my recognition by Black Hawk himself.

“Some two hours before sunset Black Hawk again came to where I was bound,
and having loosened the cords with which I was fastened to a tree, my arms
still remaining confined, bade me follow him. I immediately obeyed him,
not knowing what was to be my doom, though I expected none other than
death by torture. In silence we left the encampment, not one of the
savages interfering with us or offering me the slightest harm or
indignity. For nearly an hour we strode on through the gloomy forest, now
and then starting from its retreat some wild animal that fled upon our
approach. Arriving at a bend of the river my guide halted, and turning
toward the sun, which was rapidly setting, he said, after a short pause:

“‘I am going to send you back to your chief, though I ought to kill you
for running away a long time ago, after I had adopted you as a son—but
Black Hawk can forgive as well as fight. When you return to your chief I
want you to tell him all my words. Tell him that Black Hawk’s eyes have
looked upon many sum, but they shall not see many more; and that his back
is no longer straight, as in his youth, but is beginning to bend with age.
The Great Spirit has whispered among the tree tops in the morning and
evening and says that Black Hawk’s days are few, and that he is wanted in
the spirit land. He is half dead, his arm shakes and is no longer strong,
and his feet are slow on the war path. Tell him all this, and tell him,
too,’ continued the untutored hero of the forest, with trembling emotion
and marked emphasis, ‘that Black Hawk would have been a friend to the
whites, but they would not let him, and that the hatchet was dug up by
themselves and not by the Indians. Tell your chief that Black Hawk meant
no harm to the pale faces when he came across the Mississippi, but came
peaceably to raise corn for his starving women and children, and that even
then he would have gone back, but when he sent his white flag the braves
who carried it were treated like squaws and one of them inhumanly shot.
Tell him too,’ he concluded with terrible force, while his eyes fairly
flashed fire, ‘that Black Hawk will have revenge, and that he will
never stop until the Great Spirit shall say to him, ‘come away.’

“Thus saying he loosened the cord that bound my arms, and after giving me
particular directions as to the best course to pursue to my own camp, bade
me farewell and struck off into the trackless forest, to commence that
final struggle which was decided against the Indians.

“After the war was over, and the renowned Black Hawk had been taken
prisoner, he was sent to Washington and the largest cities of the
seaboard, that he might be convinced how utterly useless it was for him to
contend against fate. It was enough, and the terrible warrior returned to
the seclusion of his wilderness home, while the scepter of his
chieftainship was given to the celebrated Keokuk.

“On the occasion of the ceremony by which Black Hawk was shorn of his
power, and which took place on Rock Island, in the Mississippi, I shook
the hand of the great chief, who appeared highly pleased to meet me once
more; and upon parting with me he said with mournful dignity, as he cast
above him a glance of seeming regret: ‘My children think I am too old to
lead them any more!’

“This was the last time I ever saw him; and the next I learned of him was
that he had left his old hunting grounds forever, and his spirit had gone
to that bar where the balance will be rightly adjusted between the child
of the forest and his pale face brethren.”

Although the Winnebagoes and the Pottowattomies had resolved to take no
part in the war, a few young men from each of these tribes, being
emboldened by Black Hawk’s victory in the engagement with Stillman’s
regiment, concluded to join him. As the party moved up the river, war
parties were sent out, in one of which the Winnebagoes joined, whilst the
Pottowattomies, some twenty-five or thirty, went alone on the war path
into a settlement that had been made on Indian creek, not far from its
entrance into Fox river, and killed fifteen men, women and children, and
took two young ladies prisoners, the Misses Hall, whom two young Sacs, who
had just rode up, took upon their horses and carried them to a Winnebago
camp, with a request that they be delivered to the whites. They were
returned soon after, and to the writer said they had been well treated by
the Winnebagoes.

On the 19th of Jane a message came into Galena from Kellogg’s Grove, with
a report that a party of Indians had been seen in that neighborhood and
that they had stolens some horses. Captain James Stephenson, with twelve
picked men from his company, started immediately in pursuit of the
Indians. On seeing him approach they took to the brush, when the Captain
and his men dismounted. Leaving one to hold the horses, the balance
entered the thicket, and two of them were killed at the first fire of the
Indians, while three of the enemy were laid prostrate. For the purpose of
re-loading, Capt. Stephenson ordered a retreat, which was a bad move, as
it gave the Indians time to re-load and seek trees for safety. Capt.
Stephenson* and party again advanced, both parties firing simultaneously,
each losing a man, when an Indian who had been secreted behind a tree
rushed forward with his knife, but was suddenly checked by one of the
soldiers running his bayonet through him. While in this position he seized
the bayonet with both hands and had almost succeeded in pushing it out,
when another soldier rushed forward, and with one stroke of his knife
almost severed the head from his body. In this engagement Capt. S. lost
three of the best men of his company and the Indians five, just one-half
of their number.

On the return of Capt. Stephenson and party the news of his loss of three
men, who were well known and highly respected, soon spread over town and
caused much sorrow among their many friends. After learning the mode of
attack, military men generally criticized it severely.

BATTLE OF PECATONICA.

On the 14th of June, a mall scouting party of Sacs killed five men at the
Spafford farm, and on reception of the news next day, Gen. Atkinson
ordered Col. Henry Dodge to take command of Posey’s brigade, then
stationed near Fort Hamilton, and while on his way from Fort Union, where
his regiment was in camp, to visit the brigade, he heard the sharp crack
of a rifle, and instantly looking in the direction of the sound, saw a man
fall from his horse, who had been shot by Indians nearby. Instead of going
forward as he set out to do, he hastily returned to his command, mustered
a portion of his cavalry and went in pursuit of the Indians, and soon got
on the trail of twenty-five warriors, who had commenced their retreat soon
after shooting, and espying him, hastened back to the front. The Indians
crossed and recrossed the Pecatonica river several times, being closely
pushed by Col. Dodge and his men, and finding escape hopeless, made a
stand. The colonel immediately dismounted his men and picked his way
cautiously, with the intention of firing and then charging upon them. But
the Indians, being on the lookout, watched their opportunity and got the
first fire, by which a brave soldier named Apple was killed, and another
by the name of Jenkins was wounded. The fight continued vigorously until
the last Indian was killed, several of them having been shot while trying
to escape by swimming. At the commencement of the fight, the forces on
each side were nearly equal, but the Indians, in swimming the river, had
got their powder wet, and although they made desperate efforts to close in
on our men with knives, they were shot down in their endeavors.

Col. Dodge, in speaking of this engagement, at Galena, after the close of
the war, said he was amazed at the desperation displayed by a big, burly
brave, who came towards him with gun at his shoulder and halted quickly
when only a few paces from him, drew the trigger, and was sorely
disappointed in his gun not going off. Quick as thought the colonel
brought his rifle in position, pulled the trigger, but, owing to the
dampness of the powder, it failed to go off. In the meantime the brave was
coming towards him, knife in hand and desperation in his eye, and when
only a few feet from him the colonel shot him down with his revolver. At
the same time one of his brave boys, by the name of Beach, was engaged in
a desperate encounter with the last remaining savage, in which both used
knives; the Indian was killed and Beach very badly wounded.

