AN ACCOUNT
OF
TIMBUCTOO AND HOUSA,
TERRITORIES IN THE INTERIOR OF
Africa,
By; EL HAGE ABD SALAM SHABEENY;
WITH
NOTES, CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
LETTERS DESCRIPTIVE OF
TRAVELS THROUGH WEST AND SOUTH BARBARY,
AND ACROSS THE MOUNTAIN’S OF ATLAS;
ALSO,
FRAGMENTS, NOTES, AND ANECDOTES;
SPECIMENS OF THE ARABIC EPISTOLARY STYLE,
&c. &c.
“L’Univers est une espèce de livre, dont on n’a lu que la première page,
quand on n’a vu que son pays.” LE COSMOPOLITE.
By JAMES GREY JACKSON,
RESIDENT UPWARDS OF SIXTEEN YEARS IN SOUTH AND WEST BARBARY,
IN A DIPLOMATIC AND IN A COMMERCIAL CAPACITY.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1820.
Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode,
Printers Street, London.
TO
HIS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY
GEORGE THE FOURTH,
&c. &c. &c.
THIS WORK
IS
WITH PERMISSION,
RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED,
BY
HIS MAJESTY’S
MOST DUTIFUL SUBJECT
AND SERVANT,
JAMES GREY JACKSON.
INTRODUCTION.
The person who communicated the following
intelligence respecting Timbuctoo and Housa,
is a Muselman, and a native of Tetuan, whose
father and mother are personally known to
Mr. Lucas, the British Consul. His name is
Asseed El Hage Abd Salam Shabeeny. His
account of himself is, that at the age of fourteen
years he accompanied his father to Timbuctoo,
from which town, after a residence of three
years, he proceeded to Housa; and after residing
at the latter two years, he returned to Timbuctoo,
where he continued seven years, and
then came back to Tetuan.
Being now in the twenty-seventh year of his
age, he proceeded from Tetuan as a pilgrim
and merchant, with the caravan for Egypt to
Mecca and Medina, and on his return, established
himself as a merchant at Tetuan, his
native place, from whence he embarked on
board a vessel bound for Hamburgh, in order to
purchase linens and other merchandize that were
requisite for his commerce.
On his return from Hamburgh in an English
vessel, he was captured, and carried prisoner to
Ostend, by a ship manned by Englishmen, but
under Russian colours, the captain of which
pretended that his Imperial mistress was at war
with all Muselmen. There he was released by
the good offices of the British consul, Sir John
Peters
a, and embarked once more in the same
vessel, which, by the same mediation, was also
released; but as the captain either was or pretended
to be afraid of a second capture, El
Hage Abd Salam was sent ashore at Dover, and
is now
b, by the orders of government, to take
his passage on board a king’s ship that will sail
in a few days.
In the following communications, Mr. Beaufoy
proposed the questions, and Mr. Lucas was
the interpreter.
Shabeeny was two years on his journey from
Tetuan to Mekka, before he returned to Fas.
He made some profit on his merchandise, which
consisted of haiks
c, red caps, and slippers,
cochineal and saffron; the returns were, fine
Indian muslins
d for turbans, raw silk, musk,
and gebalia
e, a fine perfume that resembles
black paste.
He made a great profit by his traffic at Timbuctoo
and Housa; but, he says, money gained
among the Negroes
f has not the blessing of
God on it, but vanishes away without benefit
to the owner; but, acquired in a journey to
Mecca, proves fortunate, and becomes a permanent
acquisition.
On his return with his father from Mecca,
they settled at Tetuan, and often carried cattle,
poultry, &c. to Gibraltar; his father passed the
last fifteen years of his life at Gibraltar, and
died there about the year 1793. He was born
at Mequinas; his family is descended from the
tribe of Shabban
g, which possesses the country
between Santa Cruz and Wedinoon. They were
entitled to the office of pitching the Emperor’s
tent, and attending his person. They can raise
40,000 men, and they were the first who accompanied
Muley Hamed Dehebby
h in his
march to Timbuctoo.
Footnote a:
(return) Confirmed by Sir John Peters.
Footnote b:
(return) In the year 1795.
Footnote c:
(return) The haiks are light cotton, woollen, or silk garments,
about five feet wide and four yards long, manufactured at Fas,
as are also the red caps which are generally made of the finest
Tedla wool, which is equal to the Spanish, and is the produce
of the province of that name, (for the situation of which
see the map of the empire of Marocco, facing page 55.)
The slippers are also manufactured from leather made from
goat-skins, at Fas and at Mequinas. The cochineal is imported
from Spain, although the opuntia, or the tree that
nourishes the cochineal-fly, abounds in many of the provinces
of West Barbary, particularly in the province of Suse.
The saffron abounds in the Atlas mountains in Lower Suse,
and is used in most articles of food by the Muhamedans.
Footnote d:
(return) Muls.
Footnote e:
(return) Gebalia resembles frankincense, or Gum Benjamin, and
is used for fumigations by the Africans.
Footnote f:
(return) Being idolaters.
Footnote g:
(return) Shâban is (probably) a tribe of the Howara Arabs, who
possess the beautiful plains and fine country situated between
the city of Terodant and the port of Santa Cruz. There is an
emigration of the Mograffra Arabs, who are in possession of
the country between Terodant and the port of Messa. The
encampments of an emigration of the Woled Abusebah
(vulgarly called, in the maps, Labdessebas) Arabs of Sahara,
occupy a considerable district between Tomie, on the coast,
and Terodant. The coast from Messa to Wedinoon is occupied
by a trading race of Arabs and Shelluhs, who have inter-married,
called Ait Bamaran. These people are very
anxious to have a port opened in their country, and some
sheiks among them have assured me, that there is a peninsula
on their coast conveniently situated for a port. This circumstance
is well deserving the attention of the maritime and
commercial nations of the world.
Footnote h:
(return) The youngest son of the Emperor Muley Ismael conducted
the expedition here alluded to, about the year of
Christ 1727. For an account of which see the Appendix,
page 523.
He considers himself now as settled at
Tetuan, where he has a wife and children.
He left it about twelve months ago, with three
friends, to go to Hamburg (as before mentioned.)
They were confined forty-seven days
at Ostend, were taken the second day of their
voyage; the English captain put them ashore
at Dover against their inclination, and proceeded
to Gibraltar with their goods: this was
in December, 1789.
THE CONTINENT.
The continent of Africa, the discovery of
which has baffled the enterprise of Europe, (unlike
every other part of the habitable world,)
still remains, as it were, a sealed book, at least,
if the book has been opened, we have scarcely
got beyond the title-page.
Great merit is due to the enterprise of travellers.
The good intention of the African
Association, in promoting scientific researches
in this continent, cannot (by the liberal) be
doubted. But something more than this is
necessary to embark successfully in this gigantic
undertaking. I never thought that the system
of solitary travellers would produce any beneficial
result. The plan of the expedition of
Major Peddie and Captain Tuckie was still
more objectionable than the solitary plan, and
I have reason to think, that no man possessing
any personal knowledge of Africa, ever entertained
hopes of the success of those expeditions.
Twenty years ago I declared it as MY decided
opinion, that the only way to obtain a knowledge
of this interesting continent, is through
the medium of commercial intercourse. The
more our experience of the successive failure of
our African expeditions advances, the more
strongly am I confirmed in this opinion. If
we are to succeed in this great enterprise, we
must step out of the beaten path–the road of
error, that leads to disappointment–the road
that has been so fatal to all our ill-concerted
enterprises; we must shake off the rust of precedent,
and strike into a new path altogether.
Do we not lack that spirit of union so expedient
and necessary to all great enterprises?
Is not the public good sacrificed to self-aggrandisement
and individual interest.–Let
the African Institution unite its funds to
those of the African Association, and co-operate
with the efforts of that society! Let the
African Company also throw in their share of
intelligence. The separated and sometimes discordant
interests of all these societies, if united,
might effect much. The united efforts of such
societies would do more in a year towards the
civilization of Africa, and the abolition of slavery,
than they will do in ten, unconnected as they
now are. Concordia parva res crescunt.–When
each looks to particular interests, we cannot
expect the result to be the general good.
It is probable that the magnificent enterprises
of the Portuguese and Spaniards, would, ere
this, have colonised and converted to Christianity,
all the eligible spots of idolatrous Africa,
if their attention to this grand object had not
been diverted by the discovery of America, and
their establishments in Brazil, Mexico, &c.
I was established upwards of sixteen years in
West and South Barbary; territories that maintain
an uninterrupted intercourse with all those
countries that Major Houghton, Hornemann,
Park, Rontgen, Burckhardt, Ritchie, and others
have attempted to explore. I was diplomatic
agent to several maritime nations of Europe,
which familiarised me with all ranks of society
in those countries. I had a perfect knowledge
of the commercial and travelling language of
Africa, (the Arabic.) I corresponded myself
with the Emperors, Princes, and Bashaws in this
language; my commercial connections were very
extensive, amongst all the most respectable merchants
who traded with Timbuctoo and other
countries of Sudan. My residence at Agadeer,
or Santa Cruz, in Suse, afforded me eligible opportunities
of procuring information respecting
the trade with Sudan, and the interior of Africa.
A long residence in the country, and extensive
connections, enabled me to discriminate, and to
ascertain who were competent and who were
not competent to give me the information I
required. I had opportunities at my leisure of
investigating the motives that any might have
to deceive me; I had time and leisure also to
investigate their moral character, and to ascertain
the principles that regulated their respective
conduct. Possessed of all these sources of information,
how could I fail of procuring correct
and authentic intelligence of the interior of
Africa; yet my account of the two Niles has
been doubted by our fire-side critics, and the
desultory intelligence of other travellers, who certainly
did not possess those opportunities of procuring
information that I did, has been substituted:
but, notwithstanding this unaccountable
scepticism, my uncredited account of the connection
of the two Niles of Africa, continues
daily to receive additional confirmation from all
the African travellers themselves. And thus,
Time
, (to use the words of a
jlearned and most
intelligent writer), “which is more obscure in
its course than the Nile, and in its termination
than the Niger,” is disclosing all these things:
so that I now begin to think that the before-mentioned
critics will not be able much longer
to maintain their theoretical hypothesis.
k
Footnote j:
(return) Vide the Rev. C. C. Colton’s Lacon, sect. 587. p. 260, 261.
Footnote k:
(return) See various letters on Africa, in this work, p. 443.
The talents, the extraordinary prudence and
forbearance, the knowledge of the Arabic language,
and other essential qualifications in an
African traveller, which the ever-to-be-lamented
Burckhardt so eminently possessed, gave me the
greatest hopes of his success in his arduous
enterprise, until I discovered, when reading
his Travels, that he was poor and despised, though
a Muselman.
There is too much reason to apprehend that he
was suspected, if not discovered by the Muselmen,
or he would not have been secluded from
their meals and society: the Muselmen never
(sherik taam) eat or divide food with those they
suspect of deception, nor do they ever refuse to
partake of food with a Muselman, unless they do
suspect him of treachery or deception; this
principle prevails so universally among them, that
artful and designing people have practised as
many deceptions on the Bedouin under the cloak
of hospitality, as are practised in Christian
countries under the cloak of religion! I cannot
but suspect, therefore, from the circumstance
before recited, that the Muselmism of Burckhardt
was seriously suspected, and that his companions
only waited a convenient opportunity
in the Sahara for executing their revenge on him
for the deception.
The very favourable reception that my account
of Marocco met with from the British
public; the many things therein stated, which
are daily gaining confirmation, although they
were doubted at the period of their publication,
have contributed in no small degree, to the production
of the following sheets, in which I can
conscientiously declare, that truth has been my
guide; I have never sacrificed it to ambition,
vanity, avarice, or any other passion.
The learned, I am flattered to see, are now
beginning to adopt my orthography of African
names; they have lately adopted Timbuctoo for
the old and barbarous orthography of Timbuctoo;
they have, however, been upwards of ten years
about it. In ten years more, I anticipate that
Fez will be changed into Fas, and Morocco into
Marocco, for this plain and uncontrovertible
reason,–because they are so spelled in the
original language of the countries, of which
they are the chief cities. Since the publication
of my account of Marocco, I have seen
Arabic words spelled various ways by the
same author (I have committed the same error
myself); but in the following work I have
adopted a plan to correct this prevailing error
in Oriental orthography, which, I think, ought
to be followed by every Oriental scholar, as the
only correct way of transcribing them in English;
viz. by writing them exactly according to the
original Arabic orthography, substituting gr (not
gh, as Richardson directs) for the Arabic guttural
[غ Arabic] grain, and kh for the guttural k or
[خ Arabic]–
Note. We should be careful not to copy the
orthography of Oriental or African names from
the French, which has too often been done, although
their pronunciation of European letters
is very dissimilar from our own.
CONTENTS.
An Account of a Journey from Fas to Timbuctoo, performed
about the year 1787, by El Hage Abd Salam
Shabeeny,Page 1
Route to Timbuctoo.–Situation of the City.–Population.–Inns
or Caravanseras, called Fondaks.–Houses.–Government.–Revenue.–Army.–Administration
of Justice.–Succession to Property.–Marriage.–Trade.–Manufactures.–Husbandry.–Provisions.–Animals.–Birds.–Fish.–Prices
of different Articles.–Dress.–Time.–Religion.–Diseases.–Manners
and Customs.–Neighbouring
Nations.
Journey from Timbuctoo to Housa37
The River Neel or Nile.–Housa.–Government.–Administration
of Justice–Landed Property,–Revenues.–Army.–Trade.–Climate.–Zoology.–Diseases.–Religion.–Persons.–Dress. Buildings.–Manners.–Gold.–Limits
of the Empire.
Letters, containing an Account of Journies through various
Parts of West and South Barbary, at different Periods,
personally performed by J.G. Jackson55
Letter I. (To James Willis, Esq., late British Consul
for Senegambia.) On the Opening of the Port of Agadeer,
or Santa Cruz, in the Province of Suse; and of its Cession
by the Emperor Muley Yezzid to the Dutchibid.
Letter II. (To the same.) The Author’s Arrival at
Agadeer or Santa Cruz.–He opens the Port to European
Commerce.–His favourable Reception on
landing there.–Is saluted by the Battery.–Abolishes
the degrading Custom that had been exacted of the
Christians, of descending from on Horseback, and entering
the Town on Foot, like the Jews.–Of a Sanctuary
at the Entrance of the Town, which had ever
been considered Holy Ground, and none but Muhamedans
had ever before been permitted to enter the
Gates on Horseback58
Letter III. (To the same.) The Author makes a
Commercial Road down the Mountain, to facilitate the
Shipment of Goods.–The Energy and Liberality of
the Natives, in working gratuitously at it.–Description
of the Portuguese Tower at Tildie.–Arab Repast
there.–Natural Strength of Santa Cruz, of the Town
of Agurem, and the Portuguese Spring and Tank
there.–Attempt of the Danes to land and build a Fort.–Eligibility
of the Situation of Santa Cruz, for a
Commercial Depot to supply the whole of the Interior
of North Africa with East India and European Manufactures.–Propensity
of the Natives to Commerce and
Industry, if Opportunity offered.62
Letter IV. (To the same.) Command of the Commerce
of Sudan.67
Letter V. From Mr. Willis to Mr. Jackson69
Letter VI. From the same to the same71
Letter VII. (To James Willis, Esq.) Emperor’s
March to Marocco.–Doubles the Customs’ Duties
of Mogodor.–The Governor, Prince Abdelmelk,
with the Garrison and Merchants of Santa Cruz, ordered
to go to the Court at Marocco.–They cross
the Atlas Mountains.–Description of the Country
and Produce.–Dangerous Defile in the Mountains
through which the Author passed.–Chasm in the
Mountain.–Security of Suse from Marocco, originating
in the narrow Defile in the Mountains of Atlas.–Extensive
Plantations of Olives.–Village of Ait
Musie.–Fruga Plains.–Marocco Plains.–Fine
Corn.–Reception at Marocco, and Audience with the
Emperor.–Imperial Gardens at Marocco.–Prince
Abdelmelk’s magnificent Apparel reprobated by the
Sultan.–The Port of Santa Cruz shut to the Commerce
of Europe, and the Merchants ordered to Marocco.–The
Prince banished to the Bled Shereef, or
Country of Princes; viz. Tafilelt, of the Palace at
Tafilelt.–Abundance of Dates.–Face of the Country.–Magnificent
Groves of Palm or Date-trees.–Faith
and Integrity of the Inhabitants of Tafilelt.–Imperial
Gardens at Marocco.–Mode of Irrigation.–Attar of
Roses, vulgarly called Otto of Roses (Attar being the
Word signifying a Distillation.).–State of Oister Shells
on the Top of the Mountains of Sheshawa, between
Mogodor and Marocco, being a Branch of the Atlas.–Description
of the Author’s Reception on the Road
from Marocco to Mogodor.–Of the Elgrored, or
Sahara of Mogodor73
Letter VIII.
From Mr. Willis to Mr. Jackson84
Extract of a Letter from His Excellency J.M.
Matra, British Envoy to Marocco, &c. to Mr. Jackson85
Letter IX.
(To James Willis, Esq.) Custom of
visiting the Emperor on his Arrival at Marocco.–Journey
of the Merchants thither on that Occasion.–No
one enters the Imperial Presence without a Present.–Mode
of travelling.–The Commercio.–Imperial
Gardens at Marocco.–Audience of the Sultan.–Amusements
at Marocco.–Visit to the Town of
Lepers.–Badge of Distinction worn by the Lepers.–Ophthalmia
at Marocco.–Its probable Cause.–Immense
Height of the Atlas, East and South of Marocco.–Mode
of visiting at Marocco.–Mode of
Eating.–Trades or Handicrafts at Marocco.–Audience
of Business of the Sultan.–Present received
from the Sultan86
Letter X.
From Mr. Willis to Mr. Jackson99
Letter XI.
From the same to the same101
Letter XII.
From the same to the same103
Letter XIII.
(To James Willis, Esq.) Journey from
Mogodor to Rabat, to Mequinas, to the Sanctuary of
Muley Dris Zerone in the Atlas Mountains, to the
Ruins of Pharaoh, and thence through the Amorite
Country to L’Araich and Tangier.–Started from
Mogodor with Bel Hage as (Tabuk) Cook, and Deeb
as (Mule Lukkerzana) Tent-Master.–Exportation of
Wool granted by the Emperor.–Akkermute depopulated
by the Plague.–Arabs, their Mode of hunting
the Partridge.–Observations respecting the River
Tansift.–Jerf El Eudie, or the Jews’ Pass.–Description
of Saffy, and its Port or Road.–Woladia
calculated to make a safe harbour.–Growth of Tobacco.–Mazagan
described.–Azamor the Abode of
Storks.–Saneet Urtemma a dangerous Country.–Dar
El Beida, Fedalla, and Rabat described.–Mausoleum
of the Sultan Muhamed ben Abd Allah at Rabat.–Of
Sheila, a Roman Town.–Of the Tower of Hassan.–Road
of Rabat.–Productive Country about Rabat.–Salee.–The
People inimical to Christians.–The
Dungeon where they confined Christian Slaves.–Ait
Zimurh, notorious Thieves.–Their Mode of Robbing.–Their
Country disturbed with Lions.–Arrival at
Mequinas.–Some Account of that City and its Imperial
Palace.–Ladies of Mequinas extremely beautiful.–Arrival
at the renowned Sanctuary of Muley Dris or Idris
Zerone.–Extraordinary and favourable Reception
there by the Fakeers of the Sanctuary.–Slept in the
Adytum.–Succour expected from the English in the
Event of an Invasion by Bonaparte.–Prostration and
Prayer of Benediction by the Fakeers at my Departure
from the Sanctuary.–Ruins of Pharaoh near the
Sanctuary.–Treasures found there.–Ite Amor.–
The Descendants of the Ancient Amorites.–Character
of these People.–Various Tribes of the Berebbers of
Atlas.–El Kassar Kabeer.–Its Environs, a beautiful
Country.–Forest of L’Araich.–Superior Manufacture
of Gold Thread made at Fas, as well as Imitations
of Amber.–Grand Entry of the British Ambassador
into Tangier.–Our Ignorance of African
Matters.–The Sultan’s Comparison of the Provinces
of his Empire to the various Kingdoms of Europe105
Letter XIV. (From His Excellency James M.
Matra to Mr. Jackson.) Respecting the Result of the
British Embassy to the Emperor of Marocco at Old
Fas128
Letter XV. (To James Willis, Esq.) European
Society at Tangier.–Sects and Divisions among
Christians in Muhamedan Countries counteracts the
Propagation of Christianity, and casts a Contempt upon
Christians themselves.–The Cause of it.–The Conversion
of Africa should be preceded by an Imitation
of the divine Doctrine of Christ among Christians
themselves129
Letter XVI. (To the same.) Diary of a Journey
from Tangier to Mogodor, showing the Distances from
Town to Town, along the Coast of the Atlantic Ocean;
useful to Persons travelling in that Country132
Letter XVII. (To the same.) An Account of a
Journey from Mogodor to Saffy, during a Civil War,
in a Moorish Dress, when a Courier could not pass,
owing to the Warfare between the two Provinces of
Haha and Shedma.–Stratagem adopted by the Author
to prevent Detection.–Danger of being discovered.–Satisfaction
expressed by the Bashaw of Abda,
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, on the Author’s safe Arrival,
and Compliments received from him on his having accomplished
this perilous Journey134
Letter XVIII. (To the same.) Journey to the
Prince Abd Salam, and the Khalif Delemy in Shtuka.–Encamped
in his Garden.–Mode of living in
Shtuka.–Audience of the Prince.–Expedition to
the Port of Tomie, in Suse.–Country infested with
Rats.–Situation of Tomie.–Entertainment at a
Douar of the Arabs of Woled Abbusebah.–Exertions
of Delemy to entertain his guests.–Arabian Dance
and Music.–Manner and Style of Dancing.–Eulogium
of the Viceroys and Captains to the Ladies.–Manners
of the latter.–Their personal Beauty.–Dress.–Desire
of the Arabs to have a Commercial
Establishment in their Country.–Report to the Prince
respecting Tomie.–Its Contiguity to the Place of the
Growth of various Articles of Commerce.–Viceroy’s
Offer to build a House, and the Duties.–Visit
to Messa.–Nature of the Country.–Gold and Silver
Mines.–Garden of Delemy.–Immense Water-melons
and Grapes.–Mode of Irrigation.–Extraordinary
People from Sudan at Delemy’s.–Elegant Sword.–Extensive
Plantations.–The Prince prepares to depart
for Tafilelt137
Letter XIX. (To the same.) Journey from Santa
Cruz to Mogodor, when no Travellers ventured to pass,
owing to Civil War and Contention among the Kabyles.–Moorish
Philanthropy in digging Wells for the Use
of Travellers.–Travelled with a trusty Guide without
Provisions, Tents, Baggage, or Incumbrances.–Nature
of the Warfare in the Land.–Bitter Effects of Revenge
and Retaliation on the happiness of Society.–Origin
of these civil Wars between the Families and Kabyles.–Presented
with Honey and Butter for Breakfast.–Patriarchal
Manner of living among the Shelluhs compared
to that of Abraham.–Aromatic Honey.–Ceremony
at Meals, and Mode of Eating.–Travelled
all Night, and slept in the open Air;–Method of
avoiding the Night-dew, as practised by the Natives.–Arrival
at Mogodor150
An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Decrease of the
Plague that ravaged West and South Barbary, in 1799,
faithfully extracted, from Letters written before and
during its Existence, by the House of James Jackson &
Co., or by James G. Jackson, at Mogodor, to their
Correspondents in Europe156
Letter from His Excellency James M. Matra to Mr.
Jackson163
An Account of a peculiar Species of Plague which
depopulated West and South Barbary in 1799 and 1800,
to the Effects of which the Author was an eye-witness166
Cases of Plague180
Observations respecting the Plague that prevailed
last Year in West Barbary, which was imported from
Egypt; communicated by the Author to the Editor
of the Quarterly Journal of Literature, Science, and
the Arts, edited at the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, No. 15, published October, 1819186
Journey from Tangier to Rabat, through the Plains of
Seboo, in Company with Doctor Bell and the Prince
Muley Teib and an Army of Cavalry191
Officiated as Interpreter between the Prince and Dr.
Bell.–Description of Food sent to us by the Prince.–The
Plains of M’sharrah Rummellah, an incomparably
fine and productive Country.–The Cavalry of
the Amorites;–their unique Observations on Dr.
Bell: their mean opinion of his Art, because he could
not cure Death.–Passage of the River Seboo on Rafts
of inflated Skins.–Spacious tent of Goat’s Hair
erected for the Sheik, and appropriated to the Use of
the Prince.–Description of the magnificent Plains of
M’sharrah Rummellah and Seboo.–Arabian Royalty.–Prodigious
Quantity of Corn grown in these Plains.–Matamores,
what they are.–Mode of Reaping.–
The Prince presents the Doctor with a Horse, and
approves of his Medicines.–The Prince and the Doctor
depart south-eastwardly, and the Author pursues his
Journey to Rabat and Mogodor191
Of the excavated Residences of the Inhabitants of Atlas:
the Acephali, Hel Shoual, and Hel el Kitteb198
The Discovery of Africa not to be effected by the
present System of solitary Travellers; but by a grand
Plan, with a numerous Company; beginning with Commerce,
as the natural Prelude to Discovery, the Fore-runner
of Civilization, and a preliminary Step, indispensable
to the Conversion of the native Negroes to
Christianity.
Cautions to be used in Travelling202
Danger of Travelling after Sun-set.–The Emperor
holds himself accountable for Thefts committed on
Travellers, whilst travelling between the rising and the
setting Sun.–Emigration of Arabs.–Patriarchal
Style of Living among the Arabs; Food, Clothing,
domestic Looms, and Manufactures.–Riches of the
Arabs calculated by the Number of Camels they possess.–Arabian
Women are good Figures, and have
personal Beauty; delicate in their Food; poetical
Geniuses; Dancing and Amusements; Musical Instruments;
their Manners are courteous.
Abundance of Corn produced in West Barbary208
Costly Presents made by Spain to the Emperor.–Bashaw
of Duquella’s Weekly Present of a Bar of
Gold.–Mitferes or Subterranneous Depositaries for
Corn.
Domestic Serpents of Marocco213
Manufactures of Fas214
Superior Manufactory of Gold Thread.–Imitation
of precious Stones.–Manufactory of Gun-barrels in
Suse.–Silver-mine.
On the State of Slavery in Muhamedan Africa219219
The Plague of Locusts221
Their incredible Destruction.–Used as Food.–Remarkable
Instance of their destroying every Green
Herb on one Side of a River, and not on the other.
On the Influence of the great Principle of Christianity on
the Moors224
Of the Propagation of Christianity in Africa.–Causes
that prevent it.–The Mode of promoting it is
through a friendly and commercial Intercourse with the
Natives.–Exhortation to Great Britain to attend to
the Intercourse with Africa.–Danger of the French
colonizing Senegal, and supplanting us, and thereby
depreciating the Value of our West-India Islands.
Interest of Money237
Application of the Superflux of Property or Capital.
Plan for the gradual Civilisation of Africa247
On the Commercial Intercourse with Africa, through
the Sahara and Ashantee.
Prospectus of a Plan for forming a North African or
Sudan Company: to be instituted for the Purpose of
establishing an extensive Commerce with, and laying
open to British Enterprise, all the Interior Regions of
North Africa251
Appendix to the foregoing Prospectus, being an
Epitome of the Trade carried on by Great Britain and
the European States in the Mediterranean, indirectly
with Timbuctoo, the Commercial Depot of North Africa,
and with other States of Sudan254
Letter from Vasco de Gama, in Elucidation of this
Plan258
Letter on the Commercial Intercourse with Africa, in
further Elucidation of this Plan264
Impediments to our Intercourse with Africa266
Architecture of the Mosques.–Funeral Ceremonies of
the Moors,–Gardens at Fas271
Fragments, Notes, and Anecdotes, illustrating the Nature
and Character of the Country276
Introduction,–Trade with Sudan.–Wrecked
Ships on the Coast, 278.–Wrecked Sailors.–Timbuctoo
Coffee.–Sand Baths.–Civil War common in
West Barbary, 279.–Policy of the Servants of the
Emperor.–El Wah El Grarbee, or the Western
Oasis, 280.–Prostration, the Etiquette of the Court
of Marocco, 281.–Massacre of the Jews, and Attack
on Algiers.–Treaties with Muhamedan Princes, 283.–Berebbers
of Zimurh Shelleh–The European Merchants
at Mogodor escape from Decapitation, 284.–The
Body of the Emperor Muley Yezzid disinterred, 186.
Shelluhs; their Revenge and Retaliation, 291.–Travelling
in Barbary.–Anecdote displaying the African
Character, and showing them to be now what they
were anciently, under Jugurtha, 293.–Every Nation
is required to use its own Costume, 296.–Ali Bey (El
Abassi), Author of the Travels under that Name, 297.–The
Emperor’s Attack on Dimenet, in the Atlas,
305.–Moral Justice, 306.–Contest between the
Emperor and the Berebbers of Atlas.–Characteristic
Trait of Muhamedans, 308.–Political Deception, 309.–Etiquette
of the Court of Marocco, 310.–Customs
of the Shelluhs of the Southern Atlas.–Connubial
Customs, 313.–Political Duplicity, 314.–Etiquette
of Language at the Court of Marocco, 315.–Food,
viz. Kuscasoe, Hassua, El Hasseeda, 317–The Woled
Abbusebah, a whole Clan of Arabs, banished from the
Plains of Marocco, 317.–The Koran called the Beloved
Book.–Arabian Music, 318.–Sigilmessa.–Mungo
Park at Timbuctoo.–Troglodyte, 319,–Police
of West Barbary, 320.–Muley Abdrahaman ben
Muhamed, an Anecdote of, 322,–Anecdote of Muley
Ismael, 323.–Library at Fas, 324.–Deism, 325–Muhamedan
Loyalty.–Cairo, 326.–Races of Men
constituting the Inhabitants of West and South Barbary,
and that part of Bled el Jereed, called Tafilelt
and Sejin Messa, east of the Atlas, forming the territories
of the present Emperor of Marocco: the
Moors–the Berebbers–the Shelluhs, 327.–The
Arabs–the Jews–Douars, 328.–Various Modes
of Intoxication, 329.–Division of Agricultural
Property, 331.–Mines.–Nyctalopia, Hemeralopia,
or Night-blindness, called by the Arabs Butelleese;
and its Remedy, 332.–Vaccination, 336.–Game,
338.–Agriculture.–Mitferes, 339.–Laws of Hospitality,
340.–Punishment for Murder.–Insolvency
Laws, 343.–Dances, 344.–Circumcision.–Invoice
from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz, 345.–Translation of
a Letter from Timbuctoo, 346.–Invoice from Timbuctoo
to Fas, 347.–Translation of its accompanying
Letter from Timbuctoo, 348.–Food of the Desert,–Antithesis,
a favourite Figure with the Arabs, 349.–Arabian
Modes of Writing, 350.–Decay of Science
and of Arts among the Arabs, 352.–Extraordinary
Abstinence experienced in the Sahara, 353.
Languages of Africa355
Various Dialects of the Arabic Language.–Difference
between the Berebber and Shelluh Languages.–Specimen
of the Mandinga Language.–Comparison
of the Shelluh Language with that of the Wah el
Grarbie, or Oasis of Ammon, and with the original
Language of the Canary Islands, and similitude of
Customs.
Titles of the Emperor of Marocco 382
Style of addressing him383
Specimens of Muhamedan Epistolatory Correspondence384
Letter I. Translation of a Letter from Muley Ismael,
Emperor of Marocco, to Captain Kirke, at Tangier,
Ambassador from King Charles the Second, A.D.
1684ibid.
Letter II. From the same to Sir Cloudesley Shovel,
on board the Charles Galley, off Sallee, A.D. 1684387
Letter III, Captain Shovel’s Answer, September
1684389
Letter IV. Translation of Muley Ismael, Emperor
of Marocco’s Letter to Queen Anne, A.D. 1710, from
the Harl. MSS. 7525392
Letter V. Translation of a Letter from the Sultan
Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah, Emperor of Marocco,
to the European Consuls resident at Tangier, delivered
to each of them by the Bashaw of the Province of El
Grarb, A.D. 1788394
Letter VI. From Muley Soliman ben Muhamed,
Emperor of Marocco, &c. &c. to His Majesty George
the Third, literally translated by J.G. Jackson, at
the Request of the Right Hon. Spencer Perceval,
after lying in the Secretary of State’s Office here for
several Months, and being sent ineffectually to the
Universities, and after various Enquiries had been made
on Behalf of the Emperor to the Governor of Gibraltar,
the Bashaw of El Grarb, and the Alkaid of Tangier, to
ascertain if any Answer had been returned to His Imperial
Majesty395
Letter VII. Translation of a Firman of Departure,
literally translated from the original Arabic, by J.G.
Jackson398
Letter VIII. From Hulaku the Tartar, Conqueror
of the East, to Al Malek Annasar, Sultan of Aleppo,
A.D. 1259399
Letter IX. Translation of a Letter from the Emperor
Muley Yezzid, to Webster Blount, Esq. Consul
General to the Empire of Marocco, from their High
Mightinesses, the States General of the Seven United
Provinces, written soon after the Emperor’s Proclamation,
and previous to the Negociation for the opening of
the Port of Agadeer or Santa Cruz to Dutch Commerce402
Letter X. Translation of a Letter from the Emperor
Yezzid to the Governor of Mogodor, Aumer ben
Daudy, to give the Port of Agadeer to the Dutch, and
to send there the Merchants of that Nation402
Letter XI. Epistolary Diction used by the Muhamedans
of Africa in their Correspondence with all their
Friends who are not of the Muhamedan Faith, A.D.
1797404
Letter XII. Translation of a Letter from the Sultan
Seedi Muhamed, Emperor of Marocco, to the Governor
of Mogodor, A.D. 1791, A.H. 1203405
Doubts having been made, in the Daily Papers, concerning
the Accuracy of the two following Translations of the
Shereef Ibrahim’s Account of Mungo Park’s Death, the
following Observations by the Author are laid before
the Public, in Elucidation of those Translations406
The Shereef Ibrahim’s Account of Mungo Park’s
Death (The Author’s Translation)409
Observation410
Extract from the Times, May 3, 1819.–Mungo
Park412
The Shereef Ibrahim’s Account of Mungo Park’s
Death (Mr. Abraham Saleme’s Translation)413
Letter to the Editor of the British Statesman, on the
Errors in Mr. Saleme’s Translation of the Shereef Ibrahim’s
Account of the Death of Mungo Park415
Letters respecting Africa, from J.G. Jackson and others Page419
On the Plague. To James Willis, Esq. late Consul
to Senegambia419
Death of Mungo Park424
Death of Mr. Rontgen, in an Attempt to explore the
Interior of Africa425
Of the Venomous Spider.–Charmers of Serpents.–Disease
called Nyctalopia, or Night-blindness.–Remedy
for Consumption in Africa.–Western Branch
of the Nile, and Water Communication between Timbuctoo
and Egypt429
Offer to discover the African Remedy for Nyctalopia
or Night-blindness, in a Letter addressed to the Editor
of the Literary Panorama432
Letter to the same433
Critical Observations on Extracts from the Travels
of Ali Bey and Robert Adams, in the Quarterly Journal
of Literature, Science, and the Arts, edited at the
Royal Institution of Great Britain. Vol. I. No. 2,
p. 264435
On the Junction of the Nile of Egypt with the Nile
of Timbuctoo, or of Sudan443
Strictures respecting the Interior of Africa, and
Confirmation of Jackson’s Account of Sudan, annexed
to his Account of the Empire of Marocco, &c.446
Animadversions on the Orthography of African Names
(by Catherine Hutton)455
Hints for the Civilization of Barbary, and Diffusion
of Commerce, by Vasco de Gama457
Plan for the Conquest of Algiers, by Vasco de Gama461
Letter from El Hage Hamed El Wangary, respecting
a Review of Ali Bey’s Travels, in the “Portfolio,” an
American Periodical Work464
On the Negroes (by Vasco de Gama)465
Cursory Observations on Lieutenant Colonel Fitzclarence’s
Journal of a Route across India, through
Egypt, to England467
On the Arabic Language, as now spoken in Europe,
Asia, and Africa471
Cursory Observations on the Geography of Africa,
inserted in an Account of a Mission to Ashantee, by T.
Edward Bowdich, Esq. showing the Errors that have
been committed by European travellers on that Continent,
from their Ignorance of the Arabic Language,
the learned and the general travelling Language of that
interesting Part of the World474
Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa493
The Embassage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the
sworne Esquires of Queen Elizabeth, from Her Highness,
to Muley Abdelmelech, Emperour of Marocco,
and King of Fez and Sus, in the Yeare 1577. Written
by Himselfe494
Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq.
F.R.S.L.,and E.505
Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries
and Travels in Africa, by the late John Leyden,
M.D. by Hugh Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E.508
Cursory Observations on African Names509
Letter to the Author from Hugh Murray, Esq.
F.R.S.E.513
On the Two Niles of Africa, or the Niger and the
Nile514
APPENDIX.
Historical Fragments in Elucidation of the foregoing
Pages519
First Expedition on Record to Timbuctoo–Timbuctoo
and Guago captured by Muley Hamed (Son of
Muley Abdelmelk, commonly called Muley Melk, or
Muley Moluck) in the Sixteenth Century (about the
Year 1580)519
A Library of 3000 Arabic Manuscripts taken by the
Spaniards.–Contests among Christians reprimanded520
Muley El Arsheed (a Second Expedition to Timbuctoo
and Sudan)521
Third Expedition to Timbuctoo and Sudan523
DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER.
Map of the Tracks across the Sahara to Timbuctoo,1
to face page 1..
Map of the Empire of Marocco55
AN
ACCOUNT OF A JOURNEY
FROM
FAS TO TIMBUCTOO,
PERFORMED IN OR ABOUT THE YEAR 1787, A.C.
BY
EL HAGE ABD SALAM SHABEENY.
The Moors always prefer the spring and summer
for travelling, because they suffer very much
from the severe cold of the mornings in winter.
They generally leave Fas in the beginning of
April to proceed to Timbuctoo, and they leave
Timbuctoo to return to Fas in the month of
January.
The Mecca caravan takes its departure from
Fas the beginning of March.
In travelling, the Moors hire their camels
from stage to stage. Shabeeny’s first stage was
from Fas
1 to Tafilelt, which is generally performed
in about twenty days.
Footnote 1:
(return) This is a journey of crooked and rugged roads across
the Atlas mountains, where they often sojourn in spots
which invite the traveller, so that it takes a longer time to
perform it than the distance would indicate.
The hire of every camel was from ten to
twelve ducats, at five shillings sterling per ducat;
as this route is through a very mountainous
country, and the travelling is very bad, the
charges were proportionally high; the weight
which every camel carried was between four and
five quintals, the camels in this country being
strong and very large.
2
Tafilelt is the place of general meeting of all
the merchants who go to Timbuctoo.
3
The territory of Tafilelt contains no towns,
but abounds in fortresses with mud-walls
4, which
the natives call El Kassar, and which contain
from three to four hundred families; in these
fortresses there is a public market (in Arabic,
soke) every week, where the inhabitants purchase
provisions, &c.
The natives of Tafilelt are descendants of the
shereefs
5 or princes of Marocco, and are therefore
of the Imperial family.
Footnote 2:
(return) This charge of carriage by the camels from Fas to Tafilelt,
is equal to 55s., sterling per camel; to 1-1/2d. per mile for
each camel, and to one farthing and one third per quintal of
merchandise per mile.
Footnote 3:
(return) That is for all who go from the Emperor of Marocco’s
dominions, north of the river Morbeya, which is called El
Garb, or the North Western Division.
Footnote 4:
(return) These mud walls are made in cases, and the mode of
erecting them is called tabia. See Jackson’s Account of
the Empire of Marocco, &c. &c. 2d or 3d edition,
page 298.
Shabeeny’s next stage was to Draha
6, which
he reached in six days. The expense per camel
was about six ducats, or thirty shillings sterling.
The district of Draha abounds in the small
hard date
7, which is very fine; from four to six
drahems
8 (equal to two to three shillings sterling)
is the price of a camel load of these dates.
The province of Draha is larger than that of
Tafilelt, its circumference being about four or
five days’ journey. The natives
9 of Draha are
very dark, approaching to black, in their complexion:
this province abounds in fortresses, like
those of Tafilelt.
Footnote 6:
(return) A province at the foot of the mountains of Atlas, south
of Marocco, for which see the Map of West Barbary, in
Jackson’s Account of the Empire of Marocco, &c. &c. p. 1.
Footnote 7:
(return) This date is called by the natives bouskree: it contains
a larger quantity of saccharine juice than any other date.
This province also produces a date called bûtube, which is
the best that grows, and is called sultan de timmar, i.e. the
king of dates. It is not used as an article of commerce,
but is sent as presents to the great, and costs nearly double
the price of those of any other quality: the quality mostly
used for foreign commerce, is the Tafilelt date, called
timmar adamoh, which is sold by the grocers in London.
This species is, however, considered very unwholesome
food, and accordingly is never eaten by the Filellies, or inhabitants
of Tafilelt, but is food for the camels. The district
of Tafilelt abounds in dates of all kinds: there are not less
than thirty different kinds; and the plantations of dates belonging
to the princes of Tafilelt are very extensive, insomuch
that the annual produce of one plantation is often sold
for a thousand dollars, or 220£ sterling. Half a dollar, or
five drahems per camel load of three quintals.
Footnote 9:
(return) Their colour is darker than new copper, but not black,
It may be compared to the colour of old mahogany, with a
black hue. The natives of Draha are proverbially stupid.
The caravans have not, as in the journey to
Mecca, their sheiks
10 or commanders. From
Fas to Tafilelt they had no chief, but as there
are generally a few old, rich, and respectable
men in the caravan, its direction and government
are committed to their care.
Footnote 10:
(return) The sheik akkabar, or chief of the
accumulated caravan, is generally a shereef or prince.
From Tafilelt, which, as before observed, is
the country of the shereefs, they are guided by
such of the trading shereefs as accompany the
caravan, and who have always great respect
paid them, till they arrive at Timbuctoo. The
caravan increases as it proceeds in its journey:
at Fas it consisted of about thirty or forty; at
Draha, of from 300 to 400 camels. From Draha,
at the distance of three days’ travelling, they
found water by digging, and on the next morning
they entered the Sahara, which, for the first
twenty days is a plain sandy desert resembling
the sea. In this desert, when they pitch their
tents at night, they are obliged frequently to
shake the sand from their tops, as they would
otherwise be overwhelmed before the morning.
Some part of this desert is hard, and the
camels do not sink deep into it; in others the
sand is very loose, which fatigues the camels
exceedingly. In travelling, the caravan is directed
by the stars at night, and by the sun in
[5] the day, and occasionally by the smell of the
earth, which they take up in their hands. For
the first twenty days after they enter this wilderness
they have no water; during this period,
the caravan is obliged to carry water in goat-skins
11,
as not a drop is to be found by digging.
On this account, about a third part of the camels
are employed in carrying water, and even with
this quantity the camels are often left for three
or four days without any. They never use mules
in this part of the journey; they neither find
the sheh
12, nor the thorny plant so common in
the deserts of Africa.
The country on the borders of this desert,
to the right and left, is inhabited by roving
Arabs, at the distance of three or four days
from the track which the caravan pursues; and
is said to be partly plain, and in part hilly, with
a little grass, and a few shrubs; when the cattle
of these Arabs have consumed what grows in
one spot, their owners remove to another. The
caravan, though it generally consisted of about
400 men well armed, seeks its route through
the most unfrequented part of the desert, from
a dread of the attacks of the Arabs. The
hottest wind is that from the east-south-east,
and is called Esshume
13; the coldest is that
which blows from the west-north-west. To
alleviate the great drought which travellers feel
in the desert, they have recourse to melted
butter.
14
Footnote 11:
(return) These goat-skins, when containing water, are called by
the Arabs kereb, or ghireb, plur. kerba, or ghirba, sing.
Footnote 12:
(return) The sheh is the wormseed plant, the thorny plant here
alluded to is the wild myrtle.
Footnote 13:
(return) Esshume, or the hot wind. For a particular
description of this extraordinary wind, see Jackson’s Account
of the Empire of Marocco, &c. &c. 2d or 3d edition,
page 283 and 284.
Footnote 14:
(return) This is old butter kept several years in a matamore, or
subterraneous cavern. It is called by the Arabs of the desert,
bûdra; and much virtue is ascribed to it when it has
attained a certain age: a small quantity swallowed, quickly
diffuses itself through the system.
[6]
After passing this desert of twenty days, they
enter a country which varies in its appearance,
particular spots being fertile
15 (called El Wah).
Here they meet with sederah
16, a kind of wild
myrtle, in great quantities. This plant is called
by the natives, gylan: its height is about that
of a man; the camels feed upon it. Between
these shrubs there is a very small quantity of
grass in particular spots. In this part of the
desert they meet with extensive strata of stones:
though the surface is generally sand, yet at the
depth of eight or ten inches, they meet with a
yellow or reddish earth; and about four feet
deeper, with another kind of earth of various
colours, but most commonly of a brownish cast;
about five or six feet under this they find water,
[7]
which springs up very slowly, and at the bottom
of this water you meet with a light sand. Sometimes
the water is sweetish, frequently brackish,
and generally warm. This last desert is about
twenty days’ journey, and is a vast plain without
any mountains. They meet with no Arabs in
this part, but the country on the right and left
of their route, at the distance of from three to
eight days’ journey, is inhabited by Arabs, who
are governed by their own (sheiks) chiefs, and
are perfectly independent.
Footnote 15:
(return) El Wah. For a full explanation of this term, see
Jackson’s Account of the Empire of Marocco, 3d edition,
p. 283.
From Akka to Timbuctoo, a journey of forty-three
days, they meet with no trees, except the
sederah, no rivers, towns, or huts. From Draha,
which is a country abounding in camels, to
Timbuctoo, the charge per camel is from sixteen
to twenty-one ducats.
17 That so long a journey
is performed at so small
18 an expense, is owing
to the abundance of camels in Draha. The
caravan generally contains from 300 to 400
men, of whom a great part prefer walking to
the uneasy motion of the camels.
Footnote 17:
(return)
Footnote 18:
(return) The expense is now (A.C. 1818) smaller, as the ducat,
by a coinage which is depreciated, has fallen to 3s. 6d.
sterling.
Situation Of The City Of Timbuctoo.
On the east side of the city of Timbuctoo,
there is a large forest, in which are a great
many elephants. The timber here is very
large. The trees on the outside of the forest
are remarkable for having two different colours;
that side which is exposed to the morning sun
is black, and the opposite side is yellow. The
body of the tree has neither branches nor leaves,
but the leaves, which are remarkably large, grow
upon the top only: so that one of these trees
appears, at a distance, like the mast and round
top of a ship. Shabeeny has seen trees in England
much taller than these: within the forest
the trees are smaller than on its skirts. There
are no trees resembling these in the Emperor of
Marocco’s dominions. They are of such a size
that the largest cannot be girded by two men.
They bear a kind of berry about the size of a
walnut, in clusters consisting of from ten to
twenty berries. Shabeeny cannot say what is the
extent of this forest, but it is very large. Close
to the town of Timbuctoo, on the south, is a
small rivulet in which the inhabitants wash their
clothes, and which is about two feet deep. It
runs in the great forest on the east, and does
not communicate with the Nile, but is lost in
the sands west of the town. Its water is brackish;
that of the Nile is good and pleasant. The town
of Timbuctoo is surrounded by a mud-wall: the
[9]
walls are built tabia-wise
19 as in Barbary, viz.
they make large wooden cases, which they fill
with mud, and when that dries they remove the
cases higher up till they have finished the wall.
They never use stone or brick; they do not know
how to make bricks. The wall is about twelve
feet high, and sufficiently strong to defend the
town against the wild Arabs, who come frequently
to demand money from them. It has
three gates; one called Bab Sahara, or the gate
of the desert, on the north: opposite to this, on
the other side of the town, a second, called Bab
Neel, or the gate of the Nile: the third gate
leads to the forest on the east, and is called Beb
El Kibla.
20 The gates are hung on very large
hinges, and when shut at night, are locked, as
in Barbary; and are farther secured by a large
prop of wood placed in the inside slopingly
against them. There is a dry ditch, or excavation,
which circumscribes the town, (except
at those places which are opposite the gates,)
about twelve feet deep, and too wide for any man
to leap it. The three gates of the town are
[10]
shut every evening soon after sun-set: they
are made of folding doors, of which there is only
one pair. The doors are lined on the outside
with untanned hides of camels, and are so full
of nails that no hatchet can penetrate them; the
front appears like one piece of iron.
Footnote 19:
(return) The tabia walls are thus built: They put boards on each
side of the wall supported by stakes driven in the ground, or
attached to other stakes laid transversely across the wall;
the intermediate space is then filled with sand and mud, and
beat down with large wooden mallets, (as they beat the terraces)
till it becomes hard and compact; the cases are left on
for a day or two; they then take them off, and move them
higher up, repeating this operation till the wall is finished.
Footnote 20:
(return) El Kibla signifies the tomb of Muhamed: in most
African towns there is a Kibla-gate, which faces Medina in
Arabia.
Population.
The town is once and a half the size of
Tetuan
21, and contains, besides natives, about
10,000
22 of the people of Fas and Marocco.
The native inhabitants of the town of Timbuctoo
may be computed at 40,000, exclusive of
slaves and foreigners. Many of the merchants
who visit Timbuctoo are so much attached to
the place that they cannot leave it, but continue
there for life. The natives are all blacks: almost
every stranger marries a female of the
town, who are so beautiful that travellers often
fall in love with them at first sight.
Footnote 21:
(return) That is about four miles in circumference.