Thus ended one of the most sanguinary engagements of the war.

FIGHT AT APPLE RIVER FORT.

APPLE RIVER FORT.

On the 23d of June scouts came into Galena, and reported at headquarters
that a large body of Indians had been seen about thirty miles distant, but
not being on the march, they were not able to conjecture to what point
they were going. Col. Strode immediately made all necessary preparations
to receive them, should Galena be the point of attack, and dispatched an
express early next morning for Dixon’s Ferry. On their arrival at Apple
River Fort they halted for a short time, and then proceeded on their
journey, and while yet in sight, at the crack of a gun the foremost man
was seen to fall from his horse and two or three Indians rushed upon him
with hatchets raised ready to strike, while his comrades galloped up, and
with guns pointed towards the Indians kept them at bay until the wounded
man reached the Fort. But had the Indians known these guns were not
loaded, (as afterwards reported) they could have dispatched all three
of them with their tomahawks.

In a very short time after hearing the crack of the gun a large body of
Indians surrounded the fort, yelling and shooting, when the inmates, under
command of Capt. Stone, prepared for defence, every port hole being manned
by sharp-shooters. One man, Mr. George Herclurode, was shot through a port
hole and instantly killed, and Mr. James Nutting wounded in the same way,
but not seriously; which was the only loss sustained during the engagement
of more than one hour’s duration. A number of Indians were wounded and
carried off the field. Capt. Stone had only twenty-five men, with a large
number of women and children in the fort, but had providentially received
a quantity of lead and provisions from Galena only an hour before the
attack, and as he was short of bullets, the ladies of the fort busied
themselves in melting lead and running balls as long as the battle lasted.
Black Hawk, finding the fort impregnable from assault without firing it—an
act that he well knew would, in a very short time, have brought a large
body of troops on his path—concluded that it would be better to
return and carry with them all the flour they could, killed a number of
cattle and took choice pieces of beef, and all the homes that were in the
stable. One of the expressmen, not deeming the fort a place of safety,
hurried back to Galena, but getting lost on the way did not get in until
early next morning. On hearing the news, Col. Strode took one hundred
picked men, well mounted, and went to the relief of the fort, and was much
gratified to find that its noble defenders had put to flight about one
hundred and fifty Indians who had been under the command of Black Hawk
himself.

KELLOGG’S GROVE FORT.

After leaving Apple River Fort, being well supplied with provisions, the
Indians moved leisurely toward the fort at Kellogg’s Grove, with the
intention of taking it, as scouts had come in and reported that it was not
very strongly garrisoned on the day previous to their arrival on the 23d
of June. At this time the Illinois troops were rendez-voused at a place
known as Fort Wilbourn on the Illinois river, at or near where now stands
the city of LaSalle. What was then called the new levy, after Stillman’s
defeat, were assembled there, numbering about three thousand men, being
formed into military organizations consisting of three brigades. The first
brigade was commanded by Gen. Alexander Posey. The second by Gen. M. K.
Alexander, and the third by Gen. James D. Henry. Major John Dement, of
Vandalia, was elected to the command of a spy battalion composed of three
companies. Gen. Atkinson, of the United States Regulars, commanding, while
these organizations were progressing.

The Indians had made a raid on Bureau creek, situated between the Illinois
and Rock rivers. John Dement had been chosen major by the members of three
companies of Gen. Posey’s brigade, which was a spy battalion. The Major’s
battalion being ready for duty when the news reached the fort of the
attack upon the settles on Bureau creek, it was ordered to march at once
to the scene of danger for protection of the settlers, and to discover and
watch the movements of the Indians, if possible. The Major was ordered to
scour the country through to Rock river, and then to report to Col.
Zackary Taylor, who commanded a small force of United States troops at a
small fortification at Dixon’s Ferry on Rock river.

On the 22d of June, 1832, Major Dement reached Colonel Taylor’s command,
having performed the duties to which he was assigned by General Atkinson.
On his arrival Colonel Taylor informed the Major that he had arrived at an
opportune time, as he wished him to take his command, swim their horses
across the river, and promptly occupy the country between his position and
the Lead Mines at Galena, a distance of about sixty miles, with
headquarters at Kellogg’s Grove, thirty-seven miles in the direction of
Galena and Apple River Fort. There had been stationed at the grove two
companies of Regulars, commanded by Major Riley, and three companies of
Volunteers that had abandoned this position the day before the arrival of
Major Dement, and left the country without protection and entirely
unguarded. These troops had been engaged in two or three skirmishes with
the Indians, and according to the reports of the soldiers, had been
worsted in each. Major Dement’s command numbered one hundred and forty
men, all told, not one of whom had ever seen any military experience, but
they were men to be relied upon. They were citizen soldiers, brave and
intelligent, equal to any emergency, and had no superiors in the service.
This being an odd battalion, Major Dement was entitled to the staff of a
Colonel. His staff was composed of Zadoc Casey, Paymaster; ———
Anderson, Colonel Hicks, and others. The Captains of the companies, and
the staff officers, were leading citizens, who had, at short warning, left
their several avocations to engage in defending the country against the
attacks of the Indians.

MAJOR DEMENT’S BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS.

On the evening of the second day, after crossing Rock river, the Major’s
command marched to the stockade at Kellogg’s Grove and encamped. In the
morning, learning that Indian traces had been seen four or five miles from
the grove, twenty-five volunteers were called for to go out and
reconnoitre. This number was quickly filled, nearly every one volunteering
being an officer, and, as it afterward turned out, they were unfortunately
accepted. These volunteers had not yet gotten out of sight of their camp,
before three Indians were seen on their ponies between the fort and a
small grove on the prairie, riding backward and forward. The
reconnoitering party started after them in one, two and three order,
according to the speed of their horses, while the Indians made straight
for the small grove. Major Dement, who was watching the movements of the
volunteers from his camp, and seeing the movements of the Indians, at once
suspected a trap, mounted with a portion of his men, and went to their
aid. His men that had first started were a mile out upon the prairie in
pursuit of those few Indians. Being well mounted, the Major and his relief
party soon overtook the hindermost of the little band, but several were
too far in advance in their mad pursuit of the fleeing Indians for him to
reach them in time. The fleeing Indians were making for a grove some three
miles away, hotly pursued by the Major’s men. In this grove, as the
commander feared, a large number of the Indians were concealed. When
within four or five hundred yards of this grove he halted and dismounted
his men and formed them in line. Some six or seven of his men were still
in advance following the Indians toward this grove. On nearing the grove,
his men who were in advance, were received with a galling fire, which
killed two and wounded a third. With hideous yells the Indians emerged
from the grove and rapidly approached. They were all mounted, stripped to
their waists and painted for battle. As they reached the bodies of the
dead soldiers, a large number surrounded them, clubbing and stabbing their
lifeless remains. A volley from the rifles of the whites killed two or
three at this point, but by the time the last of the little band had
reached the ridge upon which their comrades were drawn up in line, the
Indians were close upon them and on both flanks. At this point three men
who had been out of their camp hunting for their homes, came in sight and
were massacred in sight of their friends. The main portion of the
battalion had been ordered to hold themselves in readiness for any
emergency, but hearing the yelling, instead of obeying the order, mounted
in hot haste and started to the rescue of their companions. On discovering
the force of the Indians, they retreated to the grove, and almost neck and
neck with the Indians, sprang over their horses and occupied the Block
House.