Tetuan contains
16,000 inhabitants; but, according to this account,
Timbuctoo contains 50,000, besides slaves, a population
above three times that of Tetuan: now, as the houses of
Timbuctoo are more spacious than those of Tetuan, it is to
be apprehended that Shabeeny has committed an error in
describing the size of Timbuctoo.
Footnote 22:
(return) Who go there for the purposes of trade.
INNS, OR CARAVANSERAS.
When strangers arrive they deposit their merchandise
in large warehouses called fondacs;
and hire as many rooms as they choose, having
[11]
stables for their camels, &c. in the same place.
These fondacs
23 are private property, and are
called either by the owner’s name, or by that of
the person who built them. The fondac, in
which Shabeeny and his father lived, had forty
apartments for men, exclusive of stables; twenty
below and twenty above, the place having two
stories. The staircase was within the inclosure,
and was composed of rough boards; while he
staid, the rooms were constantly occupied by
natives and strangers; they hired rooms for three
months, for which they paid thirty okiat, or
fifteen shillings sterling per month. These fondacs
are called Woal
24 by the negroes. The
money was paid to the owner’s agent, who always
lives in the fondac for this purpose, and to accommodate
strangers with provisions, &c. At
their arrival, porters assisted them and procured
every thing they wanted; but when they were
settled they hired a man and a woman slave to
cook and to clean their rooms, and to do every
menial office. Slaves are to be bought at all
hours: the slave-merchants keep a great number
ready for sale.
Footnote 23:
(return) It is probable that Adams, the American sailor, (if he
ever was at Timbuctoo,) saw one of these fondacs that belonged
to the king, and mistook it for his palace.
Footnote 24:
(return) Ten okiat, or drahems, make a Mexico dollar.
The name of the king of Timbuctoo, in 1800 A.C. was
Woolo. Many of the fondacs are rented of him.
HOUSES.
In the houses little furniture is seen; the
principal articles (those of the kitchen excepted)
[12]
are beds, mats on the floor, and the carpets;
which cover the whole room. The rooms are
about fourteen feet by ten; the kitchen and
wash-house are generally to the right and to the
left of the passage; the necessary is next the
wash-house.
25
Footnote 25:
(return) Being more convenient for the Muhamedan ablutions.
GOVERNMENT.
Timbuctoo is governed by a native black, who
has the title of sultan. He is tributary to the
sultan of Housa, and is chosen by the inhabitants
of Timbuctoo, who write to the king of
Housa for his approbation. Upon the death of
a sultan, his eldest son is most commonly chosen.
The son of a concubine cannot inherit the throne;
if the king has no lawful son (son of his wife)
at his decease, the people choose his successor
from among his relations. The sultan has only
one lawful wife, but keeps many concubines:
the wife has a separate house for herself, children,
and slaves. He has no particular establishment
for his concubines, but takes any girl
he likes from among his slaves. His wife has
the principal management of his house. The
sultan’s palace is built in a corner of the city,
on the east; it occupies a large extent of ground
within an inclosure, which has a gate. Within
this square are many buildings; some for the
officers of state. The king often sits in the gate
to administer justice, and to converse with his
friends. There is a small garden within it, furnishing
[13]
a few flowers and vegetables for his
table; there is also a well, from which the water
is drawn by a wheel.
26 Many female slaves are
musicians. The king has several sons, who are
appointed to administer justice to the natives.
Except the king’s relations, there are no nobles
nor any privileged class of men as in Barbary
27:
those of the blood-royal are much respected.
The officers of state are distinguished by titles
like those of Marocco; one that answers to an
Alkaid, i. e. a captain of 700, of 500, or of 100
men; another like that of Bashaw. The king, if
he does not choose to marry one of his own relations,
takes a wife from the family of the chiefs
of his council; his daughters marry among the
great men. The queen-dowager has generally
an independent provision, but cannot marry.
The concubines of a deceased king cannot
marry, but are handsomely provided for by his
successor.
Footnote 26:
(return) A wheel similar to the Persian wheel, worked by a mule
or an ass, having pots, which throw the water into a trough
as they pass round, which trough discharges the water into
the garden, and immerges the plants.
Footnote 27:
(return) The privileged class of men in Barbary, are the Fakeers;
but no one in Barbary is noble but the King’s relations, who
are denominated shereefs.
REVENUE.
The revenue arises partly from land and partly
from duties upon all articles exposed to sale.
The king has lands cultivated by farmers who
are obliged to supply his household and troops;
[14]
the surplus after the support of their own
families is deposited in matamores
28, these are
stores to be used in time of scarcity: the matamores
are about six feet deep. The king often
gives gold-dust, slaves, &c. to his favorites, but
the royal domains are never given. Lands not
very fruitful are common pastures. Moors pay
no duties; they say they will not bring goods if
compelled to pay duty, but the natives must pay;
the duties are collected by the king’s officers, they
are four per cent. upon each article ad valorem.
At the gate of the desert, goods brought by
foreigners pay nothing, but goods brought in
by the gate of the Nile, (which is the gate of
the Negroes,) pay a tax: another part of the
revenue is two per cent, in kind on the produce
of the land; but the people of Barbary do not
pay even this for what land they cultivate. The
property of those who die without heirs goes to
the king, but when a foreigner dies the king takes
no part of his property; it is kept for his relations.
Timbuctoo being a frontier town remits
no revenue to Housa; the king of Housa sends
money to Timbuctoo to pay the garrison.
Footnote 28:
(return) Subterraneous excavations, or rooms in the form of a
cone, which have a small opening like a trap-door; when
these matamores are full of grain, they are shut, and the air
being excluded, the grain deposited in them will keep sound
twenty or thirty years. I have been in matamores in West
and in South Barbary, that would contain 1000 saas of wheat,
or nearly 2000 bushels Winchester measure. They are from
six to sixteen feet deep, and of various conical forms.
ARMY.
The troops are paid by the king of Housa, and
are armed with pikes, swords, cutlasses, sabres,
and muskets; the other natives use the bow and
arrow. At Timbuctoo, in time of war, there are
about 12,000 or 15,000 troops, 5000 of which
receive constant daily pay in time of peace, and are
clothed every year; they are all infantry except
a few of the king’s household. Sometimes he
subsidises the friendly Arabs, and makes occasional
presents to their chiefs
29; these Arabs can
furnish him with from 80,000 to 40,000 men.
Footnote 29:
(return) Of the Brabeesh clan; see the Map.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
Punishments are the bastinado, imprisonment,
and fine. He recollects but one prison. If a
native stabs another, he is obliged to attend the
wounded man until he recovers; if he dies, the
offender is put to death. The offender must
pay a daily allowance to the wounded man for
his support; if the wound appears dangerous,
the culprit is immediately imprisoned; if the
wounded man recovers, the offender must pay
a fine and suffer the bastinado. There are four
capital punishments: beheading, hanging, strangling
and bastinadoing to death. Beheading is
preferred; it is thus performed: the criminal sits
down, and a person behind gives him a blow or
push on the back or shoulder, which makes him
turn his head, and while his attention is thus
employed, the executioner strikes it off. Hanging
[16]
and strangling are seldom used; and bastinadoing
to death, is only inflicted when the
crime is highly aggravated. Capital crimes are
murder, robbery with violence, and stealing
cattle. Small offences, as stealing slaves and
other articles, are punished by the bastinado.
The landed estates of criminals are never forfeited.
30
The police is so good, that merchants
reside there in perfect safety. There are no
exactions or extortions practised by government,
as in Barbary, nor even any presents
asked for the king. A debtor proving his inability,
cannot be molested
31; but to the extent
of his means he is always liable; on refusing to
pay, he may be imprisoned; but upon proving
his insolvency before the judge, he is discharged,
though always liable if he should have means
at any future time. Watchmen patrole in the
[17]
night with their dogs; others are stationed in
particular places, as the market-place and the
kasserea, or square, where the merchants have
their shops. Guards are placed at the king’s
palace. Capital crimes are tried by the king:
smaller offences by inferior magistrates. The
council sit with the king, every man according
to his rank; it consists of the principal officers
of his household; he asks their opinion, but
unless they are unanimous, decides according
to his own. There are always five or six judges
sitting in the king’s court for the general administration
of justice. The king is understood
to have no power of altering the laws: if the
council are unanimous, the king never decides
against them.
32
Footnote 30:
(return) But go to the next heir.
Footnote 31:
(return) This is the written Muhamedan law: the insolvent is
always liable, but cannot be arrested or imprisoned whilst he
remains insolvent, but continues always liable for the debt
if he afterwards becomes solvent. The present Emperor
of Marocco has lately published an edict. Hearing that his
Jew subjects in London frequently became bankrupts, or
made compositions with their creditors, has enacted, that all,
persons in his dominions who live by buying and selling, shall
pay their just debts; but if unable, their brethren, or relations
shall pay their creditors for them. If they are unable,
the insolvent is to receive a beating every morning at sunrise,
to remind him of his defalcation. This law was enacted
at Fas in 1817, and since then, I am informed, no bankruptcy
has happened in that great commercial city.
Footnote 32:
(return) This is a custom derived from Muhamedan governments.
A slave is entirely at his master’s disposal,
who may put him to death without trial; yet
the slave may complain to the council of ill-usage,
and if the complaint be well-founded,
his master is ordered to sell him. The slaves
are always foreign; a native cannot be made a
slave. There are three reasons for which a
slave may be entitled to freedom: want of food,
want of clothes, and want of shoes: an old slave
is frequently set at liberty, and returns to his
own country. The children of slaves are the
property of their master. Slaves cannot marry
without the consent of their masters. The
master of the female slave generally endeavours
to buy the male to whom she is attached.
33
Footnote 33:
(return) Many conscientious Muhamedans, in purchasing slaves,
calculate how many years’ service their purchase money is
equal to. Thus, if a man pays a servant twenty dollars a-year
for wages, and he gives 100 dollars for a slave, he retains the
slave five years, when, if his conduct has been approved, he
often discharges him from servitude. The period for liberating
slaves in this manner is however quite optional, and admits
of great latitude; neither is there any compulsion in the
master. I have known instances of a slave being liberated
after a few years of servitude; and his master’s confidence
has been such that he has advanced him money to trade with,
and has allowed him to cross the desert to Timbuctoo, waiting
for the repayment of his money till his return. This is often
the treatment of Muhamedans to slaves! how different from
that practised by the Planters in the West India Islands!!!
SUCCESSION TO PROPERTY.
Upon the decease of a native, the first claim
is that of his creditors; the next is that of his
widow, who is entitled to the dower
34 promised
by her husband to her father, if, not already
paid, and to one-eighth of the remainder; the
rest is divided among the children. A son’s
share is double that of a daughter. If they agree,
the land may be sold, if not, it must be divided
as above. Of lands and houses, nothing is sold
till the children arrive at the age of discretion;
when each is entitled to his share, the rest
being unsold till the others are of age in turn.
This age is not fixed at so many years, but
[19]
the period of discretion is determined by the
relations, upon oath, before a magistrate: there
is hardly any man that knows his own age. The
father may dispose of his property by will, as
far as regards the property of his children, but
he cannot divest his wife of her rights; if a
wife dies without a will, her children succeed.
Wills are not written; the guardian appointed
by the father takes care of the property of the
deceased, and employs in trade, and lends out
the money for the benefit of his children. Relations
succeed if there are no children; and
if there are no relations, the king takes all but
the wife’s share. The wife’s relations are not
considered as the husband’s relations. Children
of concubines inherit equally with those of the
wife. If a man have two children by a concubine,
she becomes free at his death, otherwise
she remains a slave. She is entitled, having
children, to an eighth of the property.
Footnote 34:
(return) The husband always stipulates to pay the father of his
wife a certain sum: this is the Muhamedan dower.
MARRIAGE.
A man agrees to pay a certain price to the
father of his wife, and witnesses are called to support
the proof of the contract: the girl is sent
home, and at night a feast is made by the husband
for his male friends; by the wife for her
female friends.
Rape is punished by death. Adultery is not
punishable by the law, nor is it a ground for
divorce. A husband may always put away his
wife, but if without sufficient legal ground,
[20]
he must pay her stipulated dower. Abusive
language is a sufficient ground of divorce, but
adultery is not. The dower is the price originally
agreed upon with the father; and if it has been
already paid (which it seldom is), she has no
further claim upon the husband, though put
away without sufficient ground. Her clothes,
jewels, &c. given to her by her relations are her
own property. A father generally gives the
daughter in jewels, &c. a present double the
value of that given him by the husband. A man
can have but one wife, but may keep concubines.
Seduction and adultery are not cognisable by
law. The law says, “a woman’s flesh is her
own, she may do with it what she pleases.”
Prostitutes are common. A man may marry his
niece, but not his daughter.
The people of Timbuctoo are not circumcised.
TRADE.
Timbuctoo is the great emporium for all the
country of the blacks, and even for Marocco and
Alexandria.
The principal articles of merchandise are
tobacco, kameemas
35, beads of all colours for
necklaces, and cowries, which are bought at Fas
by the pound.
36 Small Dutch looking glasses, some
[21]
of which are convex, set in gilt paper frames.
They carry neither swords, muskets, nor knives,
except such as are wanted in the caravan. At
the entrance of the desert they buy rock-salt
37 of
the Arabs, who bring it to them in loads ready
packed, which they carry as an article of trade.
In their caravan there were about 500 camels, of
which about 150 or 200 were laden with salt.
The camels carry less of salt than of any other
article, because (being rock-salt) it wears their
sides. They pay these Arabs from twenty to
fifteen ounces
38 of Barbary money per load. An
ounce of Barbary is worth about 6d., and a ducat
is worth about 5s. sterling. They sell this salt
at Timbuctoo upon an average at 50 per cent.
profit; it is more profitable than linen. They
take no oil from Barbary to Timbuctoo as they
are supplied from other places with fish-oil used
for lamps but not for food; they make soap
with the oil. The returns are made in gold-dust,
slaves, ivory, and pepper; gold-dust is preferred
and is brought to Timbuctoo from Housa in
small leather bags. He bought one of these
bags of gold-dust and pieces of rings for 90
Mexican dollars, and sold it at Fas for 150. The
merchants bring their gold from Timbuctoo in
the saddle-bags, in small purses of different sizes
[22]
one within the other. The bag which Shabeeny
purchased was bought at Housa, where it sells for
seven or eight ducats cheaper than at Timbuctoo.
On articles from Marocco they make from thirty
to fifty per cent. clear profit. Cowries and gold-dust
are the medium of traffic. The shereefs and
other merchants generally sell their goods to
some of the principal native merchants, and immediately
send off the slaves, taking their gold-dust
with them into other countries. The merchants
residing at Timbuctoo have agents or correspondents
in other countries; and are themselves
agents in return. Timbuctoo is visited
by merchants from all the neighbouring black
countries. Some of its inhabitants are amazingly
rich. The dress of common women has been
often worth 1000 dollars. A principal source of
their wealth is lending gold-dust and slaves at
high interest to foreign merchants, which is
repaid by goods from Marocco and other
countries, to which the gold-dust and slaves are
carried. They commonly trade in the public
market, but often send to the merchant or go to
his house. Cowries in the least damaged are bad
coin, and go for less than those that are perfect.
There are no particular market days; the public
market for provisions is an open place fifty
feet square, and is surrounded by shops.
39 The
Arabs sit down on their goods in the middle, till
they have sold them. The pound weight of Timbuctoo
is about two ounces heavier than the small
[23]
pound of Barbary, which weighs twenty Spanish
dollars; they have also half and quarter pounds;
by these weights is sold milk, rice, butter, &c.
as well as by the measure. The weights are of
wood or iron under the inspection of a magistrate
called in Barbary m’tasseb, i.e. inspector of
weights and measures, and if the weights are
found deficient, he punishes the offender immediately;
they have also a quintal or cwt. They
have a wooden measure called a m’hoad
40, equal
to the small m’hoad of Barbary, where a
m’hoad of wheat weighs about 24 lb. Both the
weights and measures are divided into 1/2, 1/4, 1/8
and 1/16.
Footnote 35:
(return) Kameema is the Arabic word for the linen called
plattilias. They are worth 50 Mexico dollars each, at
Timbuctoo.
Footnote 37:
(return) This salt is bought at Tishet, at Shangareen, and at
Arawan, in the south part of Sahara; for which see the
Map of Northern and Central Africa, in the new Supplement
to the Encyclopædia Britannica, Article Africa.
Footnote 38:
(return) Okia is the Arabic name for this piece of money.
Footnote 39:
(return) Similar to the corn-market at Mogodor.
Footnote 40:
(return) The m’hoad is no longer used in Barbary.
There is a krube, of which sixteen are equal to a saa,
which, when filled with good wheat, weighs 100 lbs. equal to 119 lbs.
English weight.
MANUFACTURES.
The black natives are smiths, carpenters,
shoemakers, tailors, and masons, but not weavers.
The Arabs in the neighbourhood are weavers,
and make carpets resembling those of Fas and of
Mesurata, where they are called telisse
41; they
are of wool, from their own sheep, and camels’
hair. The bags for goods, and the tents, are of
goats’ and camels’ hair; there are no palmetto
trees in that country. Their thread
42, needles,
scissors, &c. come from Fas: most of their
[24]
ploughs they buy of the Arabs near the town,
who are subject to it. Some are made in the
town. These Arabs manufacture iron from ore
found in the country, and are good smiths. They
make iron bars of an excellent quality. They
tan leather for soles of shoes very well, but
know nothing of dressing leather in oil: the
upper leather comes from Fas
43; their wooden
combs
44 and spoons come from Barbary; they
have none of ivory or horn. No lead is brought
from Barbary; he thinks they have lead of their
own. The best shoes are brought from Fas.
Footnote 41:
(return) Telissa, sing.; Telisse, plur.
Footnote 44:
(return) Wooden combs are imported from Marseilles to Mogodor.
The country is well cultivated, except on the
side of the desert. They have rice, el bishna
45,
and a corn which they call allila
46, but in Barbary
it is called drâh: this requires very rich
ground. They make bread of el bishna: they
have no wheat or barley. Property is fenced by a
bank and a ditch. Dews are very heavy. Lands
are watered by canals cut from the Nile; high
lands by wells, the water of which is raised by
wheels
47 worked by cattle, as in Egypt. They
[25]
have violent thunder-storms in summer, but no
rains: the mornings and evenings, during winter,
are cold; the coldest wind is from the west,
when it is as cold as at Fas. The winter lasts
about two months, though the weather is cool
from September to April. They begin to sow
rice in August and September, but they can
sow it at any time, having water at hand: he
saw some sowing rice while others were reaping
it. El bishna and other corn is sown before
December. El bishna is ripe in June and
July; as are beans. Allila may be sown at all
seasons; it requires water only every eight or ten
days. Their beans are like the small Mazagan
beans, and are sown in March; the stalk is
short, but full of pods. The allila produces a
small, white, flattish grain.
Footnote 45:
(return) El Bishna. This is the Arabic name for Indian corn.
Footnote 46:
(return) Allila, a species of millet.
Footnote 47:
(return) A wheel similar to the Persian wheel, as before described
in the note, page 13.
PROVISIONS.
Rice is their principal food, but the rich have
wheaten flour from Fas
48, and make very fine
bread, which is considered a luxury. Bread is
also made from the allila. They roast, boil,
bake, and stew, but make no cuscasoe. Their
meals are breakfast, dinner, and supper. They
commonly breakfast about eight, dine about
three, and sup soon after sunset. They drink
only water or milk with their meals, have no
palm wine or any fermented liquor; when they
wish to be exhilarated after dinner, they provide
[26]
a plant of an intoxicating quality called el hashisha
49,
of which they take a handful before a
draught of water.
Footnote 48:
(return) And also from Marocco.
Footnote 49:
(return) El Hashisha. This is the African hemp plant: it is
esteemed for the extraordinary and pleasing voluptuous vacuity
of mind which it produces on those who smoke it:
unlike the intoxication from wine, a fascinating stupor pervades
the mind, and the dreams are agreeable. The kief is
the flower and seeds of the plant: it is a strong narcotic, so
that those who use it cannot do without it. For a further
description of this plant, see Jackson’s Marocco, 2d or 3d
edit. p. 131 & 132.
ANIMALS.
Goats are very large, as big as the calves in
England, and very plentiful; sheep are also
very large. Cattle are small; many are oxen.
Milk of camels and goats is preferred to that of
cows. Horses are small, and are principally
fed upon camels’ milk; they are of the greyhound
50
shape, and will travel three days without
rest. They have dromedaries
51 which travel
from Timbuctoo
52 to Tafilelt in the short period
of five or six days.
Footnote 50:
(return) These horses are the desert horse, or the shrubat
er’reeh. See Jackson’s Marocco, 2d or 3d edition, p. 94.
to 96.
Footnote 51:
(return) These are El Heirie, (or Erragual), for a particular
description of which see Jackson’s Marocco, p. 91. to 93.
Footnote 52:
(return) A distance of upwards of 1200 British miles.
BIRDS.
They have common fowls, ostriches, and a
bird larger than our blackbird
53; also storks,
which latter are birds of passage, and arrive in
the spring and disappear at the approach of
winter; swallows, &c.
Footnote 53:
(return) The starling.
FISH.
They have many extremely good in the Nile;
one of the shape and size of our salmon
54; the
largest of these are about four feet long. They
use lines and hooks brought from Barbary, and
nets, like our casting nets, made by themselves.
They strike large fish with spears and fish-gigs.
Footnote 54:
(return) The shebbel, a species of salmon, a very
delicate fish, but so rich that it is best roasted, which the
Arabs do in a superior manner.
PRICES OF DIFFERENT ARTICLES.
Sheep from ten to sixteen cowries. Cowries
55
are much valued, and form an ornament of
head-dress even for the richest women; they are
highly valued as ornaments. Goats are cheaper
than sheep; the best from eight to twelve cowries.
Fowls from four to six cowries each. Antelopes
are very scarce and dear. Camels from thirty to
sixty cowries, according to their size and condition.
Ostriches, of which vast numbers are
brought to market, are very cheap; the fore-feathers
56
are often carried to Tafilelt and Marocco,
the inferiors are thrown away. A good
[28]
slave is worth ten, fifteen, or twenty ducats of
five shillings each; at Fas, they are worth from
sixty to a hundred ducats: females are the
dearest. Slaves are most valuable about twelve
years old. They have fish-oil for lamps, but use
neither wax nor tallow for candles. The fish-oil
is a great article of trade, and is brought from
the neighbourhood
57 of the sea by Genawa
58 to
Housa, and thence to Timbuctoo; dearer at
Timbuctoo than at Housa, and dearer at Housa
than at Genawa.
Footnote 55:
(return) Cowries are called El Uda, and are sold
in Santa Cruz and in South Barbary, at twenty Mexico dollars
per quintal.
Footnote 56:
(return) Called Ujuh.
Footnote 57:
(return) Probably from the coast of Guinea, with which Housa
carries on an extensive trade.
DRESS.
The sultan wears a white turban of very fine
muslin, the ends of which are embroidered with
gold, and brought to the front; this turban
[29]
comes from Bengala.
59 He wears a loose white
cotton shirt, with sleeves long and wide, open at
the breast; unlike that of the Arabs, it reaches
to the small of the leg; over this a caftan
60 of red
woollen cloth, of the same length; red is generally
esteemed. The shirt (kumja) is made
at Timbuctoo, but the caftan comes from Fas,
ready made; over the caftan is worn a short cotton
waistcoat, striped white, red, and blue; this
comes from Bengala, and is called juliba.
61 The
sleeves of the caftan are as wide as those of
the shirt; the breast of it is fastened with buttons,
in the Moorish style, but larger. The
juliba has sleeves as wide as the caftan. When he
is seated, all the sleeves are turned up over the
shoulder
62, so that his arms are bare, and the air
is admitted to his body.
Footnote 59:
(return) i.e. Bengal.
Footnote 60:
(return) A caftan, or coat, with wide sleeves, no collar,
but that buttons all down before.
Footnote 61:
(return) It is not the cotton cloth which comes from Bengal
that is named Juliba, but the fashion or the cut of it.
Footnote 62:
(return) The Moorish fashion.
Upon his turban, on the forehead, is a ball of
silk, like a pear; one of the distinctions of
royalty. He wears, also, a close red skull-cap,
like the Moors of Tetuan, and two sashes, one
over each shoulder, such as the Moors wear
round the waist; they are rather cords than
sashes, and are very large; half a pound of silk
is used in one of them. The subjects wear but
one; they are either red, yellow, or blue, made
at Fas. He wears, like his subjects, a sash
round the waist, also made at Fas; of these
there are two kinds,–one of leather, with a
gold buckle in front, like those of the soldiers
in Barbary; the other of silk, like those of the
Moorish merchants. He wears (as do the subjects)
breeches made in the Moorish fashion, of
cotton in summer, made at Timbuctoo, and of
woollen in winter, brought ready made from
Fas. His shoes are distinguished by a piece of
red leather, in front of the leg, about three inches
wide, and eight long, embroidered with silk and
gold.
When he sits in his apartment, he wears a
dagger with a gold hilt, which hangs on his
right side: when he goes out, his attendants
carry his musket, bow, arrows, and lance.
His subjects dress in the same manner, excepting
the distinctions of royalty; viz. the pear,
the sashes on the shoulders, and the embroidered
leather on the shoes.
The sultana wears a caftan, open in front
from top to bottom, under this a slip of cotton
like the kings, an Indian shawl over the shoulders,
which ties behind, and a silk handkerchief
about her head. Other women dress in
the same manner. They wear no drawers. The
poorest women are always clothed. They never
show their bosom. The men and women wear
ear-rings. The general expense of a woman’s
dress is from two ducats to thirty.
63 Their shoes
are red, and are brought from Marocco.
64 Their
arms and ankles are adorned with bracelets.
The poor have them of brass; the rich, of gold.
The rich ornament their heads with cowries.
The poor have but one bracelet on the leg, and
one on the arm; the rich, two. They also wear
gold rings upon their fingers. They have no
pearls or precious stones. The women do not
wear veils.
Footnote 63:
(return) Equal to from two to thirty Mexico dollars.
Footnote 64:
(return) They are manufactured at Marocco.
DIVERSIONS.
The king has 500 or 600 horses; his stables
are in the inclosure; the saddles have a peak
before, but none behind. He frequently hunts
the antelope, wild ass, ostrich, and an animal,
which, from Shabeeny’s description, appears to
be the wild cow
65 of Africa. The wild ass is
very fleet, and when closely pursued kicks back
the earth and sand in the eyes of his pursuers.
They have the finest greyhounds in the world,
with which they hunt only the antelope
66; for
the dogs are not able to overtake the ostrich.
Shabeeny has often hunted with the king; any
person may accompany him. Sometimes he does
not return for three or four days: he sets out always
after sunrise. Whatever is killed in the chace
is divided among the strangers and other company
present; but those animals which are taken
alive are sent to the king’s palace. He goes to
hunt towards the desert, and does not begin till
distant ten miles from the town. The antelopes
are found in herds of from thirty to sixty. He
never saw an antelope, wild ass, or ostrich alone,
but generally in large droves. The ostriches, like
the storks, place centinels upon the watch: thirty
yards are reckoned a distance for a secure shot
with the bow. The king always shoots on horseback,
[32]
as do many of his courtiers, sometimes
with muskets, but oftener with bows. The king
takes a great many tents with him. There are
no lions, tigers, or wild boars near Timbuctoo.
They play at chess and draughts, and are very
expert at those games: they have no cards;
but they have tumblers, jugglers, and ventriloquists,
whose voice appears to come from under
the armpits. He was much pleased with their
music, of which they have twenty-four different
sorts. They have dances of different kinds,
some of which are very indecent.
Footnote 65:
(return) The Aoudad; for a particular description
of which, see Jackson’s Marocco, Chapter V., Zoology, p. 84.
Footnote 66:
(return) The Gazel, or Antelope, outruns at first the greyhound;
but after running about an hour the greyhound gains on him.
TIME.
They measure time
67 by days, weeks, lunar
months, and lunar years; yet few can ascertain
their age.
Footnote 67:
(return) The hour is an indefinite term, and assimilates to our
expression of a good while; it is from half an hour by the
dial to six hours, and the difference is expressed by the word
wahad saa kabeer, a long hour; and wahad saa sereer,
a little hour; also by the elongation of the last syllable of the
last word.
RELIGION.
They have no temples, churches, or mosques,
no regular worship or sabbath; but once in
three months they have a great festival, which
lasts two or three days, sometimes a week, and
is spent in eating and drinking. He does not
know the cause; but thinks it, perhaps, a commemoration
of the king’s birth-day; no work is
done. They believe in a Supreme Being and
[33]
another state of existence, and have saints and
men whom they revere as holy. Some of them
are sorcerers, and some ideots, as in Barbary
and Turkey; and though physicians are numerous,
they expect more effectual aid in sickness
from the prayers of the saints, especially in the
rheumatism. Music is employed to excite ecstasy
in the saint, who, when in a state of inspiration,
tells (on the authority of some departed
saint, generally of Seedy Muhamed Seef,)
what animal must be sacrificed for the recovery
of the patient: a white cock, a red cock, a hen,
an ostrich, an antelope, or a goat. The animal
is then killed in the presence of the sick, and
dressed; the blood, feathers, and bones are preserved
in a shell and carried to some retired
spot, where they are covered and marked as a
sacrifice. No salt or seasoning is used in the
meat, but incense is used previous to its preparation.
The sick man eats as much as he can
of the meat, and all present partake; the rice,
or what else is dressed with it, must be the produce
of charitable contributions from others, not
of the house or family; and every contributor
prays for the patient.
DISEASES.
The winds of the desert produce complaints
in the stomach, cured by medicine. They have
professed surgeons and physicians. The bite of a
snake is cured by sucking the wound. They have
[34]
the jlob
68 violently, for which sulphur from Terodant
in Suse is taken internally and externally.
This disorder is sometimes fatal. They are afflicted
also with fevers and agues. Bleeding is
often successful; the physicians prescribe also
purgatives and emetics. Ruptures are frequent
and dangerous; seldom cured, and often fatal.
They tap for the dropsy. He never heard of
the venereal disease there. Head-aches and consumptions
also prevail. The physicians
69 collect
herbs and use them in medicine.
Footnote 68:
(return) Probably the itch, called El Hack in Barbary.
Footnote 69:
(return) The physicians have a very superior and general knowledge
of the virtues of herbs and plants.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
The nails and palms of the hands are stained
red with henna
70, cultivated there: the Arabs
tatoo their hands and arms, but not the people
of Timbuctoo. These people are real negroes;
they have a slight mark on the face, sloping
from the eye; the Foulans have a horizontal
mark; the Bambarrahees a wide gash from the
forehead to the chin. Tombs are raised over the
dead; they are buried in a winding-sheet and a
coffin: the relations mourn over their graves,
and pronounce a panegyric on the dead. The
men and women mix in society, and visit together
with the same freedom as in Europe.
[35]
They sleep on mattresses, with cotton sheets and
a counterpane; the married, in separate beds in
the same room. They frequently bathe the
whole body, their smell would otherwise be
offensive; they use towels brought from India.
At dinner they spread their mats and sit as in
Barbary. They smoke a great deal, but tobacco
is dear; it is the best article of trade. Poisoning
is common; they get the poison from the
fangs of snakes, but, he says, most commonly
from a part of the body near the tail, by a kind
of distillation. Physic, taken immediately after
the poison, may cure, but not always; if deferred
two or three days, the man must die: the
poison is slow, wastes the flesh, and produces a
sallow, morbid appearance. It causes great pain
in the stomach, destroys the appetite, produces
a consumption, and kills in a longer or shorter
time, according to the strength of constitution.
Some who have taken remedies, soon after the
poison, live 8 or 10 years; otherwise the poison
kills in 4 or 5 days. Physicians prescribe an
emetic, the composition of which he does not
know.
Footnote 70:
(return) A decoction of the herb henna produces a deep orange
die. It is used generally by the females on their hands and
feet: it allays the violence of perspiration in the part to
which it is applied, and imparts a coolness.
NEIGHBOURING NATIONS.
There are no Arabs between Timbuctoo and
the Nile; they live on the other side
71, and
would not with impunity invade the lands of
[36]
these people, who are very populous, and could
easily destroy any army that should attempt to
molest them. The lands are chiefly private property.
The Foulans are very beautiful. The
Bambarrahs have thick lips and wide nostrils.
The king of Foulan is much respected at Timbuctoo;
his subjects are Muhamedans, but not
circumcised.
72 They cannot be made slaves at
Timbuctoo; but the Arabs steal their girls and
sell them; not for slavery, but for marriage.
Girls are marriageable very young; sometimes
they have children at ten years old.
Footnote 71:
(return) North of the town.
Footnote 72:
(return) All true Muhamedans are circumcised, so that they
must partake of Paganism if uncircumcised.
JOURNEY
From
TIMBUCTOO TO HOUSA.
Shabeeny, after staying three years at Timbuctoo,
departed for Housa: and crossing the
small river close to the walls, reached the Nile
in three days, travelling through a fine, populous,
cultivated country, abounding in trees,
some of which are a kind of oak, bearing a large
acorn
73, much finer than those of Barbary, which
are sent as presents to Spain. Travelling is perfectly
safe. They embarked on the Nile in a
large boat with one mast, a sail, and oars; the
current was not rapid: having a favourable
wind, on his return, he came back in as short a
time as he went. The water was very red and
sweet.
74 The place where they embarked is
[38]
called Mushgreelia; here is a ferry, and opposite
is a village. As the current is slow, and
they moored every night, they were eight or ten
days sailing down the stream to Housa. They
had ten or twelve men on board, and when it was
calm, or the wind contrary, they rowed; they
steered with an oar, the boat having no rudder.
He saw a great many boats passing up and down
the river; there are more boats
75 on this river
between Mushgreelia and Housa than between
Rosetta and Cairo on the Nile of Egypt. A great
many villages are on the banks. There are
boats of the same form as those of Tetuan and
Tangiers, but much larger, built of planks, and
have ribs like those of Barbary; instead of pitch
or tar, they are caulked with a sort of red clay,
or bole. The sail is of canvas of flax (not cotton)
brought from Barbary, originally from Holland;
it is square. They row like the Moors, going
down the stream.
Footnote 73:
(return) Called El Belûte. These acorns are much prized by
the Muhamedans, and are considered a very wholesome
fruit.
Footnote 74:
(return) The word hellue, in Arabic, which signifies literally,
sweet, here implies that the water was pure and good.
Footnote 75:
(return) See Jackson’s Marocco, page 314, 2d or 3d edition.
There is a road by land from Timbuctoo to
Housa, but on account of the expense it is not
used by merchants: Shabeeny believes it is
about 5 days’ journey. If you go this way, you
must cross the river before you reach Housa.
They landed at the port of Housa, distant a day
and a half from the town; their merchandise was
carried from this port on horses, asses, and horned
cattle; the blacks dislike camels; they say,
“These are the beasts that carry us into slavery.”
The country was rich and well cultivated; they
have a plant bearing a pod called mellochia,
from which they make a thick vegetable
jelly.
76 There is no artificial road from Timbuctoo
to the Nile; near the river the soil is
miry. Shabeeny travelled from Timbuctoo to
Housa in the hot weather when the Nile was
nearly full; it seldom falls much below the level
of its banks; he travelled on horseback from Timbuctoo
to the river, and slept two nights upon
the road in the huts of the natives. One of
the principal men in the village leaves his hut
to the travellers and gives them a supper; in the
mean time he goes to the hut of some friend,
and in the morning receives a small present for
his hospitality.
77
Footnote 76:
(return) The pod of the mellochia, which grows near Sallee and
Rabat, is of an elongated conical form, about two inches
long.
Footnote 77:
(return) This is a common custom in West and South Barbary;
they always clear a tent for the travellers.
THE RIVER NEEL OR NILE.
The Neel El Kebeer
78, (that is, the Great Nile,)
like the Neel Masser or Nile of Egypt, is fullest
[40]
in the month of August, when it overflows in
some places where the banks are low; the water
which overflows is seldom above midleg; the
banks are covered with reeds, with which they
make mats. Camels, sheep, goats, and horses,
feed upon the banks, but during the inundation
are removed to the uplands. The walls of the
huts both within and without are cased with
wood to the height of about three feet, to preserve
them from the water; the wells have the best
water after the swelling of the river. The flood
continues about ten days; the abundance of rice
depends on the quantity of land flooded. He
always understood that the Nile empties itself
in the sea, the salt sea or the great ocean. There
is a village at the port of Housa where he
landed, the river here is much wider than where
he embarked, and still wider at Jinnie. He saw
no river enter the Nile in the course of his
voyage. It much resembles the Nile of Egypt,
gardens and lands are irrigated from it. Its
breadth is various; in some places he thinks it
narrower than the Thames at London, in others
much wider; at the landing place they slept in
the hut of a native, and next morning at sunrise
set off for Housa, where they arrived in twelve
hours through a fine plain without hills; the
country is much more populous than between
Timbuctoo and the Nile. Ferry boats are to
be had at several villages.
Footnote 78:
(return) Properly Enneel. El is the article; but when it precedes
a word beginning with a letter called a labial, it takes
the sound of that letter. This error is committed throughout
a book, lately published, entitled Specimens of Arabic
Poetry, by J.D. Carlyle, Professor of Arabic in the University
of Cambridge, 2d edition p. 53, Abdalsalam, instead
of Abdassalum; p. 59, Ebn Alrumi, instead of Ebn Arrumi;
and p. 65, Alnarhurwany, for Annarhurwany, &c. &c.
HOUSA.
They did not see the town till they came
within an hour from it, or an hour and a
half; it stands in a plain. Housa is south-east
79
of Timbuctoo, a much larger city and nearly
as large as London. He lived there two years,
but never saw the whole of it. It has no walls;
the houses are like those of Timbuctoo, and
form irregular lanes or streets like those of Fas
or Marocco, wide enough for camels to pass with
their loads. The palace is much larger than that
of Timbuctoo; it is seven or eight miles in circumference
and surrounded by a wall; he remembers
but four gates, but there may be more; he thinks
the number of guards at each gate is about 50;
it is in that part of the town most distant from
the Nile. The houses are dark coloured and
flat roofed. He thinks Cairo is about one-third
larger than Housa; the streets are much wider
than those of Timbuctoo; the houses are covered
with a kind of clay of different colours but
never white. They have no chalk or lime in the
country.
Footnote 79:
(return) Rather south-east by east.
GOVERNMENT.
If the king has children, the eldest, if a man
of sense and good character, succeeds; otherwise,
one of the others is elected. The grandees
of the court are the electors. If the eldest son
[42]
be not approved, they are not bound to elect
him; he has, however, the preference, and after
him the other sons; but the choice of the council
must be unanimous, and if no person of the
royal line be the object of their choice, they
may elect one of their own body. The members
of the council are appointed by the king;
he chooses them for their wisdom and integrity,
without being limited to rank: the person appointed
cannot refuse obedience to the royal
mandate. The council consists of many hundreds.
The governor who controls the police
lives in the centre of the town.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
Is very similar to that of Timbuctoo, except
that the king is perfectly despotic; and though
he consults his council, he decides as he thinks
proper. The governor administers justice in
small affairs; but, in important cases, he refers
the parties to the king and council, of which he
is himself a member. No torture, is ever inflicted.
The governor employs a great number
of officers of police at a distance from the town.
If robberies are committed, the person robbed
must apply to the chief of the district, who
must find or take into custody the offender, or
becomes himself liable to make compensation
for the injury sustained.
80
Footnote 80:
(return) This is also the law in West Barbary. When a robbery
is committed, the district where it has been committed is made
liable for double the amount; the half goes to the person
robbed, and the other half to the treasury. The good
effects of this law is admirable, insomuch that it has almost
annihilated robbery: but when one has actually been committed,
the energy and exertion of every individual is directed
to discover the depredator, and they seldom fail to
discover him. The fear of the penalty also makes them
very cautious who they admit among them; and very inquisitive
respecting the character and vocation of all, strangers
in particular, who sojourn in their country!!
LANDED PROPERTY.
They have a class of men whose peculiar business
it is to adjust all disputes concerning land;
the office is hereditary; the offender pays the
compensation, and also the fees of these officers;
the innocent pays nothing. When lands
are bought, these officers measure them. There
is a plant resembling a large onion, which serves
as a land-mark; if these are removed, (which
cannot be easily done without discovery) reference
is had to the records of the sale, of which
every owner is in possession; they express the
sum received; the quantity, situation, and limits
of the land. These are given by the seller, and
are written in the language and character of the
country, very different from the Arabic. The
same letters are used at Timbuctoo. They write
from right to left. The character
81 was perfectly
unintelligible to Shabeeny. Children, whose father
is dead, succeed to the same portion of their
[44]
grandfather’s property as their father would, had
he out outlived his father, though there are
other issue of the grandfather. The rules of
succession are the same as at Timbuctoo.
Footnote 81:
(return) Possibly the ancient Carthaginian character.
Persons of great landed property, of which
there are many, employ agents or stewards;
they let the lands, and the rents are paid sometimes
in kind, and sometimes in gold-dust and
cowries. Houses are let by the month. He
paid four Mexico dollars per month; but a native
would not have paid above two for the same
house. A man who has five Mexico dollars
82 a
month, is esteemed in easy circumstances;
those, however, who have 30 or 40 per month,
are common.
Footnote 82:
(return) Ten dollars worth of rice is sufficient for the
daily food of a man a twelve-month.
REVENUES.
The king has 2 per cent. on the produce of
the land. The revenues arise from the same
sources as at Timbuctoo, but are much larger.
Foreign merchants pay nothing, as the Housaeens
think they ought to be encouraged. The
revenue is supposed to be immense.
ARMY.
He cannot precisely tell the number of troops,
but believes the king can raise 70,000 to 80,000
horse, and 100,000 foot. The horses are poor
and small, except a few kept for the king’s own
[45]
use. He has no well-bred mares. Their arms
are the same as at Timbuctoo; the muskets,
which are matchlocks, are made in the country.
They are very dexterous in throwing the
lance. Gunpowder is also manufactured there;
the brimstone is brought from Fas; the charcoal
they make; and he believes they prepare the
nitre.
83 Their arrows are feathered and barbed;
the bows are all cross-bows, with triggers; the
arrows, 20 to 40 in a quiver, are made of hides,
and hang on the left side. The king never goes
to war in person. The soldiers have a peculiar
dress; their heads are bare; but the officers
have a kind of turban; the soldiers have a shirt
of coarse white cotton, and yellow slippers;
those of the officers are red. Some have turbans
adorned with gold. They carry their
powder in a leather purse; the match, made of
cotton, is wound round the gun; they have
flint and steel in a pouch, and also spare matches.
Footnote 83:
(return) The saltpetre and brimstone are probably derived from
Terodant in Suse, where both abound.
THE TRADE
Is similar to that of Timbuctoo; in both places
foreign merchants always employ agents, or
brokers, to trade to advantage; a man should
reside sometime before he begins. Ivory is sold
by the tooth; he bought one, weighing 200 lb.
for five ducats (1£. 5s.); he sold it in Marocco
for 25 ducats, per 100 lb.; it is now
84 worth 60.
Footnote 84:
(return) A.D. 1795.
The king cannot make any of his subjects slaves.
They get their cotton from Bengala.
85 They
have no salt, it comes from a great distance,
and is very dear. Goods find a much better
market at Housa than at Timbuctoo. There
are merchants at Housa from Timboo, Bornoo,
Moshu, and India; the travelling merchants do
not regard distance. From Timboo and other
great towns he has heard, and from his own
knowledge can venture to assert, that they bring
East India goods. Gold-dust, ivory, and slaves
are the principal returns from Housa. The
people of Housa have slaves from Bornoo,
Bambarra, Jinnie, Beni Killeb
86 (sons of dogs),
and Beni Aree (sons of the naked); they are,
generally, prisoners of war, though many are
stolen when young, by people who make a trade
of this practice. The laws are very severe
against this crime; it requires, therefore, great
cunning and duplicity; no men of any property
are ever guilty of it. The slave stealers take
the children by night out of the town, and sell
them to some peasant, who sells them to a third,
and so from hand to hand, till they are carried
out of the country; if this practice did not exist,
there would be few slaves for the Barbary market.
Beyond the age of fourteen or fifteen, a slave
is hardly saleable in Barbary. Few merchants
[47]
bring to Housa above two or three slaves at a
time; but there are great numbers of merchants
continually bringing them. His own slave was
a native of Bambarra, and was brought very
young to Timbuctoo. Slaves are generally stupid;
but his, on the contrary, was very sensible;
he understood several languages, particularly
Arabic; he bought him as an interpreter; he
would not have sold publicly for above twenty
ducats; but he gave 50 for him; his master parting
with him very reluctantly. He bought
two female slaves at Housa, at 15 ducats each.
87
The value of slaves has since then doubled in
Barbary; he does not know the present
88 price at
Timbuctoo. At Timbuctoo not ten slaves in the
hundred bought there, are females; when bought,
the merchant shuts them up in a private room,
but not in chains, and places a centinel at the
door: when the confidence of any of them is
supposed to be gained, they are employed as
centinels. Housa having a great trade, is much
frequented by people from Bambarra, Foulan,
Jinnie, and the interior countries.
Manufactures and husbandry are similar to
those at Timbuctoo.
Footnote 85:
(return) Bengal, or the East Indies.
Footnote 86:
(return) Properly Ben Ekkilleb, or Hel Ekkileb, i.e. the
canine-race. These are described to be swift of foot and low of
stature, having a language peculiar to themselves.
Footnote 87:
(return) About the 1790th year of the Christian era.
Footnote 88:
(return) In the year 1795.
CLIMATE.
The hot winds blow from the east; the summer
is hotter than in Marocco, and hotter at
[48]
Timbuctoo than at Housa. The cold winds are
from the west: the morning fog is great. He
never saw it rain at Housa, in the course of two
years; he says it never rains there. Scarcity is
never known. A considerable part of their
provisions is brought from the banks of the
Nile; the river, when overflowing, never reaches
above half way from its common channel towards
Housa. They have excellent wells in
their houses, but no river near the town.
ZOOLOGY.
He saw no camels at Housa, but heard, they
use them to fetch gold, and cover their legs with
leather, to guard them from snakes. They
have dogs and cats, but no scorpions or snakes
in their houses. Lice, bugs, and fleas abound.
He saw no wild animals or fowl in the neighbourhood
of Housa.
DISEASES.
Physicians agree with the patient for his cure.
No cure no pay. The prevailing diseases are
colds and coughs.
RELIGION.
The same as at Timbuctoo; the poorer classes,
as in most countries, have many superstitious
notions of spirits, good and bad, and are alarmed
by dreams, particularly, the slaves, some of
whom cannot retain their urine in the night, as
he thinks, from fear of spirits, they take them
[49]
often upon trial when they buy them, and if
they have this defect, a considerable deduction
is made in the price. A man possessed by a
good spirit is supposed to be safe amidst 10,000
shot. A man guilty of a crime, who in the opinion
of the judge is possessed by an evil spirit, is not
punished! He never heard of a rich man being
possessed.
PERSONS.
They are of various sizes, but the tallest man
he ever saw was at Housa. The city being very
large, he seldom had an opportunity of seeing
the king, as at Timbuctoo. He saw him but
twice in two years, and only in the courts of
justice; he was remarkable for the width of his
nostrils, the redness of his eyes, the smoothness
of his skin, and the fine tint of his perfectly
black complexion.
DRESS.
Like that of Timbuctoo, their turbans are
of the finest muslin. The sleeves of the soldiers
are small, those of the merchants wide. The
former have short breeches, the latter long.
The officers dress like the merchants, each according
to his circumstances. The caftan is
of silk, in summer, brought from India; instead
of the silk cords worn by the king of Timbuctoo,
the king of Housa wears two silk sashes, three
fingers broad, one on each shoulder; they are
richly adorned with gold; in one hangs his
[50]
dagger, and when he rides out, his sword in the
other; he wears not the silk pear in his turban,
as does the king of Timbuctoo. The front of
his turban is embroidered with gold.
BUILDINGS.
The houses are like those at Timbuctoo, but
many much larger. They have no wind or
water-mills, but they have stone mills, turned
by horses.
MANNERS.
They never bow. An inferior kisses the hand
of a superior; to an equal he nods the head,
gives him his hand and asks him how he does.
The women do the same.
The general body are honest and benevolent,
the lower class is addicted to thieving. They
are very careful of children, to prevent their
being stolen. Snakes do not frequent cultivated
lands, so that animals are not there in danger
from them. The people of Timbuctoo and Housa
resemble each other in their persons and in their
manners. They castrate bulls, sheep, and goats,
but never horses. Supper is the principal meal.
They do not use vessels of brass or copper in
cookery; they are all of earthenware. At sunset
the watchmen are stationed in all parts of
the town, and take into custody all suspected or
unknown persons. They have lamps made of
wood and paper; the latter comes from Fas.
Women of respectability are attended by a slave
[51]
when they walk out or visit, which they do with
the same freedom as in Europe. The women ride
either horses or asses, they have no mules; the
men commonly prefer walking, they are strong
and seldom sensible of fatigue, which he attributes
to their having a rib more than white men.
Some bake their own bread, others buy it, as in
England. They make leavened bread of allila
89
and bishna; the cattle-market is within the city,
in a square, appropriated to this purpose. There
are a great many rich men, some by inheritance,
others by trade. Every morning the doors of the
rich are crowded with poor, the master sends
them food, rice, milk, &c. They have names
for every day. They make their own pipes for
smoking, the tubes are of wood. They have
songs, some with chorus, and some sung by two
persons in alternate stanzas. They have the
same feasts once a quarter as at Timbuctoo.
The king has but one wife, but many concubines.
The favourite slaves of the queen of Housa are
considered as superior to the queen of Timbuctoo.
Footnote 89:
(return) Millet and Indian corn.
GOLD.