On the least exposed side of the Fort was a work bench; over this the
Major threw the bridle rein of his horse, and most of the horses huddled
around this as if conscious of their danger. The Indians swarmed around
the Block House under cover; an ominous stillness pervaded the air, which
was soon broken by the crack of the rifles of the white men. The best
marksmen with the best guns were stationed at the port holes, and a lively
fire was kept up by the little garrison. The Indians finding that they
were making no impression, turned their attention to shooting the horses,
twenty-five of which they succeeded in killing. After sharp firing for two
hours they retreated, leaving nine of their men dead on the field. This
was the first engagement in this war, in which the whites had held their
position until reinforcements arrived, without retreating. If the main
force had remained in the grove at this Block House after the volunteers
went out, without making any demonstration when the Indians came charging
up and still in the open prairie, they could have been easily repulsed.
This was the Major’s plan of action, but the men became excited by the
firing, and having no commissioned officers to guide them, started without
order to assist their exposed comrades in the open prairie, when they were
flying for their lives to the block house.

That evening Gen. Posey came up with his brigade, and although the Indians
were encamped a short distance away, he made no effort to attack them but
contented himself with reporting the situation to Col. Z. Taylor at
Dixon’s Ferry. Gen. Whiteside had said to Major Dement before crossing
Rock river, that he was going into the Indian rendezvous, where he could
have an Indian for breakfast every morning, and he found it literally
true.

It seems strange that Major Dement should have been ordered by Col. Taylor
into the enemy’s country, across Rock river, with so small a force of
volunteers, while a large force of Regulars and Volunteers, commanded by
regular United States officers, remained securely entrenched in the rear.
It was Major Dement’s opinion that there were more fighting men of Black
Hawk’s band of warriors in the engagement at Kellogg’s Grove than ever
afterwards made a stand during the war. It was easy for Gen. Posey to have
moved up and attacked the Indians on his arrival at the Grove, and then
have dealt them a fatal blow by forcing them to battle then, but he
refused to do so, and the war was not terminated until the fight at Bad
Axe some two months later, in which the Illinois troops did not engage.
During this engagement at the Block House, four whites and eleven Indians
were killed. The whites lost a large part of their horses—the
Indians shooting them from the timber, while the poor animals were huddled
about the Block House.

Although in command, Black Hawk remained in the Grove doing the
engagement, looking on to see that his principal aid, whose voice was like
a trumpet call, carried out his orders.

While reciting the incidents of this battle to the author, when writing
his Autobiography, Black Hawk spoke in high praise of Major Dement as a
commander, who had shown not only good military skill in coming to the
rescue of his party, but in withdrawing his little party to the Fort.
After Dement’s engagement General Posey’s brigade started for Fort
Hamilton and remained there a short time. News of Dement’s engagement and
march of Posey’s brigade having been received at Dixon’s Ferry, where the
two other brigades were stationed, Gen. Alexander, with the 2d brigade was
ordered to cross Rock river and march to Plum river to intercept the
Indians, as it was deemed probable that they would make for that point to
cross the Mississippi. Gen. Atkinson, with regulars, and Gen. Fry with his
brigade, remained at Dixon waiting for news of the route taken by the
Indians. Next day Capt. Walker and three Pottowottamie Indians came into
Dixon and reported seventy-five Pottowottamies ready to join the army now
encamped at Sycamore creek, and they were afraid that Black Hawk and his
army was not far off. For their protection, and to await the coming of the
balance of the second brigade, Col. Fry, of Henry’s brigade, was sent
forward immediately. The next morning Gen. Henry’s brigade moved forward
with Gen. Atkinson at the head, intending to march up Rock river, to the
Four Lakes, and camped at Stillwell’s battle-ground the first night and
joined Col. Fry and his Pottowottamie Indians on the 29th, and continued
their march. On the 30th, when going into camp, they saw signs of Sac
Indians, but the sentinels were undisturbed during the night. The next day
they saw one Indian, but he was on the other side of Plum river. On the 2d
of July, Major Ewing being in front, spied a fresh trail, and soon after
came upon the fresh trail of Black Hawk’s entire force, at a point near
Keeshkanawy Lake. Scouts from the battalion came up to Black Hawk’s
encampment, from which they had apparently taken their departure a few
days before. Here they found five white men’s scalps which had been left
hung up to dry. This battalion continued to march around the lake in
detachments, one of which found where there had been another encampment,
but on returning to camp and comparing notes they began to despair of
finding the main body of Black Hawk’s army in that region. On the 5th of
July, Gen. Atkinson with his army took a rest. During the day some scouts
brought in an old Indian nearly blind and half famished with hunger, whom
the Indians had left in their flight. After eating, Gen. Atkinson
questioned him closely as to the whereabouts of Black Hawk and his army,
but was satisfied from his replies and helpless condition, that he did not
know, but on taking up his line of march the near morning, Gen. Atkinson
did not leave him as the Indians had done, alone and without any means of
subsistence, but left him an abundance of food, and as we afterwards
learned, the old man recruited and afterwards got back to his tribe.,

On the evening of the 9th the army encamped at White Water, and the next
morning Indians were seen on the other side of this stream which was not
fordable, one of whom shot and wounded a regular. After breaking camp,
Gen. Atkinson ordered a move up the river, and that night camped with his
entire force—all having met at the same point. Gen. Dodge’s corps
had taken a Winnebago prisoner and brought him into camp for the purpose
of finding out if he knew where Black Hawk’s forces were. He said they
were encamped on an island near Burnt Village. Col. William S. Hamilton, a
brave and honored son of Alexander Hamilton, in command of a company of
Menomonees, who had joined the main army the day before, with Captain
Early and his command, after scouring the island thoroughly, reported
there were no Indians on the island.

Governor Reynolds, who had been on the march up Rock River with his
volunteers and the main army, together with Colonel Smith, Major Sidney
Breese and Colonel A. P. Field, left the army and came into Galena on the
12th, from whom we obtained our information of the movements of the army.
They were firmly of the opinion that the Indians had taken to the swamps,
and gotten entirely out of reach of the army, and that no farther danger
need be apprehended. Colonel Field, who is an eloquent speaker, at the
solicitation of Colonel Strode, although nearly worn out with hard
marches, made an able and soul-stirring speech to our regiment, and a
large number of the inhabitants of Galena.

At this time the army was nearly out of provisions, and Fort Winnebago,
about seventy-five miles distant, the nearest point at which they could
replenish. General Atkinson then ordered General Posey with his brigade,
to Fort Hamilton, General Henry’s and Alexander’s brigade and General
Dodge’s squadron to Fort Winnebago for provisions; and sent General Ewing
and his regiment to Dixon with Colonel Dunn, who had been seriously
wounded by one of his own sentinels, but who afterwards recovered. General
Atkinson then built a fort near the camping ground, which was Fort
Keeshkanong. General Alexander returned on the 15th with provisions to the
fort, while Generals Dodge and Henry thought best to go with their
commands to the head of Fox river, and while on the way stopped at a
Winnebago village and had a talk with their head men, who assured them
that Black Hawk was then at Cranberry Lake, a point higher up Rock river.
After a consultation by the Generals, it was deemed best to send an
express to General Atkinson at Fort Keeshkanong, to let him know of the
information they had got, and their intention of moving on the enemy the
next morning. Dr. Merryman, of Colonel Collins’ regiment, and Major
Woodbridge, Adjutant of General Dodge’s corps, volunteered to go, and with
Little Thunder, a Winnebago chief, as pilot, started out to perform this
dangerous service, and after traveling a few miles, came on fresh Indian
trails, which Little Thunder pronounced to have been made by Black Hawk’s
party, and fearing that they would be intercepted, insisted on returning
to camp. Night was then approaching, and having no guide to lead them
forward, they reluctantly followed Little Thunder back to camp. Orders
were then given for an early move next morning, and at daylight the bugle
sounded, and the army moved onwards. The trail was followed for two days,
leading for Four Lakes. On the second day, July 21st, scouts from General
Dodge’s corps came in and reported Indians, and as a confirmation of the
fact, Dr. A.K. Philleo exhibited a scalp that he had taken from the head
of one that he had shot. Dr. Philleo was brave as the bravest, and
whenever a scouting party started out to look for Indians (unless his
services were required in camp), was always in the lead, and this being
his first Indian, took his scalp, and sent it to the writer, with written
instructions how to preserve it. To this end we handed over both to a deaf
and dumb printer in the office, who boasted somewhat of his chemical
knowledge, who spent considerable time for a number of days in following
the Doctor’s instructions. After the killing of this Indian, some of the
scouts discovered fresh signs of more Indians, and after pursuing it for
some miles, Dr. Philleo and his friend Journey, equally as brave, being in
the lead, espied two more Indians, when each picked his man and fired, and
both fell; one of them, although badly wounded, fired as he fell, and
wounded one of the scouts. The Doctor’s attention was now directed to his
wounded companion, hence his second Indian was allowed to retain his
scalp.

The scouts, finding that the trail was fresh, and the Indians were rapidly
retreating, having strewed their trail with camp equipage, in order to
facilitate their movements, sent an express back to camp, when the army
hastily took up the line of march, with Dodge’s corps and Ewing’s Spy
battalion in the front. By fast riding they soon came up with the Indians,
whom they found already in line to receive them.

AT WISCONSIN HEIGHTS.

Orders were at once given to dismount (leaving enough to hold the horses)
and charge upon the Indians. They had scarcely time to form into line when
they were met by the yelling Indians and a heavy volley from their guns.

Dodge and Ewing ordered a charge, and as they moved forward, returned the
fire at close quarters, with deadly effect. The Indians then commenced a
flank movement, and by securing a position in the high grass where they
could in a measure conceal themselves, fought bravely, until Dodge and
Ewing gave orders to charge upon them at the point of the bayonet. In this
engagement Col. Jones had his horse shot from under him, and one man
killed—but at the word “charge,” he went forward with his
brave men, and all performed their duty nobly and fearlessly, and soon
dislodged the Indians from their hiding place and forced them into a hasty
retreat. It being then too late to pursue them, orders were given to camp
on the battle-ground.

In this engagement Neapope had command, who was not only brave and
fearless, but well skilled in strategy. Having become well acquainted with
him after the war, he told the writer that he knew Gen. Dodge personally,
and had met him on the field of battle, and considered him one of the
bravest men he had ever met, although in this engagement all the officers
showed great skill and bravery, and thus encouraged their men to acts of
noble daring to a degree that he had never before witnessed in common—not
regular—soldiers. He said in this engagement, the command had been
entrusted to him of this small force—about two hundred—Indians,
in order to give Black Hawk and the remainder of his party, time to cross
the river. He reported his loss at twenty-eight (28) killed.

The newt morning a portion of the army was ordered forward to pursue the
fleeing enemy, but on reaching the river, found that they had taken to the
swamps, when it was deemed prudent to return to camp without attempting to
follow them.

Here the army rested for one day, and made comfortable provisions to carry
the wounded, after having consigned the remains of John Short, who had
been killed the day before, to mother Earth, with the honors of war.

In the meantime, Gen. Atkinson arrived with his regulars and the brigades
of Generals Posey and Alexander; and on the 28th of July, took up the line
of march with Gen. Atkinson at the head. Their route led through a
mountainous country for several days, as the Indiana seemed to have
selected the most difficult route they could find in order to gain time,
and reach the river in advance, and then secure the best possible
positions to defend themselves.

Having learned from an old Indian that had been left behind, that the
enemy was only a short distance ahead, Gen. Atkinson, on breaking camp at
an early hour in the morning, gave orders for the march towards the river,
with Gen. Dodge’s squadron in front; Infantry next; Second brigade, under
command of Gen. Alexander, next; Gen. Posey’s brigade next, and Gen.
Henry’s in the rear.

After marching a few miles Gen. Dodge’s scouts discovered the rear guard
of the enemy, when an express was sent immediately to Gen. Atkinson, who
ordered troops to proceed at double quick. In the meantime Gen. Dodge’s
command pushed forward and opened a heavy fire, from which many Indians
were shot down while retreating toward the Mississippi, where their main
body was stationed. Dodge’s squadron being in the lead, were first to open
upon the main army of the Indians, whilst Gen. Henry’s brigade, that had
been placed in the rear in the morning, came first to his aid. The battle
waged furiously for more than two hours, and until the last visible Indian
warrior was killed. The Indians had commenced crossing before the battle
opened, and a number took to their canoes and made good their escape as
the battle progressed. The number killed was estimated at something over
one hundred, but the Indians afterward reported their loss at
seventy-eight killed and forty-two wounded. Our loss was seventeen killed
and about the same number wounded.

During the engagement several squaws were killed accidentally and a number
wounded, including children, who were taken prisoners. Among the latter,
Dr. Philleo reported a boy with one arm badly broken, who exhibited a
greater degree of stoicism during the operation of amputation, than he had
ever before witnessed. Being very hungry, they gave him a piece of bread
to eat, which he ravenously masticated during the entire operation,
apparently manifesting no pain whatever from the work of the surgeon.

Many of the Indians who got across the river in safety were afterwards
killed by the Menomonees.

STEAMBOAT WARRIOR’S FIGHT.