The ground where it is found is about sixteen
miles from Housa. They go in the night with
camels whose legs and feet are covered to protect
them against snakes, they take a bag of sand,
and mark with it the places that glitter with gold;
[52]
in the morning they collect where marked, and
carry it to refiners, who, for a small sum, separate
the gold. There are no mountains or rivers near
the spot, it is a plain without sand, of a dark
brown earth. Any person may go to seek
gold; they sell it to the merchants, who pay a
small duty to the king. The produce is uncertain;
he has heard that a bushel of earth has
produced the value of twelve ducats, three
pounds sterling, of pure gold. They set out
from Housa about two o’clock in the afternoon,
arrive about sun-set, and return the next day
seeking for gold during the whole night.
LIMITS OF THE EMPIRE
Beyond Timboo, on the north side of the
Nile, are very extensive. Afnoo is subject to the
king of Housa, no slaves can be made from thence.
Darfneel is near Afnoo; the latter is on the north
side of the river, nearer to its source, and a great
way from Timbuctoo. No Arabs are found on
the banks of the Nile. He supposes the circumference
of the empire to be about twenty-five
days’ journey; has heard that many other large
towns are dependent upon it, but does not remember
their names.
The neighbouring countries are Bambarra,
Timboo, Mooshee, and Jinnie; all negroes.
He has heard of Bernoo
90 as a great empire.
On the 31st of March, 1790, Shabeenee gave
further information, in the presence of Lord
Rawdon
91, Mr. Stuart, and Mr. Wedgewood.
Mr. Wedgewood proposed the questions, and
Mr. Dodsworth interpreted. The following is
some of the information, omitting what has been
noticed already.
Between Timbuctoo and Housa, there is a
very good trade. Timbuctoo is tributary to the
king of Housa. The imports into Timbuctoo
92
are spices, corn, and woollens from Barbary,
and linens from the sea-coast.
Footnote 90:
(return) Ber Noh, or Bernoh, i.e. the country of
Noah, is said by the Africans, to be the birth-place of the
patriarch Noah.
Footnote 91:
(return) Now the Marquis of Hastings.
Footnote 92:
(return) For a more detailed account of the imports
to Timbuctoo, see Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c.
The written character is very large, perhaps
half an inch long. The empire is divided into
provinces; the provinces into districts. The
king appoints the governors of both; but the
son of the deceased governor is understood to
have the preference.
They make their pottery by a wheel, but do
not glaze it. The wheel turns upon a pivot
placed in a hole in the ground: at top and bottom
are two pieces of wood like a tea-table; the
lower, which is largest, is turned by the foot,
and the upper forms the vessel. When they
make a large pot, they put on the top a larger
piece: the pots are dried in the sun or burnt in
the fire. The iron mines are in the desert; the
iron is brought in small pieces by the Arabs,
who melt and purify it. They cannot cast iron.
[54]
They use charcoal fire, and form guns and
swords with the hammer and anvil. The points
of their arrows are barbed with iron; the crossbows
have a groove for the arrow. No man can
draw the bow by his arm alone, they have a kind
of lever; the bow part is of steel brought from
Barbary, and is manufactured at Timbuctoo.
They do not make steel themselves.
They inoculate for the small-pox; the pus is
put into a dried raisin and eaten. “Rooka Dindooka”
is a kind of oath, and means, by God.
They believe only one God. After dinner they
use the Arabic expression, El Hamd Ulillah;
praise to be to God.
93
They believe the immortality of the soul, and
that both men and women go to paradise; that
there is no future punishment; the wicked are
punished in this world. Happiness, after death,
consists in being in the presence of God. They
are not circumcised. A divorce may take place
while a woman is pregnant, but she cannot
marry again till delivered. As soon as a woman
is divorced, midwives, women brought up to that
profession, examine her to see whether she is
pregnant.
Footnote 93:
(return) This is the Arabic, or Muhamedan grace after meat;
the grace before meat is equally sententious, viz. Bismillah,
i.e. in the name of God.
LETTERS
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF JOURNIES
THROUGH VARIOUS PARTS OF
WEST AND SOUTH BARBARY,
AT DIFFERENT PERIODS,
PERFORMED PERSONALLY BY J.G.J.
LETTER I.
On the opening of the Port of Agadeer, or Santa Cruz in
Suse, and of its Cession by the Emperor Muley Yezzid,
to the Dutch.
TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.
(Late British Consul for Senegambia) Eversholt, near Woburn,
Bedfordshire.
Mogodor, 28th February, 1792.
The emperor has consented to the proposition
of the Dutch government, to open the port of
Agadeer, or Santa Cruz, in the province of
Suse, to the commerce of that nation; and I
have finally resolved to establish a house there,
so soon as the sultan Yezzid’s order respecting
that port shall reach the hands of Alkaid Aumer
ben Daudy, the governor of this port. There
are various political intrigues in agitation, to
deter me from going personally to establish the
commerce of this most desirable and long-neglected
[56]
port of Santa Cruz. The governor
anticipates a considerable diminution in the
treasury of Mogodor; and the merchants of this
place anticipate a great diminution of the various
articles of produce of this fine country,
seeing that the principal articles of exportation
from the empire of Marocco are produced in
the province of Suse, and in the neighbourhood
of Santa Cruz.
The stream of commerce will, therefore, necessarily
be converted from Mogodor to Santa
Cruz. The merchants of Fas also, who have
their establishments and connections at Timbuctoo,
and in other parts of Sudan, will resort to
Santa Cruz in preference to Mogodor, for all
European articles calculated for the markets of
Sudan, the former port being in the neighbourhood
of the desert, or Sahara, and at a convenient
distance from Akka in Lower Suse, the
general rendezvous of the akkaba, (or accumulated
caravans,) destined for the interior regions
of Africa or Sudan. This akkaba starts annually
for Timbuctoo, consisting of 2000 or 3000
camels, loaded with merchandise from Fas,
Tetuan, Sallee, Mogodor, Marocco, Tafilelt,
Draha, and Terodant. The port of Santa Cruz
is hence aptly denominated Beb Sudan, i.e. the
gate or entrance of Sudan.
[57]
The port of Santa Cruz was formerly farmed
by the emperor
94 Muley Ishmael, to some European
power, for 50,000 dollars a-year, as I have
been informed; others say it was purchased of
him by his own Jewish subjects, for the purposes
of trade. However this may have been, no advantage
was ever taken of the favourable opportunity
then offered, of opening and securing to
Europe an extensive and lucrative trade with
the various countries of Sudan or Nigritia.
I can account for this omission only by supposing
that the interior of Africa was then less
known than even it now is; and that the merchants
then established at Santa Cruz, had there
sufficient advantages in commerce to engage
their attention, without examining into this immense
undiscovered mine of wealth!
Footnote 94:
(return) Great-grandfather of Muley Soliman, the present emperor,
who is denominated Soliman ben Muhamed ben Abdallah
ben Ismael.
LETTER II.
The Author’s arrival at Agadeer or Santa Cruz.–He
opens the Port to European Commerce.–His favourable
Reception on landing there.–Is saluted by the
Battery.–Abolishes the degrading Custom that had
been exacted of the Christians, of descending from on
Horseback, and entering the Town on Foot, like the
Jews.–Of a Sanctuary at the Entrance of the Town,
which had ever been considered Holy Ground, and none
but Muhamedans had ever before been permitted to enter
the Gates on Horseback.
TO THE SAME.
Santa Cruz, 7th March, 1792.
The emperor’s
95 letter ordering the port of Santa
Cruz to be opened to the Dutch, having reached
Mogodor, and having received my instructions
from Webster Blount, Esq. Dutch consul-general
to this empire, to act as agent for him at
that port, until my appointment be ratified and
confirmed by the States General, of which he
informs me there is no doubt, I proceeded
hither in the Snell Zee Post, Dirk Morris,
master; and after being becalmed off (Affernie)
Cape de Geer, I arrived here the third morning
after my departure from Mogodor. I sent my
horses by land; and on our approach to the
[59]
shore, I discovered them approaching the mountain
on which Santa Cruz stands. Soon after
we came to anchor in the road, the boats came
off, and the battery, which is situated about
half-way up the mountain on the western declivity,
saluted me with 8 guns, (the Muhamedans
always saluting with an even number.)
This compliment being unexpected, we were
about half an hour preparing to return it, when
we saluted the battery with 9 guns. The captain
of the port received me with great courtesy,
and was ordered by the bashaw El Hayanie,
governor of Santa Cruz, to pay the most unqualified
attention to my wishes. I landed
amidst an immense concourse of people, assembled
on the beach to witness the re-establishment
of their port, most of whom were without
shoes, and very ill clad.
The most hearty exclamations of joy and approbation
were manifested by the people when
I landed; a merchant was come to establish,
once more, that commerce by which the fathers
of the present generation had prospered; and
their sons appeared to know full well the advantages
that again awaited their industry, which
for 30 years had not been exercised. I mounted
my horse on the beach, amidst the general acclamations
of the people, and ascended the
mountain, on the summit of which is the town.
On my arrival at the gate, I was courteously
received by the bashaw’s sons; who, however,
informed me that the entrance of Santa Cruz was
[60]
ever considered holy ground, and that Christians,
during its former establishment, always descended
and entered the town on foot, intimating
at the same time that it was expected I
should do the same. I had been before cautioned
by Mr. Gwyn, the British consul at Mogodor,
not to expostulate at this request, as it would
certainly be required of me to conform to ancient
usages. But I knew too well the disposition of
the people, and the great desire that pervaded
all ranks to have the port established; I therefore
turned my horse, and told the bashaw’s
sons, that I was come, with the blessing of God,
to bring prosperity to the land, to make the poor
rich, and to improve the condition and multiply
the conveniences of the opulent; that I came to
establish commerce for their advantage, not for
mine; that it was indifferent to me whether I
returned to Mogodor or remained with them.
The sons of the bashaw became alarmed, and
entreated me, with clasped hands, to wait till
they should report to the bashaw my words and
observations. I consented, and soon after they
returned with their father’s earnest request that
I should enter a-horseback: old customs, said
the venerable old bashaw when, immediately
afterwards, I met him in the street; old customs
are abolished, enter and go out of this town
a-horseback or a-foot, we desire the prosperity
of this port, and that its commerce may flourish;
All the people of Suse hail you as their deliverer,
God has sent you to us to turn the desert into
[61]
(jinen afia) a fruitful garden; come, and be welcome,
and God be with you.
I was conducted to the best house in the
town, a house which belonged to our predecessor,
Mr. Grover; and I was informed, that if
any demur had been made by the bashaw respecting
my entrance through the sanctuary or
holy ground, it might have caused an immediate
insurrection; so anxious and impatient were all
ranks of people for the new establishment of
this eligible port of Suse.
The privilege thus established, of riding in
and out of the town, I continued; and I procured
it immediately afterwards for all Christians!
even masters of ships and common
sailors.
LETTER III.
The Author makes a Commercial Road down the Mountain,
to facilitate the Shipment of Goods.–The Energy
and Liberality of the Natives, in working gratuitously
at it.–Description of the Portuguese Tower at Tildie.
–Arab Repast there.–Natural Strength of Santa Cruz,
of the Town of Aguzem, and the Portuguese Spring
and Tank there.–Attempt of the Danes to land and
build a Fort.–Eligibility of the Situation of Santa
Cruz, for a Commercial Depot to Supply the whole of
the Interior of North Africa with East India and European
Manufactures.–Propensity of the Natives to
Commerce and Industry, if Opportunity offered.
TO THE SAME.
Santa Cruz, 20th March, 1792.
The road up the mountain of Santa Cruz was so
dangerous and impassable, that I undertook to
repair it; accordingly, I agreed with a Shilluh
to make it safe and convenient for transporting
goods for shipment; and such was the eager desire
of the people for the establishment of the
port, that hundreds brought stones and assisted
gratuitously in the construction of this road;
so that what would have cost in England thousands
of pounds, was here completed for a few
hundred dollars.
The natives of this long-neglected territory
were too acute not to perceive the field of wealth
that was thus opened to their industry; they
were convinced, from the traditions of their
[63]
fathers, of the incalculable benefits that would
arise from a commercial reciprocity; and they
were determined to cultivate the opportunity
that was now offered to put them in possession
of those commercial advantages which their
fathers had enjoyed before: the benefits of which
they had often related to their children, when
they talked of the prosperity and riches of the
country during the reign of Muley Ismael, when
this port was before open to foreign commerce.
Agreeably to these well-founded anticipations,
the genial influence of commerce began, soon
after my arrival, to manifest itself throughout all
ranks and denominations of men; the whole
population visibly improved in their apparel and
appearance; new garments were now becoming
common, and were every where substituted for
the rags and wretchedness before witnessed on
landing here.
About four miles east of Santa Cruz, in a
very romantic valley surrounded by mountains,
are found the ruins of a Portuguese tower.
Tildie, which is the name of this place, abounds
in plantations of the most delicious figs, grapes
of an enormous size and exquisite flavour, citrons,
oranges, water-melons, walnuts, apricots in great
abundance, and peaches, &c. &c.
I invited a party of Arabs to accompany me
to this delightful retreat, where we dined: the
Arabs killed two sheep; one they roasted whole
on a wooden spit, made on the spot; the other
they baked whole in an oven made for the purpose,
[64]
in the following manner: A large hole
was dug in the ground; the inside was plaistered
with clay; after which they put fire in the hole
till the sides were dry; they then put the sheep
in, and the top was covered by clay in the form
of an arch, fashioned and constructed by the
hand only; they afterwards made a large
trough round this temporary oven, and filled
it with wood, to which they set fire. The
sheep was about three hours preparing in this
manner, and it was of exquisite flavour; the
roasted mutton also was equally well flavoured.
No vegetables were served with this repast; for
I had desired that the fare should be precisely according
to their own custom; I therefore declined
interfering with the arrangement of the food.
This mode of cooking is in high estimation with
travellers. These people never eat vegetables
with their meat. When they see Europeans
eat a mouthful of meat, and then another of vegetables,
they express their surprise, observing
that the taste of the vegetables destroys the taste
of the meat; and vice versa, that the taste of
the meat destroys the flavour of the vegetables!
The town of Santa Cruz, built on the summit
of a branch of the Atlas, by the Portuguese, is
enclosed by a strong wall, fortified with bastions
mounting cannon; it is about a mile in circumference.
Half way down the mountain, on the
western declivity, opposite the sea, stands a
battery, which defends the town, towards the
north, south, and west, at the foot of the mountain.
[65]
Westward, on the shore of the sea, stands
a town, called by the Shelluhs, (the natives of
this country,) Agurem. There is a copious
spring of excellent water at Agurem, built and
ornamented by the Portuguese, when they had
possession of this country, and called by them
Fonté, which name the town still retains, and is
so called by Europeans. The royal arms of
Portugal are seen, carved in stone, over the
tank. Santa Cruz is supplied with spring-water
from here, having none but rain-water in the
town, which is collected in the rainy season,
and preserved in subterraneous apartments,
called mitferes
96, one of which is attached to
every respectable house, and contains sufficient
for the consumption of the family during the
year. The natural position of Santa Cruz
is extremely strong, perhaps not less so than
Gibraltar, though not on a peninsula; and
it might, in the hands of an European
power, be made impregnable with very little
expense; it might also be made a very convenient
and most advantageous depot for the
establishment of an extensive commerce with
[66]
the whole of the interior of North Africa. An
attempt of this kind was made about forty or
fifty years since, by the Danes, who anchored
with several ships, and landed a mile south of
Agurem; and with stones, all ready cut, and
numbered, erected on an eminence
97, by the
dawn of the following day, a battery of twelve
guns. But by a stratagem of the bashaw El
Hayanie, who at that time was bashaw of Suse,
they were rendered unable to retain possession
of their fort; their plans were accordingly disconcerted,
and the adventurers retreated, and
returned to their ships.
Footnote 96:
(return) The mitfere under my house at Santa Cruz, contained,
when full, four hundred pipes of water. At the termination
of the rainy season in March, it was generally about two-thirds
full, supplied from the flat roof or terras during the
rainy season. There was always much more than we could
consume, accordingly great quantities were distributed
among the poor, about the close of the season, or the autumn
previous to the next rainy season.
Footnote 97:
(return) Called Agadeer Arba.
At the south-east extremity of the wall of
Santa Cruz there is a round battery, which protects
the town from west to east; and might
be made to protect the valley to the east of the
mountain. This battery, with a little military
skill, might be made to protect every access
to the town, not protected by the battery before
mentioned, which is situated about half
way up the western declivity of the mountain,
and which commands or secures the fonte, or
spring, against an attack from any hostile force.
LETTER IV.
Command of the Commerce of Sudan.
TO THE SAME.
Santa Cruz, May 5, 1792.
If Great Britain were to purchase the port
of Santa Cruz of the emperor, for a certain
annual stipend, we should be enabled to command
the whole commerce of Sudan, at the
expense of Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and Egypt;
not at the expense of Marocco, because an equivalent,
or what the emperor would consider as
such, would be given in exchange for it; and
we should then supply all those regions with
merchandise, at the first and second hand, which
they now receive through four, five, and six.
We should thus be enabled to undersell our
Moorish competitors, and thus draw to our
commercial depot, all the gold-dust, gold-bars,
and wrought-gold, gum-sudan, (commonly called
in England, Turkey gum-arabic), ostrich feathers,
and other articles the produce of Sudan; besides
the produce of Suse, viz. gum-barbary, sandrac,
euphorbium, and ammoniac, almonds, olive oil,
wine, &c., together with the richest fruits of
every kind. These we should take in barter for
our manufactures.
The road of Santa Cruz is very safe, and the
best in the empire of Marocco; it is defended
from the fury of the tremendous gales that
visit this coast in December and January, and
which invariably blow from the south, by a
projection of land that extends gradually from
the river Suse to cape Noon, very far westward
into the ocean. During my residence of several
years at this summit of Atlas, not one ship was
wrecked or lost; there is plenty of water, and
good anchorage for ships of the line.
A thousand European troops, directed by a
vigilant and experienced captain, might take the
place by a coup de main; and the natives,
(after a proper explanation and assurance that
trade was the object of the capture,) would
probably become allies of the captors, and
would supply in abundance all kind of provisions.
They esteem the English, and denominate
them their brothers.
98 They sorely
regret the loss of trade occasioned by the
emperor’s restrictions, and would gladly promote
the cultivation of commerce if they had an
opportunity. They have been from time immemorial
a trading generation.
LETTER V.
FROM MR. WILLIS TO MR. JACKSON.
My dear sir,
I have this moment received your favour, dated
yesterday, and am extremely sorry I had not
the pleasure of seeing you before your departure.
We might have taken a farewell dinner
together. You will most highly oblige me
by communicating to me all the intelligence
you can collect concerning the interior of
Africa, more especially of Timbuctoo; its trade,
government, geographical situation, and the
manners and customs of its inhabitants. If you
could send me too, any of its products or manufactures,
which may appear to you curious or
interesting, or may serve to shew the state of
knowledge and civilisation in the country, and
the progress they may have made in the arts, in
manufactures or commerce, you will confer
upon me a singular favour; the expense of
which I will readily repay, and which I shall be
happy to return whenever I can be of use to you.
If ever this region of Africa, which excites so
strongly our curiosity, should be laid open to us,
you are, of all the men with whom I am acquainted,
the best qualified, and the most likely
to lead the way to this important discovery.
I request you to favour me with your correspondence;
let me hear from you as frequently
[70]
as possible, without ceremony, and as one who
wishes to be considered as an old friend. When
peace returns, I shall certainly take my station
in Senegambia
99, where we may then be fellow-labourers
in the same vineyard. There is no
news yet of Park; perhaps you would like
to know how he proceeds; and as I expect
to hear of him by the return of my ship, I
will inform you, if you wish it; and, in short,
will keep up a regular correspondence on my
part, if you will do the same on your’s. Pray,
in what ship do you go? Perhaps, if you would
give me encouragement, I might venture into
a little commercial speculation to Santa Cruz.
I heartily wish you a pleasant voyage, health,
and success; and am, with great regard,
My dear Sir,
Very truly your’s,
J. WILLIS.
August 12,1796.
Footnote 99:
(return) Mr. James Willis had the appointment of consul at
Senegambia, and was then waiting an opportunity of proceeding
thither.
LETTER VI.
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
My dear sir,
I duly received your letter from Gibraltar,
and have made known to Government the expediency
of sending a person to Marocco, to
oppose the influence of the French and
Spaniards; but I cannot yet say with certainty
whether the measure will be adopted or not;
if it should, you may rely upon my attention
to your interest. I have given your name to
the secretary of state, and have spoken of you
with that distinction, which I think, without
any flattery, your qualifications justly deserve.
Peace still appears to be at a great distance,
since the late negociations; yet, as nothing is
so uncertain as an event of this kind, it may
come upon us, (as the last peace did) like a
thief in the night, when we least expect it.
You will have, I have no doubt, frequent opportunities
of procuring information concerning
Timbuctoo, and other places in the interior of
Africa. Your knowledge of the language,
customs, and commerce of that continent, give
you advantages which few possess upon this
ground; and I assure you, every kind of information
will be greedily received here, concerning
those regions; especially that which
[72]
relates to their commerce, civilisation, customs,
geography, and language.
I request as a favour that you would write
me as often as possible; exclusive of the interest
I take in all that relates to the politics and
commerce of Africa, (particularly of the interior,)
to hear of your own individual welfare,
will give me the sincerest pleasure.
I remain, my dear Sir,
Your’s very sincerely,
J. WILLIS.
No. 67. Harley-street, London,
2d February, 1796.
We have no letters from Mr. Park, since he
left the river Gambia; but we have heard from
others, that he had proceeded in safety above
two-thirds of the journey. We expect soon to
hear of his return. If he succeeds, his fame
and fortune will be worthy of envy.
LETTER VII.
Emperor’s March to Marocco.–Doubles the Customs’
Duties of Mogodor.–The Governor, Prince Abd El
Melk, with the Garrison and Merchants of Santa Crux,
ordered to go to the Court at Marocco.–They cross
the Atlas Mountains.–Description of the Country
and Produce.–Dangerous Defile in the Mountains
through which the Author passed.–Chasm in the
Mountain.–Security of Suse from Marocco, originating
in the narrow Defile in the Mountains of Atlas.–Extensive
Plantations of Olives.–Village of Ait
Musie.–Fruga Plains.–Marocco Plains.–Fine
Corn.–Reception at Marocco, and Audience with the
Emperor.–Imperial Gardens at Marocco.–Prince
Abd El Melk’s magnificent Apparel, reprobated by the
Sultan.–The Port of Santa Cruz, shut to the Commerce
of Europe, and the Merchants ordered to Mogodor.–The
Prince banished to the Bled Shereef or
Country of Princes, viz., Tafilelt, of the Palace at
Tafilelt.–Abundance of Dates.–Face of the Country.
–Magnificent Groves of Palm or Date-trees.–Faith
and Integrity of the Inhabitants of Tafilelt.–Imperial
Gardens at Marocco.–Mode of Irrigation.–Attar of
Roses, vulgarly called Otto of Roses (Attar being the Word
signifying a Distillation.)–State of Oister Shells, on
the Top of the Mountains of Sheshawa, between Mogodor
and Marocco, being a Branch of the Atlas.–Description
of the Author’s Reception on the Road from
Marocco to Mogodor.–Of the Elgrored, or Sahara of
Mogodor.
TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.
Santa Cruz, March 15, 1797.
When the emperor Soliman proceeded from
Fas with a numerous army to the south, he
doubled the export and import duties at Mogodor,
[74]
viz., from six to twelve per cent., payable in
kind. Those of Santa Cruz remained as before,
but so soon as his imperial majesty reached
Marocco, he sent orders for the prince Abd El
Melk, who is his nephew and governor of Santa
Cruz, with the garrison, together with the merchants,
to proceed to Marocco; accordingly
we all departed, the prince having first engaged
a revered (fakeer) saint to accompany the army
across the Atlas mountains, the fastnesses of
which it appeared no army would be permitted to
pass, without the protection of this fakeer. We
departed about noon, and passed through the
plains of the Arab province of Howara
100, a very
fine country; we pitched our tents at sunset,
near a sanctuary, where we had all kinds of
provisions sent to us, in great abundance: we
continued our journey the following morning
through the plains, and about the middle of the
day we reached the foot of Atlas.
This country abounds in extensive plantations
of olives, almonds, and gum trees; some plants of
the (fashook) gum ammoniac are here discovered.
Vines producing purple grapes of an enormous
size and exquisite flavour: (dergmuse) the Euphorbium
plant is discovered in rocky parts of the
mountains; and great abundance of worm-seed
and stick-liquorice.
101 The indigo plant (Enneel)
[75]
is found here; as are also pomegranates, of a
large size and a most exquisitely sweet flavour, and
oranges. Ascending the Atlas, after five hours’
ride, we reached a table-land, and pitched our tents
near a sanctuary. The temperature of the air is
cooler here, and the trees are of a different character;
apples, pears, cherries, walnuts, apricots,
peaches, plums, and rhododendrums, were the
produce of this region. The next morning at
five o’clock, the army struck their tents, and
after ascending seven hours more, we met with
another change in vegetation. Leguminous
plants began to appear; pines of an immense
size, ferns, the belute, a species of oak, the
acorn of which is used as food, and is preferred
to the Spanish chesnut; elms, mountain-ash,
seedra and snobar, the two latter being a species
of the juniper. After this we passed through
a fine campaign country of four hours’ ride:
we were informed that this country was very populous;
but our fakeer and guide avoided the
habitations of men. We now began again to
ascend these magnificent and truly romantic
mountains, and in two hours approached partial
coverings of snow. Vegetation here diminishes,
and nothing is now seen but firs, whose tops
appear above the snow; the cold is here intense;
and it is remarkable, that, the pullets’
eggs that we procured in the campaign country
just described, were nearly twice the size of
those of Europe. Proceeding two hours further,
we came to a narrow pass, on the east side of
[76]
which was an inaccessible mountain, almost perpendicular,
and entirely covered with snow; and
on the west, a tremendous precipice, of several
thousand feet in depth, as if the mountain had
been split in two, or rent asunder by an earthquake:
the path is not more than a foot wide,
over a solid rock of granite. Here the whole
army dismounted, and many prostrated in
prayer, invoking the Almighty to enable them
to pass in safety; but, however, notwithstanding
all possible precaution, two mules missed
their footing, and were precipitated with their
burdens into the yawning abyss. There is no
other pass but this, and that of Belawin, which
is equally dangerous for an army; so that the
district of Suse, which was formerly a kingdom,
might be defended by a few men, against an invading
army from Marocco of several thousands,
by taking a judicious position at the
southern extremity of this narrow path and tremendous
precipice, which is but a few yards in
length. Proceeding northward through, this defile,
we continued our journey seven hours,
(gradually descending towards the plains of
Fruga, a town of considerable extent, distant
about fifteen miles from the mountains.) Proceeding
two hours further, making together
nine hours’ journey, the army pitched their
tents, and we encamped on another table-land,
on the northern declivity of Atlas, at the
entrance of an immense plantation of olives,
about a mile west of a village, called Ait Musie,
[77]
a most luxuriant and picturesque country. The
village of Ait Musie contains many Jews, whose
external is truly miserable; but this appearance
of poverty is merely political, for they are a
trading and rich people, for such a patriarchal
country. The olive plantations at this place,
and in many other parts of this country, do
honour to the agricultural propensity of the emperor
Muley Ismael, who planted them. They
cover about six square miles of ground; the
trees are planted in right lines, at a proper distance;
the plantation is interspersed with openings,
or squares, to let in the air. These openings
are about a square acre in extent.
Footnote 100:
(return) migration from this tribe attacked and took the city
of Assouan, in Egypt, some years ago. Vide Burckhardt’s
Travels in Nubia.
Footnote 101:
(return) This root abounds all over Suse, and is called by the
natives Ark Suse, i.e. the foot of Suse: the worm-seed
is called sheh.
In travelling through the various provinces of
South and West Barbary, these extensive plantations
of olives are frequently met with, and
particularly throughout Suse. It appeared that
they were all planted by the emperor Muley
Ismael, whose indefatigable industry was proverbial.
Wherever that warrior (who was always
in the field) encamped, he never failed to employ
his army in some active and useful operation,
to keep them from being devoured by the
worm of indolence, as he expressed it. Accordingly
wherever he encamped, we meet with these
extensive plantations of olive trees, planted by
his troops, which are not only a great ornament
to the country, but produce abundance of fine
oil. The olive plantations at Ras El Wed, near
Terodant in Suse, are so extensive, that one
may travel from the rising to the setting sun
[78]
under their shade, without being exposed to the
rays of the effulgent African sun.
We remained encamped at Ait Musie
102 three
days, amusing ourselves by hawking with the
prince’s falconer, and hunting the antelope.
Early in the morning of the fourth day, we descended
the declivity of the Atlas, and travelling
eight hours, we reached the populous town of
Fruga, situated in the same extensive plain
wherein the city of Marocco stands. From this
village to Marocco, a day’s journey, the country
is one continued corn-field, producing most
abundant crops of wheat and barley, the grain
of which is of an extraordinary fine quality,
and nearly twice the size of the wheat produced
at the Cape of Good Hope.
On our approach to the metropolis, the emperor
sent the princes that were at Marocco to
welcome the prince Abd El Melk. They were
accompanied by 100 cavalry, who saluted our
prince with the Moorish compliment of running
full gallop and firing their muskets. These
princes, who were relations of Abd El Melk, son
of Abd Salam, shook hands with him respectively,
and then kissed their own. This is the salutation
when friends of equal rank meet. We entered
the city of Marocco at the Beb El Mushoir,
which is the gate situated near the palace and
place of audience, towards the Atlas mountains.
The next day I had an audience of the emperor,
[79]
who received me in (the Jenan En neel)
the garden of the Nile, a small garden adjoining
the palace, containing all the fruits and plants
from the Nile
103 of Egypt. The (worde fillelly)
Tafilelt-rose grows in great luxuriance in this
garden, resembling that of China; the odour is
very grateful and strong, perfuming the air to
a considerable distance. This is the rose, from
the leaves of which the celebrated (attar el
worde) i.e. distillation of roses is made, vulgarly
called in Europe, otto of roses.
Footnote 103:
(return): This orthography, Nile, has been imported
from France; with the French it is pronounced as we pronounce Neel;
and this is the intelligible pronunciation in Africa.
The emperor declared the port of Santa Cruz
to be shut; and that no European merchant of
any nation should continue there. He gave me
my choice, either to quit the country, or establish
a house at Mogodor. I entreated a short time
to consider which I should choose, which was
readily granted.
The prince Abd El Melk was magnificent in
his apparel, the Emperor dressed very plain;
these were two incompatible propensities, the
latter had probably heard of the prince’s extravagance
in this respect, and chose to moralise
with him by comparing his own parsimonious and
plain apparel to his costly attire; and insinuating
that the iron buckle to his belt answered every
purpose of a gold one, reprimanded the prince
for the extravagance and vanity of his wardrobe,
and acquainted his Highness that the port of
[80]
Santa Cruz should no longer remain open to
European commerce. The prince remained some
days after this notification at Maroco; an annual
stipend was allowed him and he was sent to (the
Bled Shereef, i.e. the country of princes, viz.)
Tafilelt, and had apartments allotted him in the
Imperial Palace at that place, which is very magnificent
and extensive. It is built of marble
collected for the most part from the Kaser
Farawan or ruins of Pharaoh, an ancient city now
in ruins, contiguous to the sanctuary of Muley
Dris Zerone, east of the city of Mequinas, on
the western declivity of the Atlas; this marble
was transported across the mountains of Atlas
on camels, a distance of fifteen journies to Tafilelt.
The inhabitants of this part of Bled Eljereed
live principally on dates, which abound so in
this country that the fruit of one plantation is
commonly sold for 1000 dollars, producing 1500
camel load of dates, or 4500 quintals; there are
thirty-five species of this rich fruit, of which the
butube is unquestionably the best and the most
wholesome; it is rich, of a fine flavour, and sweet
as honey: the buscré is also good; but so dry
and full of saccharine matter that it resembles a
lump of sugar. Undoubtedly if this country were
in the hands of Europeans they would extract
sugar, perhaps as much as 150 lb. from a camel
load of dates weighing 300 lb. The adamoh is
the date that is imported to this country; it is
the best for keeping, but at Tafilelt they use it
only for the cattle, considering it an unwholesome
kind and heavy of digestion. The country
[81]
from the eastern declivity of Atlas to Tafilelt,
and to the eastward of Tafilelt, even unto
Seginmessa is one continued barren plain of a
brown sandy soil impregnated with salt, so that
if you take up the earth it has a salt flavour; the
surface also has the appearance of salt, and if
you dig a foot deep, a brackish water ooses up.
On the approach, to within a day’s journey of
Tafilelt, however, the country is covered with
the most magnificent plantations and extensive
forests of the lofty date, exhibiting the most
elegant and picturesque appearance that nature,
on a plain surface, can present to the admiring
eye. In these forests there is no underwood,
so that a horseman may gallop through them
without impediment. Wheat is cultivated near
the river, and honey is produced of an exquisite
quality. The faith and honour of the (filelly)
inhabitants of Tafilelt is proverbial; a robbery
has not been known within the memory of man;
they use neither locks nor keys, having no need
of either!
Having had my audience of leave of the Emperor,
I prepared to proceed to Mogodor, but
before I describe the country through which we
passed thither, it may not perhaps be uninteresting
to give some account of the Imperial
gardens at Marocco, which are three, the Jenan
Erdoua, the Jenan El Afia, and the Jenan
En. neel: the last is confined to plants brought
from the Egyptian Nile. The Jenan El Afia, and
the Jenan Erdoua, contain oranges, citrons, vines,
[82]
figs, pomegranates, water and musk melons,
all of exquisite flavour. The orange and fig
trees are here as large as a middling sized
English oak. Roses are so abundant at Marocco
that they grow every where, and have
a most powerful perfume, insomuch that one
rose scents a large room; all other flowers are
in abundance, and many that are nursed with
care in English hot-houses are seen in the Marocco
plains growing spontaneously. These
gardens, as well as others throughout the
country, are watered by the Persian or Arabian
wheel, with pitchers fixed to it, which discharge
the water into a trough or tank; as the
pitchers rise and turn over their contents into
this tank, the water is communicated to the
garden and inundates the plants. Departing
from Marocco to Mogodor, the first day’s
journey is through the plains of Sheshawa, a
fine campaign country abounding in corn; the
mountains of Sheshawa, which are higher than
any in Great Britain, have strata of oyster and
other shells at the top of them. We encamped
at the foot of these mountains; I had the
curiosity to examine the depth of these strata
of shells, and found them several feet deep, and
extending all the way down the mountains.
The rivers Sheshawa and Wed Elfees water
these plains. The next day’s journey brought us
to a sanctuary, where we met very good entertainment,
that is, such as the country affords,
plenty of good provisions and hospitable treatment.
[83]
The next evening we encamped at a place
called Dar El Hage Croomb, a very picturesque
situation, where we were hospitably entertained;
the Sheik coming to drink tea with me, related
the history of his ancestors and traced his
descent through many generations of warriors,
whose dextrous management of the lance was
the burden of the story. The next day, after
travelling about six hours, we arrived at the
extremity of the productive country, and entered
El Grored, or the desert of sandy hills, which
divide the rocky peninsula of Mogodor, from
the cultivated land; this Sahara consists of loose
sand-hills very fatiguing to the horses, and
although not more than three miles in width,
we were an hour and a half in crossing them,
before we entered the gate of Mogodor.
LETTER VIII.
FROM MR. WILLIS TO MR. JACKSON.
My Dear Sir,
Harley-Street, London,
12th December, 1797.
I thank you warmly for your intelligence concerning
the interior of Africa, and beg you will
continue to favour me with all the information
you can collect upon this subject. Mr. Park
has been almost as far as Jinnie, but did not
reach Timbuctoo; he is now on his way to
England, in an American ship, via America.
We are anxious for his arrival, which may be
expected in the course of the present month;
and all the Africani are extremely curious to
hear the detail of his most interesting journey,
which we hope will produce some authentic
knowledge, of a considerable part of those
regions, that have hitherto baffled all the ardour
and energy of European enquiry, though they
have always excited the curiosity of the most
eminent and enlightened men, both in past and
present times.
I thank you also for the commercial intelligence
you have sent me.
Do you know whether the emperor of Marocco
has any collection of books? If he has,
probably some ancient books, of great value,
might be found among them.
I should consider it as a very great obligation
if you could procure, and send me any book or
manuscript in the character and language of
Timbuctoo. We are informed that, besides
the Arabic, they have a character of their own,
perfectly different.
I remain, my dear Sir,
Sincerely your’s,
J. WILLIS.
Extract of a Letter to Mr. Jackson, from His Excellency
J.M. Matra, British Envoy to Marocco, &c.
Tangier, November 8, 1797.
I have not yet received any answer from Sir
Joseph Banks to the letter from you, which I
sent to him. Should you be able to obtain any
information from Timbuctoo
104, or of the interior
of this country, which would gratify one’s curiosity,
I will be very thankful for a slice of it.
I am ever, dear Jackson,
Most faithfully your’s,
JAMES M MATRA.
Footnote 104:
(return) All my information respecting Timbuctoo, will be found
in Jackson’s Account of Marocco, Chapter XIII.
LETTER IX.
Custom of visiting the Emperor on his Arrival at Marocco.–Journey
of the Merchants thither on that occasion.–No
one enters the imperial Presence without a Present.–Mode
of travelling.–The Commercio.–Imperial
Gardens at Marocco.–Audience of the Sultan.–Amusements
at Marocco.–Visit to the Town of
Lepers.–Badge of Distinction worn by the Lepers.–Ophthalmia
at Marocco.–Its probable Cause.–Immense
Height of the Atlas, east and south of Marocco.–Mode
of visiting at Marocco.–Mode of eating.–Trades
or Handicrafts at Marocco.–Audience of Business of
the Sultan.–Present received from the Sultan.
TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.
Mogodor, 1788.
The emperor having departed from Mequinas
where he passed the winter, to Marocco, his
summer residence, it becomes an incumbent
duty for all loyal subjects, to pay their respects
to him. All the bashaws of provinces, south of
the river Morbeya, which divides the northern
part of his dominions from the southern, as well
as all the alkaids or governors of towns and districts
under the authority of the bashaws of the
provinces, are expected to show their loyalty, by
obtaining permission to present themselves to the
imperial presence; when they give an account of
the state of the district which they respectively
[87]
govern. The bashaw of each province communicates
with the emperor, and determines which
of the alkaids
105 shall have the honour of presenting
themselves. On these occasions, that is, when the
emperor comes to Marocco, it is customary for the
merchants of Mogodor to perform the journey to
the metropolis
106 of the south, and to present his
imperial majesty with a present; indeed, it is
not the etiquette of this court for any one to
demand an audience (which the lowest subject
in the realm may claim) without being prepared
to present something; so that the poor may
have an audience by presenting half a dozen
eggs, or any similar trifle, such as some fruit or
flowers; but no one enters the imperial presence
(khawie, as they term it, i. e.) empty-handed.
The routine is this: The European merchants,
together with the house of Guedalla and Co.,
who are native Jews, are called el commercio;
the commercio, therefore, solicit the honour of
presenting themselves to the emperor, to offer
their congratulations on his arrival; this is
acceded to, and the minister, who is denominated
the talb cadus, a term designating a
man who disperses orders and communications
to every one, writes a letter to the commercio,
[88]
expressive of the emperor’s disposition to see
them, and requesting them to repair to his
presence: a guard is given by the alkaid of
Mogodor, and a present ought to be selected
of such articles as are not to be bought at
the markets of the country. A present consisting
of such articles, previously ordered
from Europe, and judiciously selected, is better
calculated to gratify the emperor, than ten
times the value injudiciously collected. The
merchants accordingly prepared themselves to
proceed to Marocco; some rode mules, some
horses, for there are no carriages in this country;
and every individual had his tent and
servants with him. We travelled three days
through a fine country, and reached the city
of Marocco the fourth day, in the afternoon,
travelling eight hours each day, at the rate of
four miles an hour. On our approach to the city,
we sent an express to the talb cadus, who, by the
imperial order, appropriated the emperor’s garden,
jinnen el afia, for our reception, the pavilion
in which was appropriated to our service; we
preferred, however, in this delightful climate,
sleeping in our tents, which we were permitted
to pitch in this beautiful garden. We dined in
the coba, or pavilion. The (talb cadus) minister
paid us a visit, to say that the emperor requested
we would take the following day to rest from our
journey, and at eight o’clock on the following
morning, he would receive us; the present was
accordingly prepared, which was carried by
[89]
four-and-twenty men; every article (the bulky
ones excepted) being enveloped in a Barcelona
silk handkerchief. The emperor was in the
(m’ushoir) place of audience, on that side of the
city which faces the mountains of Atlas. At our
presentation we did not prostrate ourselves, but
bowed, in the European manner; the emperor
said, bono el commercio, a Spanish phrase which
he uses in interviews with Europeans, and which
is equivalent to his saying, you are welcome,
merchants. To this we replied, Allah iberk
amer seedi, God bless the life of my master.
The emperor asked if we were recovered from
the fatigue of our journey, and was quite
affable; he then said, communicate with the
effendi
107, and whatever you want shall be granted
to you; for I am disposed to encourage and
(amel el k’here) to do good to my merchants.
The master of the audience then came to us,
and signified that we might depart; we made
our obeisance, and returned to our habitation.
This was the audience of introduction, which is
always short; the second audience is for business;
and the third is the audience of departure.
We remained encamped in the imperial garden
a fortnight before we had another audience; in
the mean time we amused ourselves in riding
about the country, and in visiting some of the
most respectable inhabitants, among whom was
[90]
the cadus, who has a noble mansion, replete with
every convenience, and a garden in the centre
of it. The rooms of this house were long and
narrow, with a pair of high doors in the centre
of the room, through which alone the light is
admitted; the floors were paved with small
glazed tiles, about two inches square, very
neatly fitted, and of different colours; the walls
were the same, a mode of building which in this
warm climate imparts a grateful coolness; the
ceilings are painted in the Araberque style, with
brilliant colours. The roofs are of terras, and flat,
having an insensible declivity, just sufficient to
give the rain that falls a course, which falling
into the pipes, is received in the (mitfere) a subterraneous
cistern, which supplies the family
with water the whole year, till the rainy season
returns again.
Footnote 105:
(return) In each province, or bashawick, there are several
alkaids or governors of districts.
Footnote 106:
(return) The city of Fas is the metropolis of the north, as Marocco
is of the south. Mequinas is the court town of the
north, and resembles the Hague, where few reside but such
as are employed in the service of the crown.
Footnote 107:
(return) This word was used by the seed, or emperor, in the
presumption that it is understood by Europeans; but cadus
is the Arabic term.
There is near to the walls of Marocco,
about the north-west point, a village, called
(Deshira el Jeddam) i.e. the Village of Lepers.
I had a curiosity to visit this village; but I was
told that any other excursion would be preferable;
that the Lepers were totally excluded
from the rest of mankind; and that, although
none of them would dare to approach us, yet
the excursion would be not only unsatisfactory
but disgusting. I was, however, determined
to go; I mounted my horse, and took two
horse-guards with me, and my own servant.
We rode through the Lepers’ town; the inhabitants
collected at the doors of their habitations,
[91]
but did not approach us; they, for the most
part, showed no external disfiguration, but were
generally sallow; some of the young women
were very handsome; they have, however, a
paucity of eyebrow, which, it must be allowed,
is somewhat incompatible with a beauty; some
few had no eyebrows at all, which completely
destroyed the effect of their dark animated eyes.
They are obliged to wear a large straw hat, with
a brim about nine inches wide; this is their badge
of separation, a token of division between the clean
and unclean, which when seen in the country,
or on the roads, prevents any one from having
personal contact with them. They are allowed
to beg, and accordingly are seen by the side of
the roads, with their straw hat badge, and a
wooden bowl before them, to receive the charity
of passengers, exclaiming (attanie m’ta Allah)
“bestow on me the property of God;” (kulshie
m’ta Allah) “all belongs to God!” reminding
the passenger that he is a steward of, and accountable
for the appropriation of his property;
that he derives his property from the bounty
and favour of God. When any one gives them
money, they pronounce a blessing on him; as
(Allah e zeed kherik) “may God increase your
good,” &c. The province of Haha abounds in
lepers; and it is said that the Arganic
108 oil,
which, is much used in food throughout this
picturesque province, promotes this loathsome
disease!
Footnote 108:
(return) This oil, which is excellent, and generally used for
frying fish, should be thus prepared, according to the
learned Doctor Barata, who was pensioned physician to the
Commercio of Mogodor, by which preparation it becomes
perfectly wholesome, and deprived of any leprous or other
bad quality: Take a quart of Argan oil, and put in it a large
onion cut in slices; when it boils add a piece of crumb of
bread, equal in size to an onion, then let it boil a few
minutes more, take it off, let it cool, and strain the oil through
a sieve, and bottle it for daily use.
The chain of Atlas, east of Marocco, continually
covered with snow, gives a pleasant coolness
to the air of the city, in the summer
season, particularly in the morning and evening;
the coolness is generally said, however, to produce
ophthalmia.
109 These mountains are immensely
high, and their magnitude makes them
appear not more than five miles from the city.
It is, however, a day’s journey to the foot of
them, after which the ascent is so gradual, that
it takes two days more to reach the snow. This
part of the chain of Atlas, east of the city of
Marocco, is seen at sea, twenty miles west of
Mogodor, which latter place is about 120 miles
from Marocco; it is 35 miles from the city of
[93]
Marocco to the foot of Atlas; and it is two
days’ journey from the foot of Atlas to the
snow, which constantly covers the summit of
these immense mountains. They are thus seen
at a distance of 245 miles:
Footnote 109:
(return) Ophthalmic disorders prevail among the Jews of Marocco,
but are seldom seen among the Moors. The Jews
live in great filth at Marocco; the dung-hills and ruins are
in some places as high as the houses. The Muhamedan
doctrine does not allow the Moors to neglect personal
cleanliness, which, among these people, is a cardinal virtue;
and this, I presume, is the cause of their being, in a great
measure, exempt from ophthalmia, whereas the Jews, on the
contrary, are generally affected with it.
In this calculation, the direct distance in the
ascent of the mountain, is less than the travelling
distance; but without taking notice of the distance
from the border of the snow to the
summit of this lofty mountain, which is said to
be another day’s journey, the one may balance
the other: we may therefore calculate 70 miles
as the direct longitudinal distance, although I
am persuaded it is much more from the foot
to the summit of that part of the Atlas which
is visible at sea.
H.T. Colebrooke, Esq., in a paper inserted
in the Asiatic Transactions, vol. xii. asserts,
that it requires an elevation of 28,000 feet, for
an object to be visible at the distance of 200
geographical miles; now 245 English miles are
[94]
equal to 211-1/2 geographical miles; consequently,
if Mr. Colebrooke be correct, the summit of
Atlas, east of Marocco and Dimenet, which is
seen at a distance of 211-1/2 geographical miles,
must be 29,610 feet high, or above five miles and
a half.
Again, the chain of Atlas in Lower Suse,
which lies east of Elala, and which is constantly
covered with snow, is situated three days’
journey, horse travelling, east-south-east from
Elala, in Lower Suse; Elala is three days’
journey from Santa Cruz, horse travelling,
making together 180 miles: add for distance
from the foot of the Elala mountains to the
snow, 60 miles, and the Atlas in Lower Suse
will be seen at the distance of 240 miles, or
207 geographical miles.
Or 207 geographical miles, must have an altitude
of 28,980 feet.
On the north side of the city of Marocco is
a gate called Beb El Khummes, and near it is
held, every Thursday, a market called soke El
Khummes; at which immense quantities of
horses, camels, mules, asses, oxen, sheep, goats,
wheat and barley are sold; oils, gums, almonds,
dates, raisins, figs, bees’ wax, honey, skins,
[95]
&c. &c. &c.; also, slaves, male and female.
Such a horse as would cost in London 50l., sells
here for 50 dollars; a good mule sells for the
same, viz. 50 dollars; a bull, 12 dollars; a
cow, 15 dollars; sheep, a dollar and a half,
each; a goat, a dollar. Very fine large grained
wheat, which increases one-fifth in the grinding,
sells at one dollar per saa, or about half a dollar
per Winchester bushel. The slaves are conducted
through the market by the auctioneer (delel), who
exclaims, occasionally, (khumseen reeal aal zeeada,
i.e.) “50 dollars on the increase,” till he
finds no one will advance; when he goes to the
owner and declares the price offered; the owner
then decides if he will sell or not; if he sells,
the money is paid immediately, but if not, he
takes his slave away with him, and tries him
again the next market-day, or waits in expectation
that this wretched article of trade will rise
in value.
A stranger passing through Marocco would
consider it an irregular miserable town; but
the despotic nature of the government induces
every individual to secrete or conceal his opulence;
so that the houses of the gentry are surrounded
with a shabby wall, often broken or out
of repair, at a considerable distance from the
dwelling house, which does not appear, or is
invisible to the passenger. Some of these houses
are very handsome, and are furnished with
couches, circular cushions to sit on, and other
furniture, in all the luxury of the East. When a
[96]
visitor or a guest enters one of these houses,
slaves come in with perfumes burning, in compliment
to the visitor. Coffee and tea are then
presented in small cups, having an outer cup to
hold that which contains the liquor, instead
of a saucer; the sugar being first put into the
pot. The coffee or tea being poured out, already
sweetened with sugar, a negro boy generally
takes his station in one corner of a spacious
room, pours out the liquor, and sends it to the
guests by another boy. The tea table is a
round stand, about twelve inches from the
ground, at which the tea boy sits down on a
leather cushion, cross legged.