On the 2d of August, 1832, the steamboat, Warrior, was lying at Prairie du
Chien, and word having been received at the fort that Black Hawk’s main
army was then at, or near the river above, at a point designated for all
to meet for the purpose of crossing the river, Lieut. Kingsbury took her
in charge, and started up with one company, in order to intercept the
Indians and prevent their crossing before the main army arrived, as he
knew it was in close pursuit of them. The boat soon came in view of
Indians on both sides of the river—Black Hawk and several lodges
having already crossed over-when they were hailed by Lieut. Kingsbury. A
white flag was hoisted by the Indians, and Black Hawk directed the
Winnebago interpreter on board the Warrior, to say to his chief that he
wanted him to send out his small boat so as he could go on board, a he
desired to give himself up. The Winnebago, however, reported to the
commander that they refused to bring their flag aboard. He then directed
his interpreter to say that if they still refused he would open fire upon
them. In reply, the interpreter said they still refused, when the
Lieutenant directed his six-pounder to be fired among them, and also
opened a musketry fire by his company. This was returned by the Indians,
and the battle continued for some time. Several Indians were killed at the
first fire, after which the remainder sought protection behind trees,
stumps, etc. It was then getting late in the afternoon, and as the boat
was nearly out of wood they dropped down to the fort to replenish, and
started back again the next morning. On reaching an island some miles
above their battle-ground of the day before, they commenced to rake it
with their six-pounder, supposing the Indians had taken shelter there, and
the army considering it a salute, Gen. Atkinson returned it. Soon after
the boat landed and took on board Gen. Atkinson and the regulars and then
returned to Prairie du Chien. The Illinois volunteers were ordered to
Dixon, at which place they were discharged, while the troops of the lead
mines were mustered out at Galena. After the boat started down the evening
before, Black Hawk and a few of his people left for the lodge of a
Winnebago friend, and gave himself up. Thus ended a bloody war which had
been forced upon Black Hawk by Stillman’s troops violating a flag of
truce, which was contrary to the rules of war of all civilized nations,
and one that had always been respected by the Indians. And thus, by the
treachery or ignorance of the Winnebago interpreter on board of the
Warrior, it was bought to a close in the same ignoble way it commenced—disregarding
a flag of truce—and by which Black Hawk lost more than half of his
army. But in justice to Lieut. Kingsbury, who commanded the troops on the
Warrior, and to his credit it must be said, that Black Hawk’s flag would
have been respected if the Winnebago, who acted as his interpreter on the
boat, had reported him correctly.

GENERAL ATKINSON’S REPORT.

HEADQUARTERS FIRST ARTILLERY CORPS, NORTH-WESTERN ARMY, Prairie du Chiens,
Aug. 25, 1832.

SIR:—I have the honor to report to you that I crossed the Ouisconsin
on the 27th and 28th ultimo, with a select body of troops, consisting of
the regulars under Colonel Taylor, four hundred in number, part of
Henry’s, Posey’s and Alexander’s brigades, amounting in all to 1,300 men,
and immediately fell upon the trail of the enemy, and pursued it by a
forced march, through a mountainous and difficult country, till the
morning of the 2d inst., when we came up with his main body on the left
bank of the Mississippi, nearly opposite the mouth of the Ioway, which we
attacked, defeated and dispensed, with a loss on his part of about a
hundred and fifty men killed, thirty men, women and children taken
prisoners—the precise number could not be ascertained, as the
greater potion was slain after being forced into the river. Our loss in
killed and wounded, which is stated below, is very small in comparison
with the enemy, which may be attributed to the enemy’s being forced from
his position by a rapid charge the commencement, and throughout the
engagement the remnant of the enemy, cut up and disheartened, crossed to
the opposite side of the river, and had fled into the interior, with a
view, it is supposed, of joining Keokuk and Wapello’s bands of Sacs and
Foxes.

The horses of the volunteer troops being exhausted by long marches, and
the regular troops without shoes, it was not thought advisable to continue
the pursuit; indeed, a stop to the further effusion of blood seemed to be
called for, till it might be ascertained if the enemy would surrender.

It is ascertained from our prisoners that the enemy lost in the battle of
the Ouisconsin sixty-eight killed and a very large number wounded; his
whole loss does not fall short of three hundred. After the battle on the
Ouisconsin, those of the enemy’s women and children, and some who were
dismounted, attempted to make their escape by descending that river, but
judicious measures being taken by Captain Loomis and Lieutenant Street,
Indian Agent, thirty-two women and children and four men have been
captured, and some fifteen men killed by the detachment under Lieutenant
Ritner.

Your obedient servant,

Brevet Brig. Gen. U.S.A.

Maj. Gen. Macomb, Com. in Chief, Washington.

APPENDIX.

AT YELLOW BANKS.

Among the many hundreds of troops that came to Yellow Bank—Oquawka—on
their way to the sea of war, Major S. S. Phelps always spoke in high terms
of their good discipline and gentlemanly conduct, except in one instance—that
of a few persons in a company from McDonough county, who came over at a
time when old chief Tama and his wife, who was noted for being the white
man’s friend, came over to get provisions for his little band. On seeing
an Indian some of these soldiers, who had been using their canteens rather
frequently, were eager to slay him, and not only threatened him but Major
P. also, for harboring him. The officers seemed to have no control of
these men—and just at a time when their threats were loudest of what
they intended to do at the close of three minutes, Major P. and one of his
clerks, Mr. Joseph Smart, were standing with their rifles cocked ready to
make the first shot, a cry came from outside of the building, by one of
the more peaceable soldiers, “Here comes another company, Capt. Peter
Butler’s, from Monmouth,” when these would-be braves instantly retreated.

We are assured by one of Capt. B.’s company, Mr. James Ryason, that the
foregoing is literally true, and that Major P. and Mr. Smart, afterwards,
amid the threats of these same soldiers, escorted Tama and wife to the
river bank to take their canoe to cross the river, and stood there with
their guns, ready to protect the Indians until they got out of reach of
gunshot—Smart threatening all the time to put a ball though the
first man that attempted to shoot.

In order to appease the wrath of these soldiers and prevent some of them
being killed, Capt. B. advised Maj. P. not to give Tama any provisions;
but on the way down, Mr. Ryason says, Smart (who talked their language
equal to a native born) told them to meet them at a certain point after
night and they would be supplied; and that for the purpose of assisting
Mr. Smart in taking supplies to Tama, he got leave of absence from the
Captain until next morning.

Messrs. James Ryason and Gabriel Shot, both honorable and highly respected
Christian gentlemen, are the only survivors of that company now residing
in this county.

Tama’s village, located on South Henderson, half a mile below the farm of
Mr. John T. Cook, at Gladstone, was always noted as being the abode of
friendly Indians. In the fall of 1829, some write men came in and made
improvements on the land in the vicinity, and at the advice of Mr. Phelps,
Tama crossed the river and made a new town at the mouth of Flint river on
the Mississippi, and at the time of Black Hawk’s raid into Illinois, it
was the rendezvous of many young men who had been persuaded by Tama not to
join Black Hawk. But when the news reached them of the indignities offered
to their good old chief, they secretly determined to go upon the war path,
and soon after four young Foxes started to cross the river and avenge the
insult. On going up Henderson creek they espied Mr. William Martin while
in the act of mowing, at a point near Little York, whom they shot and
killed, and for fear of detection, immediately took to the brush. It being
late when they got through the woods, they made a fire and camped just at
the edge of the prairie.

Some time after the shooting, friends of Mr. Martin discovered his
lifeless body and after removing it to the home, started on the trail of
his murderers, and followed it some distance through the underbrush, but
wisely concluded, as it was growing late, to return and give the alarm. An
express was sent to Capt. Butler during the night, who started out with
his company early in the morning, and on emerging into the prairie
discovered the camp fire of the Indians, add followed their trail to a
slough in the Mississippi two miles below Keithsburgh. Here the Indians
embarked in their canoes and were probably on the other side of the river
by this time. A demand was immediately made upon Keokuk for the murderers,
as they belonged to his band of Foxes, who surrendered two men to the
commanding officer at Rock Island.

These Indians soon afterwards made their escape, and before the time fixed
for their trial, Keokuk delivered four young men to Maj. Phelps, then
sheriff of Warren county, to be tried for the offence. Maj. P. and his
deputy, Mr. James Ryason, took them to Monmouth jail, where the following
proceedings were had before the Circuit Court (for a copy of which we are
indebted to George C. Rankin, Esq., now Circuit Clerk):

WARREN COUNTY CIRCUIT COURT.

William Martin was shot and scalped by two Indians, near Little York,
Warren county, August 9th, 1832. In their report at the October term of
the Warren Circuit Court, the Grand jurors say:

“Six or seven Indians of Keokuk’s band of Sac and Fox Indians who were not
included in the war path under Black Hawk and other chiefs of the Sac and
Fox, nation, came over from the western bank of the Mississippi river to
the inhabited parts of Warren county, in said State, and unlawfully and
feloniously murdered the said William Martin in the most barbarous manner.
That the names of the said Indians are unknown to the Grand Jury. That two
of the said Indians have been heretofore given up by the chiefs of said
Indians, that they were confined in the Fort at Rock Island for some time
but have made their escape, and are now at large in their own country.
That the Grand jury cannot now find an indictment because the names of the
said Indiana are unknown to said jury. But they recommend that the
Governor of the State be furnished with a copy of this presentment, and
that he be desired to request of the President of the United States that
the whole of the said Indians concerned in the said murder may be demanded
of the said Sac and Fox nation that they may be indicted and punished for
murder under the authority of the laws of this State.”

In compliance with the demand of the President, the chiefs surrendered
four Indians, namely, with their Interpretations;

Concerning which, the Grand jury at the June term 1833 say:

“From an examination made by this Grand Jury they we now able to state
that the four Indians lately surrendered by the chiefs at the request of
the President of the United States, are not the real murderers of Martin.
The chiefs represent that at the time the demand was made the real
offenders had escaped from the territory and power of their nation. That
the prisoners now in custody volunteered themselves to be surrendered in
place of those who escaped, and that from custom amongst Indians, they
supposed this would be a sufficient compliance with the requisition of the
President. The Grand jury will not positively say that the chiefs have
prevaricated, but they do say that the demand already made has been
eluded.”

By a writ of habeas corpus, the four Indians above named were brought
before the judge, presiding, Hon. Richard M. Young, June 14th, 1833, and
released.

Indictment was returned against the real murderers, Shash-quo-washi,
Muck-que-che-qua, Muck-qua-pal-ashah, and Was-a-wau-a-quot, who, “not
having the fear of God before their eyes, but being moved and seduced by
the instigations of the devil,” killed Wm. Martin. The indictment was
drawn by Thomas Ford, States Attorney, and recites that William Martin was
shot a little below the shoulder blade. Among the witnesses named were
Keokuk and Stabbing Chief. The guilty parties were never arrested, and a
nolle prosequi was entered at the October term at court, 1835.

GEN. SCOTT ARRIVES AT CHICAGO.

Gen. Scott, with a full regiment of regulars, came up the lake and landed
at Chicago about the 10th of July—the cholera in the meantime having
broken out among his troops, from which several had died. While encamped
at that point, it continued its virulence to such an extent, and in a
number of cases fatally, that he deemed it best to much out on the high
land, and soon after continued his journey, by slow marches, to Rock
Island. On reaching Rock river, where Milan is now situated, the cholera
had disappeared, and he went into camp with his entire regiment. The clear
water of this beautiful stream was a Godsend to the many tired men, for
the ablution of their bodies and the cleansing of their apparel, tents,
etc., and seemed to have a general invigorating effect upon the entire
regiment.

Gen. Scott then went over to Rock Island with two companies to garrison
Fort Armstrong, and there learned the situation of affairs in the army,
and the great reduction made in the ranks of Black Hawk’s band of Indians,
so that a final close of the war was daily expected.

THE GENERAL’S REMEDY.

The General pulled off his coat, rolled up his sleeves, and directed an
orderly to tear off strips of red flannel, fill a bucket with brandy and
carry them to the hospital. On arriving at the bedside of a patient he
directed him to be stripped, and then with flannel soaked in brandy he
rubbed his chest thoroughly, in order to bring on a reaction, in the
meantime administering a little brandy with a spoon. In the course of half
an hour he returned and reported progress. He said he left his patient
free from pain, and directed a small portion of the brandy to be given
occasionally.

The well soldiers, seeing that their General was not afraid of cholera,
nor too proud to act as nurse to a sick soldier, took courage and insisted
on his retiring, so that they could fill his place. Seeing that new life
had been infused among the well soldiers, and a gleam of hope seeming to
inspire the sick, he gave directions for them to continue, as he had
commenced, and then retired.

On returning to his quarters he washed his hands, rolled down his sleeves,
put on his uniform, and then invited us to take a little brandy. After
listening to his mode of treatment, we casually remarked that it looked
feasible, but at the same time reprehensible in the General of the army
exposing himself in the performance of a duty that could be done as well
by a common soldier. He gave us a look, and kept his eyes upon us as his
giant form raised up, and, with a sweep of his sword arm, said in majestic
tones: “Sir, it is the duty of a General to take care of his army; should
he fall another can take his place; but, without an army his occupation is
gone!”

The General’s treatment was continued right along, and the result was that
many of those attacked got well.

Soon after the close of the war, which terminated with the battle of Bad
Axe, on the second day of August, 1832, he came to Galena, and, in
conference with Governor John Reynolds, ordered the chiefs head men and
warriors of the Winnebago Nation to meet them at Fort Armstrong, Rock
Island, on the 15th day of September, 1832, for the purpose of holding a
treaty.

At the time fixed by the Commissioners they were met by the chiefs, head
men and warriors of the Winnebago Nation, with whom a treaty was made and
concluded, by which the Winnebagoes ceded to the United States all the
lands claimed by them lying to the south and east of Wisconsin river and
the Fox river of Green Bay. The consideration of this cession on the part
of the United States, to be a grant to the Winnebago Nation of a tract on
the west side of the Mississippi river known as the neutral ground and
annual annuities for twenty-seven years of $10,000 in specie and a further
sum, not to exceed $3,000 annually, for the purposes of maintaining a farm
and a school for the education of Winnebago children during the same
period of twenty-seven years.