When dinner is served, the food is in a large
dish or bowl, on a round stand, similar to that
above described; three, four, or more sit round
it; a servant comes to the company with a
ewer and napkin; each person wash their right
hand, and eat with their fingers; in the higher
circles, rose-water is used instead of plain; if
soup is served, they eat it with wooden spoons;
in this respect the emperor himself sets them
the example, who reprobates the use of the
precious metals with food.
When the Moors sit down to eat; high and
low, rich and poor, (for I have partaken of food
with all ranks, from the prince to the plebeian,)
they invariably invoke God’s blessing, previous
to the repast, and offer thanks at the conclusion.
Their first grace is, invariable, short, and comprehensive;
bis’m illah, “In the name of God.”
[97]
The after grace is, El Ham’d û littah, “Praise
be to God.”
A very excellent dish is generally eaten in this
country, called cuscasoe; it is made with flour,
granulated into particles the size of a partridge
shot, which is, put over a steamer, till the steam
has sufficiently passed through it, so as to produce
the effect of boiling; it is then taken off,
broken, and returned to steam a second time;
in the meantime, a chicken or some meat is
boiling in the saucepan, under the steamer, with
onions, turnips, and other vegetables; when the
cuscasoe has been steamed a second time, it is
taken off, coloured with saffron, and mixed with
some butter, salt, and pepper, and piled up in
a large round bowl or dish, garnished with the
chicken or meat and vegetables. This is a very
nutritious, wholesome, and palatable dish, when
well cooked. It is in high estimation with
the Arabs, Moors, Brebers, Shelluhs, and Negroes.
When they sit down to eat, each person
puts his fingers into the dish before him; and
in respectable society, it is remarkable how
dextrously they jerk the food into their mouths,
which never come into contact with their
hands; so that this mode of eating is scarcely
objectionable, certainly not obnoxious, as some
travellers have represented it; but who probably
had associated with the lower ranks of society,
who, indeed, are not particular in these observances.
All kind of trades are carried on at Marocco:
[98]
jewellers, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, coppersmiths,
tanners, &c. &c.; but that which is the most
honourable, is a shoe-maker, because Muhamed
himself was one. At Mequinas they make excellent
shoes, of leather impervious to water,
for 1s. 8d. per pair.
The time now approached for our audience
of business, and we had represented to the
Talb Cadus, that the export duties on some
articles were too heavy, viz. on wax, almonds,
and olive oil; also on certain imports, viz. iron,
steel, and Buenos Ayres hides; but no diminution
was obtained, except in the duty of bees’
wax. The emperor gave hopes of an exportation
of grain, and desired us to write to Europe
for ships to come and load wheat, barley, Indian
corn, caravances, beans, lentils, and millet. We
were favourably received; the emperor asked
several questions respecting Europe, and informed
us we should return to Mogodor in a
few days. Three days after this audience we
were ordered to meet the emperor in the Jenan
En neel, where we had our audience of leave,
and the emperor gave each of us a fine horse,
chosen by ourselves out of his own stable; and
we took our leave and departed for Mogodor
the following evening. We slept encamped under
the magnificent and lofty date trees, in the
neighbourhood of the city, the first night.
LETTER X.
FROM MR. WILLIS TO MR. JACKSON.
My dear Sir
Harley-street, London,,
September 10, 1798.
I write to acknowledge the receipt of your
favour. I know no man better qualified than
yourself for the station of an African consul;
and really think, that to assist you in obtaining
such a post, is to render service to my country,
as well as to yourself. Your information concerning
the interior of Africa, and especially
concerning Timbuctoo, appears to me to be
more accurate, authentic, and extensive than
that of any other person I have met with; considerably
more so than that of any of the correspondents
of the African association. Mr. Park,
of whose return you are informed, has brought
home no addition to the stock of our knowledge
of that important place; though I think his
geographical communications are highly valuable,
particularly as they regard the river and
course, &c. of the Niger. This celebrated river
will, I think, in time be the channel of communication
between Europe and the interior of
Africa. It seems to penetrate into that continent,
in its widest and most interesting part;
if it should be navigable through its entire
course, we might hereafter make it the instrument
of the most important discoveries, and the
channel of the most valuable commerce. I
[100]
shall be much obliged to you for information
concerning this river, particularly as to its
termination. I suspect it discharges itself into
some interior sea or vast lake, like the Caspian;
unless, like the Burrampooter, after various and
extensive windings, it may return towards its
source, and fall into the Atlantic.
You will have heard of the landing of a
French army in Egypt, under Buonaparte; the
French are enterprising, and if they should
penetrate from the eastward, while we advance
from the west, the interior of the African continent
may at length be laid open.
I remain, my dear Sir,
Your’s sincerely,
J. WILLIS.
LETTER XI.
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
My dear Sir,
Harley-street, London,
June 10.1800.
I did not receive, till the 22d November, your
favour, dated 1st September last, for which I
beg you to receive my best thanks. I have
transmitted an extract of it to Lord Moira, Sir
Joseph Banks, and to a friend of mine, who is
a member of parliament, and has great influence
with his majesty’s ministers; in order that he
may lay it before the secretary of state, in such
a manner as to draw his attention to it in the
most impressive and effectual manner; but I
much fear that the pressure of the war, and
its consequent effects; the arrangements of
finance, &c. will preclude their immediate support
to objects which they consider as of very
subordinate importance. The time is certainly
highly favourable for the cultivation of the
friendship of the emperor, and of other Muhamedan
sovereigns; now that the British arms
have preserved the principal empire of the
Moslems, by the victory at Aboukir, and the
defense of Acre; in consequence of which,
Egypt has been recovered, and one of the
sacred gates of the Caaba again opened to the
Mussulmen. This appears to be an event of
[102]
the highest consideration to the Muhamedans of
Africa, since it is by Grand Cairo, that the
western pilgrims communicate with Mecca.
I suppose you have received the narratives,
published by Park and Browne, of their
respective journies and discoveries in the interior
of your continent; they have done much,
but much more still remains to be done; and
above all, the discovery of Timbuctoo and its
commercial relations.
There is a captain Wild, now either at Tunis
or Algiers, preparing himself for this journey, (as
I am informed,) a man of intrepidity, judgment,
and enterprise; whom Sir Joseph Banks
writes me, he hopes to engage in the employment
of the African association.
I assure you that I consider you, as the only
European that possesses any substantial and
interesting information concerning that part of
interior Africa, which we are most solicitous to
investigate; and, therefore, set a high value
upon whatever you are so good as to communicate.
I am also of opinion, that your plans
may very probably be adopted by administration,
when the return of peace shall leave their
minds at liberty to attend to it.
LETTER XII.
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
My dear Sir,
Harley-street, London,
5th May, 1801.
I wrote you at considerable length on the
1st of June last, and assure you that none of
your letters, received prior to that date, have
remained unanswered. I have now to acknowledge
the receipt of your several favours, and
beg you to accept my best thanks, for your very
curious and valuable present of the gold ring
from Wangara, which has been shown to several
persons of great distinction, and even to the
king himself. It is universally considered as a
great curiosity; and I have taken care to make
it known that you are the person to whom I
am indebted, for the first Wangarian jewel that
has ever been seen in England. I have also
shown your letter, containing your judicious
opinions upon the course of the Niger
110, and
other geographical points, to Sir Joseph Banks
and Major Rennell; and have invariably represented
you to them, and to others, as the
person possessing eminently the best information
concerning the interior of Africa; an object
which draws at present the earnest attention,
both of the learned and the great, and which
[104]
our late victories in Egypt, render more peculiarly
interesting.
Footnote 110:
(return) See Jackson’s account of Marocco, last chapter.
I think, with you, it is probable there is a
communication by water between Jinnie and
Egypt; but I should rather imagine there is
some large lake or Mediterranean sea, like the
Caspian, for instance, into which the Niger may
discharge itself from the west, and a branch of
the Nile from the east. This idea seems to
reconcile the opinions of ancient geographers,
with those resulting from modern discoveries.
If we should be able to effect the complete conquest
of Egypt, and to retain that kingdom,
much light will probably soon be acquired upon
these interesting subjects.
LETTER XIII.
Journey from Mogodor, to Rabat, to Mequinas, to the Sanctuary
of Muley Dris Zerone in the Atlas Mountains, to
the Ruins of Pharaoh, and thence through the Amorite
Country to L’Araich and Tangier.–Started from
Mogodor with Bel Hage as my (Tabuk) Cook, ana
Deeb as my (Mûle Lukkerzana) Tent Master.–Exportation
of Wool granted by the Emperor.–Akkermute
depopulated by the Plague.–Arabs, their Mode
of hunting the Partridge.–Observations respecting the
River Tansift.–Jerf El Eûdie, or the Jews’ Pass.–Description
of Saffy, and its Port or Road.–Woladia
calculated to make a safe Harbour.–Growth of Tobacco.–Mazagan
described.–Azamor the Abode of
Storks.–Saneet Urtemma a dangerous Country.–Dar
El Beida, Fedalla, and Rabat described.–Mausoleum
of the Sultan Muhamed ben Abd Allah at Rabat.–Of
Shella, a Roman Town.–Of the Tower of Hassan.–Road
of Rabat.–Productive Country about Rabat.–Salee.–The
People inimical to Christians.–The
Dungeon where they confined Christian Slaves.–Ait
Zimurh, notorious Thieves.–Their Mode of Robbing.–Their
Country disturbed with Lions.–Arrival
at Mequinas.–Some Account of that City and its imperial
Palace.–Ladies of Mequinas extremely beautiful.–Arrival
at the renowned Sanctuary of Muley
Dris Zerone.–Extraordinary and favourable Reception
there by the Fakeers of the Sanctuary.–Slept in the
Adytum.–Succour expected from the English in the Event
of an Invasion by Bonaparte.–Prostration and Prayer
of Benediction by the Fakeers at my Departure from the
[106]
Sanctuary.–Ruins of Pharaoh near the Sanctuary.–Treasures
found there.–Ite Amor.–The Descendants
of the Ancient Amorites.–Character of these People.–Various
Tribes of the Berebbers of Atlas.–El Kassar
Kabeer.–Its Environs, a beautiful Country.–Forest
of L’Araich.–Superior Manufacture of Gold
Thread made at Fas, as well as Imitations of Amber.–Grand
Entry of the British Ambassador into Tangier.–Our
Ignorance of African Matters.–The
Sultan’s Comparison of the Provinces of his Empire to
the various Kingdoms of Europe.
TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.
Dear Sir,
Tangier,
8th August, 1801.
My journey to meet His Excellency James
M. Matra, the British ambassador to the Court
of Marocco, was undertaken principally to obtain
permission to ship a large quantity of wool which
I had in my possession, the exportation of which
had been recently prohibited. I thought I could
not select a more seasonable time than when our
ambassador was at court; accordingly, I started
from Mogodor (the morning after I dispatched
two vessels for Europe) on the 4th June last,
at four o’clock, P.M. My journey was first to
Rabat; thence, across the country, to Fas and
Mequinas; thence to the renowned and revered
sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, on the declivity
of the mountains of Atlas, east of Mequinas;
thence to Kassar Farawan (the ruins
of Pharaoh), and through the warlike province
of the Ait Amor, to L’Araich, Arzilla, and to
Tangier.
I took with me two of the finest horses in the
country, to ride alternately. Two mules and
three camels carried my baggage, tents, &c.
Muhamed of Diabet, commonly called Deeb, I
engaged as tent-master; this is the man that
astonished Aly Bey El Abassy, when he shot
the fish in the river, as recorded by that interesting
traveller. I engaged a most excellent fellow
as cook, a man who had performed many journies
in a similar capacity with the princes; he
was acquainted with the roads, the country,
and the character of the people; the camel-drivers
and muleteers completed our party. We
arrived at Tela at nine o’clock in the evening,
being a journey of five hours. We remained at
Tela the whole of the following day, and started
on the 6th June at seven o’clock; arrived, at
ten o’clock, at Akkermute, a town in ruins, in
the plains west of Jebbel El Heddeed (the
iron mountains), which was depopulated by the
plague about fifty years since. Passing through
the plains of Akkermute, towards the river Tensift,
we saw a party of Arabs hunting partridges;
we did not stop to see this novel sport, but I
was informed that the dogs were directed by
the huntsmen to the spot where the birds settled,
which roused them; they then pursued them
again, and after rousing them several times without
intermission, the birds become fatigued and
exhausted by continual flying, and the dogs then
run them down and seize on them.
[108]
In six hours from Akkermute, at four o’clock,
P.M., we reached the river Tensift, which
brings its water from the Atlas, east of Marocco,
meandering through the plains and passing about
three miles north of that city.
We pitched our tents under the walls of the
(Luksebba) castle, on the south bank of the
river.
We started the next morning at six o’clock,
and travelling through a fine country, we came
to a narrow pass on the declivity of a lofty
mountain called Jerf El Eudie, a most picturesque
country, and arrived at the port of Saffy at eleven
o’clock. Saffy has no harbour, but a road where
ships are obliged to put to sea whenever the
south-wind blows; the town was fortified when
in possession of the Portuguese, and is situated
in a declivity between two hills, so that during
the rainy season the waters come down so rapidly
that they sometimes overflow the lower apartments
of the houses and commit considerable
damage. On the 8th June we started from Saffy
at nine o’clock, and arrived at the sanctuary of
Seedi Cuscasoe at five o’clock, P.M.; and proceeding
on, we reached El Woladia at nine,
and pitched our tents. This place might be
made a secure harbour for the whole British
navy, by blowing up a rock which impedes the
narrow passage at the entrance of a long and
extensive bay. From hence we started at half-past
five o’clock in the morning; we proceeded
northwards along the coast till eleven o’clock,
when we reached the beautiful and abundant
[109]
valley, the Woolga; travelling on through the
country, leaving the sea to the left, we arrived
at six o’clock at the Douar, (an encampment of
Arabs,) called Woled Aisah, i.e. “Sons of
Jesus,” situated in the productive province of
Duquella. The environs of the Douar of Woled
Aisah abound in plantations of tobacco, of a superior
quality, equal to the Havannah. The next
morning, viz. on the 10th June, we struck our
tents at six o’clock, and travelling three hours
we arrived, at nine, at the Jerf el Saffer (the
Yellow Cliff): three hours more brought us to
Tet, and an hour more to Mazagan, which we
reached at one o’clock. Mazagan is the Portuguese
name; the Moorish name is El Burreja.
This is a very strong place, having several stout
bastions; there is a magnificent (mitfere) cistern
of water, built by the Portuguese, supported by
many pillars of great strength of the Tuscan order.
The water in the neighbourhood of Mazagan
is very salubrious; this country is full of
springs. The inhabitants have a good healthy
colour, very different from the inhabitants of the
plains of the province of Duquella, which being
supplied by water from wells only, of from 100
to 200 feet deep, have a sallow and sickly appearance.
It may, in Europe, appear extraordinary
that the quality of water should produce
such a manifest difference in the complexion of
the inhabitants, but when we consider that these
people drink no wine, spirits, or malt liquor, the
paradox will immediately vanish. After viewing
[110]
the mitfere, or cistern, and batteries at Mazagan,
we mounted at four o’clock, and arrived at Azamor
at seven o’clock P.M., pitched the tents in
a large spacious fondaque, or caravansera, in
the centre of the town. We were annoyed
during the night by thousands of storks, the cluttering
of whose bills would not permit us to sleep.
This town is in the centre of a beautiful country.
On the 11th June, at noon, we pursued our
journey, and reached Sancet Urtemma at eight
o’clock P.M. This is a dangerous country, infested
with robbers, who, from the undulating
face of the country, have many modes of escape;
we, therefore, retired into a solitary retreat, and
lay on our arms, without sleep, all night. At
six o’clock next morning, being the 12th June,
we started, and arrived at Dar el Beida at twelve.
Here I was hospitably entertained by the agents
of the Spanish house of the Cinquo Gremos of
Madrid, who were established here for the purpose
of shipping corn to Spain. We left Dar
el Beida, at half-past three, and reached Fedalla
at half-past seven. This is a fine productive
country, abounding in grain as well as Dar
el Beida. On the 13th we started at four
o’clock, and reached El Mensoria at seven;
stopped and dined, mounted at ten A.M. and
arrived at Rabat at seven o’clock, P.M. after a
journey from Mogodor, of 80-1/2 hours of actual
travelling, or 242 English miles.
111
Footnote 111:
(return) Calculated at the rate of three miles an hour, including
stoppages and refreshments.
Rabat is the largest town on the coast of the
empire, it is walled round; its circumference is
about four miles; an aqueduct conveys abundance
of water to the town from a distance of
several miles. The mausoleum of the sultan
Muhamed, father to the present sultan Soliman,
is in the town of Rabat, it is a neat building, surrounded
by a colonade; here is a lamp continually
burning, and a muden
112, who is a fakeer, is continually
proclaiming the omnipotence of God,
and that Muhamed is the prophet. “La Allah,
ila Allah, wa Muhamed rassul Allah.” There
is a very strong battery towards the sea, at the
mouth of the river, which is bomb proof. The
city wall is high, and is strengthened by several
bastions mounting cannon: towards the land,
about a mile from Rabat, there is a spring, reported
to have been discovered by the Romans,
and near it is the Roman town of Shella, which
none but musulmen are permitted to enter. In
it are said to be the tombs of two sultans, but
most probably of Roman generals. Kettles or
pans of coins are continually found by the people
who dig the ground at this place, and the coins
found are Roman. Some European travellers
enhanced the price of these coins so much, by
their eagerness to purchase them, that they offered
more than double their intrinsic value, so
that the Jews imitated them so well that they
[112]
deceived even these antiquaries. There are several
mosques in this town, but that which attracts
particularly the notice of travellers, is the
sma Hassan, i.e. the tower of Hassan, situated
about a mile from Shella, on the south banks of
the river Buregreg, so called from its being in
the province of Beny Hassan, it is an old tower
built in a superior manner by an architect of
Grenada, the same that built the tower at Marocco,
called Jamaa Lifenar, one at Timbuctoo,
and that at Seville; it is about 200 feet high,
perfectly square, and a person may ride up to
the top on horseback, having a gradual ascent,
and seven chambers one above the other: the
cement with which it is made is so hardened that
no pickaxe can destroy it. It was represented
to the sultan Muhamed that the apartments in
this tower were the haunts of vice and immorality,
and the sultan ordered the floor or terras,
by which visitors ascend, to be broken; it was
found, however, impossible to destroy it, wherefore
the workmen were ordered to desist, and
the entrance was blocked up with loose stones.
This tower I ascended with my friend the
Comte de Fourban, nephew to the duke de Crillon,
who conducted the famous siege of Gibraltar,
and whose machinations were so admirably
defeated by the immortal governor of that garrison,
General Elliott, Lord Heathfield. The
Comte had ruined his constitution by being immolated
in a dungeon in France, during the
reign of Robespierre, where he remained during
[113]
fifteen months, oftentimes seated on steps in
water up to his ankles. The Comte was a very
generous and liberal man, an emigrant French
nobleman, protected by the British consul at the
court of Morocco. The disorder contracted by
ill usage and confinement in prison, brought on
a disease which, after applying various remedies
to no purpose, carried him off, and he died at
Rabat. The house of the French consul and
those of some other European consuls who formerly
resided here, are conveniently situated on
the southern banks of the river Buregreg, which
divides Rabat from Salee. Ships of one hundred
tons, that do not draw much water, may pass the
bar and load close to these houses; but larger vessels
must come to anchor in the offing, and take in
their cargoes by boats. The country about Rabat
and Salee is wonderfully abundant in all the
finest grain, leguminous plants, fruits, vegetables,
and cattle; the orange, lemon, Seville,
or bitter orange, and citron plantations are here
very extensive and extremely productive. Several
ships might be loaded here with oranges in
October and November, before the gales of the
latter half of December and the month of January
set in. One hundred fine large oranges may
be had for a drahim, a silver coin worth 6d. sterling.
The orange plantations of Rabat are of
incalculable extent; the trees are as large as a
middling-sized oak; the vineyards and cotton
plantations are likewise most abundant; and nothing
can exceed the good quality of the grapes,
[114]
figs, oranges, citrons, apricots, peaches, and
water-melons; the quality of the latter is peculiarly
sweet, they are called Dilla Seed Billa;
the seed of which might be advantageously
transported to our new colony, the Cape of
Good Hope. The vineyards of Rabat are very
extensive; the vines are cultivated in the Arabian
system, on the ground, which is a light
sandy soil: the immense numbers of turtle-doves
that are in these vineyards is such, that a bad
sportsman cannot fail killing a dozen or two at
every shot; they rise just before you in thousands,
and the foulahs, or vine cultivators, express
their gratitude to the Christians who go to
shoot them. These birds, from being unmolested,
are so tame and so abundant, that they
destroy an incalculable quantity of the best
fruit.
Footnote 112:
(return) The muden is the man who ascends the tower of the
Mosque and announces prayer.
On the 14th, the Comte de Fourban accompanied
me, and we crossed the river, in the ferry,
to visit Salee. The inhabitants of this town are
inimical to Christians: we viewed the subterraneous
cavern where the Sallee rovers formerly
confined their Christian slaves: it resembled a
mitfere or large subterraneous granary; it had
two grates to let in the air; it appeared perfectly
dry, but no one was in it. The Comte observed
that it was far preferable to the prison where he
was confined in France, during the reign or
usurpation of Robespierre. The air of Salee
and Rabat, and the adjacent country, is strongly
perfumed, morning and evening, with the sweet
[115]
odour of the orange-flower, of which they make
immense quantities of delectable comfits.
On the morning of the 15th, we pursued our
journey to Mequinas, passing through a very fine
country, inhabited by a Kabyl of Berebbers,
called Ait Zemurh. We halted, at four o’clock
P.M. at a circular Douar of these Berebbers, in
a fine campaign country. The next morning, at
five o’clock, we struck the tents, and proceeded
through a dangerous country, infested by artful
robbers, and the occasional depredations of the
lion and other wild beasts, whose roaring we
heard at a distance. We saw several square
buildings, which our guides informed us were
built by the Berebbers, for the purpose of destroying
the lion. The patient hunter will conceal
himself in one of these buildings, which are
about five feet by seven, and will wait whole
days for an opportunity to get a shot at the lion:
these noble beasts are here said to be the largest
in all Africa. After travelling this day ten hours,
we pitched our tents at another circular encampment
of the Zimurite
113 Berebbers. These
people drive in stakes and place thorny bushes
round their encampment, eight feet high, and fill
up the entrance every night with thorns, as the
fiercest lions of Africa abound in the adjacent
forests, and sometimes attack their habitations,
accordingly they keep a large fire all night to
[116]
deter the lions and other wild beasts from approaching.
About two hours after midnight,
my grey horse, who was an old campaigner,
neighed and awoke us; this gave the alarm, and
my people were presently on the alert, and perceived
two men approaching our tents, crawling
naked along the ground, which was of the
same colour with their bodies. We did not wish
to take them, fearing that the people of the
Douar would espouse the cause of their
countrymen, but my people gave the alarm,
and exclaimed “Erd abellek asas,” i.e. “Be
watchful, guards!” We then saw these marauders
jump up, and run away as fast as they could;
keeping watch the rest of the night: we were
advised to take no notice of this circumstance.
The people of Ait Zimurh are professed
robbers: they would not allow us to pitch
our tents within their circular encampment, a
privilege universally granted to strangers and
travellers. I thought this very unhospitable;
being totally different from any thing I had
ever before witnessed in this country, where
hospitality generally exceeds all bounds. I have
no doubt that the people of the Douar were in
league with the robbers; I considered my escape,
the next day, when I was apprised of the danger
of the country I had confided in, quite providential,
and I have no doubt but these people
would delude any one that would trust to their
honour: they reminded me of the ancient
Africans, as described by Sallust, in the wars of
Jugurtha.
Footnote 113:
(return) The Zimurites, or Ait Zimure, are probably the descendants
of the Zemarites: for which see 1 Chron. i. 16.
We struck our tents at five o’clock, and travelled
very fast to get out of these treacherous
habitations; for we learned that, the preceding
night, Alkaid L’Hassan Ramy, a Negro captain
of the emperor’s army, passed this Douar,
and was robbed of his bridles, saddles, and tent
equipage, with which the thieves made off, without
being discovered. I afterwards met Alkaid
L’Hassan Ramy at Mequinas; and he appeared
quite astonished that I should have escaped
being robbed at the above Douar, calling the
whole Kabyl a set of lawless thieves. On the 17th,
we started at five o’clock, and arrived at Mequinas
at nine o’clock, performing the journey from
Rabat to Mequinas in twenty-two hours, being
sixty-six miles. The city of Mequinas is the court-town
of the northern division of the empire: the
imperial palace at this place is above two miles
in circumference. At the corners are erected
(Coba’s) square buildings or pavilions, containing
one room up stairs, where the emperor frequently
transacts business. This palace was built
by the sultan Muley Ismael: it is very neat, and
consists for the most part of moresque architecture;
the marble columns and other decorations
were brought from (Kasser Farawan) the ruins
of Pharaoh, about a day’s journey to the eastward.
There is a superior garden of choice fruit
within the wall which surrounds the palace, and
in the latter are many elegant apartments, ornamented
À-la-mauresque. The ladies of Mequinas
are so extremely handsome, that I cannot
[118]
say I saw one plain young woman, although
I visited several families; nay, I can say, without
offense to truth, that I did not see one that was
not comely and handsome. I was most hospitably
entertained wherever I went. On the
18th June, at eight o’clock A.M. we started
for Fas; when we had approached the latter
city, we met a messenger, with the prince Muley
Abdsalam’s secretary, from the emperor to his
excellency J.M. Matra, the British ambassador
to the court of Marocco, who informed me that
his excellency had just terminated his embassy,
had waited for my arrival two days, and was on
his return to Tangier. Presuming, therefore,
that the ambassador had negociated my business
for me, I turned to the north-east, travelled all
day without halting, till eight o’clock in the
evening, when we arrived at the renowned
sanctuary
114 of Muley Dris Zerone, on the declivity
of North Atlas; a most magnificent, beautiful,
and picturesque country, abounding in all
the necessaries and luxuries of life. This sanctuary
was never before, nor since, visited by any
Christian. It was here that the standard of
Muhamed was first planted in North-western
Africa, by the fakeer and prince Muley Dris, the
founder. A favourable combination of circumstances,
of which I availed myself, enabled me
to procure not only an asylum, but a most hospitable
and kind reception and entertainment in
[119]
this renowned sanctuary; and I actually slept
in the Horem or Adytum itself, which honour I
obtained by a present, appropriated to the circumstance,
and sent to the chief fakeer of the
sanctuary, accompanied with some observations
expressed in a manner which was agreeable
to the holy fraternity. When I entered the
Horem of this renowned sanctuary, where I
slept alone, its silence reminded me of the silence
of death, which formed one of the ancient
mysteries of Egypt. The chief of the fakeers
met me in the portico, and cordially shook
hands with me, calling me his brother. At this
time there was a rumour that Bonaparte was
preparing to invade the country; and indeed he
had intimated as much, the English were therefore
courted; it was even hoped and expected
by the emperor that they would in such an
event become his allies, and give him succour.
The next morning, I gave the fakeer some wax
candles accompanied with observations emblematical
of the present, which was so favourably
received, that no less than nine saints prostrated
themselves at the place of prayer,
which is at the entrance of the town, as I
passed out to pursue my journey, uttering with
audible voices a (fâtha) prayer of benediction,
invoking on me the protection of Almighty God,
and a blessing on the English nation; also that
God would avert every danger from the embassy,
and restore them in safety to their native
land. I am perfectly aware that, in recording
[120]
this extraordinary circumstance, persons who
have visited this country, and have remarked
the rancour that generally exists with the lower
orders against Christians, may doubt my veracity,
so unprecedented a circumstance it is for
a Christian to be admitted into a Horem! the
most respected also and the most sacred in the
empire! My answer to such is, that the circumstance
is so incredible, that I should not
have presumed to lay it before the British public,
if I had not two most respectable witnesses,
now living in West Barbary, who can and will
corroborate my report; these two men are Bel
Hage, a Muselman, who had been the prince’s
cook, and who officiated as mine during the
journey, and Muhamed, commonly called Deeb,
of Diabet, a village near Mogodor, the same
man whose dexterity Aly Bey, in his travels, alludes
to, when he shot a fish in the river near
Mogodor.
Footnote 114:
(return) The town, in the centre of which stands the sanctuary,
contains about 5000 inhabitants.
Half an hour’s journey after leaving the
sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, and at the foot
of Atlas, I perceived to the left of the road
magnificent and massive ruins; the country for
miles around is covered with broken columns of
white marble, the ruins appeared to be of the
Egyptian, and massive style of architecture.
There were still standing two porticos, about
thirty feet high and twelve feet wide, the top of
which was one entire stone. I attempted to
take a view of these immense ruins, which have
furnished marble for the imperial palaces at
[121]
Mequinas and at Tafilelt; but I was obliged to
desist, seeing some persons of the sanctuary following
the cavalcade. Pots and kettles of gold
and silver coins are continually dug up from
these ruins. The country, however, abounds
in serpents, and we saw many scorpions under
the stones that my conductor Deeb turned up.
These ruins are said by the Africans to have
been built by one of the Pharaohs: they are
called “Kasser Farawan” i.e. the ruins of
Pharaoh.
115 Here begins the territory of the
[122]
Brebber Kabyl, the Amorites or Ite-amor, said
to be the descendants of the ancient
116 Amorites,
whose country was situated east of Palestine.
These people retain their ancient warlike spirit,
but they are a faithless tribe, and intolerable
thieves, unlike the other Kabyles (who are, at
least, faithful to one of their own Kabyl); but
these marauders are exceedingly mistrustful of
their own brethren, so that their habitations consist
of two or three tents only, in one encampment;
and even these are sometimes at variance
with each other. The lamentable result of this
[123]
mistrustful and marauding spirit, is wretched
and universal poverty. Their country is a succession
of gentle undulating hills, without trees
or plantations of any kind. The late sultan
Muhamed used to compare the provinces or
races of men in his empire, to the nations of
Europe, the English he called warriors, the
French faithless, the Spaniards quiet and inoffensive,
the Romans, i.e. the people of Italy,
treacherous, the Dutch a parsimonious and
trading people; the other powers of Europe,
having no consul at Marocco, nor merchants in
the country, are known only by name: accordingly,
in allusion to the warlike spirit of the
English, he would call the Ait Amor, “the
English of Barbary;” Temsena, the French;
Duquella, the Spanish; Haha, the Italians; and
Suse, the Russians. When the sultan Muhamed
began a campaign, he never entered the field
without the warlike Ait Amor, who marched in
the rear of the army; these people received no
pay, but were satisfied with what plunder they
got after a battle; and accordingly, this principle
stimulating them, they were always foremost
on any contest, dispute, or battle. They
begin the campaign almost in a state of nudity,
and seldom return to their homes without abundance
of apparel, arms, horses, camels, and
money; but this property quickly disappears, and
these people are soon again reduced to their
wonted misery and nudity, and become impatient
for another campaign of plunder. When
[124]
the present sultan, Soliman, came from Mequinas,
in the year of the plague (1799), a division of
his army passed near Mogodor, and the encampments
of the Ait Amor, or Amorites occupied
the whole of the country from the river to the
Commerce Garden, a distance of three miles. It
is very probable that some other of the tribes
bordering on Palestine, may have emigrated in
remote times, and may have taken their abode
on the Atlas mountains. There are above
twenty (kabyls) tribes of
117 Berebbers occupying
the mountains of Atlas, as Ait-Girwan, Zian,
Ait-Ziltan, Ait-Amor, Ait-Ebeko, Ait-Kitiwa,
Ait-Attar, Ait-Amaran, and many more whose
names I do not now recollect. We travelled
seven hours through the Amorite country, and
pitched our tents in the north part of the plains
of Msharrah Rummellah. Fire being lit, the
Moors sat round to warm themselves, and confidently
animadverted on the prosperity that
would necessarily attend our journey, after
having met with such a hospitable and favoured
reception at the renowned sanctuary before
mentioned.
Footnote 115:
(return) In reply to those learned sceptics who have studied
books; but not men, and the manners of different countries;
who believe nothing but what they have seen; and who say
that Pharaoh never came so far west; I reply, that our knowledge
of African history is extremely imperfect. In fact,
we now know as certainties, various articles of which no
record is to be found in any ancient writer; for the affairs of
Africa, which, of late, have so deservedly excited the attention
of the learned, were as little known to the ancients as
they are to the moderns; insomuch that not a word is to be
found in any ancient record or history extant, of those curious
astronomical representations, the Zodiacs, which adorn the
ceilings of the temples in Egypt, nor of the paintings which
cover the silent and solemn repositories of their dead. Even
the royal sepulchres, surpassing all the efforts of art hitherto
known, in brilliancy of colours and decorative sculptures,
are recorded by no historian! Neither in any history, known
to Europe, is there any allusion to the Egyptian custom of
placing books, i.e. rolls of manuscript, in the mummy coffins
with the bodies of the deceased. For much of the knowledge
collected respecting Africa, we are indebted to the
catacombs of Egypt, and we must not hope to know much
more, whilst our ignorance of the Arabic language is so manifest;
we must travel far out of the precincts of Greek and Latin
lore, before we shall procure correct histories of African
affairs! Our knowledge of Hebrew, in Europe I apprehend,
is almost as much confined and as imperfect as that of Arabic!
By the assistance, however, of the latter, what store of learning
might we not expect from complete Arabic translations
of many of the Greek and Latin authors, viz. of the complete
works of Livy, Tacitus, and many others. I recollect conversing
with Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of Abda, (a
gentleman deeply versed in Arabian literature,) about the
close of the last century, who mentioned circumstances,
which gave me reason to suppose that there is extant a complete
Arabic translation of Livy as well as of Tacitus, as
the bashaw assured me there was, and that he had read
them, and they were to be found in the recondite chests of
the Imperial library at Fas, in which it is more than probable
that there are many valuable transcripts in Arabic of ancient
authors, quite lost to erudite Europe!
A knowledge of the Arabic language in this country is so
indispensable, and is held in such high estimation, that every
one who does not understand it, is denominated ajemmy,
i.e. barbarian or European.–St. Paul in the same spirit
says, I Corinth. ch. xiv. v. 11., “He that speaketh unintelligibly,
is unto us a barbarian.”
Footnote 116:
(return) See Genesis, xv. 16. Deuteron. xx. 17. Judges, i. 34.
Footnote 117:
(return) Some persons consider several tribes of these Berebbers
to be colonies of the ancient Phenicians.
On the morning of the 20th June, we struck
our tents at six o’clock, and pursued our journey
to L’Araich, and soon entered the territory that
belongs to the agriculturists of El Kassar Kabeer,
a beautiful country not unlike that of Ait-Amor
[125]
in appearance, but bearing the evidences of
agricultural industry. Here we discovered
magnificent and extensive plantations of olives,
immense citron-trees, orange-groves, and spacious
vineyards, peaches, apricots, greengages, and
walnuts were also the produce of this country,
besides excellent wheat of a large and long transparent
grain like amber, yielding, when ground
into flour, from fifteen to twenty per cent. increase,
in quantity. Anxious now to overtake
His Excellency the ambassador, for the purpose
of being present at his entry into Tangier, we
accelerated our pace, with a view of coming up
with him at L’Araich. We arrived at the forest
of L’Araich at dusk, and travelled through it all
night till five o’clock next morning.
Having travelled incessantly twenty-three
hours without halting, being much fatigued, I
desired Deeb to take a little rest with me in an
adjacent field, and we sent on Bel Hage with
the baggage to L’Araich, to wait our arrival at
the ferry. We pursued our journey at seven
o’clock, and entered the town at nine. On
reaching the ferry, Bel Hage introduced a
courier, who had been dispatched to me from
Fas, by a friend of mine, who informed me how
much he, and many of my Moorish friends had
been disappointed, that I did not enter that
city, where I understood preparations had been
made for my entertainment, in the odoriferous
gardens of the merchants of Fas. The courier
brought me a present of gold wire and gold
[126]
thread, of the manufacture of Fas, and some
gold ornaments of filligrane work from Timbuctoo,
of the manufacture of Jinnie. It is
more than probable that the Fasees learned the
art of manufacturing gold thread from the
Egyptians: it is much superior to that which is
imported into Barbary from Marseilles. The
ladies ornament their cambric dresses with it,
and the Fas gold-thread never loses its colour
by washing, but the French does; the Fas gold
thread wears also much better, and is more
durable; the change of colour may possibly
originate from the great proportion of alloy in
the gold of the French manufacture, whereas
that of Fas, according to an imperial edict, must
be of a certain fineness, approaching to pure
gold; the gold wire of which it is made being
first assayed by the (M’tasseb) supervisor
of manufactures. Great quantities of gold
thread are used in the elegant shawls and sashes
of silk and gold made at Fas, the better kind of
which are reserved for princes and bashaws, in
which they use, as before observed, the Fas thread
only. They manufacture also at Fas, a very
correct imitation of amber-beads, impossible to
be discriminated by the best judges, but by
rubbing the artificial amber, and then applying
it to a bit of cotton; the latter does not adhere,
but the natural amber attracts the cotton as a
magnet does iron; and this is the discriminating
criterion whereby to distinguish them.
But, to return to our journey, we found the ambassador
had passed the preceding day, we therefore
crossed the river, and travelled on till nine
o’clock at night, when, after being a-horseback
thirty-four hours, refreshed only by two hours’
sleep, we came up with the ambassadors, Cafila,
and guard, in a fine open campaign country,
half-way between Tangier and Arzilla; and soon
after I received a courier from Sir Pieter Wyk,
Swedish consul-general to the empire residing
at Tangier, with a very friendly invitation to his
house and table, which being the first offer and
from a sincere and worthy friend, I with pleasure
accepted it, and returned the express immediately.
On the morning of the 22d June, I
breakfasted at five o’clock with the ambassador,
and, discussing with him my business, I learned
that he had terminated it to my satisfaction. We
started together at seven o’clock, and moved
slowly on towards Tangier, it having been
ordered by the emperor, that the English ambassador’s
entry into that town should be marked
with every possible honour and attention. An hour
before we reached Tangier, the governor, with
the whole garrison, came out to salute and greet
the ambassador, the cavalry running full gallop,
and firing their muskets, as is the custom with
them in all rejoicings. At half-past eleven the
cannon of Tangier began to announce the ambassador’s
arrival, and continued, not a royal
salute, but every gun in Tangier was discharged;
and at twelve o’clock we entered the gates.
LETTER XIV.
Result of the British Embassy.
FROM HIS EXCELLENCY J.M. MATRA TO MR. J.
Dear Jackson;
Old Fez,
Sunday night, June 14, 1801.
After a most unpleasant and tedious negotiation
of nine days, I have just finished my business.
I march off early to-morrow morning,
and am much employed in packing up, translating,
and copying of papers.
The letter I solicited for you is just brought to
me, mixed with Mr. Foxcroft’s business, and the
provision for the shipping in Mogadore; but
the Talb promises to bring me a separate one
very early in the morning, when I will inclose
it to you.
Through the interest of Muly Abdel-melk-ben
Driss, the orders were some time since sent to
Mogadore, to reduce your new duty to the old
standard of Seedi Muhamed.
I have been treated by the emperor like a
prince, and with a friendly personal attention
I had no idea of; but my business has been
marvellously tormented. Of that, as we are to
meet soon, I will say no more. I am half dead.
God bless you.
J. MATRA.
LETTER XV.
European Society at Tangier.–Sects and Divisions
among Christians in Muhamedan Countries counteracts
the Propagation of Christianity, and casts a Contempt
upon Christians themselves.–The Cause of it.–The
Conversion of Africa should be preceded by an Imitation
of the divine Doctrine of Christ among Christians
themselves, as an Example eligible to follow.
TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.
It is not only the duty, but it is the manifest
policy of Christians who reside in Muhamedan
countries, to preserve that peace and harmony
that is so often inculcated by our divine Master:
there should be no followers of Paul or of
Apollos, of the Pope or of Luther, but Christians
altogether should forget sects, and become
followers of Christ, by practising his divine and
luminous doctrine. This principle, strictly adhered
to, would have greater effect in propagating
the Christian doctrine, than the united
efforts, however arduous, of all the missionaries
in Africa. We should first begin by reforming
the manners of those Christians who are established
in Muhamedan countries, holding responsible
situations, so as to show the Muhamedans,
by their harmony and good will, the
advantages of the benign influence of the great
Christian principle, “Love thy neighbour as thyself.”
Until the disgraceful animosity lamentably
prevalent between the Catholic and Protestant,
[130]
the Lutheran, Calvinist, and other sects of
Christians be annihilated, it cannot be expected
by any reasonable and reflecting mind, that
essential progress can be made in the propagation
of Christianity in Africa, at least in the
Muhamedan part of it. We must purify our
own actions, and set a laudable example of
chaste and virtuous conduct, as a prelude to the
conversion of the people of this continent. The
Africans, viz. the Arabs, Berebbers, Shelluhs,
Moors, and Negroes are, generally speaking,
shrewd, acute, discerning races of men; and it
cannot be supposed by any but insane enthusiasts,
that the doctrines of Christ can be propagated
in those countries, until an example be
set for their imitation better than their own
practice, and more conformable to the true
Christian doctrine than any that has hitherto
been offered for their imitation.
Tangier is the residence of the consuls-general
of all the nations of Europe, who send occasionally
ambassadors to the Court of Marocco;
and these gentlemen generally act as envoys or
ministers, as well as consuls. The English,
French, Dutch, American, Spanish, Portuguese,
Swedish, and Danish consuls reside here, some
with their families, some without. I had not
been long here before I perceived that the
Moors of Tangier manifested an extraordinary
contempt for Christians, the general respect
which is shown to them at Mogodor, is unknown
here. The reason is evident: the families of these
[131]
gentlemen were at variance with each other, and
the respective ladies did not visit one another.
This circumstance was too well known to the
Moors, and materially contributed to create
among those people that contempt for the
Christians, which, perhaps, is due to all, whatever
be their professed doctrines, who have not
charity enough, in the correct acceptation of
the word, to maintain harmony in their own
community. I was shocked to see so many
amiable families at variance. I will not declare
if it was pride, ambition, or contention for pre-eminence
that produced this want of harmony;
but it is most certain, that Christians, whose
destiny it is to reside among Muhamedans,
should have more than ordinary care to preserve
that philanthropic disposition to each other,
which carries with it a high recommendation,
particularly in a country like West Barbary,
where the gate of every tent is open to the
largest, most disinterested, and unqualified hospitality,
and where the sheik of every douar
considers it his first and indispensable duty to
provide food and rest to the needy traveller, and
to the stranger at his gate.
LETTER XVI.
Diary of a Journey from Tangier to Mogodor, showing
the Distances from Town to Town, along the Coast of
the Atlantic Ocean; useful to Persons travelling in
that Country.
TO THE SAME.
Mogodor, 1801.
If you should ever come to this country, and
have occasion to travel through it, the following
journal of a journey from Tangier to
Mogodor may be of service to you, in ascertaining
the distances from one port to another,
&c.
LETTER XVII.
An Account of a Journey from Mogodor to Saffy, during
a Civil War, in a Moorish Dress, when a Courier
could not pass, owing to the Warfare between the two
Provinces of Haha and Shedma.–Stratagem adopted
by the Author to prevent Detection.–Danger of being
discovered.–Satisfaction expressed by the Bashaw of
Abda, Abdrahaman ben Nassar, on the Author’s safe
Arrival, and Compliments received from him on his having
accomplished this perilous Journey.
TO THE SAME.
Mogodor, 1802.
Having arranged all my affairs, I awaited an
opportunity to depart for England. A Spanish
vessel was lying at the port of Saffy, nearly
ready to sail, bound to Cadiz; but how to reach
the former port was the difficulty; the provinces
of Shedma and Haha, through which I must
necessarily pass, were at war against each other,
and an army of several thousand men were
encamped at Ain el Hajar, a spring near the
road, between Mogodor and Saffy; so that all
communication was cut off, insomuch that it was
dangerous, even for a courier, to attempt to
pass from one port to the other. I was extremely
anxious to reach Europe, and I determined to
go to Saffy by land. I accordingly sent for
a trusty Arab, whose character for fidelity I
[135]
had often before proved. I asked him if he
would undertake to conduct me to Saffy. He
required a day to consider of it. He then resolved
to attempt it, provided I would adopt the
dress of an Arab, and accompany him: I agreed;
and we started from Mogodor at 4 o’clock; P.M.
We passed into a convenient recess, to change
my dress, which being done, we mounted our
horses and rode away; we had not gone two
hours, before some scouts of the army came
galloping towards us. Billa (my trusty guide,
who was a native of Shedma, and a man of considerable
influence in that province) and his
friend rode off with speed to meet them, and
having satisfied them that we were about business
relating to the army, they returned, and
Billa’s friend joining me, we inclined our steps
towards the sea, whilst Billa kept guard at a
distance; and, reaching a convenient and solitary
retreat, we halted there till dark; when
retracing our steps for a few miles, it was concerted
that I should pass as a wounded man
retiring from the army to have my wounds
examined and dressed. Billa was so well acquainted
with the roads, and all the bye-passes
of the country, that, travelling fast over the
plains, not on the roads, we soon reached to the
northward of the encampments of Shedma. We
passed several straggling parties from the army,
who saluted us with (Salem u alikume) “Peace
be to you;” to which we replied (“Alikume
assalam“) “To you peace;” and Billa added
[136]
“Elm’joroh,” i.e. a wounded man. In the old
bed of the river Tansift, now full of bushes
of white broom, I narrowly escaped being
discovered: as the day was breaking, a party of
Arabs suddenly turned a corner, and I had just
time to cover my mouth and chin with my
(silham) cloak, before they gave the salutation,
or they would have discovered me (being without
a beard) to be a Christian; we passed the river,
however, perfectly safe, and were then soon in
the province of Abda, when all danger was at
an end; we entered the town of Saffy, at two
o’clock in the afternoon. The Bashaw of Abda,
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, a renowned warrior,
who had been at the head of an army of 60,000
horse, in opposition to the Emperor, Muley
Soliman, received me with his accustomed urbanity
and hospitality, and asked me if I had
come to Saffy through the air, or by sea. I replied,
I had come by neither, but by land.
“How is it possible,” said he, “that you could
come by land, when even a courier could not pass.
Did you meet with no impediment?–you
astonish me: but praise be to God, that you
have arrived safe, and you are welcome.”
LETTER XVIII.
Journey to the Prince Abd Salam, and the Khalif Delemy,
in Shtuka.–Encamped in his Garden.–Mode of
living in Shtuka.–Audience of the Prince.–Expedition
to the Port of Tomie, in Suse.–Country infested
with rats.–Situation of Tomie.–Entertainment at a
Douar of the Arabs of Woled Abbusebah.–Exertions
of Delemy to entertain his Guests.–Arabian Dance
aud Music.–Manner and Style of Dancing.–Eulogium
of the Viceroys and Captains to the Ladies.–Manners
of the latter.–Their personal Beauty.–Dress.–Desire
of the Arabs to have a Commercial
Establishment in their Country.–Report to the Prince
respecting Tomie.–Its Contiguity to the Place of the
Growth of various Articles of Commerce.–Viceroys
offer to build a House, and the Duties.–Contemplated
Visit to Messa.–Nature of the Country.–Gold
and Silver Mines.–Garden of Delemy.–Immense
Water-melons and Grapes.—Mode of Irrigation.–Extraordinary
People from Sudan at
Delemy’s.–Elegant Sword.–Extensive Plantations.–The
Prince prepares to depart for Tafilelt.
TO THE SAME.
Santa Cruz, June 7, 1794.
I received a letter from the
118 Prince Muley
Abdsalam, who lately went from Santa Cruz to the
Khalif of Suse, Alkaid Muhamed ben Delemy,
whose castle is in Shtuka. The prince wished to
see me on some commercial business that had
[138]
been suggested to him by the khalif or viceroy.
We (that is, Signor Andrea de Christi, a native of
Italy, and a Dutch merchant established at
Santa Cruz, and myself) prepared our tents and
servants, and departed for Shtuka early in the
morning. We passed through a fine campaign
country, occupied by a tribe of the Woled
Abbusebah Arabs, and arrived, late at night, at
(Luksebba) the castle of Delemy, who was
also sheik of an emigration of the Arabs called
Woled Abbusebah, and of another emigration of
Arabs called Woled Deleim, who had taken
up their abodes in Shtuka. When we arrived,
our reception was in the true style of Arabian
hospitality. Delemy had prepared and had
pitched tents in a large garden adjoining his
castle, wherein we resided. Our own tents were
pitched in the Mushoir, or place of audience, a
spacious plain, enclosed by a wall, where the
sheik gave audience to the various kabyls of
Suse. The following day we had an audience
of the prince, who requested me to accompany
Delemy to a port of Suse, which had been
formerly frequented by European ships, which
took in water there, and ascertain if it were a
port convenient for a commercial establishment.
The name of this seaport was called Tomie
by the Portuguese, who formerly had an establishment
there; but by the Arabs, Sebah
Biure, i.e. the Seven Wells, because there were
seven wells of excellent water there: three of
them, however, when we visited this port, were
[139]
filled up and useless. We left Delemy’s castle
in the afternoon, about two or three o’clock,
and we went at a pace called by the Arabs
el herka
119, over a plain country infested with
rats, and the haunts of serpents, our horses
continually stumbling over the rat-holes. We
were, to the best of my recollection, about four
hours going. We found Tomie, an open road,
not altogether calculated to form an advantageous
commercial establishment. Its situation
with respect to the sea being somewhat objectionable.
We sat down near one of the wells,
and after Delemy and his guards had amused
themselves with (lab el borode) running full
gallop and firing, we drank Hollands till we
became gay. The sun had just set, when we
mounted our horses to return. After an hour’s
herka, we approached a douar of the Woled
Abbusebah Arabs, who, seeing their sheik, came
forward and kissed his stirrups, entreating him
to pass the night with them, which, it appeared,
would have been contrary to the etiquette of
Arabian hospitality to refuse. Delemy, therefore,
asked us if we would consent to sleep
there; and, apologising for not conducting us
to our own beds that night, again intimated,
that it was, in a manner, incumbent on him,
not to refuse. We, therefore, consented to stop.