TREATY WITH SACS AND FOXES.

After concluding the treaty with the Winnebagoes, and for the purpose of
making a lasting peace with the Sacs and Foxes, these Commissioners held a
treaty at the same place, and a week later, on the 21st day of September,
with chiefs, head men and warriors of that confederate tribe. The
Commissioners demanded, partly as indemnity for expenses incurred in the
late war with Black Hawk’s band and to secure future tranquility, a
cession of a large portion of their country bordering on the frontiers. In
consideration thereof the United States agree to pay to said confederate
tribes annually, for thirty years, $20,000 in specie; also, to pay Messrs.
Farnham and Davenport, Indian traders at Rock Island, the sum of $40,000,
to be receipted for in full of all demands against said Indians. And,
further, at the special request of said confederate tribes, the United
States agree to grant, by letters patent, to their particular friend,
Antoine LeClair, interpreter, one section of land opposite Rock Island and
one section at the head of the rapids of the Mississippi river.

THE CITY OF DAVENPORT, IOWA.

This beautiful city now covers that “Section of land opposite Rock Island”
that was donated by treaty to Antoine LeClair by the Sacs and Foxes, and
also three or four more sections. At that time it was wholly uninhabited,
the Foxes having removed their village from that point some three years
before. As a town site it was regarded by strangers and travelers on
steamboats as the most beautiful west of the Mississippi between St. Louis
and St. Paul, and now, with its twenty-three thousand inhabitants, elegant
residences, magnificent public buildings, fine churches, schoolhouses,
extensive manufactories, and large business blocks, it Stands unrivalled
as a beautiful city. It has ten miles of street railroads, affording easy
access to all parts of the city. It has two daily papers, the Gazette
and Democrat, (morning and evening) both ably conducted; and also a
German daily and two weeklies. The river is spanned by an elegant bridge
that was built at the cost of nearly a million dollars, which is used by
the various railroads from East to West, and has a roadway for teams and
pedestrians.

THE CITY OF ROCK ISLAND

Is located on the bank of the river in Illinois, immediately opposite to
Davenport, and is a large and flourishing city, with a population of about
twelve thousand inhabitants. It has fine public buildings, elegant
churches and residences, substantial business blocks, extensive
manufactories and elegant water works. The city is lighted by electric
lights, from high towers, that cast their refulgent rays over the entire
city, which makes it the finest lighted city in the west. There are two
daily papers, (morning and evening) The Union and The Argus,
both enjoying the privilege of Press dispatches, and both issue weeklies.
The Rock Islander is also published weekly, and all have the
appearance of great prosperity. The professions are represented by men of
fine ability, including some of wide reputation. The banking business is
done principally by two National Banks, that have a deservedly high
reputation, and are doing a large business. There are two first-class
hotels—the Harper House and Rock Island House—and several of
less pretentions. The city has large coal fields, in close proximity, with
railroads running daily to and from the banks, by which the three cities
are supplied.

THE CITY OF MOLINE

Is located two miles up the river from Rock Island, but connected with it
by street railways. It has a population of over 8,000 inhabitants, and is
extensively known from its many manufacturing establishments, which are
supplied with water power from a dam across the river from the Island.

FIFTY YEARS AGO

When the writer first visited this most beautiful Island in the
Mississippi river, then and now known as Rock Island, the ground on which
the triplet cities of Davenport, Rock Island, and Moline now stands, was
covered with prairie grass, and apparently a sterile waste as regards to
the two former, whilst the latter was principally covered with timber. Now
how changed! Then the site of Davenport was claimed to be the most
beautiful on the west bank of the Mississippi, between St. Paul and St.
Louis by Black Hawk and his confreres, who had traveled up and down the
river in canoes, whilst his judgment was confirmed by thousands of
passengers who viewed it from steamboats in after years.

THE TRIPLE CITIES

are widely known as the leading manufacturing cities of the great west,
with railroads stretching out from ocean to ocean, and although the
Mississippi makes a dividing line, they are united by a magnificent
bridge, which makes their intercourse easier than over paved streets.

Rock Island, at that time, was excluded from settlement by the orders of
Government, as it had been reserved, on the recommendation of Hon. Lewis
Cass, whilst he was in the Senate and Cabinet, as a site for a United
States Arsenal and Armory. Fort Armstrong was situated on the lower end of
the Island, and was then in command of Col. William Davenport. The Sac and
Fox agency (Maj. Davenport, agent,) stood on the bank of the river about
half a mile above the Fort; next came the residence and office of Antoine
Le Clair, United States Interpreter for the Sam and Foxes, and a little
higher up, the residence, store-house and out buildings of Col. George
Davenport, who had by an act of Congress, preempted a claim of two hundred
acres of land running across the Island from bank to bank of the river.
The Island is about two miles long, and being at the foot of the rapids
has the best water power on the river, capable of running a much greater
amount of machinery than is at present in operation. The entire Island is
now owned and occupied by the Government, (the heirs of Col. Davenport
having sold and deeded their interest), and is now used as an

ARMORY AND ARSENAL

which are destined to be in the near future, the most extensive works of
the kind probably in the world. Indeed, army officers who have traveled
extensively in the Old World, say they have never seen anything to compare
with it, in elegant grounds, water power and buildings, and with such
facilities for moving anything to and from the Arsenal. These works were
commenced under the supervision of Gen. Rodman, the inventor of the Rodman
gun, and since the death of the General, D. W. Flagler, Lieut. Col. of
Ordinance, has been in command, and a more efficient and better qualified
officer for the place could not have been found in the army.

There are already completed ten massive stone buildings, which are used
for work shops, storage, etc., officers’ quarters, both durable and
comfortable, and many other buildings. The former residence of Col. George
Davenport, (the House in which he as killed for money many years ago)
built in 1831, of solid hewed timber, and afterwards weather-boarded,
still stands unoccupied.

The Island is mostly covered with trees of different varieties, which are
kept neatly trimmed, and is laid out like a park, with wide avenues
extending its whole length, which makes the most elegant drives and shady
walks for the thousands of visitors who flock to the Island to feast their
eyes upon its magnificence.

THE CITY OF KEOKUK, IOWA,

Is located at the foot of the Lower Rapids, 139 miles from Rock Island,
and bears the name of the distinguished chief of the Sacs and Foxes. At
our first visit there, in 1832, there was a long row of one-story
buildings fronting on the river, that were used by Col. Farnham, agent of
the American Fur Company, as a store and warehouse—this being the
principal depot for trade with the Sacs and Foxes, who were then the sole
proprietors of the country and its principal inhabitants, with the
exception of a few individuals who had got permission to put up shanties
for occupation during the low-water season, while they were engaged in
lighting steamers passing up and down the river, but unable to cross the
rapids while loaded.