This noble-spirited Arab, anxious to entertain
us, and justly conceiving that the beds and
[140]
habits of these Arabs were very different from
what we had been accustomed to, sought to
beguile the time, and accordingly endeavoured
to engage some ladies belonging to the douar to
dance, but they positively declined dancing before
Christians. Delemy expostulated with them,
representing the propriety of doing so, before
the prince’s guests; but the ladies apologised,
by declaring that their splendid dancing dresses
were not made up. Delemy, however, with
the true energy of an Arab, was determined
that he would make our abode here as pleasant
as possible, and desirous also to show us the
spirit of Arabian dancing, he went himself,
accompanied by two of his friends, to a douar,
at some miles’ distance, and, after much persuasion,
he prevailed on six young ladies to come
and dance. In about two hours, the sheik returned,
and informed us, that knowing that
beds in the desert would not suit our customs,
he had engaged some young girls to amuse us
with dancing during the night, assuring us at
the same time that they excelled in that graceful
art, and he had no doubt they would amuse
us. The tents were cleared and lighted; two
sheep were killed, and the cuscasoe was preparing,
when the ladies arrived. The music consisted
of an instrument similar to a flageolet, (tabla)
a kettle-drum, and a sort of castanets of steel,
an erbeb, or fiddle with two strings, played with
a semicircular bow. The tunes were gay and
sprightly, and the damsels tripped along on the
[141]
light fantastic toe in a very superior and elegant
style. They danced without men; advancing
gently at first, apparently without taking the
foot off the ground, but gradually advancing;
after which they performed some steps similar to
those in the Spanish bolera; and, turning round
on the toe, they danced a most elegant shawl
dance, equal to what was danced at the Opera
in London by Parisot, but without the horizontal
movement, or any motion that could offend the
chastest eye. This unique national dance was
encouraged from time to time by the approbation
of twelve captains of the viceroy’s guard,
warriors of fame in arms, who were Arabs of
the Woled Deleim, and who were seated in a
circle, with us, round the dancers, expressing
their delight and gratification in witnessing such
superior grace and elegance, exclaiming–
“Afakume el Arabe, makine fal el Arabe,
El Hashema, u zin, u temara, fie el Arabe.”
“Bravo, O Arabs! there is none equal to the Arabs:
Excellent is the modesty, beauty, and virtue of the Arabs.”
These eulogiums were not lost on the ladies,
who increased the spirit of the dance. When
this amusement had continued about three hours,
the cuscasoe, meat, and vegetables were brought
in, as a supper. The Moors ate plentifully; but
the abstemious Arabs ate very little; the ladies
partook of sweet cakes and dates; they very
seldom chew meat, but when they do, they
[142]
think it gross to swallow it, they only press the
juices from the meat, and throw away the substance.
The manners of these damsels were elegant,
accompanied with much suavity and affability,
but very modest and unassuming withal:
indeed, they were all individuals, as I afterwards
learned, belonging to respectable and ancient
Arab families, who could not resist the exhortations
of their sheik to amuse and entertain his
guests. The manners of these Arabs, their elegant
forms, sparkling black eyes, long black
eye-lashes, which increased the beauty of the
eye, adding character to the countenance,
seemed to make an indelible impression on the
whole party. The ladies wore robes of Indian muslin,
girdles of gold thread, interwoven with silk
of the Fas manufacture; and their shawls of silk
and gold were displayed in various elegant devices.
We were given to understand by Delemy’s
captains, on our return to the sheik’s castle, that
we had been entertained with extraordinary honours:
we certainly were highly gratified, and
my friend Signor Andrea declared he had never
seen better dancing at Venice, his native place.
Among the Arabs was an old man of ninety, who
appeared very desirous of an European establishment
at Tomie. He related several anecdotes of
his life; and, among others, the money he had
gained, by purchasing goods of vessels which
came forty or fifty years before to Tomie for
water, with which he said he used to exchange
gums and almonds, feathers and ivory, for linens,
[143]
cloths, and spices. I am disposed to think these
vessels were Portuguese; for this coast is but
little known to the English. The ladies having
returned home, we prepared to leave this douar
early in the morning; and with no small regret
did I quit this abode of simple and patriarchal
hospitality; a pleasing contrast was here formed
to the dissipation and pleasure of civilised life–to
the life of fashionable society, where the refinements
of luxury have multiplied their artificial
wants beyond the proportion of the largest
fortunes, and have brought most men into the
class of the necessitous, inducing that churlish
habit of the mind, in which every feeling is considered
as a weakness, which terminates not in
self, unlike those generous sympathies of the
Arabs, where every individual seems impelled to
seek, as they express it, (ê dire el khere fie nes)
“to do good to men.” The effect of luxury,
dissipation, and extravagance, (where the fortune
is not large enough to support them,) tends
to render man selfish upon principle, and extinguishes
all genuine public spirit, that is, all real
regard to the interests and good order of society;
substituting in its place, the vile ambition and
rapacity of the demagogue, which, however, assumes
the name of patriotism. This contrast
between the temperance and sobriety of these
Bedouin or primitive Arabs, and the luxury and
dissipation of civilised life, was the more remarkable,
when we observed among this rude people
such extraordinary and mutual exercise of benevolence,
manly and open presence, honesty and
[144]
truth in their words and actions.–On our return
to Delemy’s castle, in Shtuka, the Prince
asked me, what observations I had made respecting
Tomie; I told his Royal Highness that it
was an open roadstead, and not a convenient
place for ships to lie. The Prince appeared
pleased at this report; but Delemy had rendered
to Muley Abdsalam so many essential services,
that the latter could not, in courtesy, refuse him
any thing. When Delemy found that my report
to the Prince did not realise his expectations,
offers were made to me, supported by every
possible encouragement, to form a commercial
establishment at Tomie, which, as was observed,
being advantageously situated for trade, being
in the neighbourhood of the gum, almond, and
oil countries, would offer advantages to the
merchants which they could not expect at Santa
Cruz, or Mogodor. Accordingly, I was urged
to send to Europe for ships, with assurances
that the duty on all imports, as well as exports,
should be only two per cent. ad valorem. A
house was offered to be built for me, according
to any plan I might choose to suggest, free of
expense. The people were desirous of having
a commercial establishment in their country,
and would have done any thing to accomplish
this object. The extensive connections which
I had throughout Suse, Sahara, and even at
Timbuctoo, would have facilitated my operations;
but my connections in England were not
such as to enable me to engage advantageously
in this enterprise, I was obliged, therefore, though
reluctantly, to decline it, although, if otherwise
[145]
situated, I might have realised an independent
fortune in two or three years at Tomie, besides
having a most favourable opportunity of opening
a trade with Timbuctoo, and other territories of
Sudan.
I now felt a strong inclination to visit the port
of Messa, which was reported to have been about
two centuries before, a considerable port of
trade, and the capital of Suse, when that country
was a separate kingdom, and the state-prisoners
were banished to Sejin-messa
120, (commonly called
Segelmessa in the maps;) as the state prisoners
of Marocco have been from time immemorial,
and are to this day sent to Tafilelt, which territory
lies contiguous to, and west of Sejin-messa.
We started for Messa in the morning, and
reached the town in the afternoon. Delemy
sent a strong guard with me for protection, with
an injunction to his friend the fakeer of Messa,
to treat me as his friend and guest, and to do
whatever he could to gratify my curiosity in
every respect. The country about Messa is very
picturesque, and productive: the river also
abounds with romantic scenery, it has a sandbar
at its entrance to the ocean, which is dry at
low water; but it was once navigable several
miles up, as was reported to me. On the south
bank of the river, about two miles from the sea,
is a gold-mine, in the territory of a tribe hostile
[146]
to Delemy, but the influence of the Fakeer, who
is held in reverential awe, enabled us to examine
it without danger. What they told us was
the entrance, was filled with immense large
pieces of rock-stone; and I was informed, that
when the Christians left the place, (the Portuguese,
no doubt,) they placed these stones at
the entrance of the mine, to prevent the natives
from getting access to it. In the bed of the river,
near the sea, is a mine of silver; the ore is in very
small particles, like lead-coloured sand, intermixed
with mud. I sent a small quantity of this
to England to be analysed; and it produced, as
I was informed, just enough to pay the expenses
of analysation. I sent also several specimens of
gold and silver ore, which I collected in various
parts of Suse; but I apprehend that sufficient
attention was not paid to them, and they also
scarcely paid for the analysation. I sent also to
the Honourable Mr. Greville, brother to the late
Earl of Warwick, a great many basaltick and other
stones, collected in the mountains of Barbary,
which that gentleman considered valuable. After
remaining two days at Messa, I returned to
Shtuka. I was again urged to form an establishment
at Tomie; but, limited as my connection
was in England, I did not feel competent to the
undertaking, and was obliged, reluctantly indeed,
but finally, to decline it.
Footnote 120:
(return) Sejin Messa signifies the prison of Messa.
The garden of Delemy, where we encamped,
is stocked with very fine vines from the mountains
[147]
of Idautenan,
121 a mountainous and independent
country, a few miles north of Santa
Cruz; these grapes were of the black or purple
kind, as big as an ordinary-sized walnut, and very
sweet flavoured, as much superior to the finest
Spanish grapes, as the latter are superior to the
natural grown grapes of England. Large pomegranates,
exquisitely sweet, the grains very large,
and the seed small, brought from Terodant; figs,
peaches, apricots, strawberries, oranges, citrons
of an enormous size, water-melons, weighing
fifty pounds each, four of which were a camel
load, together with culinary vegetables of every
description. This garden was watered by a well,
having what is called a Persian wheel, worked
by a horse, having pots all round the perpendicular
wheel, which, as they turn round, discharge
their contents into a trough, which communicated
to the garden, and laid the beds under
[148]
water. This is the general mode of irrigation
throughout west and south Barbary, as well as
in Sudan.
Footnote 121:
(return) The mountains of Idautenan divide the province of Haha
from Suse: they are exempt from Ska u Laskor, that is, two
per cent. on live stock, and 10 per cent. on produce which
is the regular impost on the country. They are a brave race
of Shelluhs, inhabiting a table-land in the mountains that is a
perfect terrestrial paradise. There is but one person in Europe
besides myself who has ever been in this country. Sheik
Mûluke, the sheik of Idautenan, is a generous noble-spirited
independent character. When an emperor dies, the sheik
sends Muley Ismael’s firman, emancipating the district
from all impost or contribution to the revenue, for some
military service rendered by this district to the ancestor of
Ismael, and the succeeding emperors invariably confirm their
emancipation of Idautenan.
The Prince was very anxious to be of service
to Delemy, who had ingratiated himself with the
former, by signalising himself in feats of arms.
He had been also a main pillar to the throne, and
I sincerely regretted that the combination of
circumstances did not permit me to accept the
liberal and advantageous offers made to me.
Delemy’s renown had spread far to the south,
even unto Sudan: from the latter country he was
visited by some people, who wore circular rings
of pure gold, through the cartilage of the nose.
The rings were two or three inches in diameter;
and when these people ate, they turned them up
over the nose. Delemy had received a present,
from some king of Sudan, of a very elegant sword,
ornamented with diamonds, rubies, and emeralds,
he showed me this sword, which was evidently
manufactured in Europe; he told me, he had
been offered 5000 dollars for it; but he had been
informed that it was worth double that sum.
I was invited by the Khalif of Suse to visit
the immensely extensive plantations of olives at
Ras el Wed, near Terodant, through which a man
may proceed a whole day’s journey without exposure
to the sun: also he offered to accompany
me to the eastern part of Shtuka, where the produce
of bitter and sweet almonds is equally
abundant, and the plantations equally extensive
with those of the olive at Ras el Wed; but I had
[149]
seen plantations of both on a smaller scale at Ait-Musie,
Fruga, and other parts of this empire; and
therefore the sight would have been no novelty,
except in extent. I understood these plantations
were on the same plan and principle with
those I had seen, leaving at certain distances,
square openings, to admit the air, for the better
promotion of the growth and increase of the fruit
and produce of the trees.
The Prince was preparing to depart through
Draha, and Bled el Jereed, to Tafilelt; and we
had our audience of leave previous to his
departure.
LETTER XIX.
Journey from Santa Cruz to Mogodor, when no Travellers
ventured to pass, owing to civil War and Contention
among the Kabyles.–Moorish Philanthropy in digging
Wells for the Use of Travellers.–Travelled with a
trusty Guide without Provisions, Tents, Baggage, or Incumbrances.–Nature
of the Warfare in the Land.
Bitter Effects of Revenge and Retaliation on the Happiness
of Society.–Origin of these civil Wars between the
Families and Kabyles.–Presented with Honey and
Butter for Breakfast.–Patriarchal Manner of living
among the Shelluhs compared to that of Abraham.–Aromatic
Honey.–Ceremony at Meals, and Mode of
eating.–Travelled all Night, and slept in the open
Air;–Method of avoiding the Night-dew, as practised
by the Natives.–Arrival at Mogodor.
TO THE SAME.
Santa Cruz, April 7, 1795.
The province of Haha was in arms; caffilahs,
and travellers could not pass; but it was expedient
that I should go to Mogodor. Men of property
in this country, influenced by a philanthropic
spirit, often expend large sums in digging
wells in districts, through which caffilahs
pass, on their road from one country to another.
I knew one of these philanthropists who was at
Santa Cruz, and who had recently benefited the
province of Haha, by having dug a well in the
Kabyl of Benitamer, a mountainous district in
[151]
Haha; I sent for him, and as he was under obligations
to me for various services I had rendered
to him and his family, he consented to
accompany me to Mogodor, through the disturbed
province of Haha; and he assured me,
that his influence throughout that province was
such, that, by travelling quick, and without any
baggage, tents, or incumbrances, he did not doubt
of conducting me safe to Mogodor. I agreed to
go with him, without servants, tents, or bedding,
being determined to reconcile myself, under present
circumstances, to the accommodation the
country might afford. We started from Santa
Cruz at sun-set; travelling through Tamaract, to
the river Beni Tamur. We continued our journey
till we arrived, at the dawn of day, at the
foot of immense high mountains, called Idiaugomoron.
Here my companion and guide L’Hage
Muhamed bu Zurrawel, pointed out to me two
castellated houses, about two miles distant from
each other; the family-quarrels of these people
had produced such animosity, that the inhabitants
of neither house could with safety go out,
for fear of being overpowered and killed by those
of the other; so that wherever they went, they
were well armed, but dared not go far. These
two families were preparing for a siege, which
often happens in this province. Thus the inhabitants
of one house attack another, and sometimes
exterminate or put to death the whole
family, with their retainers. The province of
Haha was thus in a state of the most lamentable
[152]
civil war, originating from these family-quarrels
and domestic feuds. The heathen and anti-christian
principle of revenge and retaliation, is
here pursued with such bitter and obstinate animosity,
that I have known instances of men relinquishing
their vocation, to go into a far country
to revenge the blood of a relation after a
lapse of twenty years, and pursue the object of
his revenge, for some murder committed in his
family, perhaps forty or fifty years before.
To a British public, blessed with the benign
influences of the Christian doctrine, it is perhaps
necessary that I should elucidate this retaliative
doctrine by an example:–Two men quarrel, and
fight; they draw their kumäyas (curved daggers
about 12 inches long), which all the people of
Haha wear, as well as all the clans or kabyles of
Shelluhs; and if one happens to give his antagonist
a deadly wound, it becomes an indispensable
duty in the next of kin to the person killed
or murdered, (though perhaps it can hardly be
termed a murder, as it is not committed, like an
European duel, in cold blood, but in the moment
of irritation, and at a period when the mind is
under the influence of anger,) to seek his revenge
by watching an opportunity to kill the survivor
in the contest. If the former should die, his
next of kin takes his place, and pursues his
enemy, whose life is never safe; insomuch that,
whole kabyles, when this deadly animosity has
reached its acme, have been known to quit their
country and emigrate into the Sahara; for when
[153]
the second death has been inflicted, it then becomes
the incumbent duty of the next of kin of
the deceased to seek his revenge: they call this
justifying blood. This horrible custom has the
most lamentable influence on the happiness of
human life; for there will sometimes be several individuals
seeking the life of one man, till this principle,
pervading all the ramifications of relationship
and consanguinity, produces family-broils,
hostility, and murder, ad infinitum!! We stopped
at a friend of L’Hage Muhamed, who presented
us with honey and butter, thin shavings of the
latter being let to fall into a bowl of honey for
breakfast. This bowl was served up with flat
cakes kneaded without leaven, and baked on
hot stones; these are converted from corn into
food in less than half an hour; they are in shape
similar to our crumpets or pancakes. We were
pressed by this Shelluh to stay and dine with him,
which being agreed to, he sent a shepherd to his
flock to kill a fat young kid, which was roasted
with a wooden spit, before the vital heat had
subsided, which was very tender, and of an exquisite
flavour. The bread or cakes above described
appear to be similar to what the women
kneaded for the guests in the patriarchal ages:
indeed, the customs of these people, as well as
those of the Arabs, is precisely the same as they
were in the patriarchal ages, and which are delineated
in the 18th chapter of Genesis, 1st to
the 8th verse.
The honey of this province is very fine: it has
an aromatic flavour, derived from the wild thyme
and other aromatic herbs on which the bees
feed. Among these people every meal is preceded
with a washing of their hands with water,
which is brought round for the purpose in a brass
pan; each guest dips his right hand in the pan,
and a napkin is presented to wipe them; they
then break the bread, and, after saying grace,
which is universally this,–bismillah, i.e. “in the
name of God,” each guest takes a bit of bread,
dips it in the honey and butter, and eats it. It
is reckoned uncourteous or vulgar to bite the
bread; therefore the piece broken off is sufficient
for a mouthful, so that there is nothing that
should offend a delicate appetite in this antique
mode of eating. We remained several hours with
our hospitable Shelluh friend; and we departed,
after taking a little sleep, at four o’clock in the
afternoon. Travelling all night, we arrived, at the
dawn of day, at a large house in Idaugourd; the
Shelluh to whom it belonged brought us carpets,
and we slept under the wall of his house till the
sun arose. The people of this country prefer
sleeping in the open air to a room, and they
have an excellent mode of securing themselves
from the heavy dews of the night, by covering
their heads and faces with a thin woollen hayk
or garment, which they throw over their heads
and faces. When I have had the Arabs of
Sahara (who have conducted the caffilahs from
Timbuctoo) at my house at Santa Cruz, I gave
them a long narrow room, 48 feet long, which
[155]
was called (beet assuda) the apartment of Sudan,
to sleep in; but they invariably came out at night,
and placed their carpets and mats, as beds, outside
of the room, and slept under the balustrade,
in preference to the confinement, as they called
it, of a room.
We rose at sun-rise, passed through the picturesque
district of Idaugourd and the Woolja,
and entered Mogodor at four o’clock, P.M.
AN ACCOUNT
OF THE
RISE, PROGRESS, AND DECREASE
OF
THE PLAGUE
That ravaged Barbary in 1799;
FAITHFULLY EXTRACTED FROM
LETTERS WRITTEN BY THE HOUSE OF JAMES JACKSON
AND CO., OR BY JAMES G. JACKSON,
MERCHANTS AT MOGODOR,
TO THEIR CORRESPONDENTS IN EUROPE, DURING THE
EPIDEMY.
Fragments respecting the Plague.
When the Emperor’s army proceeded from Fas
to Marocco in the summer of 1799, a detachment
of which passed by Mogodor, consisting of
20,000 horse and 10,000 foot, it had the plague
with it; so that, wherever it passed, the plague
uniformly appeared three days after its arrival
at the respective douars near which it encamped;
those who died were buried in the tents, and
the people of the provinces knew little about it.
A large akkaba
122, consisting of upwards of
1700 camels, arrived 23d August, 1799, at Akka
[157]
from Timbuctoo, laden with gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers,
and gold dust, which had brought also
many slaves; this akkaba had deposited its merchandize
at Akka, till the plague should disappear
and the country become healthy; as the people
of that territory, unlike Muhamedans in general,
will hold no communication with the infected,
nor will they admit any one from these parts.
Footnote 122:
(return) An akkaba is an accumulated caravan.
Mogodor, April 31, 1799.
A violent fever now rages at Fas: some assert
it to be the plague, but that is Moorish report,
and little to be depended on; the European consuls
at Tangier, and the Spanish ambassador,
who, having terminated his embassy, has lately
left Mequinas, mention it as an epidemical disorder.
May 20. The small-pox rages violently throughout
this country, and is of a most virulent kind:
its origin is ascribed to the famine that has of
late pervaded this country, and which was produced
by the incredible devastation of the devouring
locusts; the dregs of olives, after the
oil had been extracted, has been the only food
that could be procured by many thousands.
Mogodor, June 14, 1799.
Various reports reach us daily from the city of
Marocco, respecting the epidemy that prevails
there, some say 200 die, some say 100, others
[158]
limit the daily mortality to 50, in a population,
according to the imperial register, of 270,000.
When any light rain falls, as is the case at
Marocco at this season of the year, the mortality
increases. Mr. Francisco Chiappe, an Italian
merchant, is just arrived from Marocco, and is
performing quarantine, by his own desire, at the
Emperor’s garden.
123 This gentleman reports,
that the greater portion of the people die of fear,
from hunger, or bad food, or from the small-pox,
which latter has raged at Marocco the last month
or two; but he had not been able to ascertain, so
various were the reports, whether it was the
plague or not. The emperor’s army, a division
of which passed through this country, and encamped
at the river, about two miles south of
this port, had the distemper with it. We have
been assured, that the soldiers who died, were
immediately buried within the tents, so that, by
this stratagem, the mortality was not perceived
by the public; it was apprehended that, if the
mortality were known, the kabyls, through which
the army passed from Mequinas to Marocco,
would not have supplied the troops with provision.
This detachment consisted of 20,000
horse and 10,000 foot. No disorder has yet appeared
here, nor in the adjacent provinces of
Shedma and Haha.
Footnote 123:
(return) A garden in the province of Haha, five miles from
Mogodor, that was presented to the European merchants by
the late sultan, Seedy Muhamed ben Abdallah.
July 5. We dispatched the Spanish brig yesterday;
but she is still at anchor in the road, waiting
for passengers, who fly from hence with precipitation,
from fear of the fever or plague, which
prevails at Fas and at Marocco, and which, it is
reported, has made its appearance at the port of
Saffy. We have, however, nothing of the kind
here yet, though we expect we shall not escape
the general scourge.
July 13. The epidemy in the interior provinces
has greatly augmented, insomuch, that the
demand for linen to bury the dead rapidly increases,
and the stock is almost exhausted. This
article has risen to an unprecedented price. All
the relatives of L’Hage Abdallah have fallen victims
to the epidemy. This gentleman is consequently
in possession of very considerable property;
and (if he be not also carried off) there
will be no fear of our recovering the debt he
owes you.
We cannot ascertain if the disorder prevails in
the outer town, and in the Jews’ quarter, or not; it
is certain, however, that eight or ten die daily of
the small-pox, and as many more of fevers and
other disorders, as report proclaims.
July 25. We are so much engaged in making
arrangements against the epidemy, which is now
confidently reported to us to be the plague, of a
most deadly species, that we have only time to
refer you to the captain of the Aurora, to whom
we have communicated every particular, and who
[160]
is extremely anxious to be off for England. The
deaths in this town, which contained a population
of 10,000, according to the imperial register,
are from forty to fifty each day.
Aug. 1. As the plague now rages violently
here, no one thinks of business or the affairs of
this world; but each individual anticipates that
he will be next called away. I send the inclosed,
to be forwarded to Mr. Andrea de Christo, at
Amsterdam, to announce to him the sudden
death of his partner, Mr. J. Pacifico, who is
lately dead of the plague. I paid him a visit a
few hours before his death; I met there Don
Pedro de Victoria, who was smoking a segar;
he offered me one, and urged me to smoke it. I
believe that the smoke of tobacco is anti-pestilential;
this, added to the precaution of avoiding
contact, and inhalation of the breath of the
person infected, appears to be quite sufficient to
secure a person from infection.
Aug. 1. (Translation of a letter to Mr. Andrea
de Christi, merchant at Amsterdam.) We are
sorry that the subject of this letter is so melancholy.
All our domestics have left us; the plague
rages so violently here, that the daily mortality
is from sixty to seventy, among which we are
sorry to announce the death of your partner,
Mr. J. Pacifico, who died two days since.
August 23. The best gum is selling at
Akka for six dollars a quintal: they will not
bring it here, fearing the infection. A large
Brazil ship has been wrecked off Cape Noon,
[161]
her cargo, consisting for the most part of silks
and linens, is estimated at half a million of
dollars. The Arabs of Sahara convert the most
beautiful lace into bridles for their horses, by
twisting it; and superior silk stockings are selling
at Wedinoon at a dollar per dozen pair. The
plague is rapidly diminishing from 100 deaths
to 20 or 30 per day. Meeman Corcoes is dead,
as well as most of the principal tradesmen of
Marocco and Fas; whole families have been
swept off, and there is none left to inherit their
property. Immense droves of horses, mules, and
cattle of every description stray in the plains
without owners.
September 5. The plague continues to decrease;
and in another month we expect to be quite
free from it. Signor Conton died this morning
of the epidemy; yesterday afternoon he was apparently
quite well, and paid me a visit. He wished
me to shake hands with him, which I declined,
alleging as an excuse, that I would dispense
with that custom till the plague should pass
over. He drank a glass of wine, and appeared
cheerful and in good health. I have had fixed in
my dining room, a table that extends from one
end to the other. I walk or sit on one side
of the table, my visitors on the other. I am
only cautious to avoid personal contact. All
the houses of the other merchants are closely
barricaded or bolted. A fumigating pot of gum
[162]
sandrac stands at the entrance of my house,
continually burning, which diffuses an agreeable
perfume, but is not, as I apprehend, an antidote
to the epidemy.
October 1. We have to apprise you of the
decease of L’Hage Abdallah El Hareishy, most
of whose relations are dead. His brother is the
only one of the family besides himself that
remains: he has inherited considerable property,
and thence will be enabled to pay your bill on
him in our favour.
October 29. The plague appears to have
ceased in this town. All the merchants have
opened their houses; but the disorder continues
in the provinces, from whence there is little
or no communication with the town. The kabyls
seem to be wholly engaged in burying their
dead, in arranging the affairs of their respective
families, in dividing the property inherited by
them, and in administering consolation to the
sick.
Nov. 11. The plague having committed incalculable
ravages throughout this country, had put
a stop to all commerce, which now begins to
revive, in proportion as that calamity subsides.
Linens are selling to great advantage, a cargo
would now render 60 per cent. profit, clear of all
charges.
Nov. 29. The deadly epidemy that has
lately visited us, and which at one period carried
off above 100 each day, has now confined its
[163]
daily mortality to two or three; some days none.
When, however, the Arabs of Shedma, and the
Shelluhs of Haha come to town, and bring the
clothes of their deceased relations for sale, the
epidemy increases to three, four, and five a day;
then, in three or four days, it declines again to
its former number, one, two, or three. We have
reason to expect, that, before the vessels which
we expect from London shall arrive, the plague
will have subsided entirely.
Mogodor, Dec. 12. 1799. The plague or
mortality of this town is now reduced to three
or four weekly.
OBSERVATION.
After the plague had subsided, a murrain
attacked the cattle, and great numbers of all
kinds died; so that they became reduced in the
same proportion as the race of man had been
reduced before.
Letter from His Excellency James M. Matra to
Mr. Jackson.
Gibraltar, 28th Oct. 1799.
Dear Jackson;
Within a few days of each other, I received
your packets of the 21st of September, and
8th instant. Their inclosures are of course
[164]
taken care of. Your letter about Soke Assa
was received, and sent home to government
ages ago.
I never could understand the drift of the people
either at Tangier or Mogodor, in asserting that
my report of the plague was political. God
knows, that our politics in Barbary are never
remarkable for refinement: they are, if any
thing, rather too much in the John Bull style;
and the finesse they gave me such credit for,
was absolutely beyond my comprehension, as I
never could discover what advantage a genuine
well-established plague in Barbary could be to
our country. Of its existence I had not the
shadow of doubt, for more than eight months
before it was talked of; and when Doctor Bell
was going that way, I begged of him to be
particular in his enquiries, which he, as usual,
neglected. When John Salmon
124 was up, he
was very particular, and I of course was
laughed at. Here I saw politics, and told
all the gentlemen, that when Salmon
125 arrived
at Tariffa, then, and not till then, we should
have the plague in Barbary; and just so it
turned out.
Footnote 124:
(return) John Salmon was Spanish envoy to the emperor of
Marocco, and was at this time up at Fas, i.e. on his
embassy.
Footnote 125:
(return) Arrived at Tariffa, and so secured his admission into
Spain on his return from his embassy.
I am confident, if my advice had been taken,
the disease might have been checked in the
beginning; for it was almost three quarters of a
year confined to old Fas. I wrote in the most
pressing manner to Ben Ottoman
126, who never
believed me. A few days before he was seized
with it, he wrote me a melancholy letter for
advice, and pathetically lamented that he had
not listened to me in time; and I suppose that
even Broussonet
127 believed me when he embarked.
I hope your opinion that it diminishes
with you will prove well founded; but I fear its
ravages are only suspended by the great heats;
besides, you should recollect that people cannot
die twice, and with a population so diminished,
you must not expect so many as formerly on
your daily dead-list. Mrs. M., who desires her
remembrance to you, is well, but barring plague,
would rather be at Tangier than Gibraltar; so
would I.
Ever truly thine,
J. MATRA.
Footnote 126:
(return) The emperor’s prime-minister, or talb cadus at that time.
Footnote 127:
(return) Dr. Broussonet, French consul. This gentleman was intendant
of the botanical garden at Montpelier: he, with
another doctor embarked for Europe just as the plague
began to appear at Mogodor in the year 1799.
Some Account of a peculiar Species of Plague which depopulated
West Barbary in 1799 and 1800, and to the
Effects of which the Author was an eye-witness.
From various circumstances and appearances,
and from the character of the epidemical distemper
which raged lately in the south of Spain,
there is every reason to suppose, it was similar
to that distemper or plague which depopulated
West Barbary; for, whether we call it by the
more reconcileable appellation of the epidemy,
or yellow fever, it was undoubtedly a plague, and
a most destructive one; for wherever it prevailed,
it invariably carried off, in a few months, one-half,
or one-third, of the population.
It does not appear how the plague originated
in Fas in the year 1799.
128 Some persons, who
were there at the time it broke out, have confidently
ascribed it to infected merchandise imported
into that place from the East; whilst
others, of equal veracity and judgment, have not
scrupled to ascribe it to the locusts which had
infested West Barbary during the seven preceding
years, the destruction of which was followed
by the (jedrie) small-pox, which pervaded
[167]
the country, and was generally fatal. The jedrie
is supposed to be the forerunner of this species of
epidemy, as appears by an ancient Arabic manuscript,
which gives an account of the same
disorder having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants
of West Barbary about four centuries
since. But however this destructive epidemy
originated, its leading features were novel, and
its consequences more dreadful than the common
plague of Turkey, or that of Syria, or Egypt.
Let every one freely declare his own sentiments
about it; let him assign any credible account of
its rise, or the causes that introduced so terrible
a scene. I shall relate only what its symptoms
were, what it actually was, and how it terminated,
having been an eye-witness of its dreadful effects,
and having seen and visited many who were afflicted,
and who were dying with it.
Footnote 128:
(return) See the Author’s observations, in a letter to Mr. Willis,
in Gentleman’s Magazine, February, 1805.
In the month of April, 1799, a dreadful
plague, of a most destructive nature, manifested
itself in the city of Old Fas, which soon after
communicated itself to the new city. This unparalleled
calamity, carried off one or two the
first day, three or four the second day, six or
eight the third day, and increasing progressively,
until the mortality amounted to two in the hundred
of the aggregate population, continuing
with unabating violence, ten, fifteen, or twenty
days; being of longer duration in old than in
new towns; then diminishing in a progressive
proportion from one thousand a day to nine hundred,
[168]
then to eight hundred, and so on until it
disappeared. Whatever recourse was had to
medicine and to physicians was unavailing; so
that such expedients were at length totally relinquished,
and the people, overpowered by this
terrible scourge, lost all hopes of surviving it.
Whilst it raged in the town of Mogodor, a
small village, Diabet, situated about two miles
south-east of that place, remained uninfected,
although the communication was open between
them: on the thirty-fourth day, however, after
its first appearance at Mogodor, this village was
discovered to be infected, and the disorder raged
with great violence, making dreadful havock
among the human species for twenty-one days,
carrying off, during that period, one hundred
persons out of one hundred and thirty-three, the
original population of the village, before the
plague visited it; none died after this, and those
who were infected, recovered in the course of a
month or two, some losing an eye, or the use of a
leg or an arm.
Many similar circumstances might be here adduced
relative to the numerous and populous
villages dispersed through the extensive Shelluh
province of Haha, all which shared a similar or
a worse fate. Travelling through this province
shortly after the plague had exhausted itself, I
saw many uninhabited ruins, which I had before
witnessed as flourishing villages; on making enquiry
concerning the population of these dismal
[169]
remains, I was informed that in one village,
which contained six hundred inhabitants, four
persons only had escaped the ravage. Other
villages, which had contained four or five hundred,
had only seven or eight survivors left to
relate the calamities they had suffered. Families
which had retired to the country to avoid the
infection, on returning to town, when all infection
had apparently ceased, were generally
attacked, and died; a singular instance of this
kind happened at Mogodor, where, after the
mortality had subsided, a corps of troops arrived
from the city of Terodant, in the province of
Suse, where the plague had been raging, and
had subsided; these troops, after remaining
three days at Mogodor, were attacked with the
disease, and it raged exclusively among them
for about a month, during which it carried off
two-thirds of their original number, one hundred
men; during this interval the other inhabitants
of the town were exempt from the disorder,
though these troops were not confined to any
particular quarter, many of them having had
apartments in the houses of the inhabitants of
the town.
The destruction of the human species in the
province of Suse was considerably greater than
elsewhere; Terodant, formerly the metropolis
of a kingdom, but now that of Suse, lost, when
the infection was at its acme, about eight hundred
each day; the ruined, but still extensive
[170]
city of Marocco
129, lost one thousand each day;
the populous cities of Old and New Fas diminished
in population twelve or fifteen hundred
each day
130, insomuch, that in these extensive
cities, the mortality was so great, that the living
having not time to bury the dead, the bodies
were deposited or thrown altogether into large
holes, which, when nearly full, were covered
over with earth. All regulations in matters of
sepulture before observed were now no longer
regarded; things sacred and things prophane had
now lost their distinction, and universal despair
pervaded mankind. Young, healthy, and robust
persons of full stamina, were, for the most part,
attacked first, then women and children, and
lastly, thin, sickly, emaciated, and old people.
Footnote 129:
(return) I have been informed that there are still at Marocco,
apartments wherein the dead were placed; and that after
the whole family was swept away the doors were built up,
and remain so to this day.
Footnote 130:
(return) There died, during the whole of the above periods, in
the city of Marocco, 50,000; in Fas, 65,000; in Mogodor,
4500; and in Saffy, 5000; in all 124,500 souls!
After this violent and deadly calamity had
subsided, we beheld a general alteration in the
fortunes and circumstances of men; we saw persons
who before the plague were common labourers,
now in possession of thousands, and
keeping horses without knowing how to ride
them. Parties of this description were met
wherever we went, and the men of family called
[171]
them in derision el wuratu, the inheritors.
131 Provisions
also became extremely cheap and abundant;
the flocks and herds had been left in the
fields, and there was now no one to own them;
and the propensity to plunder, so notoriously
attached to the character of the Arab, as well as
to the Shelluh and Moor, was superseded by a
conscientious regard to justice, originating from
a continual apprehension of dissolution, and that
the el khere
132, as the plague was now called,
was a judgment of the Omnipotent on the disobedience
of man, and that it behoved every individual
to amend his conduct, as a preparation
to his departure for paradise.
Footnote 132:
(return) The good, or benediction.
The expense of labour at the same time increased
enormously
133, and never was equality in
the human species more conspicuous than at this
time; when corn was to be ground, or bread
baked, both were performed in the houses of the
affluent, and prepared by themselves, for the
very few people whom the plague had spared,
were insufficient to administer to the wants of
the rich and independent, and they were accordingly
compelled to work for themselves, performing personally
the menial offices of their respective families.
Footnote 133:
(return) At this time I received from Marocco a caravan of many
camel-loads of bees-wax, in serrons containing 200 lbs. each;
I sent for workmen to place them one upon another, and they
demanded one dollar per serron for so moving them.
The country being now depopulated, and much
of the territory without owners, vast tribes of
Arabs emigrated from their abodes in the interior
of Sahara, and took possession of the country
contiguous to the river Draha, as well as many
districts in Suse; and, in short, settling themselves,
and pitching their tents wherever they
found a fertile country with little or no population.
The symptoms of this plague varied in different
patients, the variety of age and constitution
gave it a like variety of appearance and character.
Those who enjoyed perfect health were
suddenly seized with head-aches and inflammations;
the tongue and throat became of a
vivid red, the breath was drawn with difficulty,
and was succeeded by sneezing and hoarseness;
when once settled in the stomach, it excited
vomitings of black bile, attended with excessive
torture, weakness, hiccough, and convulsion.
Some were seized with sudden shivering, or delirium,
and had a sensation of such intense
inward heat, that they threw off their clothes,
and would have walked about naked in quest of
water wherein to plunge themselves. Cold water
was eagerly resorted to by the unwary and imprudent,
and proved fatal to those who indulged
in its momentary relief. Some had one, two, or
more buboes, which formed themselves, and
[173]
became often as large as a walnut, in the course
of a day; others had a similar number of carbuncles;
others had both buboes and carbuncles,
which generally appeared in the groin, under the
arm, or near the breast. Those who were affected
134
with a shivering, having no buboe, carbuncle,
spots, or any other exterior disfiguration,
were invariably carried off in less than twenty-four
hours, and the body of the deceased became
quickly putrified, so that it was indispensably
necessary to bury it a few hours after dissolution.
It is remarkable, that the birds of the air fled
away from the abode of men, for none were to
be seen during this calamitous period; the
[174]
hyænas, on the contrary, visited the cemeteries,
and sought the dead bodies to devour them. I
recommended Mr. Baldwin’s
135 invaluable remedy
of olive oil, applied according to his directions;
several Jews, and some Muselmin
136, were induced
to try it, and I was afterwards visited by many,
to whom I had recommended it, and had given
them written directions in Arabic how to apply
it: and I do not know any instance of its failing
when persevered in, even after the infection had
manifested itself.
Footnote 134:
(return) M’drob is an idiom in the Arabic language somewhat
difficult to render into English; it is well known that the
Muhamedans are predestinarians, and that they believe in
the existence of spirits, devils, &c.; their idea of the plague is,
that it is a good or blessing sent from God to clear the world
of a superfluous population–that no medicine or precaution
can cure or prevent it; that every one who is to be a victim
to it is (mktube) recorded in the Book of Fate; that there are
certain Genii who preside over the fate of men, and who
sometimes discover themselves in various forms, having often
legs similar to those of fowls: that these Genii are armed
with arrows: that when a person is attacked by the plague,
which is called in Arabic l’amer, or the destiny or decree, he
is shot by one of these Genii, and the sensation of the invisible
wound is similar to that from a musquet-ball; hence the
universal application of M’drob to a person afflicted with the
plague, i.e. he is shot; and if he die, ufah ameruh, his destiny
is completed or terminated (in this world). I scarcely
ever yet saw the Muselman who did not affirm that he had at
some time of his life seen these Genii; and they often appear,
they say, in rivers.
Footnote 135:
(return) Late British Consul in Egypt.
Footnote 136:
(return) Muselman, sing.: Muselmin. plur.
I have no doubt but the epidemy which made
its appearance at Cadiz, and all along the
southern shores of Spain, immediately as the
plague was subsiding in West Barbary, was the
same disorder with the one above described,
suffering, after its passage to a Christian country,
some variation, originating from the different
modes of living, and other circumstances; for
nothing can be more opposite than the food,
dress, customs, and manners of Muhamedans
and Christians, notwithstanding the approximation
of Spain to Marocco. We have been credibly
informed, that it was communicated originally
to Spain, by two infected persons, who
went from Tangier to Estapona, a small village
on the opposite shore; who, after eluding the
vigilance of the guards, reached Cadiz. We have
also been assured that it was communicated by
some infected persons who landed in Spain, from
[175]
a vessel that had loaded produce at L’Araiche in
West Barbary. Another account was, that a
Spanish privateer, which had occasion to land
its crew for the purpose of procuring water in
some part of West Barbary, caught the infection
from communicating with the natives, and afterwards
proceeding to Cadiz, and spread it in that
town and the adjacent country.
It should be observed, for the information of
those who may be desirous of investigating the
nature of this extraordinary distemper, that, from
its character and its symptoms, approximating to
the peculiar plague, which (according to the
before mentioned Arabic record) ravaged and
depopulated West Barbary four centuries since,
the Arabs and Moors were of opinion it would
subside after the first year, and not appear again
the next, as the Egyptian plague does; and
agreeably to this opinion, it did not re-appear
the second year: neither did St. John’s day, or
that season, affect its virulence; but about that
period there prevails along the coast of West
Barbary, a trade-wind, which, beginning to blow
in the month of May, continues throughout the
months of June, July, and August, with little intermission.
It was apprehended that the influence
of this trade-wind, added to the superstitious
opinion of the plague ceasing on St. John’s
day, would stop, or at least sensibly diminish the
mortality; but no such thing happened: the
wind did set in, as it invariably does, about
St. John’s day; the disorder, however, increased
[176]
at that period, rather than diminished. Some
persons were of opinion, that the infection maintained
its virulence till the last; that the decrease
of mortality did not originate from a decrease of
the miasma, but from a decrease of population,
and a consequent want of subjects to prey upon;
and this indeed is a plausible idea; but admitting
it to be just, how are we to account for the
almost invariable fatality of the disorder, when
at its height, and the comparative innocence of
it when on the decline? for then, the chance to
those who had it, was, that they would recover
and survive the malady.
The old men seemed to indulge in a superstitious
tradition, that when this peculiar kind of
epidemy attacks a country, it does not return or
continue for three or more years, but disappears
altogether, (after the first year,) and is followed
the seventh year by contagious rheums and expectoration,
the violence of which lasts from
three to seven days, but is not fatal. Whether
this opinion be in general founded in truth I
cannot determine; but in the spring of the year
1806, which was the seventh year from the appearance
of the plague at Fas in 1799, a species
of influenza pervaded the whole country; the
patient going to bed well, and, on rising in the
morning, a thick phlegm was expectorated, accompanied
by a distressing rheum, or cold in the
head, with a cough, which quickly reduced those
affected to extreme weakness, but was seldom
fatal, continuing from three to seven days, with
more or less violence, and then gradually disappearing.
During the plague at Mogodor, the European
merchants shut themselves up in their respective
houses, as is the practice in the Levant; I did
not take this precaution, but occasionally rode
out to take exercise on horseback. Riding one
day out of the town, I met the Governor’s
brother, who asked me where I was going, when
every other European was shut up? “To the
garden,” I answered.–“And are you not aware
that the garden and the adjacent country is full
of (Jinune) departed souls, who are busy in
smiting with the plague every one they meet?”
I could not help smiling, but told him, that I
trusted to God only, who would not allow any
of the Jinune to smite me unless it were his
sovereign will, and that if it were, he could effect
it without the agency of Jinune. On my return
to town in the evening, the beach, from the
town-gate to the sanctuary of Seedi,
137 Mogodole
was covered with biers. My daily observations
convinced me that the epidemy was not caught
by approach, unless that approach was accompanied
by an inhaling of the breath, or by touching
the infected person; I therefore had a separation
made across the gallery, inside of my
house, between the kitchen and dining parlour,
of the width of three feet, which is sufficiently
wide to prevent the inhaling the breath of a
[178]
person. From this partition or table of separation
I took the dishes, and after dinner returned
them to the same place, suffering none of the
servants to come near me; and in the accounting-house,
I had a partition made to prevent
the too near approach of any person who
might call on business; and this precaution I
firmly believe to be all that is necessary, added
to that of receiving money through vinegar, and
taking care not to touch or smell infectious
substances.
Footnote 137:
(return) A sanctuary a mile south-east of the town of Mogodor,
from whence, the town receives its name.
Fear had an extraordinary effect in disposing
the body to receive the infection; and those who
were subject thereto, invariably caught the
malady, which was for the most part fatal. At
the breaking out of the plague at Mogodor,
there were two medical men, an Italian and a
Frenchman, the latter, a man of science, a great
botanist, and of an acute discrimination; they,
however, did not remain, but took the first opportunity
of leaving the place for Teneriffe, so
that the few Europeans had no expectation of
any medical assistance except that of the natives.
Plaisters of gum ammoniac, and the juice of
the leaves of the opuntia, or kermuse ensarrah,
i.e. prickly pear, were universally applied to the
carbuncles, as well as to the buboes, which quickly
brought them to suppuration: many of the people
of property took copious draughts of coffee and
Peruvian bark. The Vinaigre de quatre voleurs,
was used by many, also camphor, smoking
[179]
tobacco, or fumigations of gum Sandrac; straw
was also burned by some, who were of opinion,
that any thing which produced abundance of
smoke, was sufficient to purify the air of pestilential
effluvia.
During the existence of the plague, I had
been in the chambers of men on their death-bed:
I had had Europeans at my table, who were infected,
as well as Moors, who actually had buboes
on them; I took no other precaution than that
of separation, carefully avoiding to touch the
hand, or inhale the breath; and, notwithstanding
what may have been said, I am decidedly of
opinion that the plague, at least this peculiar
species of it, is not produced by any infectious
principle in the atmosphere, but caught solely
by touching infected substances, or inhaling the
breath of those who are diseased; and that it
must not be confounded with the common plague
of Egypt, or Constantinople, being a malady of
a much more desperate and destructive kind. It
has been said, by persons who have discussed the
nature and character of the plague, that the cultivation
of a country, the draining of the lands,
and other agricultural improvements, tend to
eradicate or diminish it; but, at the same time,
we have seen countries depopulated where there
was no morass, or stagnate water for many days’
journey, nor even a tree to impede the current
of air, or a town, nor any thing but encampments
of Arabs, who procured water from wells of a
great depth, and inhabited plains so extensive
[180]
and uniform, that they resemble the sea, and are
so similar in appearance after, as well as before
sun-rise, that if the eye could abstract itself
from the spot immediately surrounding the spectator,
it could not be ascertained whether it were
sea or land.
I shall now subjoin a few cases for the further
elucidation of this distemper, hoping that the
medical reader will pardon any inaccuracy originating
from my not being a professional man.
Case I.–One afternoon, I went into the kitchen,
and saw the cook making the bread; he
appeared in good health and spirits; I afterwards
went into the adjoining parlour, and took
up a book to read; in half an hour the same man
came to the door of the room, with his eyes
starting from his head, and his bed-clothes, &c.
in his hands, saying, “open the gate for me, for
I am (m’dorb) smitten.” I was astonished at the
sudden transition, and desired him to go out, and
I would follow and shut the gate. The next
morning he sent his wife out on an errand, and
got out of bed, and came to the gate half-dressed,
saying that he was quite recovered, and
desired I would let him in. I did not, however,
think it safe to admit him, but told him to go
back to his house for a few days, until he should
be able to ascertain that he was quite well; he
accordingly returned to his apartments, but
expired that evening, and before day-break his
body was in such a state, that his feet were
actually putrified. His wife, by attending on him,
[181]
caught the infection, having a carbuncle, and
also buboes, and was confined two months before
she recovered.
Case II.–L’Hage Hamed O Bryhim, the old
governor of Mogodor, had twelve or more children,
and four wives, who were all attacked, and
died (except only one young wife); he attended
them successively to the grave, and notwithstanding
that he assisted in performing the religious
ceremony of washing the body, he never
himself caught the infection; he lived some
years afterwards, and out of the whole household,
consisting of wives, concubines, children,
and slaves, he had but one person left, which
was the before-mentioned young wife: this lady,
however, had received the infection, and was
confined some time before she recovered.
Case. III.–Hamed ben A—- was smitten
with the plague, which he compared to the sensation
of two musket balls fired at him, one in
each thigh; a giddiness and delirium succeeded,
and immediately afterwards a green vomiting,
and he fell senseless to the ground; a short time
afterwards, on the two places where he had felt
as if shot, biles or buboes formed, and on suppurating,
discharged a foetid black pus; a (jimmera)
carbuncle on the joint of the arm near the
elbow was full of thin ichor, contained in an elevated
skin, surrounded by a burning red colour;
after three months’ confinement, being reduced
to a skeleton, the disorder appeared to have exhausted
itself, and he began to recover his
[182]
strength, which in another month was fully reestablished.
It was an observation founded on
daily experience, during the prevalence of this
disorder, that those who were attacked with a
nausea at the stomach, and a subsequent vomiting
of green or yellow bile, recovered after suffering
in various degrees, and that those who
were affected with giddiness, or delirium, followed
by a discharge or vomiting of black bile,
invariably died after lingering one, two, or three
days, their bodies being covered with small black
spots similar to grains of gun-powder; in this
state, however, they possessed their intellects,
and spoke rationally till their dissolution.
When the constitution was not disposed, or had
not vigour enough to throw the miasma to the
surface in the form of biles, buboes, carbuncles,
or blackish spots, the virulence is supposed to
have operated inwardly, or on the vital parts,
and the patient died in less than twenty-four
hours, without any exterior disfiguration.
Case IV.–It was reported that the Sultan
had the plague twice during the season, as many
others had; so that the idea of its attacking like
the small-pox, a person but once in his life, is
refuted: the Sultan was cured by large doses of
Peruvian bark frequently repeated, and it was
said that he found such infinite benefit from it,
that he advised his brothers never to travel
without having a good supply. The Emperor,
since the plague, always has by him a sufficient
quantity of quill bark to supply his emergency.
Case V.–H.L. was smitten with the plague,
which affected him by a pain similar to that of a
long needle (as he expressed himself) repeatedly
plunged into his groin. In an hour or two afterwards,
a (jimmera) carbuncle appeared in the
groin, which continued enlarging three days, at
the expiration of which period he could neither
support the pain, nor conceal his sensations; he
laid himself down on a couch; an Arabian doctor,
applied to the carbuncles the testicles of a ram
cut in half, whilst the vital warmth was still in
them; the carbuncle on the third day was encreased
to the size of a small orange; the before-mentioned
remedy was daily applied during thirty
days, after which he resorted to cataplasms of
the juice of the (opuntia) prickly pear-tree,
(feshook) gum ammoniac, and (zite el aud) oil
of olives, of each one-third; this was intended
to promote suppuration, which was soon effected;
there remained after the suppuration a large
vacuity, which was daily filled with fine hemp
dipped in honey; by means of this application the
wound filled up, and the whole was well in thirty-nine
days.
Case VI.–El H–t–e, a trading Jew of
Mogodor, was sorely afflicted; he called upon
me, and requested some remedy; I advised him
to use oil of olives, and having Mr. Baldwin’s
mode of administering it
138, I transcribed it in
[184]
the Arabic language, and gave it to him; he
followed the prescription, and assured me, about
six weeks afterwards, that (with the blessing of
God) he had preserved his life by that remedy only;
he said, that after having been anointed
with oil, his skin became harsh and dry like the
scales of a fish, but that in half an hour more,
a profuse perspiration came on, and continued
for another half hour, after which he experienced
relief: this he repeated forty days, when,
he was quite recovered.
Footnote 138:
(return) Mr. Baldwin observed, that, whilst the plague ravaged
Egypt, the dealers in oil were not affected with the epidemy;
and he accordingly recommended people to anoint themselves
with oil every day as a remedy.
Case VII.–Moh–m’d ben A—- fell
suddenly down in the street; he was conveyed
home; three carbuncles and five buboes appeared
soon after in his groin, under the joint
of his knee, and arm-pits, and inside the elbow;
he died in three hours after the attack.
Case VIII.–L.R. was suddenly smitten
with this dreadful calamity, whilst looking over
some Marocco leather; he fell instantaneously;
afterwards, when he had recovered his senses,
he described the sensation as that of the pricking
of needles, at every part wherein the carbuncles
afterwards appeared: he died the same day in
defiance of medicine.
Case IX.–Mr. Pacifico, a merchant, was
attacked, and felt a pricking pain down the
inside of the thick part of the thigh, near the
sinews; he was obliged to go to bed. I visited
him the next day, and was going to approach
him, but he exclaimed, “Do not come near
for although I know I have not the prevailing
[185]
distemper, yet your friends, if you touch
me, may persuade you otherwise, and that might
alarm you; I shall, I hope, be well in a few
days.” I took the hint of Don Pedro de Victoria,
a Spanish gentleman, who was in the
room, who, offering me a sagar, I smoked it,
and then departed; the next day the patient
died. He was attended during his illness by
the philanthropic Monsieur Soubremont, who
did not stir from his bed-side till he expired;
but after exposing himself in this manner,
escaped the infection, which proceeded, as he
thought, from his constantly having a pipe in
his mouth.
Case X.–Two of the principal Jews of the
town giving themselves up, and having no hope,
were willing to employ the remainder of their
lives in affording assistance to the dying and
the dead, by washing the bodies and interring
them; this business they performed during
thirty or forty days, during all which time they
were not attacked: when the plague had nearly
subsided, and they began again to cherish hopes
of surviving the calamity, they were both smitten,
but after a few days’ illness recovered, and are
now living.
From this last case, as well as from many
others similar, but too numerous here to recapitulate,
it appears that the human constitution
requires a certain miasma, to prepare it to receive
the pestilential infection.
General Observation.–When the carbuncles
or buboes appeared to have a blackish rim round
[186]
their base, the case of that patient was desperate,
and invariably fatal. Sometimes the whole
body was covered with black spots like partridge-shot;
such patients always fell victims to the
disorder, and those who felt the blow internally,
showing no external disfiguration, seldom
survived more than a few hours.
The plague appears to visit this country about
once in every twenty years
139: the last visitation
was in 1799 and 1800, being more fatal than
any ever before known.
Footnote 139:
(return) This opinion is confirmed by the plague, being now
(1820) in Marocco just twenty years since the last plague.
65,000 persons have been lately carried off by this disease in
the cities of Old and New Fas.
Observations respecting the Plague that prevailed last
Year in West Barbary, and which was imported from
Egypt; communicated by the Author to the Editor of
the Quarterly Journal of Literature, Science, and the
Arts, edited at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
No, 15, published in October, 1819.
His Majesty’s ship, which was lying in the
port of Alexandria, when Colonel Fitzclarence
passed through Egypt, from India, on his way
to England, convoyed to Tangier a vessel which
had on board two of the sons of Muley Soliman,
emperor of Marocco; on their arrival at Tangier,
the princes immediately landed and proceeded
to their father at Fas; but it was discovered
by the governor or alkaid of Tangier, that
during the passage some persons had died; and
[187]
accordingly the alkaid would not suffer any of
the passengers to land, except the princes, until
he should have received orders from the Emperor
how to act; he accordingly wrote to Fas,
for the imperial orders, and in the mean time
the princes arrived, and presented themselves
to the emperor: the latter wrote to the alkaid,
that as the princes had been suffered to land,
it would be unjust to prohibit the other passengers
from coming ashore also. He therefore
ordered the alkaid to suffer all the passengers,
together with their baggage, to be landed, and
soon afterwards the plague appeared at Fas, and
at Tangier. Thus the contagion which is now
ravaging West Barbary was imported from
Egypt. It does not appear that the mortality
is, or has been, during its acme at Fas, any
thing comparable to what it was during the
plague that ravaged this country in 1799,
140 and
which carried off more than two-thirds of the
population of the empire.
Footnote 140:
(return) It has been asserted by a physician who has lately written,
Observations on contagion, as it relates to the plague and
other epidemical diseases, reviewed in article 20th of the British
Review, and London Critical Journal, published in May
last, that I have asserted that the deaths during the prevalence
of that disorder in West Barbary in 1799, amounted
to 124,500; but on a reference to my account of Marocco,
Timbuctoo, &c., 2d or 3d edition, note, page 174, it will
appear, that this mortality was that of two cities, and two
sea-ports only, viz., the cities of Fas and Marocco, and the
ports of Saffy and Mogodor; the mortality, however, was
equally great in the imperial cities of Mequinas and Terodant,
and in the sea-port towns of Tetuan, Tangier, Arzilla,
L’Araich, Salee, Rabat, Dar el Bieda, Azamore, Mazagan,
and Santa Cruz, or Agadeer; and considerably greater
among the populous and numerous encampments of the
Arabs, throughout the various provinces of the empire; not
to mention the incredible mortality in the castles, towns, and
other walled habitations of the Shelluh province of Haha,
the first province, travelling from the shores of the Mediterranean,
where the people live in walled habitations, the seaports
excepted.
Whence proceeds this difference? Is it a
different species of plague, and not so deadly a
contagion? Or is it because the remedy of
olive oil, applied and recommended generally
by me, and by some other Europeans during the
plague of 1799, is now made public and generally
administered? This is an inquiry well deserving
the attention of scientific men. And
His Majesty’s ministers might procure the information
from the British consul at Tangier,
or from the governor of Gibraltar: perhaps the
truth is, that the contagion is of a more mild
character.
With regard to the remedy of olive oil applied
141
internally, I should, myself, be disposed
to doubt its efficacy unless M. Colaço, the
[189]
Portuguese consul at L’Araich, is competent
to declare, from his own knowledge and experience,
that this remedy has been administered
effectually by him to persons having the plague,
who did not also use the friction with oil.
I say, till this can be ascertained, I think the
remedy of oil applied externally, should not be
forsaken; as it has been proved during the plague
in Africa, in 1799, to be infallible, and therefore
indispensable to people whose vocation may lead
them to associate with, or to touch or bury the
infected. For the rest, such persons as are
not compelled to associate with the infected,
may effectually avoid the contagion, however
violent and deadly it may be, by avoiding contact.
I am so perfectly convinced of this fact,
from the experience and observation I have
made during my residence at Mogodor, whilst
the plague raged there in 1799, that I would not
object to go to any country, although it were
rotten with the plague, provided my going would
benefit mankind, or serve any useful
purpose; and I would use no fumigation, or
any other remedy but what I actually used
at Mogodor in 1799. I am so convinced
from my own repeated and daily experience,
that the most deadly plague is as easy to
he avoided by strictly adhering to the
principle of avoiding personal contact and
inhalation, and the contact of infectious
substances, that I would ride or walk through
the most populous and deeply-infected city, as
[190]
I have done before, without any other precaution
than that of a segar in my mouth, when, by
avoiding contact and inhalation, I should most
assuredly be free from the danger of infection!!
Footnote 141:
(return) Mr. Colaço, having lately observed that oil was used externally
to anoint the body, as a preservative against the
plague; conceived the idea of administering this simple
remedy internally to persons already infected; numerous
experiments were made by this gentleman, who administered
from four to eight oz. olive oil at a dose; and out of 300
individuals already infected, who resorted to this remedy,
only twelve died.
When these precautions are strictly observed,
I maintain, (in opposition to all the theoretical
dogmas that have lately been propagated) that
there is no more danger of infection with the
plague, than there is of infection from any
common cold or rheum.
JOURNEY FROM TANGIER TO RABAT
THROUGH THE PLAINS OF SEBOO,
To accompany Dr. Bell, in Company with the Prince Muley
Teib and an Army of Cavalry.
Officiated as Interpreter between the Prince and
Dr. Bell.–Description of Food sent to us by the
Prince.–The Plains of M’sharrah Rummellah, an
incomparable fine and productive Country.–The
Cavalry of the Amorites,–their unique Observations
on Dr. Bell.–their mean Opinion of his Art, because
he could not cure Death.–Passage of the River Seboo
on Rafts of inflated Skins.–Spacious Tent of Goat’s
Hair erected for the Sheik, and appropriated to the
Use of the Prince.–Description of the magnificent
Plains of M’sharrah Rummellah and Seboo.–Arabian
Royalty.–Prodigious Quantity of Corn grown in these
Plains.–Matamores, what they are.–Mode of Reaping.–The
Prince presents the Doctor with a Horse,
and approves of his Medicines.–The Prince and the
Doctor depart south-eastwardly, and the Author pursues
his Journey to Rabat and Mogodor.
I happened to be at Tangier when the (shereef)
prince Muley Teib was collecting an army to
join that of the emperor, which was on the
banks of the river Morbeya, (see the map of
West Barbary, p. 55,) in Shawiya. Doctor
Bell, who had then recently arrived from
Gibraltar, to attend the prince, whose lungs
were affected, was to accompany his Royal
Highness; and, as I had nothing to detain me
[192]
in Tangier, and was going to Rabat, I engaged
to accompany the doctor, and offered to officiate
as interpreter between him and the prince till
our arrival at Rabat; after which I should leave
him, and proceed to Mogodor. The Doctor
readily assented to my proposition, because it
is considered more respectable in this country,
where the Jews are reprobated and despised,
to have for an interpreter a Christian; the
prince also, when he heard that I had thus
offered my services, expressed himself much
gratified, and I received a very polite message
from him. The next day we started from Tangier,
in the morning at ten o’clock. The army
halted east of Arzilla, in the plains: the prince
sat down under the shade of a tree to dinner,
Dr. Bell and myself under another tree, about
100 yards distant. The Prince sent us a capon
stewed à-la-mauresque with saffron, the exquisite
flavour of which proved that he had an excellent
cook with him. We departed in half an hour;
and the tents were pitched at sunset, in a campaign
country, between Arzilla and L’Araich.
The Ait-Amor or Amorites who formed a part of
this army, a wild, uncontrolled race of Berebbers,
saw the attention that was paid by the shereef to
the doctor, and after dinner they were determined
to see what sort of a fellow this doctor was,
whom the shereef treated so familiarly. They
galloped their high-mettled horses up to the
doctor; and stopping short to examine him,
made a reflection on him and returned. The
[193]
doctor observed the wild and tattered appearance
of these excellent horsemen. There was
nothing evil-minded in them; but their observations
were remarkable. The Doctor wore
powder, a custom unknown in this country: one
party would say, “He has got lime in his head to
kill the vermin;” another would observe that “He
was old or grey-headed.” The Doctor was fond
of his bottle, and some said skurren bel akkaran,
i.e. “The
142 son of a cuckold is drunk.” Others
would bawl out, Wa Tebeeb washka’t dowie elmoot,
i.e. “O, doctor, canst thou cure death?” To
which he replied, “No.”–“Then,” returned
they, “thou art no doctor!” On the following
morning at sun-rise we proceeded, and reached
L’Araich at twelve o’clock; we did not enter the
town, but dined in the plains, and proceeding
afterwards out of the main road, we directed our
course south-east, till we reached a most beautiful
and very extensive plain, called M’sharrah Rummellah.
This plain was covered with numerous
and immense flocks of sheep and horned cattle,
and is many times more extensive than Salisbury
plain. We pitched our tents near a very
extensive and populous douar of Arabs. We departed
the next morning at sun-rise, and reached
the plains of the river Seboo about two o’clock
in the afternoon; which plains are a continuation
of those of M’sharrah Rummellah; the
[194]
army were engaged the remaining part of the
day and the whole night crossing the river
Seboo, on rafts made of inflated cow-hides,
covered with planks and straw. The river
is here about twenty yards wide, but very
deep and rapid; the Arabs had a long and
spacious sheik’s tent pitched for the reception
of the prince, about forty feet long and fifteen
wide, somewhat similar to the hull of a ship
reversed, having the long side open to the sun.
These tents are the palace of the sheik of the
Arabs, and are erected on great occasions only,
such as that of the emperor, or a prince passing
through their territory. The plains of M’sharrah
Rummellah are one hundred and fifty British
miles in circumference, perfectly flat, without
a stone, a tree, a hedge, or a ditch; with the
majestic river Seboo passing through the centre
of the plain. The soil of this territory, which,
in the hands of Europeans, might be made a
terrestrial paradise, is a rich, productive, decomposed
vegetable earth, which extends, as we
perceived from various chasms, to the depth of
several feet from the surface. It produces incredible
quantities of the finest wheat, of a hard
grain, very large and long, clear as amber,
and yielding a prodigious increase of flour, so
that a saa of wheat
143 produces a saa and a sixth
of flour. The prince, Muley Teeb, seated on
[195]
an eminence in this spacious tent, resembled
what we should imagine the patriarch Abraham
to have been, entertaining his friends; or Saul
upon his throne, with his javelin in his hand.
He had twelve lanciers, six on each side of him
in a row, standing with their lances erect, the
Prince having one in his hand. It appears that
this is the Arabian etiquette; and the Arabs appeared
much gratified that the prince had personified
their sheik, with all the paraphernalia
of royalty. His Royal Highness whose mind
seemed moved with the beauty of this country,
sent for the Doctor and myself, and asked us
if we had ever seen such a country before. We
frankly confessed we had not. The prince smiled,
and said, that the (sehell) plain we were on,
although extremely populous, and full of douars,
could grow seventeen times as much corn as the
inhabitants could consume; that there was then
corn enough in the matamores
144 of this plain, to
supply (El garb kamel) the whole of El garb,
i.e. the country north of the river Morbeya.
145
Footnote 142:
(return) Intoxication is a damnable vice with these people; and
when they remark drunkenness, they invariably add an opprobrium
to the observation.
Footnote 143:
(return) A saa of wheat is little less than two Winchester bushels.
The wheat is very heavy, and this measure weighs 100 lb.,
equal to 119 lb. English.
Footnote 144:
(return) The matamores are subterraneous depositories for corn,
in which they preserve the wheat sound and good thirty
years; but when a matamore is once opened, it is expedient
to consume the corn immediately, otherwise it contracts
what is called the matamore twang. These depositories are
indispensable in countries exposed to drought, scarcity, or
locusts, and should be adopted in our colony of South
Africa. The art of constructing them is very peculiar, and
I devoted some time in learning it.
Footnote 145:
(return) See the map of West Barbary.
We took our leave of the Prince, who appeared
much gratified with the hospitable entertainment
of the Arabs, and with their patriarchal
style of living, and sent us an enormous dish of
cuscasoe, coloured with saffron.
Encamped in the centre of this plain, when
the sun had set, and the twilight came on, we
could have imagined ourselves in the midst of
the ocean. Not a cloud was in the sky, nor a
hill on the land, to intercept the uniformity of
the horizon; the moon shone so bright, that
we could read by its light, and the universal
novelty of the scene resembled enchantment.
On this rich land they use no dung: they
reap the corn about a foot from the ground, and
burn the stubble. The produce is greater
even than that of the new-dyke land, on
the banks of the river Ems, in North Holland.
The allotments of land are ascertained by a
large stone, placed at each corner of the square,
when the reapers reach these stones, they desist
from proceeding or reaping the corn of other
proprietors. We rose early in the morning,
and found the air of this terrestrial paradise
strongly perfumed with millions of odoriferous
flowers, that were growing spontaneously throughout
the plains. Walking with Dr. Bell through
the Prince’s camp, we saw a beautiful grey
horse. The doctor admired it. I recommended
him to ask the Prince for it, he was not acquainted
with the customs of this country, and
ridiculed my observation. “If you wish to have
[197]
that horse, Doctor,” said I, “I will engage that
the Prince will get it for you. I represented immediately
to His Royal Highness, that the
Doctor had taken a liking to the horse, and
would wish to buy it. Not buy it,” said the
Prince; “he will receive it as a present from me.
Tell him, he deserves seven horses for the benefit
he has done me: all doctors that I have heretofore
had have taken twenty-four hours to
give me ease; he relieves me in one. Tell him so,”
said the prince, “and that he (massab ala genibuna)
is in the number of my dearest friends.
(e jeek elkhere attibib u asselem), Good be
with you, doctor, and peace be with you.” Thus
ended the negociation for the horse. I found
afterwards that it belonged to a sheik of the
Arab province of Beni Hassen, who regretted
parting with it, but the Prince gave him
the value of it, and much courtesy withal. We
struck our tents next morning at eleven o’clock,
and, travelling southward, the Prince received
an express from the Emperor to join his imperial
army forthwith: accordingly the Prince and his
doctor departed south-east, and I took leave of
them, and pursued my journey to Rabat.
p. 198
OF
THE EXCAVATED RESIDENCES
OF THE
INHABITANTS OF ATLAS:
THE
ACEPHALI, HEL SHUAL, AND HEL ELKILLEB:
The Discovery of Africa not to be effected by the present
System of solitary Travellers; but by a grand Plan,
with a numerous Company; beginning with Commerce,
as the natural Prelude to Discovery, the Fore-runner
of Civilization, and a preliminary Step, indispensable
to the Conversion of the native Negroes to Christianity.
The inhabitants of the snowy or upper regions
of the Atlas live, during the months of
November, December, January, February, and
half of March, in caves or excavations in the
mountains; the snow then disappears, and they
begin to cultivate the earth.
I have repeatedly heard reports of the (Helel
Killeb,
146) dog-faced race; of the (Hel Shual,)
tailed race; and of the race having one eye,
147
[199]
and that in the breast. It is extremely difficult
to ascertain the origin of these reports, which are
so involved in metaphor that the signification is
not intelligible to Europeans; their existence is not
doubted, however, in Africa. Of the Hel El Killeb
some ignorant people affirm that the Almighty
transformed one of the tribes of the Jews into
these people, and that these are their descendants;
others report them to be a mongrel breed,
between the human and ape species; their
strength is said to be very great. The Africans
assert with considerable confidence, which is
corroborated, that the Hel Shual have a tail
half a cubit long; that they inhabit a district
in the Desert at an immense distance south-east
of Marocco; that the Hel El Killeb
148 are in a
similar direction; that the latter are diminutive,
[200]
being about two or three cubits
149 in height; that
they exclaim bak, bak, bak, and that they have
a few articulate sounds, which they mutually
understand among themselves; that they are extremely
swift of foot, and run as fast as horses.
The Arimaspi of Herodotus are called by the
Arabs Hel Ferdie, these are represented by the
Arabs of the Desert as living at the foot of the
lofty mountains of the Moon, near Abyssinia:
the male and female are equally without hair on
their head, having large chins and nostrils, like
the ape species; they are said to have a language
of their own; their costume is a jelabea,
150
and a belt, without shoes or head dress;
their country is said to abound in gold. It is
“a consummation devoutly to be wished,” that
our knowledge of Africa should increase so as
to enable us to unravel the mystery of these
doubtful reports, to ascertain the degree of credit
that is due to these mysterious traditions.
These desiderata, however, can hardly be expected,
whilst the present injudicious plans for
[201]
the discovery of Africa are persevered in. We
must, if we desire to discover effectually the hidden
recesses and reported wonders of this continent,
adopt plans and schemes very different
from any that have hitherto been suggested;
we must adopt a grand system upon an extensive
scale, a system directed and moved by
a person competent to so great an undertaking.
The head or director of such an
expedition should be master of the general travelling
and trafficking language of Africa, the
modern Arabic: he should moreover be acquainted
with the character of the people,
their habits, modes of life, religious prejudices,
and fanaticism. A grand plan, thus directed,
could hardly fail to secure the command of the
commerce of Africa to Great Britain. Then
the discovery of the inmost recesses would follow
the path of commerce, and that continent,
which has baffled the researches of the moderns
as well as of the ancients, would lay open its
treasures to modern Europe, and civilisation
would be the natural result. Then would be the
period to attempt the conversion of the Negroes
to Christianity; and the standard of peace and
good will towards men might be successfully
planted on the banks of the Nile El Kabeer, or
Nile Assudan, the Great Nile, or Nile of Sudan,
or Nigritia, commonly called the Niger.
Footnote 146:
(return) Apollonius Rhodius calls these people [Greek: ημικυγες êmikuges] or half-dogs.
Footnote 147:
(return) The ingenious author of Philosophic Researches concerning
the Americans, speaking of a race which appear to
resemble the Acephali of Herodotus, or the race of men
having one eye, and that in their chest, says, “There is in
Canibar a race of savages who have hardly any neck, and
whose shoulders reach up to their ears. This monstrous appearance
is artificial, and to give it to their children they put
enormous weights upon their heads, so as to make the vertebræ
of the neck enter, if we may so say, the channel bone,
(clavicule.) These barbarians, from a distance, seem to
have their mouth in the breast; and might well enough, in
ignorant and enthusiastic travellers, serve to revive the fable
of the Acephali, or men without heads.” (See Larcher’s
Notes on Herodotus’s Melpomene, cap. 191.)–Saint Augustin,
whose veracity is scarcely to be doubted, declared in
his thirty-third sermon, intituled “A ses Frères dans le Désert”–Avoir
vu en Ethiopie des hommes et des femmes sans
tête avec des grands yeux sur le poitrine.
Footnote 148:
(return) We have heard of a pig-faced lady; if there is such a
person, there might also be a pig-faced gentleman, and these
might generate a pig-faced race; and if a pig-faced race,
why not a dog-faced race?
Footnote 149:
(return) Seven Cubits make four English yards.
Footnote 150:
(return) The best description I can give of a jelabea is this: Take
a large sack and cut a hole in the bottom, big enough to admit
the head; then cut the two bottom corners off to admit
the arms: this garment will then resemble the jelabea.
CAUTIONS
TO BE USED IN TRAVELLING.
Danger of travelling after Sun-set.–The Emperor holds
himself accountable for Thefts committed on Travellers,
whilst travelling between the rising and the setting Sun.–Emigration
of Arabs.–Patriarchal Style of living
among the Arabs; Food, Clothing, domestic Looms,
and Manufactures.–Riches of the Arabs calculated by
the Number of Camels they possess.–Arabian Women
are good Figures, and have personal Beauty; delicate
in their Food; poetical Geniuses; Dancing and Amusements;
Musical Instruments; their Manners are courteous.
Travellers in West and South Barbary should
never be out after sun-set: it is not safe to travel
in many parts of the country during the night.
The emperor holds himself accountable for
thefts committed between the rising and the setting
sun; so that, if a traveller be robbed of property,
the value should be ascertained, and an
application being made to the bashaw of the
province where the robbery was committed it
will be restored forthwith; but if there be any
demur, an application should be made to the
Emperor, personally, if possible, but if not, by
letter; and the district is immediately ordered to
pay double the loss, one half to the person robbed,
and the other half to the Imperial treasury.
[203]
These robberies, however, rarely occur; for the
bashaws of the provinces and the alkaids of
the douars feel it a duty incumbent on them to
protect all travellers and strangers; so that they
would, in the event of a robbery being committed,
expose themselves to a severe reprimand
from the emperor, and an intimation that they
were, by suffering such irregularity, incompetent
to their situation, and would be liable to a
heavy fine, or a discharge from their office, for
neglect of vigilance, which, in this country, is considered
very reprehensible.
Travelling through the province of Suse,
I once witnessed the emigration of an extensive
douar of Arabs, amounting to about 200 families.
They were just leaving their habitation,
where they had been encamped only a few
months: it was a fine grazing country; the
camels, horses, mules, asses, oxen and cows,
were all laden with the tents and baggage of
these wanderers. On enquiring the cause of
this emigration, I was told that the inhabitants
were infested with musquitoes and fleas to
such a degree, that they had all unanimously resolved
to emigrate to another place, which they
had fixed upon, and that they would reach it by
night. These wandering Arabs, without any
fixed habitation, are of a restless, ungovernable
spirit: they never cultivate the earth, as do the
Arabs of the plains of Marocco, but live, for
the most part, on camels’ milk, occasionally
killing a camel or a goat for food; grazing their
[204]
camels in the adjacent country: they live in the
true Patriarchal style, and seek the means of
supplying all their wants within themselves. To
effect this purpose, they barter a few of their
camels for wool, and thus supply themselves
with that article for clothing, which is made in
every (keyma) Arab tent, by the women, at
their own respective looms; each female being
the manufacturer for her own family. The
cloth is wove in pieces of seven cubits long and
about two and a half broad, of the natural colour
of the wool: these pieces of cloth are afterwards
converted into cloaks, mantles, and tunics.
Those who choose to indulge in the luxury
of dress, by wearing linen, or turbans, send
a few goat-skins, collected from the goats that
have served them occasionally for food, to Mogodor,
or Marocco, or barter them with some
Jews for linen or shoes, and thus supply all their
wants; so that their resources considerably exceed
their wants, for some of them have several
thousand camels which cost them nothing.
These animals browse on the bushes in the environs
of their habitations, and are continually
increasing and multiplying. They never kill
any animal for food until full grown: this custom,
from which the Arab never departs, is manifestly
calculated to increase property, which,
being invested in camels, is transportable, without
trouble or expense, wherever they choose.
The Arabs are gay and cheerful; the brow of
care is rarely seen among them. The more children
[205]
they have, the greater the blessing. They
turn their hands in early youth to some useful
purpose: so soon as they can walk they attend
the camels, or are put to some domestic occupation;
thus forming a useful link in the chain of
their patriarchal society. The independence
of these Arabs is depicted in their physiognomy;
they are oppressed by no cankering
care, no anxiety, no anticipation of distress.
The food and clothing of the Arab is always at
hand; fuel is not required in this warm country;
and a glass of cool water is all that is desired to
allay the thirst. This simple and abstemious
mode of living is congenial to the human constitution;
accordingly they enjoy uninterrupted
health: sickness is so uncommon with them
that to be old and to be sick are synonymous
terms. They think one cannot happen without
the other. Some of the women of these people,
whilst young, are extremely delicate, handsome,
and have elegant figures. They account
it gross to swallow food, that would, they say,
fatten them like their Moorish neighbours; they
therefore masticate it only. Their physiognomy
is very interesting and animated; their
features are regular; large black expressive
eyes; a ready wit, poetic fancy, expressing
themselves in poetic effusions, in which, from
constant habit, some of them have become such
adepts, that they with facility speak extempore
poetry; those who are unable to converse
[206]
in this manner are less esteemed. Their
evening amusements consist in dancing and
music, vocal and instrumental. Generally,
throughout all the Arab provinces, but particularly
in Suse, among the Mograffra Arabs, the
Woled Abbusebah, and Woled Deleim, the whole
country is in a blaze of light of a summer’s
evening; music, dancing, and rejoicing, is heard
in every direction. Their music consists of a
kettle-drum, a flute or reed, similar to what Homer
describes as the instrument of the ancient
shepherds, a rhabeb or two-stringed fiddle,
played with a semicircular bow, a tamboureen,
and brass castanets. They play in precise
time; and the ladies arrange themselves at the
entrance of the sheik’s tent. It is pleasant to
observe the beauty of their fine-formed feet, uninjured
by tight shoes, and free from corns and
all excrescences. They dance some dances barefooted,
making very short steps, scarcely raising
the foot from the ground, in a peculiar manner.
They have elegant and circular ankles; and their
light motions fascinate the eyes of the spectators
and the admiring strangers, who occasionally
exclaim, (Allah éhrduh alikume ia Elarb) “the
protection of God be upon you, O Arabs!” (makine
fal Elarb,) “there are none comparable
to the Arabs!” They have a very elegant shawl-dance:
in the management of the shawl they
display singular grace, and practise elegant
figures, sometimes concealing their faces, sometimes
[207]
showing their brilliant eyes through an
opening in the shawl. The manners of these
ladies is courteous, but chaste; perfectly modest,
but without reserve; and the other sex pay them
courteous attention.
ABUNDANCE OF CORN
PRODUCED IN
WEST BARBARY.
Costly Presents made by Spain to the Emperor.–Bashaw
of Duquella’s weekly Present of a Bar of Gold.–Mitferes
or Subterraneous Depositories for Corn.
The empire of Marocco, west of the Atlas, during
the reign of Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah,
father of the present Emperor Soliman, was one
continued corn-field. At that time the exportation
was free to all parts of the world. It is impossible
to conceive the abundance produced in
this prolific land, none but those who have actually
seen the standing corn in the ear, and
have seen it reaped, can form any correct idea
of its prodigious increase. The plains of Rahamena,
of Shawiya, of Temsena, of Abda, and
Duquella, those immense plains of M’sharrah
Rummellah, of Ait-Amor, and many others, form
each, separately, extensive fields of corn, farther
than the eye can reach. To give an idea of the
quantity produced in the plains near Dar El
Beida, it will be sufficient to say, that 250 sail
of ships, from 150 to 700 tons, were loaded at
that port in one year of Seedy Muhamed’s reign.
At the other ports on the shores of the Atlantic,
viz. at Arzilla, L’Araich, Meheduma, Rabat,
[209]
Azamor, Mazagan, Saffy, and Mogodor, were
shipped a quantity, almost equal in proportion
to what was shipped at Dar-El-Beida, so that
the duties at one dollar per fanegue, of 80 lb.
weight on the exportation of wheat, barley,
Indian corn, caravances, beans, and seeds, in
one year, according to the imperial registers,
amounted to 5,257,320 Mexico dollars.
151 Besides
which, presents to an incalculable amount
were made from time to time by Spain and Portugal,
particularly by the former, to keep the
Emperor in good humour, and to prevent him
from prohibiting the exportation of grain, of which
however there was little chance, as his Imperial
Majesty was always diligent in the accumulation
of treasure, and let no opportunity pass of encouraging
the agriculture of his dominions. This
system gave general occupation to the Arabs, or
agriculturists, and enriched them so universally,
that the diffusion of wealth among them,
produced other incalculable sources of revenue,
insomuch that it was customary for Muhamed
Ben Amaran, Bashaw of Duquella, to present
to the Emperor at Marocco, every Friday, (the
Muhamedan sabbath), as he returned home from
the mosque, a massive bar of pure gold of Timbuctoo,
valued at some thousand dollars; which
[210]
was considered as the fee by which he held his
bashawick. The Arabs who are the agriculturists
of the before-mentioned plains, besides
the corn exported, lay up immense quantities in
subterraneous caverns, constructed by a curious
process, well deserving the attention of the colonists
of South Africa; these repositories are
called mitferes
152, they are constructed in a conical
form, and will contain from 200 to 2000
quarters of corn.
153 It is expedient, in their construction,
to exclude the atmospheric air; and
the soil, in which they are constructed, should
be essentially conservative, the air being never
changed, is constantly of the same temperature,
very dry, and not subject to the variations of
humidity, which affect the external air: this,
with other necessary precautions being observed,
they will preserve the corn twenty or thirty
years perfectly sound. In countries, (like that
of the Cape of Good Hope,) subject to drought,
inundations, or locusts, these mitferes, or catacombs
are indispensable, as they preserve corn as a
reserve stock, in the event of scarcity, or famine,
produced by any of the before mentioned calamities,
or providential visitations. It is more
[211]
than probable that this singular art of constructing
mitferes, was derived in ancient times from
the catacombs of Egypt, and that Joseph might
have preserved Pharaoh’s corn
154 upwards of seven
years, in similar magazines. The Emperor Seedi
Muhamed, who possessed considerable talent,
and had a perfect knowledge of the disposition
and character of his subjects, used to say in the
(em’shoer,) place of audience, before all the people,
in the latter part of his reign:–“You complain
of my decrees; but when I am departed
from this world, you shall seek for one day
of Seedi Muhamed’s reign, but you shall not
find it.” This prediction has been literally verified
throughout the respective reigns of his sons
Muley Yezzed, and Muley El Hesham, and even
his son the present Emperor has often manifested
an anti-commercial system, and has accordingly
(probably by the advice of the Fakeers belonging
to the divan) prohibited the exportation of most
articles of clothing, and provision, such as wool,
Fas manufactures, corn, olive oil, raisins, &c.
155
Footnote 151:
(return) Barley and wheat imported from different ports of England
and from the Continent into London (which is more
than is imported into Great Britain) in 1818, was 6,179,330
quintals or saas of Barbary, which are equal to 7,415,390
fanegues $.
Footnote 152:
(return) Genesis, xli. 9.–“And Joseph gathered corn as the
sand of the sea very much.”
Footnote 153:
(return) I descended into a mitfere in the Arab province of Duquella,
and remained there whilst the Arab explained to me
the mode of constructing them; this was near the douar of
Woled Aisah (see the map): it had just been emptied, and
produced 3450 saas or quintals.
Footnote 154:
(return) Genesis, xli. 48.
Footnote 155:
(return) The result of this anti-commercial system is, that corn is
dearer than it was during the exportation. Many millions of
acres of the finest and most productive land lies fallow for
want of a market for its produce; indeed, the produce has
sometimes been so low for want of a market, that I
have known instances of the corn having been left standing,
not being worth the expense of reaping. Now this
prohibition undoubtedly will appear to many intelligent
readers bad policy in his Imperial Majesty, but it is nevertheless
consistent policy. The sine qua non of the court
of Marocco is to keep the inhabitants poor. It is asserted
by the political economists of this country, that
the Arab should not have more than sufficient to feed
and clothe him; every thing beyond this turns to evil,
and is an incentive to rebellion: the superflux, they maintain,
should go to (Beit el melh d’el muselmen,) the Muselman
treasury.
A wine company, consisting of gentlemen
of practical experience in that branch of business,
might form a most beneficial establishment at
[212]
Santa Cruz, whither the grapes of Edautenan
are brought to market, and other grapes from
the Arab countries, of exquisite quality and flavour,
infinitely superior in richness, size, and
flavour to those of Spain and Portugal, or any
part of Italy; indeed, I have no hesitation in declaring,
(without fear of contradiction,) that this
country produces the finest grapes, oranges,
and pomegranates in the world, and in the greatest
abundance. I have myself tasted at Marocco,
at a Hebrew Rabbi’s table, excellent imitations
of burgundy, claret, champagne, madeira,
and rhenish, or old hock, all the produce of
grapes reared in the plains of that city, and in
the adjacent mountains. The port of Santa Cruz,
if purchased of the Emperor by the English,
would, besides securing the trade to Sudan, and
the interior of Africa, supply the London market
with abundance of all these excellent wines.
DOMESTIC SERPENTS OF MAROCCO.
Every house in Marocco has, or ought to have,
a domestic serpent: I say ought to have, because
those that have not one, seek to have this inmate,
by treating it hospitably whenever one appears;
they leave out food for it to eat during
the night, which gradually domiciliates this reptile.
These serpents are reported to be extremely
sagacious, and very susceptible. The superstition
of these people is extraordinary; for rather than
offend these serpents, they will suffer their women
to be exposed during sleep to their performing
the office of an infant. They are considered, in a
house, emblematical of good, or prosperity, as
their absence is ominous of evil. They are not
often visible; but I have seen them passing over
the beams of the roof of the apartments. A
friend of mine was just retired to bed at Marocco,
when he heard a noise in the room, like something
crawling over his head, he arose, looked
about the room, and discovered one of these
reptiles about four feet long, of a dark colour, he
pricked it with his sword, and killed it, then returned
to bed. In the morning he called to him
the master of the house where he was a guest, and
telling him he had attacked the serpent, the Jew
was chagrined, and expostulated with him, for
the injury he had done him: apprehensive that
evil would visit him, he intimated to his guest,
that he hoped he would leave his house, as he
feared the malignity of the serpent; and he was
not reconciled until my friend discovered to him
that he had actually killed the reptile.
MANUFACTURES OF FAS.
Superior Manufacture of Gold-thread.–Imitation of precious
Stones.–Manufactory of Gun-barrels in Suse.–Silver-mine.
The manufactures of West Barbary, are of various
kinds. They excel, in the city of Fas, in the
manufacture of woollens, cottons, silks, and
gold-thread. The wool and cotton are made into
hayks, which are pieces of cloth five feet wide,
and about three and a half, or four yards long,
used to throw loosely over the dress, when they
go out into the external air: it resembles the
Roman toga, and when tastefully adjusted, gives
an elegance to the Moorish costume. These hayks
are manufactured in most of the private families
of Fas; the women employ themselves about
them, and sell them to the merchants. They are
sometimes made of cotton mixed with silk, and
also altogether of silk. They make also pieces of
silk of various bright colours, called bulawan;
the sky-blue, dark-blue, scarlet, and yellow, are
vivid colours, produced by their mode of dying
the silk before it is manufactured. They manufacture
their silks from Bengal raw silk, which
they call emfitla. The bulawan is striped, or chequered,
[215]
pink, blue, yellow, scarlet, and green:
it resembles what is called, in England, Persian,
but it is much stronger, and more
156 durable,
though equally light. The silk sashes, called
hazam, are made in large quantities, and are deserving
of imitation in Europe; they are very
substantial, but of the same superior colours with
the bulawan. They are made generally half a
yard wide, and three yards long: these sell at
Fas, from two to fifty dollars each. The superior
kind made for the ladies of the horam
157, or
emperor’s seraglio, for the ladies of the bashaws,
and for those of the great and opulent, are intermixed
with a beautiful gold-thread, much
superior to any that is manufactured in Europe,
insomuch, that the gold-thread imported from
Leghorn and Marseilles is used only in such
hazams as are made for exportation to Sudan,
Draha, or Bled-el-Jereed, but those made for
the great and opulent, for home consumption,
are manufactured with the gold thread of the
Fas manufacture. Whether these expert artificers
learned the mystery of gold beating, and gold
wire drawing, by which they obtain gold-thread,
from the Egyptians, I am not competent to say;
[216]
but they say they derived it in ancient times from
the Arabs, as well as the art of cutting, polishing,
and setting precious stones. They make a
composition in imitation of amber, which cannot,
by the keenest eye, be distinguished from the
natural amber, the latter, however, by
158 friction
attracts cotton, but the manufactured amber
does not; this is the only criterion by which
they ascertain the true from the false amber.
They also compose artificial stones with equal
sagacity; the topaz, the emerald, and the ruby
they imitate to perfection. The wool with which
they make shawls almost equal in appearance
to those of Kashmere, is procured from the sheep
of the province of Tedla, and is finer than
the Spanish Merino. They might manufacture
shawls of goats’ hair, equal to those of
Kashmere, from the goats of the eastern declivity
of the Atlas, whose hair is like silk: these
goats are called (el maize Felelley,) i.e. Tafilelt
goats.
159 There can be no doubt, if our intercourse
with Marocco had not been impeded by a general
[217]
ignorance of the language of that country, that
we might long since have received from the manufacturers
of Fas, shawls of Tafilelt goat-hair,
equal to the finest of the Kashmere manufacture.
There is a very extensive manufactory of red
woollen caps at Fas, the contexture of which is
well deserving investigation. There is also a
manufactory of gun locks and barrels; the former
appear to have reached the acmé of the
art, the latter are not so good as those which
they procure from Europe: so that a Spanish or
an English barrel, and a Fas lock, is considered
a complete gun. Such articles of manufacture
as require a complication of machinery and power
to produce they import from Europe, except only
when the market is bare, and then necessity
compels them to attempt their construction.
The (hayk Filelly,) i.e. Tafilelt hayk, is a fine
elegant woollen cloth, thin as a muslin. The Emperor
Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah patronised
this manufacture of his native country, and never
wore any other. The art of manufacturing leather
is carried to great perfection at Mequinas:
shoes of the thinnest leather are there made impervious
to water. The manufactures at Marocco
and Terodant are similar to those of Fas,
with the exception of that of gold-thread, and
the cutting and polishing of precious stones.
The preparation of leather at Marocco surpasses
any thing known in Europe: lion and tiger skins
they prepare white as snow, and soft as silk.
There are two plants that grow in the Atlas
[218]
mountains, the leaves of which they use in the
manufacture of leather; they are called tizra, and
tasaya. Whether these render the leather impervious,
I am not competent to say; every inquiry
that I have made at Marocco respecting this
beautiful manufacture, has been unsatisfactory.
I have always found the manufacturers very
guarded, and extremely jealous; but I have often
thought that two or three of our leather manufacturers,
well versed in their art, and withal of
penetrating minds, might contrive to extract the
secret from them. In the mountains of Idaultit,
in Lower Suse, they have iron-mines, and they
make gun-barrels and gun-locks equal to what
are made at Fas. The temptations to agriculture,
however, are such, that sufficient only for
the consumption of their own kabyl are manufactured;
which is done rather from a principle
of self-defense, and from the amor patriæ, than
with a view to gain. The silver from the mines
of Elala, comes to the Santa Cruz market pure,
and in round lumps, weighing about two ounces
each. I have bought it for its weight in Spanish
dollars; but it is generally taken to the Mint for
sale. Ores of gold from the mines of South Barbary,
and silver dust from the bed of the river
at Messa, collected personally by me, I sent to
England to be assayed: the person who got them
assayed, reported, that the metal yielded was
scarcely sufficient to pay the charges of assaying;
so that the speculation was abandoned.
Footnote 156:
(return) The spirit of avarice does not sufficiently prevail to induce
the manufacturer to make imperfect articles for the
purpose of sale only. Moreover, they are restrained from
deception by an officer, who inspects the quality of manufactures,
and does not suffer an imperfect article to be sold.
Footnote 157:
(return) This word is called by Europeans haram or seraglio;
but haram thus applied, is a barbarism: it signifies vicious.
Horam is the correct pronunciation: it signifies a place of
safety, that admits of no intrusion.
Footnote 158:
(return) Thales, the chief of the seven wise men of Greece,
detected the existence of electricity in amber about 600
years before the Christian era. He was the first who observed
attraction to be the distinguishing property of amber;
and he was so forcibly struck with this singular discovery,
that he was almost led to suppose that it possessed animation.
The term electricity is derived from the Greek word [Greek: ηλεκτρον],
amber. See Remarks on Electricity and Galvanism, by
M. La Beaume, p. 29.
Footnote 159:
(return) There was a breed of these goats on the island of Mogodor,
kept there by the emperor’s orders. This island is the state-prison
of the empire.
ON THE STATE OF SLAVERY
IN MUHAMEDAN AFRICA.
The state of slavery in this country is very
different from that which is experienced by the
unfortunate men who are transported from
Africa to work under our Christian brethren in
the West India islands. No man, who is sufficiently
erudite to read the Koran can be (abd)
a slave in a Muhamedan country. It is incumbent
on a good mûselman to give such his liberty,
that the propagation of the (Deen el
Wâsah
160) mûselman faith, be not impeded. A
man who has served his master faithfully
161 seven
years, sometimes gets liberated. This liberation,
however, is not compulsory; but conscientious
mûselmen, of good moral character, often adopt
this enlarging system. I have, however, met with
many Moors, who, on offering liberty to their
slaves, the latter have declined it, preferring to
continue in obeisance; a clear proof that their
servitude is not very severe. All slaves, without
exception, are brought to this country from the
various territories of Sudan, by the akkabars,
kaffilas, or caravans, that traverse Sahara. They
are all pagans or idolaters (from the interior
regions). They are worth from ten to twenty
dollars at Timbuctoo; and at Marocco and Fas
[220]
they sell for, from seventy to one hundred dollars.
They are received into the Moorish families as
domestic servants, and soon forget their idolatrous
superstitions, and become (nominally at
least) Muhamedans. After which, many learn
to read the Koran, and becoming observers
of ablution and prostration, often procure their
liberation; for if any one should neglect to
liberate such a slave, his brethren in Muhamed
will urge him to it, as a good and charitable
work, becoming a true, mûselman.
162
Footnote 160:
(return) So called by Muhamedans: literally means the liberal
of wide doctrine, alluding to that of the Arabian Prophet.
Footnote 161:
(return) Jeremiah, xxxiv. 14.
The man who wrote the letter from Timbuctoo,
giving his master at Mogodor an account of Mungo
Park, having visited Kabria, which letter I read,
and reported its contents on my arrival in England
from Mogodor, about the year 1807, to
my Lord Moira (now the Marquis of Hastings),
to Sir Joseph Banks, and to Sir Charles Morgan,
was a liberated negro of Seed el Abes Buhellel,
a Fas merchant, whose father had an establishment
at Timbuctoo. When Buhellel liberated
this negro, he had such confidence in him, that
he advanced to him, on his own personal credit,
goods to a considerable amount, with which he
crossed Sahara, and took them to Timbuctoo
for a market. It were to be desired, for the
sake of humanity, that our West-India planters
would take a lesson on this subject from the
Moors, whose conduct, in this particular, is
worthy of imitation.
THE PLAGUE OF LOCUSTS.
Their incredible Destruction.–Used as Food.–Remarkable
Instance of their destroying every Green Herb
on one Side of a River, and not on the other.
In the autumn of 1792, (Jeraad) locusts began to
appear in West Barbary. The corn was in ear, and
therefore safe, as this devouring insect attacks
no hard substance. In (the liahli,) the period of
heavy rains comprised between the forty longest
nights, old style, they disappeared; so that one or
two only were seen occasionally: but so soon as
the liahli had passed, the small young green locust
began to appear, no bigger than a fly. As vegetation
increased, these insects increased in
size and quantity. But the country did not yet
seem to suffer from them. About the end of
March, they increased rapidly. I was at (Larsa
Sultan) the emperor’s garden, which belongs to
the Europeans, and which was given to the
merchants of Mogodor by the emperor Seedi
Muhamed ben Abdallah, in the kabyl of Idaugourd,
in the province of Haha, and the garden
flourished with every green herb, and the fruit-trees
were all coming forward in the productive
beauty of spring. I went there the following
day, and not a green leaf was to be seen: an
army of locusts had attacked it during the
[222]
night, and had devoured every shrub, every
vegetable, and every green leaf; so that the
garden had been converted into an unproductive
wilderness. And, notwithstanding the incredible
devastation that was thus produced, not one
locust was to be seen. The gardener reported,
that (sultan jeraad) the king of the locusts
had taken his departure eastward early in the
morning; the myriads of locusts followed, so
that in a quarter of an hour not one was to be
seen. The depredations of these devouring insects
was too soon felt, and a direful scarcity
ensued. The poor would go out a locusting, as
they termed it: the bushes were covered; they
took their (haik) garment, and threw it over
them, and then collected them in a sack. In
half an hour they would collect a bushel. These
they would take home, and boil a quarter of an
hour; they would then put them into a frying-pan,
with pepper, salt, and vinegar, and
eat them, without bread or any other food,
making a meal of them. They threw away the
head, wings, and legs, and ate them as we do
prawns. They considered them wholesome
food, and preferred them to pigeons. Afterwards,
whenever there was any public entertainment
given, locusts was a standing dish;
and it is remarkable that the dish was always
emptied, so generally were they esteemed as
palatable food.
A few years after the locusts appeared, I
performed a journey from Mogodor to Tangier.
[223]
The face of the country appeared like a newly
ploughed field of a brown soil; for it was completely
covered with these insects, insomuch
that they had devoured even the bark of the
trees. They rose up about a yard, as the horses
went on, and settled again; in some places
they were one upon another, three or four
inches deep on the ground; a few were flying
in the air, and they flew against the face, as if
they were blind, to the no small annoyance of
the traveller. It is very remarkable, that on
reaching the banks of the river
163 Elkos, which we
crossed, there was not, on the north side of that
river, to my great astonishment, one locust any
where to be seen; but the country was flourishing
in all the luxuriance of verdure, although
the river was not wider than the Thames
at Windsor. This extraordinary circumstance
was accounted for by the Arabs, who said that
not a locust would cross the river, till (sultan
jeraad) the king of the locusts should precede
and direct the way.
Footnote 163:
(return) See the Map of the empire of Marocco.
ON THE INFLUENCE
OF THE
GREAT PRINCIPLE OF CHRISTIANITY
ON THE MOORS.