At that day the old chief, Keokuk, boasted of having the handsomest site
for a big village that could be found on the river, and since that day it
has grown to be a large and elegant city, with wide streets, fine public
buildings, nice churches, school-houses, elegant residences, extensive
business houses, wholesale and retail stores, manufactories, and a
flourishing Medical University with elegant buildings, which has been in
successful operation for more than twenty years. The United States
District Court for Southern Iowa is also located here. The city is well
provided with good hotels. The Patterson House, an immense building, five
stories high, being chief, which has always ranked as first-class-with a
number of hotels of smaller dimensions, but well kept—affording
ample accommodation for the thousands of travelers that frequently
congregate at this place. The various professions are represented by men
of fine ability—some of them of wide reputation. They have two daily
papers, The Gale City, and The Constitution, which are ably
conducted.

A fine canal, running the entire length of the Rapids, from Montrose to
Keokuk, has been built by the United States, through which steamboats can
now pass at any stage of water—but designed more particularly for
low water—so that there is no longer any detention to lighten
steamboats over the Rapids.

THE CITY OF MUSCATINE, IOWA.

Muscatine was first settled as a wood yard by Col. John Vanater, in July,
1834, and was laid out as a town by him in 1836, and called Bloomington.
The county was organized in 1837, under the name of Muscatine, and
Bloomington made the county seat. The name of the town was changed to
correspond with that of the county in 1851. Its population at the last
census was 8,294; present population not less than 10,000. Besides being
the centre of a large trade in agricultural products, it is extensively
engaged in manufacturing lumber, sash, doors and blinds, and possesses
numerous large manufactories, oat-meal mills, and the finest marble works
in the State. It is also the centering point of a very large wholesale and
retail trade. It is situated at the head of the rich Muscatine Island, the
garden spot of the Northwest, and is the shipping point for millions of
melons and sweet potatoes annually.

Muscatine is a good town, with a good business and good newspapers. The Journal
and Tribune are published daily, semi-weekly and weekly. Hon. John
Mahin has been the editor of the Journal since 1852, and there is
no editor in the State whose service dates further back than his.

THE CITY OF DUBUQUE.

Soon after the close of the war and the discharge of the volunteer army,
the writer, with some twenty others who had served through the war, formed
a company for the purpose of laying out the town of Dubuque. One of their
number, Capt. James Craig, being a surveyor, he was selected to survey the
lines and lay out the town. About the middle of September, 1832, he
started out from Galena with his chain-carriers, stake-drivers, etc.,
(stakes having been previously sawed and split on an island opposite, all
ready for use), and in due time completed the survey. Blocks fronting the
river on three or four streets back were completed, each lot receiving its
stakes, whilst those farther back were staked as blocks, and not
subdivided. A few of the original proprietors built and took possession at
once. Among them were the Messrs. Langworthy, enterprising and energetic
young gentlemen, who commenced business as grocers in a small way, with
supplies for miners. Their faith was strong that adventurers would come
in, and that the time was not far distant when the town would take a
start, and in a few years become a populous city. Miners and prospectors
soon took possession of claims in the immediate vicinity, and in one
instance a claim was made and ore struck within the limits of our survey.

It was well known that the Indians had been in the habit, for many years,
of visiting this portion of their country, for the purpose of getting
their supplies of lead; hence the supposition of miners, who had long been
engaged in prospecting for lead-mining, that lead would be found on this
side of the river and in the vicinity of Dubuque. This caused a great rush
to the new fields, of hundreds, who expected to strike it rich with less
labor and expense. All were aware, however, that under the treaty just
made with the Sacs and Foxes by Gen. Scott and Gov. Reynolds, they had no
right to enter upon these lands, and stood in daily fear of being ordered
off by United States troops. But their numbers steadily increased. At
length the long expected order came. Major Davenport, Indian Agent at Rock
Island, was ordered to go forward, and, with one company of infantry in
two Mackinaw boats, commanded by Lieut. Beach, they landed near the mouth
of Fever river (Galena) about the first of October. The Major came up to
Galena with a letter from Col. George Davenport to the writer, to assist
him in the discharge of his delicate duty. Word was sent to Lieut. Beach
not to proceed up the river until the afternoon of the next day, as the
sight of troops by the miners might make them hard to manage; otherwise, I
assured the Major, he would have no trouble. We proceeded at once to a
point opposite Dubuque, where we found a comfortable stopping place with
the ferryman, and he being a man of considerable influence, I suggested to
him the propriety of going over to Dubuque to send men to all the mining
camps, requesting a meeting the next morning, at nine o’clock, of all the
miners, with the agent, to hear what he had to say, and to assure them at
the same time that his mission was a peaceable one, and that there should
be no objection manifested to disobey the orders of the Government.

After the departure of our messenger we took a private room to talk over
the programme for the meeting, when we suggested that, on assembling, the
Major should make a little speech explanatory of his visit, in which he
should express sorrow for the hardships it would be to leave their claims,
with the hope that the time was not distant when all might lawfully
return, etc. The Major said he was not a speech-maker, or a very good
talker, but would read the orders sent to him to dispossess them, and see
that they crossed the river.

After some discussion, the writer, at his request, wrote out a short
address for the Major, and on going over the next morning, we met some
four or five hundred miners at the grocery store, who had assembled to
listen to the orders sent for their removal. There being no boards or
boxes into which to improvise a stand for the speaker, a whisky-barrel was
introduced, from the head of which, after apologizing to the miners for
the disagreeable duty that had been placed upon the Major, and in
consequence of his suffering from a bad cold, we had taken the stand to
read to them his short address, and as most of them had spent the summer
in the service of the Government as soldiers in the field, and had been
honorably discharged, the Major felt satisfied that there would be no
objection manifested by any one in the large crowd before us to disobey an
order from the Government. After the close of the Major’s address, the
question was put to vote by raising of hands. There was a general
upraising of hands, which was declared to be unanimous for immediate
removal. Owing to the good treatment received by the Major, he proposed to
treat the entire party, and, to facilitate the matter, buckets of whisky
with tin cups were passed around, and after all had partaken they shook
hands with the Major and commenced Crossing over in flatboats.

At three o’clock in the afternoon we crossed over on the last boat, and
took our departure for Galena. During the evening the Major’s report of
how his peaceable removal of a large body of intruders from the west to
the east bank of the Mississippi had been accomplished, was made out and
mailed. But the further fact that all those miners had recrossed the
river, and were then in their mining camps, was not recorded, for the
reason that the Major had not been posted as to their intentions.

Owing to the provisions of the treaty, it was a long time before Congress
passed an act for the sale of these lands, and confirmation to the titles
of town sites, hence, many of those who had laid out the town of Dubuque
had left the county, and at the time of proving up their claims failed to
put in an appearance—the writer being one of them—whilst those
who remained, with the Messrs. Langworthy, became sole proprietors—the
latter having lived to see the town rise in importance, and at this time
become one of the most populous cities on the west side of the
Mississippi.