(Mat. vii. 12.)
Of the Propagation of Christianity in Africa.–Causes
that prevent it.–The Mode of promoting it is through
a friendly and commercial Intercourse with the Natives.–Exhortation
to Great Britain to attend to the Intercourse
with Africa.–Danger of the French colonizing
Senegal, and supplanting us, and thereby depreciating
the Value of our West-India Islands.
That it is a Christian duty to attempt, by
lenient measures, to propagate the Christian
religion among the Idolaters and Muhamedans of
Africa, I think cannot be doubted; but this
propagation will not spread to any considerable
extent until, (in that country,) the morals of Christians
in general shall approach nearer than they
actually do to the standard of Christian perfection.
It is, however, most certain that there never was a
more promising, or a more favourable opportunity
of subverting paganism in Africa, and establishing
Christianity on its ruins, than at this present
period; and I think the best method to effect
this desirable purpose is through the medium of
commerce, which must, in that continent, necessarily
precede science and civilisation. It is
well known, by all men of penetration who have
[225]
resided in Muhamedan countries, that the principles
of the religion of Muhamed are not so repugnant
to Christianity as many, nay, most persons
have imagined. Various causes, however,
tend to increase the hostility that exists between
the two religions. First, it is augmented by the fakeers,
and by political men, who are ever active in
bringing to their aid superstition and enthusiasm,
to increase the hostility. Secondly, it is augmented
by the very little intercourse which they
have with Christians, originating, for the most
part, in our ignorance of the Arabic language,
an ignorance which has been lamented by the
emperor
164 Seedy Muhamed ben Abdallah himself.
Thirdly, the hostility of these two religions is
augmented by a very ancient tradition, that the
country will be invaded by the Christians, and
converted to Christianity, that this event will
happen on a Friday (the Muhamedan sabbath),
during the time that they are at the (silla dohor)
prayers at half past one o’clock, P.M.; so that
[226]
throughout the empire they close the gates of
all the towns on this day, at this period of time,
till two o’clock, P.M.: when the prayers are
over, and the people go out of the mosques, the
gates are again thrown open. This tradition,
which is universally believed, acts on the minds
of the whole community, and fans the embers
of hostility already lighted between Christians
and Muhamedans, bringing to the recollection
of the latter the hostile intentions of the former
to invade and take their country from them,
when an opportunity shall offer. On the other
hand, what tends to reconcile the two creeds is,
the influence that European commerce, and the
principles of the Christian doctrine, have had on
the muselmen of Africa. This influence extends
as far as the commerce with Europeans extends.
Wherever the Europeans negociate with the
Moors, the great principle of the Christian
doctrine is known and discussed,–that principle
which surpasses every doctrine propagated by
the Grecian philosophers, or the wise men of the
East,–that truly noble, liberal, and charitable
principle, “Do as you would be done by,” influences
the conduct of the better educated
muselmen who have had long intercourse and
negociations with Christians; and they do not
fail to retort it upon us, whenever our conduct
deviates from it. Thus, the minds of muselmen,
wherever European commerce flows, are
tinctured with this great principle of the Christian
doctrine. And, to an accurate observer of
[227]
mankind, it will appear that this principle, from
its own intrinsic beauty, has in many superseded
the muselman retaliative system of morality,
originating in the Mosaic law,–“An eye for an
eye, and a tooth for a tooth.” For I have heard
muselmen, in their individual disputes with one
another, advance this precept as a rule of conduct.
If, therefore, this divine principle be
recognised by muselmen, who have had intercourse
and commercial negociations with Europeans,
in defiance of the obstacles to this
doctrine suggested by the fakeers and political
men; what might we not expect from the due
cultivation of an extensive commerce, upon a
grand national scale, with this interesting continent?
Might we not expect a gradual diffusion
of the principles of Christianity among the
muselmen, as well as among the pagans and
idolaters, of Africa? I would venture to assert,
that in the event of the British government engaging,
with energy and determination, to
cultivate a commercial intercourse and extensive
connection with Africa, that the negroes, and
possibly even the Muhamedans, might gradually
be converted to Christianity. This event would
take a long time to accomplish, but its gradual
progress, most probably, would be more rapid
than was the progress of Muhamedanism during
the life of the Arabian prophet.
Footnote 164:
(return) When this Emperor, for the purpose of satisfying his
people that he administered retributive justice, ordered
two teeth of an English merchant to be drawn, he repented
so much of what he had done, that he offered to make any
amends that the merchant might require, expressing his
wish that he had an English consul with whom he could
converse colloquially, without the inconvenience of an interpreter;
and for this purpose the Emperor, after granting
him considerable favours, urged him to accept of the British
consulship; adding, that he himself would secure him the
appointment, and that he would then refuse nothing, but
whatsoever the English should ask of him, they should
have.
Associations have been formed in this philanthropic
country, through the medium of extensive
subscriptions, for the civilisation of
[228]
Africa, and the abolition of the slave trade:
the greatest merit is due to the individuals
who have subscribed to such institutions; their
motives have been unexceptionable, but we
grossly deceive ourselves, and the whole is an
illusion! The French, as it were, have taken
the staff out of our hands; and whilst we are
in vain endeavouring to abolish the trade in
slaves, by the capture of slave-ships at sea
165,
they are insidiously cultivating the growth of
cotton, coffee, sugar, indigo, and other colonial
produce, on the banks of the Senegal river; insomuch
that if we shall continue thus supinely to
disregard their important African agricultural
operations, the result in a few years will probably
be, that they will be able to undersell us in West-India
produce, in the markets of continental
Europe; for they can cultivate, with free negroes
at Senegal, colonial produce at considerably
less expense than our West-India cultivation.
The voyage, also, is not half the
distance; so that the continental market
for the sale of West-India produce will be
shortly supplied from Senegal, from whence it
[229]
is more than probable that colonial produce will
be imported to Europe at little more than half
the expense of importing it from the West Indies:
thus Great Britain may be driven out of the
market for colonial produce, except for what
may be sufficient for her own domestic supply.
Footnote 165:
(return) Many naval officers concur in thinking, that to suppress
the slave trade, by interrupting the ships, would employ all
the navy of Great Britain; and entail a war-expense on the
nation; besides the enormous expense that will be necessarily
incurred by the various commissions dispatched to
Sierra Leone, Havannah, &c. &c. for the adjudication of
slave-causes. To which may be added, our expensive presents
to Spain and Portugal, to induce those powers to coalesce
in the abolition; which there is too much reason to
apprehend will be evaded by the subjects of those powers.
This has been a favourite scheme of the
French, who have now begun to taste the fruits
of it: they have had it in view and in operation
ever since we gave them possession of Senegal.
It was the system of her late Emperor, Bonaparte,
suggested to him by the arch and brilliant
genius of Talleyrand, to indemnify the loss of
St. Domingo.
Moreover, the French, who are cultivating
the territory of Senegal with indefatigable
industry, will be, in a few years, not only able
to supply the continental markets of Europe
with colonial produce, but they will become
masters of North Africa, establish another
Ceuta at the African promontory of the Cape
de Verd, and, in the event of a war, annoy
incalculably our East-India trade, and enhance
the price of East-India produce in the British
dominions; whilst they will, by the aid of the
Americans, who will be always ready to assist
them, form a depot for East-India goods at the
Cape de Verd, and from thence introduce them
into Africa and France, to the almost total exclusion
of Great Britain. If we are to prevent these
events from taking place, we must adopt different
measures from what we have adopted; we must
[230]
move in a very different sphere from that in which
we have been accustomed to move; we must be
much more energetic, more vigilant, and more
active than we have been, with respect to African
matters. It is presumed that these suggestions
are well deserving the consideration of His
Majesty’s ministers. May they view with the
eye of an eagle and the wisdom of the serpent
the insidious encroachments that are thus
making on our colonial markets!!
The Africans, by which term I mean the natives,
viz. the Moors, the Arabs, the Berebbers,
the Shelluhs, and the Negroes, (not the Jews,
who, although numerous in this country, yet, as
they are and have been ever since their Theocratical
Government, a distinct race, and their
customs and manners well known, I do not include
them in the term Africans, although from their
birth they are entitled to the appellation,)–the
Africans, I say, are seldom met with in closed
rooms, but are constantly in the open air, transacting
their business in dwarias, which are
detached rooms, or apartments, with three
sides, the fourth being supported by pillars;
this custom of living continually in or exposed
to the external air renders them strong
and healthy, wherefore their bodies, by an
antiperistasis, have the natural heat repelled and
kept within, increasing by this action their appetite
for food, which is always strong. They
live in a frugal manner, seldom eating but of
one food: the prevailing dish throughout North
[231]
Africa is cuscasoe, a granulated paste, cooked
by steam, and garnished with vegetables, and
chickens, or mutton; this is a very nutritive,
palatable, and wholesome dish. They are
not incumbered at their meals with a variety
of dishes; but a large bowl, or spacious plate,
is introduced on a round table, supported by
one pillar, like the Monopodia of the ancients,
rather larger than the bowl or dish, and about
six inches high. Half a dozen Moors sit round
this repast, on cushions or on the ground, cross-legged;
a position which they remain in with
perfect ease and pliability from custom and the
loose dress they wear. When the company have
seated themselves, a slave or a servant comes
round to the guests, to perform the ceremony of
(togrêda) washing of the hands; a brass bason
or pan, which they call tas, is brought round to
all the company, the slave holding it by his left
hand, while, with the right hand, he pours water
on the hands of the guests from a (garoff)
pitcher, in the form of an Etruscan vase, having
(zeef) a towel thrown over his shoulder to dry
their hands. This ceremony is performed before
and after meals. The master of the feast, before
they begin to eat, pronounces (Bismillah)
the grace before meat, which signifies, “In the
name of God;” after the repast, he says (El
Ham’d û lillah) “Praise be to God.” Each guest
eats with the fingers of his right hand, none ever
touching the food with their left. If a piece of
meat, or a joint of a fowl or chicken is to be
[232]
divided, two of the guests take hold of it, and
pull it till it is divided. This is somewhat repugnant
to an European’s ideas of delicacy; but
if we consider that the hands are previously
washed, and that they never come in contact with
the mouth in decent or respectable society, there
is not so insuperable an objection to this way of
eating as might otherwise appear. Each person
in eating the granulated flour or cuscasoe, puts
his two fore-fingers into the dish before him, and
by a dextrous turn of the hand converts the
quantity taken up into the form of a ball, which
he, with a peculiar dexterity, jirks into the
mouth. The Africans never drink till they have
done eating; when dinner is over, a large goblet,
or poculum amicitiæ, of pure water is passed
round, and each person drinks copiously; the
washing is then repeated, and the repast is terminated.
Afterwards coffee is introduced, without
milk: the cup is not placed in a saucer, nor
do they hand you a spoon, for the sugar is mixed
in the coffee-pot; the cup is presented in an
outer cup of brass, which preserves the fingers
from being burned. They use no bells in their
tents; but the slaves or servants are called by
the master when wanted, one generally standing
in the corner of the tent to superintend the
others. The pipe is sometimes introduced after
the coffee, but this is by no means a general
custom, except among the negroes. The pipe
is of rose-wood, of jasmin, or of rhododendrum
wood: great quantities of the latter are conveyed
[233]
across the Sahara, for pipe-tubes for the
negroes of Timbuctoo, and other territories of
Sudan, bordering on the Nile el Abeed, or Nile
of the Negroes (Niger).
Passing through this territory of encampments,
when travellers are disposed to sleep at a
douar, one of the party presents himself at the
confines of the encampment, and exclaims (Deef
Allah) “The guest of God.” The sheik of the
douar is immediately apprised of the circumstance;
and after investigating the rank of the
travellers, he enquires if they have tents with
them; if they have not, he has his own
or (kheyma deâf) the guest’s tent appropriated
for the travellers. If they have their own
tents, which persons of respectability generally
have, the sheik comes and directs the servants
where to pitch them; the camels and mules are
disburdened, and the sheik declares (atshie
m’hassub alia) “For all this baggage I hold myself
accountable.” Europeans travelling in this
country generally follow their own customs:
accordingly, among the English, tea is ordered;
a most delectable refreshment after a fatiguing
journey on horseback, exposed to the scorching
rays of the African sun. If the sheik and a
few of his friends are invited to tea, which these
Arabs designate by (elma skoon û el hadra) hot
water and conversation, they like it very sweet,
and drink half-a-dozen cups at least. Nothing
ingratiates travellers with these people so much
as distributing a few lumps of sugar among
[234]
them: sugar, honey, or any thing sweet, being
with these Arabs emblematical of peace and
friendship. Some of the women of the Arabs
are extremely handsome; in all the simplicity
of nature “when unadorned adorned the most.”
To fine figures they unite handsome profiles,
good and white teeth, and large, black, expressive,
intelligent eyes, like the eyes of a gazel;
dark eye-brows, and dark long eye-lashes, which
give a peculiar warmth and softness to the eye.
They concern themselves little about time, and
will sometimes come to converse after midnight
with the Europeans. When the guard of the
tent informs them they cannot go in, that the
Christian is a-bed and undressed, they are not
less astonished than we are to see them sleeping
in the open air at night, on the ground, with
their clothes on. When candles are brought
into the tent at night, the servant wishes the
company a good evening: he says “M’sah elkhere,”
the literal meaning of which is “Good be
with you this evening;” which salutation it is
courteous to return, even to a slave; and if any
one, however great his rank, were not to return
it, he would be considered a bad muselman, a
disaffected and inhospitable barbarian. The
morning salutation is (Alem Allah sebak,) “May
your morning be accompanied with the knowledge
of God;” or, (Sebah el khere, or sebahk
b’elkhere) “Good morning to you,” or “May your
morning be good.” Equals meeting, touch hands,
and then each kisses his own respectively; they
[235]
then say, (I now speak of the middle order of
society,) “And how are you, and how have
you been: how long it is since I saw you! and
how are you, and how are your children; (ûhel
Dar’kume,) and the people of your family, how
are they, certainly you are well:” and so they
will go on, sometimes for a quarter of an hour,
repeating the same thing. If an inferior meets
a superior, he kisses his hand or his garment
and retires, when there is a greater disparity of
rank, the inferior kisses the stirrup of the superior;
or prostrates himself if the superior is a
prince, a fakeer, or a bashaw.
Another salutation among respectable individuals
is, by each placing his right hand on his
heart, indicating that part to be the residence of
the friend!
The Jews of this country retain the customs
of their ancestors more pure and unmixed than
those in other countries.
When a Jew dies he is interred the same day,
or the day after at farthest. The female relations
and the friends of the deceased assemble round
the corpse, and utter bitter lamentations, tearing
their faces and their hair in a most woeful
manner; they disfigure their faces with their
finger-nails, till they bleed, and during the
whole time keep stamping or moving their legs,
beating time, as it were, with their feet;
these lamentations are continued, with occasional
intermission, till the body of the deceased
is carried away for interment. The performers
[236]
of these bitter lamentations appear to
have all the marks of hideous grief inscribed on
their faces, but most of them feel no real concern;
some of the girls, young and handsome,
near akin to the deceased, are ambitious to disfigure
themselves, and they lacerate their pretty
faces most lamentably. The more wounds these
bear on their cheeks the greater is their grief
considered to be. But the corpse being removed
the mourners regale themselves with
Mahaya, or African brandy, and make up for
their lamentations, by converting their bitter
strains into conviviality.
There is a strange resemblance between this
custom and that practised by the inhabitants
of New Zealand; insomuch that we might
imagine the latter to be one of the lost
tribes of this extraordinary people. It is true
that we have no record of such a perfection of
navigation as to enable us to conjecture how a
tribe of Jews could reach New Zealand: but
many things remain in great obscurity even in
this enlightened age; and we have had no historical
record transmitted to us from the ancients
of many extraordinary discoveries that recently
have been made in Egypt.
INTEREST OF MONEY.
Application of the Superflux of Property or Capital.
In this country the law allows no interest of
money; the consequence is, that the country is
overwhelmed with usurers, who exact, generally,
an oath of secrecy, and lend money on pledges
of valuable and convertible merchandise: the
interest paid on these negociations is most
exorbitant; I have known five, six, eight, ten,
and even twelve per cent, per month paid
for the use of money! There is no paper
money in this country; but a bank might
be established at Mogodor, for the convenience
of internal trade: the sine qua non of the bank
should be, AN ADEQUATE CAPITAL. The advantages
that would necessarily result from an establishment
of this kind are incalculable; the
paper of a bank, thus established, would be current
in a short time, UNDER JUDICIOUS AND INTELLIGENT
MANAGEMENT, in all the territories of
Sudan, through the heart of Africa, through
Bambâra, Timbuctoo, Houssa, Cashna, Wangara,
Bernôh, Fas, and Marocco, and various
other countries. The immense advantages of
the carriage of paper through the Desert and
[238]
through Sudan, convertible into cash at every
commercial city, port, or district in a country
like this, would greatly facilitate the operations
of commerce; this must be evident to every political
economist acquainted with the nature of
commercial negociations in Africa.
The superflux of coin, consisting principally
of Mexico dollars, and doubloons, (over and
above the quantum necessary for the circulating
medium of commercial negociations,) is either
buried under ground by the owner, or converted
into jewels for the ladies of his family; there is
a general propensity to these subterraneous
hordes; the bulk of the people, the lower
classes in particular, have an idea that they
will enjoy in the next world what they save
in this; which opinion is not extraordinary,
when we consider how many cases there are,
wherein we see the sublimest capacity prostrate at
the shrine of an early imbibed superstition. Many
of these erring philosophers, therefore, attentive
to the accumulation of riches, retire from this
sublunary world with an immense immolated
treasure, wherewith to begin, as they imagine,
their career in the world to come!
“We,” they say, “convert our superflux to
jewels and costly apparel for our females, and
we have the gratification of seeing them well
apparelled and agreeably ornamented. Moreover,
a great part of our possessions is appropriated
to the sacred rites of hospitality, which
[239]
you Christians know not how to practise; for
you worship the idol of ostentation; you invite
your friends to dinner; you incur an intolerable
and injudicious expense, and provide a multiplicity
of dishes to pamper their appetites, sufficient
for a regiment of muselmen; when nature
and national beings, which men were born
to be, require only one dish. Moreover, your
sumptuous entertainments are given to those
only who do not want; therefore is it an ostentatious
and a wanton waste! We, on the contrary,
that is to say, every good Muselman, gives
one-tenth of his property to the poor; and moreover
much of his substance is appropriated to
the support, not of the rich and independent,
who do not want it, but to (deefan) strange
guests who journey from one country to another;
insomuch that, with us, a poor man may
travel by public beneficence and apt hospitality
from the shores of the Mediterranean to the
borders of Sahara, without a fluce
166 in (hashituh)
the corner of his garment.
167 A traveller, however
poor he may be, is never at a loss for a
meal, several meals, and even for three days entertainment,
wherever he travels through our
country; and if any man were to go to a douar
in any of the Arab provinces of our Sovereign’s
[240]
empire, and not receive the entertainment and
courtesy of a brother, that douar would be
stamped with a stigma of indelible disgrace!
Pardon us, therefore, if we say, you have not
such hospitality in your country, although the
great principle of (Seedna Aisa) our Lord Jesus,
is charity.”
168 I should, however, observe that
this hospitality is shown almost exclusively to
Muhamedans.
Footnote 166:
(return) A fluce is a copper coin, one hundred of which are equal
to sixpence English.
Footnote 167:
(return) In the corner of his garment:–The Africans have no
pockets; they carry their money in the corner of their garment,
and tie it with a knot to secure it.
Footnote 168:
(return) The Muhamedans acknowledge Jesus Christ to have
been a Prophet that worked miracles; the indelible proof of
his mission.
Respecting women and horses, speaking of
the treatment of them in England, they remark,
that “England is a paradise for women, who are
there exalted beyond the fitness of things; and
it is (gehennum) a hell for horses, for those poor
ill-treated animals in the hackney coaches and
carts, need only to be seen to be pitied; the
hard blows which they receive from their cruel
masters are calculated to impress our minds with
an opinion that we are in a land of barbarians,
whereas you call yourselves a civilised people:
You say you are such; your actions deny the
fact, and we judge by actions, not by words or
self-commendations. When, therefore, you pride
yourselves on your superiority and civilisation
the whole is a delusion; and when we hear you
set forth these absurd pretensions, we are compelled
to commiserate our common race, and to exclaim,
Alas, poor human nature!” This is the verbatim
[251]
reply that a very intelligent but irritated
Muselman made to my animadversions on the
absurdity of burying treasure. This gentleman’s
father had been ambassador from the
Emperor of Marocco to Great Britain, and to
France; and had seen much of French, Spanish,
and English manners, among the higher orders
of society in those countries.
Too much cannot be said in commendation
of this generous, open-hearted philanthropy of
the Arabs, here described: but the intelligent
reader will understand, that it applies particularly
to the Arabs, or cultivators of the plains,
in the empire of Marocco; and, in its large
and unlimited extent, to the Bedouin or
roving Arabs of the Sahara, and of Lower
Suse, from whose (kabyles) clans, the Arabs cultivators
are early emigrations; almost all of
them having their original stock in the Sahara.
It is also confined, almost exclusively, to Muhamedans,
and does not, like the divine doctrine
of Jesus Christ, with universal benevolence
embrace all mankind, without distinction of
party, sect, or nation;–a doctrine which has
lately been put in considerable practice in our own
country, by institutions supported by voluntary
subscriptions for the destitute, for foreigners
in distress, and for negroes; by institutions in
aid and support of all needy persons labouring
under sickness, or having need of surgical
aid; by institutions for the encouragement
of industry, for the refutation of vice and immorality;
[242]
by institutions that reflect immortal
honour on this country, and cast a lustre on the
respective individuals who have contributed to
all these heart-approving institutions, which are
calculated to afford relief to almost every description
of suffering humanity!!
Itinerant (tebeebs) doctors travel through the
country to administer to the sick; which, however,
are seldom found. They carry over their
shoulders a leathern bag, containing their surgical
apparatus, which consists of a lancet, a
scarifying knife, and a caustic knife, or knife
for burning: they scarify the neck, the forehead,
or the wrists. The caustic knife is an
instrument of very general application. They
convert all gun-shot and other wounds, as well
as sores, into burns, by heating the knife in
the fire, and gently touching the circumference
of the wound with it. This produces acute
pain; but the Africans bear pain heroically:
they say that this method prevents inflammation
and festering. They perform, by caustic, extraordinary
cures. I imagine this method would
not agree with an European body, pampered
with a variety of high food and luxurious
living.
The inhabitants of this country break their
fast with (el hassûa) barley-gruel; they grind
the barley to the size of sparrow-shot, this they
mix with water, and simmer over a slow fire
two or three hours. This food is esteemed extremely
wholesome, and is antifebrile. The
[243]
Emperor takes this before he drinks tea in a
morning: his father, Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah,
also, who drank none but fine hyson
tea, never would drink that beverage till he
had first laid a foundation of el hassûa.
The Arabs and Shelluhs, with whom el hassûa
is generally used, urge its salubrity, by reporting
that a physician alighted in a strange country,
and when he arose in the morning, after performing
his matins, he seated himself with some
of the inhabitants, and, conversing, asked them
how they lived, and with what food they broke
their fast? “With el hassûa,” was the reply:
“Then,” rejoined Esculapius, (Salam û alikume,)
“Peace be with you; for if you eat el hassûa
in the morning you have no need of a doctor:”
and he immediately departed.
When I established the port of Santa Cruz,
and opened it to European commerce, the gratitude
and hospitality of the Arabs and Shelluhs
of the province of Suse, was demonstrated in
every way: so rejoiced were they to see their
port, after an inactivity of thirty years, again
re-established. If I rode out to visit any part
of the country, the women, on my approach to
a douar, would come out to a great distance
with bowls of milk on their heads; others with
bowls of honey, with thin scrapings of butter
in them, and bread or cakes
169, similar to pancakes,
[244]
baked in five minutes, on stones heated
with the embers of charcoal. These greetings
I received by tasting every bowl of milk, and
dipping a bit of bread in the honey and eating
it. The milk thus presented is emblematical of
peace and amity; the honey of welcome: to
refuse eating or tasting what is thus presented,
is considered, among this patriarchal people, a
great breach of good manners, an inexcusable
want of courtesy, which they say none but a
kaffer
170 would commit. They would then say,
Birk eeaudee, birk attajar u straha, “Alight, I
pray thee, alight, merchant! and rest yourself.”
Footnote 169:
(return) See a similar custom in Genesis, xxiii. 5–8.
Footnote 170:
(return) Kaffer is the Arabic term for Infidel. All the idolatrous
Negro nations are, by Muhamedans, denominated Kaffer,
(or Caffres). Sing. Kâffer–plural Kaffer.
In these halcyon days, these grateful people
never knew when to cease offering presents.
They sat on the ground in the refulgent meridian
sun, and when I dismounted to walk to
the shade of a tree, to partake of their hospitality,
they would exhort me to shun the shade,
(lie ê drab’k elbird) for fear it should give me
cold. These Bedouin
171 Arabs of Suse and Sahara
[245]
are the descendants of the ancient Arabs,
whose bold and figurative language is the same
that was spoken in Arabia twelve centuries ago,
in the time of Muhamed.
Footnote 171:
(return) The Arabs of the vast plains of the empire of Marocco,
who live in douars, or encampments, are emigrations from
the original stock or clan in Sahara; who are the pure or
Bedouin Arabs. Being established in the beautiful and
productive plains of West and South Barbary, they soon
forget their Bedouin customs, change their wandering, plundering
habits, and become cultivators, and stationary; for
the immense produce of their labour in these plains,
which require no dung, nor any preparation but the plough,
soon rewards their industry, so as to determine them to continue
this new mode of life.
Passing early one morning by a douar, in the
territory of Howara,
172 I was invited to join a party to hunt the wild boar. The plains of
Howara, between the city of Terodant and
Santa Cruz, abound with boars: we started,
in a few hours, seven of these animals, two
of which were taken and killed. The dogs
best calculated for this sport are what they call
sereet telt, or the third race of greyhounds,
which is a very strong dog. One of these,
I observed, attacked the boars by the nape
of the neck, and never left his hold till the
other dogs came up to the attack: although the
boar would toss him about in all directions, he
never left his hold. The Arabs of Suse are very
dextrous and active at this sport: they hunt with
javelins; some have guns, which they fire when
opportunity offers, but they never expend their
powder and shot (batâl) vainly, as they express it,
but always make sure of their mark. I could not
but admire this celebrated (slogie) greyhound;
[246]
which the Arab to whom it belonged observing,
insisted on my taking it home to Santa Cruz,
adding, that whenever I wished to hunt, to let
him know, and he would accompany me. I offered
him a present of money for the dog, which
is what I never had refused before in the provinces
north of Suse; but he declined the offer, saying
he was more than recompensed already by the
establishment of the port of Santa Cruz. “Myself,
my family, my kabyl,” said he, “hail you
as a father; (e moot alik) they will die in your
cause.” No favour could have equalled that of
re-establishing the commerce of Agadeer. These
circumstances serve to show what reception
might be expected from these people, if the
British Government would negociate with the
Emperor for the purchase of the port of Agadeer,
or Santa Cruz, preparatory to the establishment
of a commerce with Timbuctoo, and other regions
of Sudan.
Footnote 172:
(return) In the 815th year of the Hejira, an emigration from the
Howara Arabs attacked, took possession of, and destroyed
the city of Assouan, in Egypt.
PLAN
FOR THE
GRADUAL CIVILISATION OF AFRICA.
On the Commercial Intercourse with Africa, through the
Sahara and Ashantee.
To cultivate an extensive commercial intercourse
with Africa, I have already observed,
that the best method, the simplest, and that
which is, from contingent circumstances, the
most likely to succeed, is the plan which I have
pointed out in the following prospectus. I
shall now offer several reasons why this plan is
superior to any other hitherto suggested.
The riches of the Arabs of Sahara generally, as
well as of that part which I have contemplated
as a convenient spot for establishing a colony,
and for opening a communication with Sudan,
consists exclusively in camels. The independence
of a man is there ascertained by the number
of camels he possesses; it is not said, how many
thousand dollars has he? or, what quantity of
gold does he possess? or, what land has he?
but, how many camels does he own? The master
of these, aptly denominated, ships of the Desert,
is urged by interest to let on hire his camels, as
[248]
the master of a ship of the ocean is urged by interest
to seek freight for his ship. And it is observed,
that the ferocious appearance among the
Arabs, (which is too often assumed,) subsides
in proportion to the intercourse they have with
merchants, who negociate with them for the
transport of their goods. Thus, at the depôts
for camels between the cultivated country and
the Desert, viz. at Akka, Tatta, Ufran, and
Wedinoon, the ferocity of the Arabs is greatly
lost in the commercial spirit and endeavour
to let their camels on hire to the merchants.
The Mograffra, the Woled Abbusebah, and
the Tejakant Arabs, therefore, who possess the
Sahara, from the shores of the Atlantic to the
confines of Timbuctoo, would act in concert
with the colony, and would have a joint interest
in promoting their commercial views. The Brabeesh
Arabs who receive, occasionally, tribute
from Timbuctoo, would also find it expedient to
promote the commerce of Sudan, and the prosperity
of Timbuctoo; both which would necessarily
be united to their own interest, and would
provide a demand for their camels.
If the profits of this commerce, when once
established and secured to the British, were to
be cent. per cent., the whole would remain a
bonus to the colony. There would be no shereef
of Fezzan, or bashaw of Tripoli, to take their
share of the profits, in any shape, in exchange
for the privilege of being suffered to pass through
their country. But, on the contrary, the Arabs
[249]
of the Mograffra and other tribes would find it
so evidently their interest and advantage to be
friendly with us, that we might absolutely have
the entire command of the Desert, from the
shores of the Atlantic to the city of Timbuctoo,
which would eventually throw such a weight of
power into our hands, as to make even that city
itself, in a manner, tributary to us.
A plan of this kind should be executed upon
a grand national scale, and be pursued with discretion
and perseverance.
An attempt to penetrate to Timbuctoo, through
Ashantee, and establish a commerce through
that country, might meet with temporary success;
but I apprehend that we should labour under
the same inconveniences, and be subject to the
same arbitrary imposts and exactions, whether
in the shape of duties, part of the profits, or
otherwise, as we should, by opening a communication
through Tripoli. There would be a
present or douceur to the king of Ashantee;
others to the princes of the adjoining territories;
and, finally, (taking the character of this king
to be as represented by the late traveller in that
country, Mr. Bowdich), might we not reasonably
anticipate that, on the first dispute respecting
the division of the profits, the king of
Ashantee would order all the English out of his
country, and, to terminate the dispute, plunder
them of their property? But, perhaps the establishment
of a colony in Ashantee, conjoined to
one in Sahara, might not be objectionable. We
[250]
should then have two routs to the grand emporium
of central Africa: if one failed, the
other would remain open for our countrymen
to recover their property and to return by; and
thus, in establishing a commercial intercourse
with the interior of Africa, through two routes,
we should secure, at the same time, our retreat,
by one of them, and not remain at the mercy
of the barbarous king of Ashantee, or any other
African potentate, who might be urged, from
jealousy or avarice, to sacrifice our people, when
once he had them in his power!
PROSPECTUS OF A PLAN
FOR FORMING A
NORTH AFRICAN OR SUDAN COMPANY
To be instituted for the purpose of establishing an extensive
Commerce with, and laying open to British Enterprise,
all the Interior Regions of North Africa.
OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY.
1st. To lay open the interior regions of North
Africa to British enterprise–to supply those
vast and unexplored countries with British manufactures,
with East-India goods, and with
colonial produce.
2dly, To encourage our manufactories, by
opening a new market calculated to improve the
revenue of the country, to provide employment
for the labouring poor, and to enrich the mercantile
community; the genial influence of which
sources of prosperity will necessarily diffuse itself
through all classes.
3dly, To facilitate, through the medium of
commerce (the only medium by which it can possibly
be effected), the exploration of the interior
regions of Africa, (which have remained to this
day a sealed book, notwithstanding the many adventurous
expeditions that have been undertaken,)
by opening a communication with the natives
[252]
of that vast and little-known continent, and by
calling to our aid the co-operation of
the native chiefs, by holding out to them
the benefits which they will derive from
commercial intercourse as a reward for
their assistance and exertions in promoting
this desirable Object.
For these purposes it is proposed–
That the funds to be raised be one hundred
thousand pounds, in shares of one hundred
pounds each. Ten shares to constitute a director.
The spot proposed to be fixed on as the point
of communication, and commercial depôt, between
Great Britain and the interior of Africa
is safe and healthy: it will afford a direct
communication with Timbuctoo and the interior
regions of Sudan, without being subject to the
uncertainty of securing the favour and protection
of the various sultans and sheiks of the respective
territories of the interior, through which the
merchants and traders may pass–a measure
which would have been indispensable in every
plan that has hitherto been suggested for the
discovery of those interesting regions.
The plan now to be adopted, on the contrary,
will be subject to none of those impediments
and uncertainties; but the merchants and travellers
will pass through territories where they
need fear no hostility, but will be received with
hospitality and attention by the natives, who will
give them every assistance and accommodation
in their progress through their country.
Connected with this plan, a school for instructing
the British youth in African Arabic,
so as to initiate them in the rudiments of that
language previously to their departure for Africa,
might be established, under the direction of
James Grey Jackson, professor of African
Arabic, &c.
The present scheme has been many years in
contemplation, but no favourable opportunity
of making it thus public having hitherto occurred,
it is now offered to the public, in consequence
of the energies lately manifested by
France and by America for African colonisation,
and also by Holland.
The projectors, for the honour of their own
country, are anxious that Great Britain may not,
through supineness, suffer this important discovery
to be wrested from her by any foreign
power, but that she should at least share the
glory due to this important achievement, the
completion of which would immortalize the prince
who should cherish it to its maturity.
Capitalists, and gentlemen resident in Great
Britain, desirous of further information on this
subject, may address themselves to James Grey
Jackson, whose residence, at any time, may be
known at Messrs. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme,
and Brown, London.
TO THE BRITISH PUBLIC.
London, 31st March, 1819.
The above plan is ingenuously, liberally, and
disinterestedly submitted to the consideration of
[254]
British capitalists and merchants of respectability.
The advantages to be derived from such
an establishment as is here contemplated, if not
evident to Great Britain, is clearly visible to
Holland, to France, and to America.
The projector, therefore, without mentioning
the offers that have been made to him by a
foreign maritime power, and without courting the
suffrages of British merchants in support of this
plan, has it in contemplation, (provided no attention
is paid to it in England,) to lay this eligible
scheme open to a foreign power. If, therefore, the
projector should accept employment in this
undertaking from a foreign power, it will be in
the conviction, that it is more to the interest of
mankind in general, and to Europe in particular,
that this plan for opening an extensive, lucrative,
and beneficial commerce with Africa, (which would
necessarily lead to its civilisation,) should be
known to, and adopted by, a foreign power, than
that this vast and little-known continent should,
(to the indelible disgrace of civilised Europe,)
still continue to remain an useless and an undiscovered
country to the present generation!
James Grey Jackson
Appendix to the foregoing Prospectus, being an Epitome
of the Trade carried on by Great Britain and the
European States in the Mediterranean, indirectly with
Timbuctoo, the Commercial Depôt of North Africa,
and with other States of Sudan.
Marseilles, Genoa, Leghorn, and other commercial
ports of France and Italy, as well as of
[255]
Spain, send to Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and
Egypt, for the markets of Sudan, manufactured
silks, damask, brocade, velvets, raw silk, combs
of box and ivory, gold-thread, paper, manufactured
sugar, cochineal, and various other merchandise.
Great Britain sends to the Barbary ports in
the Mediterranean, and to Mogodor on the
Atlantic Ocean (which are afterwards conveyed
to Timbuctoo), for distribution at the several
markets of Sudan–
East India Goods, viz.–Gum benjamin,
cassia, cinnamon, mace, nutmegs, cloves, ginger,
black pepper, Bengal silk, China silks, nankeens,
blue linens, long cloths, and muslins (mulls).
West India Produce.–Pimento, tobacco,
coffee, cocoa, and manufactured sugar.
Linens.–Dimities, plattilias, creas, rouans,
Britannias, cambrics, and Irish linens.
Hardware.–Iron nails, copper ditto, brass
ditto, sword blades, dagger ditto, guns, gunpowder,
knives, &c. &c.
Cloths.–Superfine, of plain brilliant colours,
not mixtures, and cassimeres. And various
other articles of merchandise.
Immense quantities of salt are also sent to
Timbuctoo, which is for the most part collected
at the mines of Tishet and Shangareen, (see the
map of northern and central Africa, in the New
Supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica,)
through which the caravan would pass to Timbuctoo.
The following are the articles purchased by
the Moors and Arab traders, and are the returns
brought back to Barbary from Sudan; viz.
Gold dust, and trinkets of pure Wangara
gold, of various fashions, of the manufacture of
Housa and Jinnie.–B’Kore Sudan (fumigation
of Sudan), a kind of frankincense highly
esteemed by the Africans. Ostrich feathers
(the finest in the world). Elephants’ Teeth.
Korkidan, so called by the Arabs, being the
horns of the rhinoceros: these are a very costly
article, and are in high estimation among the
muselmen, for sword-hilts and dagger-handles.
Guza Sarawie (Grains of Paradise). Gum Copal
Assafoetida, and a great variety of drugs for
manufacturing uses, and various roots for dyeing.
Ebony. Camwood. Sandal wood. Indigo,
equal to that of Guatimala: to which may
be added, the command of the gum trade of
Senegal.
All the foregoing merchandise being first
landed at Alexandria, Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers,
and Tetuan, and other Barbary ports in the
Mediterranean, as well as at Mogodor on the
western coast of Africa, are afterwards sold to
the Muhamedan merchants, who sell them with
a very good profit to other Moors. These goods
frequently go through three, four, and five
hands, before they reach the consumer in Sudan,
subject to a profit gained by each holder of from
twenty to thirty per cent.; the last purchaser,
who conveys them through the Desert, however,
[257]
expects, and generally obtains, from fifty to sixty
per cent. profit on them, to which he considers
himself entitled, from the fatigue and privations
of his passage through the Desert, during a
journey through a country, for the most part
barren, of above fifteen hundred miles in length;
through various kingdoms and principalities,
subject to a charge for (statta) convoy at the
exit and entrance of each respective state or
district on each side of the Sahara, as well as
in the Sahara itself.
But, according to the plan here suggested to
the commercial community, all these various
articles, instead of passing through five several
hands, would now pass through only two hands,
viz. through those of the shippers in England,
and those of their agents established on the
western coast of Africa, who would sell them
directly to the Timbuctoo trader, which latter,
instead of having several principalities and kingdoms
to pass through (at the exit from each of
which, as well as at the entrance of them, he
would have a charge for protection or convoy,
called statta, levied on the goods), would have
no convoy-charge, or statta, to pay; he would
have but ten hundred, instead of fifteen or sixteen
hundred miles to go, being about two-thirds
of the distance of the road from Tunis or Tripoli,
through Fezzan, to Timbuctoo.
N.B. There is an immense bank near the
contemplated depôt, or port (abounding in fish,
which now supplies the wahs, or cultivated
[258]
spots in the desert, as well as the territories on
the southern confines thereof), which produces
fish sufficient to supply the whole of the
interior of Africa, as well as the shores of the
Mediterranean, &c. &c.
Letter from Vasco de Gama, in elucidation of
this Plan.
Sir,
The Society of Encouragement for National
Industry in France, has granted prizes for
various discoveries in the arts and sciences; but
I wish government, or some society of our own
country, would offer a liberal prize for the best
mode of colonising Africa, and for meliorating
the condition of the inhabitants of that vast and
little known continent. A well-digested plan
for the discovery of this continent might be followed
by the most desirable events. The efforts
of the African Association have, to say the least,
been lamentably disastrous; little good can be
anticipated from the efforts of solitary or
scientific travellers in a country where science
is not cultivated, and where the travellers know
little or nothing of the
173 general language of
[259]
Africa, or of the manners and dispositions of
the natives.
Footnote 173:
(return) The general language of North Africa is the Western
Arabic, with a knowledge of which language, a traveller
may make himself intelligible wherever he may go; either
in the negro countries of Sudan, in Egypt, Abyssinia, Sahara,
or Barbary.
A knowledge therefore of the African Arabic
appears indispensable to this great undertaking;
and it should seem that a commercial adventurer
is much more likely to obtain his object than a
scientific traveller, for this plain reason,–because
it is much easier to persuade the
Africans that we travel into their country for
the purposes of commerce and its result–profit,
than to persuade them that we are so anxious to
ascertain the course of their rivers!
Accordingly, it was aptly observed by the
Negroes of Congo, when they learned that
Captain Tuckey came not to trade nor to make
war; “What then come for? only to take walk
and make book?”
I do not mean now to lay down a plan for
the colonisation of Africa, or for opening an
extensive commerce with that vast continent,
but I would suggest the propriety of the
method by which the East India Company
govern their immense territories. I would wish
to see an African Company formed on an extensive
scale, with a large capital. I am convinced
that such a company would be of more service
to the commerce of this country than the
present India trade, where the natives, without
being in want of our manufactures, surpass us in
ingenuity. But the Africans, on the contrary,
are in want of our manufactured goods, and
give immense sums for them. According to a
[260]
late author, who has given us the fullest description
174
of Timbuctoo
175 and its vicinity, a Plattilia
is there worth fifty Mexico dollars, or twenty
meezens of gold, each meezen being worth two
and a half Mexico dollars; a piece of Irish linen
of ordinary quality, and measuring twenty-five
yards, is worth seventy-five Mexico dollars; and
a quintal of loaf sugar is worth one hundred
Mexico dollars. Now if we investigate the parsimonious
mode of traversing the Desert, we shall
find that a journey of 1500 English miles is
performed from Fas to Timbuctoo at the rate of
forty shillings sterling per quintal, so that loaf
sugar (a weighty and bulky article) can be
rendered from London at Timbuctoo through
Tetuan and Fas, including the expense of a
land-carriage of 1500 miles at about 6£. per
quintal, thus:
Footnote 175:
(return) See the account of Timbuctoo appended to Jackson’s
account of Marocco, published by Cadell and Davies,
London, Chap, 18.
So that if 100 lb. of loaf sugar rendered, at
Timbuctoo cost 120s. 6d and sells there for 100
Mexico dollars at 4s. 6d. each, or for 22£. 5s.
there will result a profit of 270 per cent.
The profit in fine goods, such as the linens
before mentioned, is still more considerable, not
being subject to so heavy a charge for carriage.
The immense quantity of
176 gold dust and gold
bars that would be brought from Timbuctoo,
Wangara, Gana, and other countries, in exchange
for this merchandise, would be incalculable,
and has, perhaps, never yet been contemplated
by Europeans!!–In the same work,
above quoted, 3d edition, page 289, will be
found a list of the various merchandise exportable
from Great Britain, which suit the market
of the interior of Africa or Sudan: and also a
list of the articles which we should receive in
return for those goods.
Footnote 176:
(return) The Kings, David and Solomon, extracted from Africa
to enrich the temple of Jerusalem upwards of 800,000,000£.
sterling, a sum sufficient to discharge the national debt; see
Commercial Magazine for May 1819, page 6.; which is eight
times as much gold as the mines of Brazil have produced
since their discovery in 1756. See Commercial Magazine
for the same month, page 44.
Plans to penetrate to the mart of Timbuctoo
(which would supply Housa, Wangara, Gana,
and other districts of Sudan with European
merchandize) have been formed; but if a treaty
of commerce were made with any of the Negro
kings, these plans would be subject to various
impediments.
The goods, in passing through hostile territories,
(these sovereigns living in a state of continual
warfare with each other,) would be subject
to innumerable imposts; it would therefore
be expedient to form a plan whereby the goods
should reach Timbuctoo through an eligible part of
the Desert: but some persons who have been in
the habit of trading for gum to Portandik, have
declared the inhabitants of Sahara to be a
wild and savage race, untractable and not to be
civilised by commerce, or by any other means.
This I must beg leave to contradict: the Arabs
of Sahara, from their wandering habits, are certainly
wild, and they are hostile to all who do
not understand their language; but if two or
three Europeans capable of holding colloquial
intercourse with them, were to go and establish
a factory on their coast, and then suggest to
them the benefit they would derive, being the
carriers of such a trade as is here contemplated,
their ferocity would be transferred forthwith
into that virtue in the practice of which they
so eminently excel all other nations, hospitality;
and the most inviolable alliance might be formed
with such a people. I speak not from the
experience of books, but from an actual intercourse,
and from having passed many years of
my youth among them.
An advantageous spot might be fixed upon
[263]
on the western coast, in an independent district,
where our alliance would be courted, from
which the Kafila
177 or Akkaba would have to
pass through only one tribe with perfect safety,
and subject to no impost whatever; neither
would they be subject to any duty on entering
the town of Timbuctoo, as they would enter at
the Beb Sahara, or gate of the Desert, which
exempts them from duty or impost.
Footnote 177:
(return) Caravan.
That civilisation would be the result of commerce,
and that the trade in slaves would decrease
with the increase of our commerce with
these people, there can be little doubt; and,
independent of the advantages of an extensive
commerce, the consolation would be great to
the Christian and to the Philosopher, of having
converted millions of brethren made in the perfection
of God’s image, and endowed with
reason, from barbarism to civilisation, if not to
Christianity!!!
Let us hope, then, that some of the intelligent
readers of your luminous and interesting pages
will direct their attention to this great national
object, and produce ah eligible and well-digested
plan for the cultivation of a mutual
intercourse through the medium qf commerce with
Africa, and for the civilisation of that hitherto
neglected continent.
Vasco De Gama.
Eton, 28th May, 1819.
On Commercial Intercourse with Africa.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE.)
Sir,
The plan of your correspondent, for opening
a commercial intercourse with the interior of
Africa, appears to me so direct and simple, that
I am only surprised it has not been thought of
before. The Moors are the merchants of Africa;
the chain of communication that runs from the
states of Barbary to the negro kingdoms, and
from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean to the
Red Sea. To judge of the humanity of these
people from the accounts of shipwrecked sailors,
whom they have dragged into slavery, and then
liberated for money, would be not less fallacious
than to estimate the character of the English
nation from the plunderers of the wrecks on
their coast. From such accounts, the name of
Moor has inspired us with horror; and Park’s
detention at the camp of Ali, one of their chiefs,
has contributed to confirm it. Park, however,
so far from endeavouring to conciliate his captors,
endeavoured, by his own confession, to
appear as contemptible as possible in their eyes;
and yet, with this disadvantage, the greater part
of the miseries he endured proceeded from the
climate and the irritation of his own mind.
The Arabs of Sahara are the carriers of merchandize
throughout North Africa, and the
Moors are in the constant habit of selling gum
to the French on the Senegal. The French say
[265]
they are perfidious; but they give no proof of it
that I have seen. I have met with a French traveller,
who owns that his countrymen deceive
them either in the weight or measure of the gum
they purchase.
Bruce found a friend in every Moorish merchant,
and integrity and intelligence in all.
And where should these qualities be found in a
country like the interior of Africa, in which
learning has no place but among merchants?
So much for the proposed carriers of English
goods to Timbuctoo. Now for the road. The
fertile parts of Africa are hot and humid, unwholesome
and dangerous; and the kings are
often at war with each other. Park experienced
both these evils; and the wonder was, not so
much that he perished on his second journey, as
that he returned from his first. The Desert is
dry and heathful. It is sprinkled with fertile
spots, which form a succession of known resting-places,
and the distance between each requires
a certain number of days to travel. The Moors
are at home in Sahara; and, when they go long
journeys, the fertile spots are their inns. The
road from the coast of Sahara is also the shortest
that has yet been pointed out to Timbuctoo.
If the means of executing the plan appear sufficient,
it is not necessary to say any thing in
favour of the object: the exchange of British
manufactures for gold, speaks for itself. But
there is no time to be lost. The French settlement
of Galam is advantageously situated for
commerce with Timbuctoo: a Frenchman has
[266]
already travelled from Galam to that city, I believe
on a commercial speculation, and he has
returned safe.
Catherine Hutton.
Impediments to our Intercourse with Africa.
When we consider the maritime strength of
Great Britain; her command of the ocean; the
vicinity to Europe of West Barbary, one of the
finest countries in the world; the rich and
valuable produce which is cultivated in this
country;–when we consider that our garrison of
Gibraltar is in its vicinage, and but a few hours’
sail from it, we are naturally astonished that our
communication with this country is so limited.
That we have less commercial communication
with Barbary, than we have with countries that
do not open to us any thing like the commercial
advantages that this country offers, though they
are thousands of miles from us. It appears relevant,
therefore, to inquire, whence originates this
impeded intercourse? There are two great
impediments to our free intercourse with
Sudan through Marocco: viz., a general ignorance
of the Arabic language, as spoken in the
latter country; and the repugnancy of the
Muhamedan religion to that of Christ. With
respect to the first of these impediments, it is
remarkable that this learned language is so
little known in Europe,–this language, the
most prevalent in the world, a language which
[267]
is spoken or understood almost without intermission
from the western shores of Africa on
the Atlantic ocean, to the confines of China,–a
language understood, wherever Muhamedans are
to be found, throughout all the populous and
commercial regions of Africa, from the Western
Ocean to the Red Sea, and from the Mediterranean
to the country of Kaffers,
178 in the vicinage
of the Cape of Good Hope. With respect to
the second of these impediments, the repugnancy
of the Muhamedan religion to that of
Christ, it may justly be observed, that this is
not really so great as we are apt to imagine;
the moral principles of Muhamedans being not
unlike those of the former Christians, being in
fact a composition of Hebrew and Christian
morality. They acknowledge Jesus Christ to
be a prophet, and tell us, that, in this respect,
they are on the safe side, as we impute no
Divine authority to Muhamed. But a most
violent repugnance to Christians has been propagated
by the (Fakeers) Muselmen saints, or holy
men. They have industriously circulated the
belief of an old superstitious prediction which
they have on record, viz. that the Christians will
invade the Muhamedan countries, take their
cities and towns, and establish the Christian religion
[268]
on the ruins of that of Muhamed, and
take possession of the country. These reports,
propagated, as before observed, by the (Fakeers)
Muhamedan saints, among the lower orders,
have kindled a high degree of rancour and
animosity, (equal to that which the Catholics
formerly indulged towards their protestant
brethren,) which will never be extinguished
until a friendly alliance and extensive commercial
intercourse be established with them;
which alone can soften this rancour and animosity
into peace and amity. This animosity has
been increased also by the rancorous anti-christian
disposition manifested towards these
people by the writings of Roman catholic
priests and others.
179 If these uncharitable opinions
of each other could be eradicated, the
blessings that would result to the Africans would
be incalculable; a reciprocal exchange of good
offices might pave the way to purchase of the
Emperor of Marocco the port of Agadeer or
Santa Cruz, aptly denominated, from its contiguity
to the Sahara (Beb Sudan) “the gate of
Sudan,” which, in the hands of the English, would
be the key to the whole of the interior of Africa,
and an effectual link in our chain of communication
[269]
with the interior of that undiscovered
continent; it would moreover secure to us the
entire commerce of those extensive and populous
regions, to the exclusion of our Moorish competitors
of Cairo, Alexandria, Tripoli, Tunis,
Algiers, and other ports of Barbary, who supply
the people of Sudan with European merchandise
at the fourth, fifth, and sixth hand.
Footnote 178:
(return) Kaffer (or Caffre) is an Arabic word which signifies
infidels or unbelievers (in Muhamed); the very name has been
given by Muhamedans, and therefore it is to be presumed
that the Muhamedans approximate the countries contiguous
to the Cape.
Footnote 179:
(return) See Martin Martinius. Abraham Ecchellensis. Maccarius,
Theolog. Polemic. Peter Cevaller. Robert de Retz,
translator of the Koran. See also the support of this assertion
in Jackson’s Account of the Empire of Marocco, enlarged
edition, published by Cadell and Davies, Strand, from p. 196.
to 208.
The abolition of the slave-trade cannot be effected
until we shall have substituted some commerce
with the Negro countries, equivalent at
least, or that shall be more than equivalent to it,
otherwise the negro sovereigns of Sudan will
never be induced to relinquish so great a source
of profit. Every naval officer in His Majesty’s
service knows, that if we were to have thirty
sail of the line continually off the coast of Guinea,
it would not be sufficient to annihilate this abominable
traffic, or to deter people from embarking
in a trade that yields such extraordinary
profits. This being admitted, as it certainly
will be by every intelligent man, it follows, that
the system now in operation by the British government
for the abolition of the slave-trade,
will be attended only with an unnecessary expense
to this country, without the possibility of
effecting the desired object; but, on the contrary,
judging from recent events, there is every
reason to presume, that this detestable commerce
will increase, as it has continued to increase,
these last two or three years, in spite of all our
operations to prevent it; the Spaniards alone
[270]
having imported into the island of Cuba more
slaves in 1818 and 1819, than in the four preceding
years. The result has been, that that
island has produced, in 1819, more than double
the produce of the former year; their waste
lands, accordingly, are in progressive cultivation,
and, if they go on thus improving, that island,
in a few years hence, will produce coffee and
sugar sufficient for the supply of all the markets
of Europe.
Finally, Slavery will never give way to any
thing but civilisation; the civilisation of Africa
can never be accomplished but through a great
and extensive commercial intercourse, a commerce
that will enrich the negroes, and enable
them, by a supply of arms, to contend with and
gain an ascendancy over their Muhamedan oppressors,
who want no other pretext for attacking
them, than that of their being idolaters, which
idolatry, it is asserted, authorises the Muselman
to make them slaves. Thus, the abolition
of slavery must depend on the Africans themselves;
and although it is in our power to supply them
with the means for their emancipation, yet it is
absurd to suppose that we can effect it by our
naval operations. If all the great sovereigns of
Europe were to agree to make the trading in
slaves piracy, they would not prevent it. We
cannot emancipate them; that only can be accomplished
by their own energy, awakened in them
by commercial intercourse, and its accompanying
civilisation.
Much might be done if all the African societies
were to unite their interest, knowledge, and
abilities for this desired object. If the African
Company would unite their energies with the
African Association, and with the African Institution,
such an union would promote the civilisation
of the African continent, and the conversion
of the Negroes to Christianity.
ARCHITECTURE OF THE MOSQUES.
The architecture of this country is of the
Gothic character. The mosques are built somewhat
like our churches: the body of the
mosques are covered with green glazed tiles;
the steeples are invariably an exact square, the
sides being ten or twelve feet, not tapering as
those of Coventry, but the top having the same
dimensions as the base. At the top is erected a
smaller square, with a flag-staff similar to a
gallows, to which is suspended every day at
noon, a white flag, the signal of preparation for
prayers; but on Fridays, the Muhamedan Sabbath,
a dark-blue one is substituted for the same
purpose. Some of the mosques are paved with
white and black chequered marble, some are tessellated
pavements, consisting of white, blue, and
green glazed tiles, about two inches square, a very
pretty mode of paving, extremely clean, and
has a very cool appearance; others are terrassed,
which is lime and small stones beaten down
[272]
with wooden mallets. They excel in the art of
making terras. The houses are all flat roofed,
so as to resist the heaviest rains: the declivity
of the terrasses is so imperceptible, that it is just
sufficient to give the rains a tendency to the
great conduit or pipe that leads to the mitfere
underneath the house, which is underground,
and has a terras bottom, impervious to the
water. Here is collected water sufficient for the
family or household during the year; the lime
that washes into the mitfere from the terrassed
roof, purifies the water, and preserves it from
worms and other insects. They have no ornaments
in their mosques; but the place where
the Mufti or Fakeer reads prayers, is covered
with mats or carpets; the rest of the floor is
bare, and the respective individuals prostrate
themselves on the bare floor, or on an antelope’s
or Elhorreh
180 skin, or the skin of a lion or tiger,
prepared in a superior manner by the tanners
at Marocco, the leather of which is made soft
as silk, and white as snow.
Footnote 180:
(return) For a description of this curious animal, see Jackson’s
Marocco, page 83, Chapter on Zoology.
The bodies of the dead are never laid in the
mosques or near them, but are invariably carried
out of the town, to some coba
181 in the vicinity.
[273]
The bodies of the dead are washed, and covered
with lawn, and placed on an oblong wooden
machine, resembling a box without a cover,
called a kiffen; it has four legs about six inches
long, to uphold it from the ground, and two
horizontal projections at each end, to place on
the shoulders of four men, generally the nearest
relations of the deceased, who thus carry the
body to the grave, chaunting with the whole company,
amounting sometimes to some hundreds,
La Allah, ila Allah wa Muhamed Rassule
Allah, “There is no God but God, and
Muhamed is the prophet of God.” This
repetition may appear extraordinary to the
English reader; but let it be observed that the
Muhamedans never use the pronoun for the
name of the Omnipotent, but invariably the
noun. The body is taken out of the bier, and
laid in the ground, the face upwards, without
any coffin or box, the legs towards Mecca, and
then covered with earth, so that it might, at the
resurrection, rise with its eyes towards (El
Kaaba) Muhamed’s mausoleum. No money is
paid for the ground, nor is any expense paid for
a monument: a stick or a stone stands erect at
the head, and another at the feet. If the deceased
[274]
lived a moral, inoffensive, and exemplary
life, the public, at its own expense, oftentimes
erects (kaba) a cubical building with a dome at
the top to the departed, and he is thence denominated
(fakeer) a saint.
Footnote 181:
(return) A coba is a cubical building, about forty or fifty feet
square, having a dome on the top, inhabited by a fakeer;
the ground adjacent to this building is consecrated for the
dead, but is never inclosed. The living reverence the dead
by never, riding over these grounds; but travellers, in passing
stop and repeat a fatha. When the ground has been consecrated
to the dead, and the coba has an inhabitant, who
must be a sanctified person, he immediately assumes the
name of fakeer or priest, and the building, and cemetery
attached to it, becomes a zowia or sanctuary.
The palaces of this country generally consist
of a perfect square wall, containing from two to
forty acres of land, or more; for the imperial
palace at Mequinas covers about two square
miles of ground. At each corner of the square
is a cubical building, with an angular top,
of green glazed tiles, having four windows,
one in each side; in the centre of the square
is the palace, surrounded by a colonnade
one or two stories high. The pavement is
either tessellated or of chequered marble; some
of the walls of the rooms are also tessellated
with arabesque, borders, the ceilings are
painted with gay colours, viz. scarlet, sky-blue,
green, yellow, and orange, in arabesque, and
some of them are very elegant. The houses
of the opulent are diminutive imitations
of the palaces. The house of (the Talb Câduse)
the minister of the Sultan Seedi Muhamed
ben Abd Allah at Marocco, is a building,
elegantly neat. Abd Rahamen ben Nassar’s
house at Mogodor, is well deserving the investigation
of an European architect, and his
magnificent new house at Saffee, is a model of
a particular style of architecture. Some of the
houses of the princes and the military at
Mequinas are handsome buildings, and many of
[275]
the houses of the opulent merchants at Fas,
who have their commercial establishments at
Timbuctoo, and other countries of Sudan, are
extremely neat and truly unique, having beautiful
gardens in the interior, ornamented with
the choicest and most odoriferous flowers and
shrubs; with fountains of running water, clear
as crystal, delectable to behold in this warm
climate, and such as are not to be seen in any
part of Europe.
FRAGMENTS, NOTES,
AND
ANECDOTES;
Illustrating the Nature and Character of the Country.
NTRODUCTION.
In recording the following Anecdotes and Fragments
the naked truth is stated, without the embellishments
of language, or the labour of rhetoric,
which the wiser part of mankind have
always approved of as the most instructive way
of writing; and all such as are acquainted with
books will readily agree with me, that many authors
stretch, even to the prejudice of truth,
from an affectation of elegance of style.
The following facts, therefore, will form the
materials for a history, rather than a history
itself.
The study of the language and customs of the
Arabs is the best comment upon the Old Testament.
The language of the modern Jews is little to
be regarded; their dispersion into various nations,
having no fixed habitation, being wholly
[277]
addicted to their own interest, their conformation
to the respective customs of the various nations
through which they are dispersed; have
caused them, in a great measure, to forget their
ancient customs and original language, except
what is preserved in the Bible and in the exercise
of their religion. Whereas the Arabs have
continued in the constant possession of their
country many centuries, and are so tenacious
of their customs and habits, that they are, at
this day, the same men they were three thousand
years ago. Accordingly, many of their customs,
at this day, remind us of what happened among
their ancestors in the days of Abraham.
Trade with Sudan.
1795, June 14th. Two (Akkabas) accumulated
caravans of Gum Sudan, called in England
“Turkey
182 Gum Arabic,” have reached the
Arab encampment of Dikna, not far from the
northern confines of the Sahara; and will be at
Santa Cruz, in the province of Suse, in a fortnight.
Footnote 182:
(return) This gum is conveyed from Sudan to Alexandria, in
Egypt; there it is shipped off for Smyrna, or Constantinople,
and from thence imported into England.
Wrecked Ships.
A large ship, supposed to be Spanish, bound
to Lima, has been wrecked near Cape Noon;
[278]the cargo consists of lace, silks, linens, superfine
cloths, and is estimated by the Jews, at Wedinoon,
to be worth half a million of dollars.
Wrecked Ships on the Coast.
Extract of a Letter from James Jackson, and Co.
at Mogodor, to their correspondents in London.
January, 1801.
The wine and dollars per the Perola de Setubal,
wrecked on the coast of Suse, have been
recovered from the Arabs, by Alkaid Hamo,
the governor of Santa Cruz; and we have just
received them safe by a boat. If this vessel had
been wrecked on the coast of Cornwall, it is
more than probable that the cargo would have
been plundered. We have presented the governor
with twenty dollars, for his extraordinary
energy, exertions, and great merit in the recovery
of the whole of this property.
The Prosperous, Captain Driver, a southwhaler,
was wrecked near Cape Noon, in 1790;
the crew was redeemed by me, and brought to
my house at Santa Cruz, after being upwards
of two years in captivity in the Desert: and I
sent them all from Santa Cruz to Mogodor on
mules, where, after remaining about two months,
the Bull-dog sloop of war came down from
Gibraltar for them, and they were sent off to
her by the imperial order.
p. 279
Wrecked Sailors.
English seamen that are so unfortunate as to
be wrecked on the coast of Sahara, are generally
better treated than the French, Italian, or
Spanish, because there is a greater probability
of a ransom; and because it is well known that
the English admit no slaves in their own
country.
Timbuctoo Coffee.
Coffee grows spontaneously in the vicinage of
Timbuctoo, south of the Nile Elabeed. I sent
a quantity to Mr. James Willis, formerly Consul
for Senegambia: it was of a bitter taste,
which is the general character of this grain before
it is improved by cultivation.
Sand Baths.
The Arabs bury the body erect in sand, up to
the chin, as a remedy for several disorders,
particularly syphilis.
Civil War common in West Barbary.
In the provinces of Haha and Suse, particularly
in the mountainous districts, intestine wars
frequently prevail: kabyl against kabyl, village
against village, house against house, family
against family. In these lamentable wars, which
[280]
so continually disturb the peace of society, retaliation
is considered an incumbent duty on
every individual who may have lost a relation,
so that the embers of hostility are thus incessantly
fanned; and this lamentable revenge
pervades whole clans, to the utter destruction
of every humane and philanthropic propensity,
converting the human race to a degradation
below the beasts of the field.
Policy of the Servants of the Emperor.
The Bashaws, and others holding responsible
situations in the empire, are continually purchasing
a good name and good report at court,
by courtesy to and by feeing the ministers of
the Emperor to report favourably of them,
whenever opportunity may offer. Incredible
sums are sometimes expended in this way.
El
183 Wah El Grarbee, or the Western Oasis.
The prince, Muley Abd Salam, elder brother of
the reigning Emperor, Muley Soliman, purchased,
on his return from the pilgrimage to Mecca,
a domain in (Santariah
184) the Oasis of Ammon
[281]
or Siwah, as a retreat; and being appointed by
his father Seedi Muhamed, viceroy of the province
of Suse
185, he was enabled to give succour
to the Shelluhs, inhabitants of that province,
on their pilgrimage to Mecca, and to entertain
them with the comforts of hospitality on their
passage through the Desert. This was the more
agreeable to these Shelluhs, because, after
passing a long journey of some thousands of
miles through Sahara, they reached, at Santariah,
not only a territory yielding every comfort
and necessary of life, but a country wherein
their own prince had authority, and wherein
their own native language is spoken and understood.
Footnote 183:
(return) In the Lybian Desert there are three Wahs (or Oasises,
as we call them): the greater, called El Wah El Kabeer;
the lesser, called El Wah Segrer; and the Oasis of Ammon,
called El Wah El Grarbie, i. e. the Wah of the West.
Footnote 185:
(return) See the map of West Barbary.
When this prince’s father, the emperor Seedi
Muhamed died
186, the prince Abdsalam engaged
Alkaid Hamed ben Abdsaddock, late governor
of Mogodor, to go to Santariah, and sell this domain
for him; which he accordingly did. It is
more than probable that the Shelluhs of Siwah
are an emigration from Suse.
Footnote 186:
(return) About twenty-eight years since.
Prostration, the etiquette of the Court of Marocco.
An ambassador from Great Britain was sent to
the court of Marocco, during the reign of Seedi
[282]
Muhamed, father of the present emperor, Soliman.
On his arrival at Fas, (where the court
was at that time held,) the (Mule M’shoer)
Master of the Audience, who was the (Sherreef)
Prince Muley Dris, came up to the ambassador
and informed him, that it was customary for all
persons coming into the imperial presence to
take off their shoes, and to prostrate themselves.
To these ceremonies the ambassador objected,
alleging that he was received by the king his
master with his shoes on; and that he presumed
the Emperor, on a proper representation being
made to him, would not exact from him greater
obedience than he paid to his own sovereign.
The master of the audience reported the interpretation
of the ambassador’s remarks to his imperial
master. The emperor paused, and (insinuating
that the ambassador was somewhat presumptuous
in placing a Christian king on a par
with a Muselman emperor) commanded the
prince to dismiss the ambassador for that time,
till the following day. In the interim, the
Emperor urged the master of the audience to
make diligent inquiry how the Christians conducted
themselves in the act of prayer before
the Almighty God; and whether they then uncovered
their feet, and prostrated themselves, as
Muhamedans did. The morning following, the
master of audience procured the necessary information
respecting this point, and acquainted
the Emperor that the English Christians, like
[283]
the Jews, prayed erect; but that they uncovered
their heads, and bowed at the name of Jesus of
Nazareth. “Go, then,” replied the emperor,
“and let the ambassador be presented to me
without uncovering his feet, and without prostration;
for I cannot require more obeisance
from a foreigner, than he himself pays to Almighty
God.”
Massacre of the Jews, and Attack on Algiers.
In the year 1806, when Algiers was attacked
by the Arabs of the mountains, and by the inhabitants
of the plains, the Jews of the city were
massacred. It was suggested to the present Emperor
of Marocco that a favourable opportunity
now offered to subdue Algiers, and add it to the
empire: but the Emperor replied, “That it was
wiser to secure and keep together all those provinces
that his father had left him, than to endeavour
by uncertain and expensive warfare to
extend his dominions, by invading a neighbouring
nation.”
Treaties with Muhamedan Princes.
Treaties of peace and commerce between the
Muselmen princes and Christian powers, are regarded
by the former no longer than it is expedient
to their convenience. Muselmen respect
[284]
treaties no longer than it is their apparent interest
so to do. When an ambassador once expostulated
with his imperial majesty for having infringed
on a treaty made, an emperor of Marocco
replied –“Dost thou think I am a Christian,
that I should be a slave to my word?”
Berebbers of Zimurh Shelleh.
This kabyl of Berebbers inhabit the plains
west and south-west of Mequinas. They are a
fine race of men, well-grown, and good figures;
they have a noble presence, and their physiognomy
resembles the ancient Roman. The laws
of hospitality, however, are disregarded among
them: they will plunder travellers who sojourn
with them, whenever they have an opportunity.
The European Merchants at Mogodor escape
from Decapitation.
The late emperor, Muley Yezzid, proceeded
from Mequinas to Marocco, with an army of
thirty thousand cavalry, to take the field against
the rebellious Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw
of the province of Abda, acting conjointly
with the bashaw of the province of Duquella,
who had collected an army of eighty thousand
men, of which fifty thousand were horse. The
[285]
Emperor, on his arrival at Marocco, was exasperated
against the kabyls of the south; and was
informed that the merchants of Mogodor had
supplied his rebel subject, Abdrahaman, with
ammunition. Enraged at this report, which
the exasperated state of his mind prompted
him to believe, he issued an order to the Governor
of Mogodor, implicating the greater
part of the European merchants of that port
of high treason, and ordered their decapitation.
This order was brought by one Fenishe, a relation
of Tahar Fenishe; who had been, some
years before, ambassador from Marocco to the
court of St. James’s. The Governor, however,
suspecting that the order had been issued in a
moment of irritation, delayed its execution, in
the hope that it might be countermanded; or,
in hope that the result of a battle would render
it unnecessary to be put in execution.–Soon
afterwards, news arrived at Mogodor that
the two armies had met, had fought, and the
Emperor had vanquished his antagonists, who
had more than double his force, but was himself
dangerously wounded. This induced the
governor still further to delay the execution;
having now ascertained that the order was obtained
by a stratagem of malicious and ill-disposed
people. The next day news came that
the Emperor suffered extremely from a ball in
the upper part of the thigh, which the surgeons
could not extract. The Emperor, in a fit of
[286]
frenzy, from pain or passion, took his (kumaya)
dagger, cut open the wound to the ball, and expired
soon after. Thus were the merchants of
Mogodor saved providentially from an untimely
death.
The Emperor Muley Yezzid’s Body disinterred.
When the united armies of Abda and Duquella
were vanquished and dispersed by the Imperial
troops, in the neighbourhood of Marocco,
the report became general that the Emperor was
wounded. It is asserted that several men in
ambush had orders to wait their opportunity to
fire at the Emperor, when he should approach;
and when the Emperor did approach the bush
wherein these men lay concealed, they all fired.
It appears, however, that only one shot had effect.
The Emperor finding himself wounded,
instead of being discouraged, was reanimated
to the combat, and entered into the midst of it;
a soldier by his side observed to him, that he
was wounded, and whilst expressing his hope
that it was not dangerous, the Emperor, with
one stroke of his sabre, cut off his head! Even
after the death of this redoubted warrior, the
people trembled, doubting the truth of his decease.
Abdrahaman went personally to Marocco
and had the body disinterred to ascertain the fact,
suspecting that the report of his death might be
a stratagem; but having ascertained it, he returned
[287]
to Saffy, and his brother Muley Esslemmah
was immediately proclaimed by Abdrahaman.
Doubts of the Emperor’s death still pervaded
the minds of men: it was reported that he had
been seen in the Atlas Mountains, in Draha, in
Suse. At length a person somewhat resembling
him in person, appeared between Wedinoon
and Ait Bamaran (see the map): the panic
took; and men from all parts of the country,
who had known the Emperor, hastened to Wedinoon
to ascertain the fact. Many who were too
curious were shot by order of this pretender, to
prevent the possibility of their returning to give
notice of the imposture. The immense number
of persons who now believed him to be Yezzid
was incalculable; his party increased and
multiplied, and he soon had thousands of followers
who supported his cause. The infatuation
of the vulgar and the bulk of the community
was astounding; for the renowned Muley
Yezzid, like his Majesty George IV., was the
first horseman in his empire, and the most accomplished
gentleman: whereas Buhellesa
187, for
so he was called in derision, was so bad a horseman
that he generally rode a mule.
Footnote 187:
(return) So called from his generally riding a mule, with a large
stuffed saddle, rising high before and behind, covering the
whole of the mule’s back, and forming a very secure seat.
This enormous and ponderous saddle-mattras is called Hellesa;
and as the Pretender rode on it, he was called Bû Hellesa;
that is the father of a Hellesa.
This man was reported to be an adept in the
occult sciences; and it was both reported and
credited, that the occult art enabled him to
multiply corn and provision for the army to any
quantity he might want. I was established at
Santa Cruz, which was three days’ horse-travelling
from Buhellesa’s standard; the (Shereef,)
Prince Abdsalam, brother to Yezzid, was then
resident there, and Viceroy of Suse. It was
the Prince Abdsalam’s desire to destroy this pretender;
for his army and followers exceeded
now thirty thousand men, the Prince sent to
Muhamed ben Delemy, khalif of Suse, and
sheik of the Duleim Arabs, whose castle was
about thirty miles south of Santa Cruz. Delemy
and the Prince were sworn friends: the latter
proposed to him to give battle to Buhellesa,
and so prevent the empire from being usurped.
Neither Delemy nor the Prince had funds to raise
an army; so that neither of them knew what
steps to take. Delemy, however, with the true
spirit of a Bedouin Arab, supported his friend
in his adversity, and promised to exert himself
to counteract the operations of the arch-hypocrite
Buhellesa. Collecting the sheiks of the
various kabyls of Suse, he made an energetic
harangue to them; and discussed with them
the expediency of their uniting together, to repel
the impostor. The sheiks were all loyal, and well
affected to Muley Abd Salam; whose government
of Suse, by his khaliff Delemy, added to
[289]
the hospitalities with which the Prince entertained
the people of Suse at his domain, the
Wah el Grabie, or the Oasis of Ammon, called
Santariah, ingratiated Muley Abd Salam so much
in their favour and esteem, that they all unanimously
(passed l’âad
188) joined hands, and determined,
each individually, to raise his respective
kabyl to support the cause of Muley Abd Salam.
In a short time they raised an army
among themselves of ten thousand horse, and
determined to attack Buhellesa, so soon as he
should begin to move forwards, and before he
should reach Terodant, in his way to Marocco;
for there he had a strong party, which would
augment his forces. The hero Delemy, who was
as valiant a soldier as Muley Yezzid himself, and
as expert and dextrous in the management of the
horse, determined therefore, with less than half
the force of his antagonist, to attack him, before
he should be able to gather more strength. The
army of the sheiks joined, and proceeded towards
Wedinoon. At night they learned that Buhellesa,
with an army of 22,000 men, mostly horse, having
[290]
been apprised of Delemy’s preparations and
movements, had proceeded through Ait Bamaran
towards Shtuka, and that he intended to
attack Delemy’s castle. On hearing this, the
army halted for an hour, and returned towards
Shtuka again. In the morning they came up
with Buhellesa, who was encamped about four
hours south of Delemy’s castle. The march of
Delemy’s troops, all hardy warriors and men of
valour, was so rapid, that Buhellesa was taken
by surprise. The battle lasted seven hours;
during which Delemy’s brother was wounded
and unhorsed, in the midst of the enemy’s
troops: but being unknown, and in a similar
dress with the rest, he recovered himself by
the assistance of some friends, sent to him by
his brother the khalif, and was enabled to rejoin
his own troops. Buhellesa was so hard pressed,
that he made his retreat into a house: on being
attacked there, his pistol missed fire, and he
was overcome. They immediately cut off his
head and his arms, when his army dispersed,
most of them making the best of their
way to Wedinoon. That same night, the man
of Shtuka, who first attacked Buhellesa, was
dispatched with his head and feet to Muley
Abd Salam, at Santa Cruz.
Footnote 188:
(return) The L’aad of the Arabs is a joining of hands, without
Shaking: the palms of the right hands of the parties coming
in contact with each other, and the thumbs over each other.
This is a solemn obligation among them; a calling God to
witness their resolution of mutual assistance, offensive and defensive;
a swearing to stand by each other till death; an
obligation that nothing can dissolve; such a pledge, that if a
man were to break it, he would be execrated and rejected
from society!
The reported approach of Buhellesa, with so
strong a force, had urged me to ship all the
property I could collect; and I was on the beach
early the following morning, directing the
[291]
shipment of my property; when taking a
ride along the beach, I met an Arab, with
a basket before him, and a foot sticking out
of it. “Salam u alik,” I exclaimed, “And
what have you got there?”–“Alik Salam,”
said the Arab, “I have got Buhellesa’s head
and feet here: I killed him myself; and the
khalif Delemy has sent me with them to the
Prince. Dost thou think the Prince will reward
me?”–“Certainly,” said I, “for such
an essential service.” The Prince gave the
Arab one hundred duckets
189; the guns were
fired; and the head and feet were hung over
an embrasure of the round battery, facing the
south. Thus terminated the career of Buhellesa.
A short time after this, I was on a visit to
Delemy, and he accompanied me to the field
of battle; which was an undulating plain, not
unlike that of Waterloo: and the house to
which Buhellesa made his escape, was not unlike
the hotel de la Belle Alliance on the plains
of Waterloo, having, however, a flat roof.
Shelluhs: their Revenge and Retaliation.
A Shelluh, of the province of Suse, had
been a servant in the house of Mr. Hutchison,
[292]
British Consul at Mogodor fifteen years; but it
happened to be twenty years since a relation of
his, in Suse, had been killed, to whom he was
the next of kin but one: but the next of kin
dying, it devolved upon him to seek retaliation;
no opportunity, however, having occurred, he
determined to go to Suse to fulfil this his calling.
Now above twenty years had elapsed since
the death or murder of the relation of Bel Kossem,
the Consul’s servant. This man, foregoing
the eligibility of his place, apprised the Consul
of his intention to leave him. Mr. Hutchison,
who esteemed him not a little for his long and
faithful services, was astonished to hear of his
determination to depart; and, apprehending
that he might want an increase of pay, he offered
to increase it: but Bel Kossem told him that an
imperious duty devolved on him to revenge the
blood of his ancestor. Accordingly he received
his wages, and departed forthwith for Suse. A
few months afterwards he found an opportunity
of killing his enemy, which being done, it was
expected that this Shelluh would now return to
Mogodor, and resume his place again; but by a
parity of reasoning, it devolved to the next of
kin of the man recently killed to seek revenge
for his murdered relation, but Bel Kossem,
to avoid the like fate, went into a distant country.
This duty of revenging death, is rigidly
pursued among the Shelluhs, so that one murder
often produces ten, or even twenty deaths; each
revenging his relation or next of kin.
Travelling in Barbary.
It is extremely difficult, whilst travelling in
this country, to ascertain from the natives the
distance of any (douar) encampment of Arabs:
the general answer to such a question is (wahud
saa), “an hour,” but this is a very indefinite term,
being used for a distance from two to twelve
miles, or more; therefore, as these people have
no definite notions of time or distance, the only
way of ascertaining distances, is by knowing the
rate at which the caravan goes, which is a regular
pace, and consulting your watch; by this
means, the distance of any journey, however
long, may be accurately ascertained.
Anecdote displaying the African Character, and
showing them to be now what they were anciently,
under Jugurtha.
A Muhamedan was sent to prison, for having
killed a man; and after remaining there some time,
it was expected that the Emperor’s order would
come to have him shot, or to have his right hand
cut off, with which it was presumed he killed his
enemy. A friend of the prisoner, willing to liberate
him, that he might escape the punishment
that awaited him, engaged a person well acquainted
with the prison to procure his enlargement;
accordingly he promised him a sum of
[294]
money, if he would effect this purpose. It was
agreed that the money should be paid. The liberator
was then to prove to the man advancing
the money, that he had accomplished his purpose.
The night in which his liberation was to
be attempted was fixed on; ropes were ready to
enable the prisoner to escape over the prison-wall.
In the mean time the next of kin of the
man who had been murdered, sought the blood
of the prisoner, and was persuaded by the man
that had engaged to liberate the prisoner,
that the latter was not in prison, that he had
made his escape, but that the former would
undertake to put him in his power, so as to
enable him to accomplish his revenge. This
was agreed to, and accordingly a sum of money
was paid as a remuneration for the service.
All matters were arranged, and the person
who paid the money was desired to be on the
rock, near the prison, outside of the town
wall, at two o’clock in the morning, and
there he would find his enemy. The person
who made the first engagement was directed
to be at the same spot at three o’clock.
In the mean time the liberation was effected at
two o’clock, and the prisoner was informed that
his friend would meet him under the rock at
three o’clock, to conduct him to a place secure
from discovery. Soon after two o’clock, the
next of kin to the person whom the prisoner had
killed came and plunged a dagger into his heart;
[295]
afterwards came the other man, and saw the body
of his friend, whom he recognized. On expostulating
with the liberator, the latter replied,
“I have executed my engagement to liberate
your friend; I am entitled to my reward: what
has happened to him since his liberation is no
concern of mine; see you to that. But I should
inform you, that soon after his liberation, I saw
a man approach, and fearing that I was discovered,
I ran and hid myself under a rock. In a
short time I returned and found your friend weltering
in his blood. When I approached him, he
had just time before he expired to name to me his
murderer, who, he said, was the next of kin to the
man he had himself killed.”–Note, The Shelluhs
consider it a duty incumbent on them, each, individually
to revenge the blood of their family; that
they are bound to seek the murderer, if possibly
he can be found. Such is their invariable attention
to this principle of revenging blood for
blood, that I have known instances of men who
have relinquished eligible appointments, to go
into distant countries, several years after a
murder has been committed, to revenge the
death of a relation, after becoming, by intervening
death, the next of kin of the murdered
person.
The lamentable effects of this fatal retaliation
is such, that one death often produces twenty
murders, and afterwards involves whole kabyls
in intestine wars.
It is remarkable, that the more duplicity they
use in these horrid transactions, the more merit
is ascribed to the agent; who is praised in proportion
to the extent of his ingenuity, or duplicity,
as was the case with the liberator above
mentioned.
Every Nation is required to use its own Costume.
The Jews in West and South Barbary, have a
predilection for the European costume, in preference
to their own, the former being respected,
the latter not: moreover the character of a merchant
is highly respected by the Moors, and the
European dress is a kind of passport to a man as
such. One day, the Emperor seeing in the place
of audience, at a great distance, a gentleman,
apparently an European ambassador, ordered
the master of the audience to go and see who he
was, and what nation he represented; but it
being discovered that he was a Marocco Jew,
his scarlet and gold dress was torn from him,
and a burnose, (a large black cloak, the costume
of the Jews of the lower order,) was put over him,
when he was buffetted and kicked out of the place
of audience. The Emperor was exasperated at
this circumstance, which he considered a vain deception:
he ordered his secretary to write to all
the ports in his dominions, to desire that Jews
should wear the burnose, that Christians only
should wear the European costume, and Moors
[297]
and Arabs theirs; so that thus every individual
might be known by their respective dress. On
this occasion, an opulent Hebrew merchant at
Mogodor felt so much the insults he was exposed
to, from wearing the Jewish costume, that
he actually paid several thousand dollars to obtain
the privilege he had formerly enjoyed,
which, in consequence of his being an opulent
man, and a foreign merchant, was granted to
him.
The name of this gentleman would here be
mentioned to gratify the curious; but as it might
give umbrage to his family, and as the intention
here is only to describe the character and manners
of the country, there is, I conceive no necessity
for stating personalities.
Ali Bey (El Abassi), Author of the Travels
under that Name.
This extraordinary character visited Marocco
about the year 1805 or 1806. He pretended to
be a native of Aleppo, called in Arabic Hellebee,
and was known by the name of Seed Hellebee,
which signifies “the gentleman of Aleppo.”
Europeans, as well as himself, since his return to
Europe, have converted this name into Ali Bey,
of the family of the Abassides. This gentleman
possessed abilities of no ordinary degree, he was
supplied with money in abundance by the Spanish
government. He had not been long at
[298]
Mogodor, when his munificence began to excite
the suspicion of the governor, as well as the admiration
and applause of the populace. Adopting
the costume of the country, he professed
himself to be a Muselman; and as a pretext for
not speaking the
190 Arabic language, he pretended
that he had gone from Aleppo, the place of his
nativity, to England when very young, and had
forgotten it. He had, as he declared, considerable
property in the Bank of England. Being
desirous of collecting all the information possible
respecting the country, he procured two young
Spanish renegado musicians, who played on the
guitar, and sung Arabic airs and songs, with
which he affected to be highly delighted, these
musicians, however, served his purpose in another
way; for, being apprehensive of creating
suspicion by direct enquiries, he prevailed on
these renegadoes to procure the information he
desired, by giving them from time to time several
questions to which they procured direct
answers, as reported by the natives.
Footnote 190:
(return) He afterwards learned the Arabic language, and I believe
spoke it tolerably well when he quitted this country and
proceeded to Mekka.
One day he gave a fête champêtre at (L’arsa
Sultan), the
191 Sultan’s garden, situated near a
[299]
very picturesque rivulet, and contiguous to
springs of excellent water, which being collected
in a large tank, was conveyed by an aqueduct,
which extended the length of the garden, to immerge
or irrigate the various beds of flowers and
plants. On his return home, as he was crossing
the river near the village of Diabet, a Shelluh
shot a large fish as it was passing the shallows,
Seed Hellebee, or Seed Ali Bey admired the
dexterity of the Shelluh, (who, from his quickness,
was nicknamed Deib, i.e. the fox,) and
desired him to take the fish to his house at Mogodor,
which he accordingly did, and received
from Ali Bey’s secretary a handful of dollars.
This Shelluh was a keen sportsman, and seldom
or never missed his shot: he generally accompanied
me in my shooting excursions, and he told
me this circumstance himself, adding, that Ali
Bey was such a liberal man, that, where any
other gentleman gave a dollar, he gave a handful.
It was in this manner that Ali Bey purchased
his popularity.
Footnote 191:
(return) This garden is in the province of Haha, about five miles
S.S.E. of Mogodor, and belongs to the European Commerce,
to whom it was presented by the Late Emperor Seedi Muhamed
ben Abdallah.
The governor of Mogodor, Alkaid Muhamed
ben Abdsaddock now began to suspect, not only
the faith of this soi disant Muhamedan, but that
he had some design unavowed; and desirous of
ascertaining to what nation of Christendom he
belonged, the governor engaged Monsieur Depras,
a respectable French merchant of Mogodor,
who understood several languages, to ascertain
if he was a Frenchman, and if not, who and what
[300]
he was. The governor, in order to enable M.
Depras to converse with Ali Bey, invited them
both to tea; this introduction being effected the
next day, Depras called on Ali Bey, and conversed
with him during an hour in the French language,
which he spoke so well, that the former
thought there was no doubt of his being a Frenchman.
But soon after this, the Spanish Consul was
announced, and being introduced, Seed Ali Bey
changed his discourse to Spanish, which he also
spoke so correctly, that Depras now altered his
opinion, and conceiving him to be a Spaniard, took
his leave. He then reported to the governor what
he had seen and heard, that he spoke French
and Spanish so fluently, that he really did not
know whether he was a Frenchman or a Spaniard.
Ali Bey continued to live in a most sumptuous
and costly style, and afterwards resolved to visit
Marocco. On his journey thither, he was particularly
inquisitive respecting the population,
produce, names and residencies of the (sheiks)
chiefs of Haha and Shedma, through which provinces
he passed. On his arrival at Marocco, he
still continued his magnificent establishment and
sumptuous mode of living; distributing money
to the people bountifully, on the most trifling
occasions, which mode of conduct procured him
universal popularity among the lower orders.
This soon excited the suspicions of Alkaid Bushta,
the governor of Marocco, who ingenuously
[301]
informed him, that such liberality was fit only
for a Christian country, and that he was mistaken
if he flattered himself that it would be
tolerated at Marocco, and actually desired him
to adopt a different and a more parsimonious
system, if he wished to be quiet; alleging, that
his munificence exceeded that of his Imperial
Majesty, which was highly indecorous; but afterwards
finding little attention was paid to his
injunction, he published a decree throughout the
city, that any one that should be found asking
for, or receiving money from Ali Bey, should
have a very severe bastinado! After residing
some time at Marocco, he expressed a desire to
visit the Atlas mountains, which appear a few
miles east of Marocco, but which are, in fact, a
whole day’s journey; their immense size and
height making them to appear so much nearer
than they really are. Ali Bey apprehending the
hostility of Alkaid Bushta, he procured an imperial
order to visit the Atlas, but Bushta opposed
it, and would not, he said, permit him,
he being governor of Marocco, without having
himself directly from the Emperor a permission
to that purpose. He then represented to the Emperor
the impolicy of allowing him to go and
examine that country; and the imperial order
was immediately countermanded.
People now began to imagine that he was an
agent of Bonaparte; and their suspicion that he
was a Christian spread far and near. It was discovered
[302]
also that he had corns on his feet, excrescences
unknown to Muselmen, whose shoes
are made tight over the instep, and loose over
the toes, so that the latter being unconfined and
at liberty, they never have corns.
Notwithstanding all these suspicions, the courtesy
and suavity of the manners of Ali Bey had
such influence on the imperial mind, that Muley
Soliman gave him a beautiful garden to reside
in, wherein there was a (kôba) pavilion. Ali
Bey, finding his influence considerable, erected
with architectural taste several edifices, suited,
as he thought, to the imperial gusto, in which
he succeeded so well that his Imperial Majesty,
when he returned the next year to Marocco, resided
almost exclusively in one of the pavilions
which he had erected.
The splendour of the imperial favour did not
however continue long; for Ali Bey began now
to be suspected by the Emperor himself, and it
was bruited that his renegadoes had acted
treacherously towards him.
Ali Bey’s knowledge of astronomy was peculiarly
gratifying to the Emperor. He could not
altogether withdraw from him his attention. The
Emperor urged him to take unto himself a wife,
and become an useful member of society; but Ali
objected, alleging various motives for refusing.
He was however at length prevailed on to comply
with the imperial injunction, and the Emperor
gave him a young girl to marry. It was
[303]
anticipated that his new wife was a political one,
and would betray him to be an uncircumcised
dog. The wife, however, became extremely attached
to him, and no information could be procured
from her to favour the plot that had been
laid for him. Various suspicions having increased
respecting him, the Emperor finally resolved
that he should quit his territory; and an
order was issued that himself, his wife, and slaves
should be escorted to the port of L’Araich, and
there embark for Europe. When the military
guard, however, had reached the port of L’Araich,
the boat being ready, Ali Bey was desired to
embark, when, not suspecting any stratagem,
the boatmen pushed off, leaving his disconsolate
wife on the beach, bewailing his abrupt departure.
The lady appeared deeply affected with
this sudden and unexpected separation; and
jumping out of the litter tore her dishevelled
hair, and distributed it to the winds, and with
loud shrieks, which pierced the air, demonstrated
to him how sorely she lamented his premature
departure, and violent separation. His principal
slave was sold, by order of the Emperor’s minister,
to Seed Abdel’mjeed Buhellel, a merchant
of Fas, who was lately in London, and the money
was given to his wife.
During his residence at Fas, he predicted an
eclipse, and, having foretold to the people of that
city, that it would happen at such a time, they
waited for the event with considerable curiosity.
[304]
Now his knowledge of futurity had spread abroad
with demonstrations of amazement; the eclipse
happened precisely at the time he had predicted,
which established his fame as an (alem min alem),
a man wiser than the wise.
During the latter part of his residence in West
Barbary, a report prevailed that Bonaparte was
preparing an immense army to invade and subjugate
the country. Ali Bey was not only suspected
to be his secret agent, but some persons
were even ridiculous enough to declare that he
was Bonaparte himself in disguise; and accordingly
he was denominated Parte, for they would
not add Bona, as that word signifies good, in the
lingua franca of Barbary, and Bonaparte, they
said was not good, but a devil incarnate; so
they called him Parte. Last year I met in
London the Moor who had purchased Ali Bey’s
slave, and he told me that his son by the before-mentioned
wife lives at Fas; that he is a very
amiable and intelligent youth, about fifteen or
sixteen years of age; and that he is very poor,
and would have starved, but for the charity and
protection of the highly respected fakeer of the
city of Fas, Muley Dris, under whose roof he
resides, and is indebted to him for protection
and patronage. This man would be an acquisition
to the African Association, and means
might be adopted to engage him in their service
to explore Sudan.
The Emperor’s Attack of Diminet, in the Atlas.
The emperor Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah
levied a powerful army, and took the field against
Diminet, in the mountains of Atlas, east of Marocco.
The people of Diminet, and the territory
of Berebbers, east of that country, had also
levied a strong force to defend themselves.
The Diminets were taken by surprise; for
they had not had intimation of an attack from
Marocco. The Emperor himself, with a few attendants
disguised in the Berebber dress, advanced
a few miles ahead of the army. A party
of mountaineers had received orders from their
sheik, (when the latter was informed that the
Emperor’s army was coming against them,) to
seek the Emperor, and endeavour to kill him.
They mistook the Emperor and his party for Berebbers,
as His Majesty spoke the language correctly,
and had in the early part of his life lived
among them. “Where is the Emperor’s guard?”
the mountaineers enquired; “for we are in search
of them: we hear he is coming to attack us, in
our inaccessible mountains; but we will be beforehand
with him, and dispatch him before he reaches
us. Dost thou know where he is, or where his
guard is.” “We do know,” replied the Emperor;
“for, about an hour behind us, we passed a few
men on horseback, among whom was the Emperor;
but the army is a long way behind: if you
make speed, you will soon pass him, and it will
be an easy matter for you to put the whole party
[306]
to the sword, for they are not a dozen altogether.”
The Berebbers, elated with this news, communicated
from a party whom they mistook for brethren
of the neighbouring kabyl, rode off at
speed to seek their enemy, and in a short time
found themselves surrounded by the Emperor’s
army, who were scattered about in ambush.
These Berebbers were all secured, and were
threatened with torture if they would not
discover where the army of their brethren
was, and what was their plan. The party
discovered the plan and the place of their encampment,
which was not far off in recesses
of the mountain, and received a promise of remuneration
if found correct. By this discovery,
the imperial army was enabled to surprise the
rebels; the latter were dispersed, and their houses
burned. Thus were they prevented from harassing
the Emperor’s army, which is their ordinary
mode of warfare. To subjugate these people
would be impossible: it has often been attempted,
but never succeeded. The only lien
the Emperor can get of them is, by having at
court about his person their sheik, whom he then
makes answerable for the obedience of the
kabyl.
Moral Justice.
The imperial army being encamped in
Temsena, on the confines of Tedla, (see the
map,) an Arab chieftain found that a friend
[307]
of the Emperor came into his keyma
192 at night,
and took liberties with his wife. The Arab
suspected that he was (shereef) a prince, and
therefore did not dare to kill him, but preferred
a complaint to the Emperor. The Emperor
was vexed to hear of such a gross breach of
hospitality, and asked what time he made his
visits? “At one hour after midnight,” the Arab
replied. Then, said the Emperor, “when he comes,
do you let me know by giving the watch-word
to this man, and he will then know what to do;
and depend thou on my seeing justice done to
thee for the aggression.” The marauder came;
the Arab repaired to the guard of the imperial
tent, and gave the word; the guard apprised the
emperor, as he was directed, who personally repaired
to the tent of the Arab, and, being convinced
of the fact, ran the man through with
his lance; this was done without a light. The
body was brought before the tent, and it was
discovered to be an officer of the imperial guard.
The Emperor, on seeing that it was not a shereef
(a prince) prostrated himself in fervent prayer
for a considerable time. The courtiers who were
all assembled by this time to witness this extraordinary
occurrence, wondered what could induce
the Emperor to be so fervent in prayer;
which his majesty observing, told them, “that
he went alone to the tent, thinking that nobody
[308]
but a shereef would have dared to commit such
a breach of hospitality, in so open a manner;
therefore he killed him without having a light,
lest, on discovering him to be a prince, personal
affection might give way to justice; but that
when he discovered that it was not a relation, he
returned thanks to God Almighty, that, in his
determination to have justice administered, he
had not killed his own son!”
Footnote 192:
(return) Keyma is the name for an Arab’s tent; they are made
of goats’ hair, and are black.
Contest between the Emperor and the Berebbers of
Atlas.
March 10, 1797. The Sultan Soliman proceeds
with a powerful army against the warlike province
of Shawiya, the rebellious Arabs’ retreat.
The imperial army takes some of the women
who are renowned for personal charms. The
army can get no food; and, being in danger of
starving, returns to Salee. The Arabs promise
submission, in hopes of having the women restored;
but the Emperor’s officers violate them.
The Arabs swear vengeance (alia l’imin
193) by
their right hand. The emperor attacks them
again, is repulsed, and returns to Fas.
Footnote 193:
(return) Alia l’imin, swearing by the right hand, is a sacred
oath; and those who take it will not swerve from its obligation,
which is peremptory.
Characteristic Trait of Muhamedans.
One of the Emperor’s ministers, when an
English fleet was cruising off Salee, and just
[309]
after some impost had been levied on the merchandise
already purchased and warehoused by
the Christian merchants, suggested the impolicy
at that moment, of harsh measures against Europeans:
the Emperor, in a jocose manner, asked
what harm he could suffer from the fleets of
Europeans? “They could destroy your Imperial
Majesty’s ports,” replied the minister.
“Then I would build them again for one-half
what it would cost them to destroy them. But
if they dared to do that, I could retaliate, by
sending out my cruisers to take their trading
ships, which would so increase the premiums of
insurance (for the (kaffers) infidels insure all
things on earth, trusting nothing to God
194), that
they would be glad to sue for peace again.”
Footnote 194:
(return) The Muhamedans abuse the Christians for their mistrust
of Providence, exemplified in their insuring ships,
merchandise, &c.
Political Deception.
When an embassy is going to the Emperor,
the alkaid of the escort endeavours to make the
present, which necessarily accompanies every
embassy, as bulky and conspicuous as possible,
that the Arabs of the kabyls through which they
pass, may be dazzled and astounded with the
great appearance of the presents, which the
alkaid proclaims to consist chiefly of money, or
treasure. The Arabs accordingly observed, on
Mr. Matra’s (the British consul) presents, that
[310]
the English, who had conquered Bonaparte in
Egypt, and were masters of the ocean and seas,
yet were tributary to the Sultan. This idea is
industriously propagated by the officers of the
Emperor’s court. “Thinkest thou,” they ohserved,
“that these Christians give such large
presents with a free-will? Certainly not! They
are compelled to do so. The (Romee) Europeans
are too fond of money to give it away in such
loads,–even the English, thou seest, are tributary
to the Seed.”
195
Footnote 195:
(return) A higher title among the true Arabs than Emperor: it
implies conjointly, Emperor, Father of the People, Protector,
and Brother.
Etiquette of the Court of Marocco.
The European commerce of Mogodor went
to pay their respects to the Emperor Seedi Muhamed,
on his arrival, from Fas, at Marocco, as
is customary. The Emperor’s son, Muley El
Mamune, was master of the audience, and ordered
the commerce to advance into the imperial
presence; and standing barefooted, as is the
custom before the Emperor, he requested the
merchants to take off their shoes, as he had
done; but they expostulated, and said it was
not their custom. The Prince, however, stopped
them, and would not allow them to approach
the imperial presence without first submitting
to this ceremony. Seedi Muhamed, observing
the impediment, and knowing the cause, but
[311]
willing at the same time to initiate the young
prince in the custom of foreign countries, called
his son to him, and said, “What do muselmen
do, when they enter the Jamaa?”
196 “Revere
the holy ground, by entering barefooted,” replied
the prince.–“And what do the Christians,
when they enter their church?”–“They take
off their hats,” rejoined the Prince. (Allah e
berk Amer Seedi,
197) “God bless your Majesty’s
life.”–“Then, what would you more of these
my merchants, than that they pay me, even the
same respect that they pay when they pray to
Allah. Let them approach uncovered, with
their shoes on, which they never take off, but
to go to bed to rest”.
Footnote 196:
(return) An Arabic or Korannick word, signifying, the congregation
of prayer, or mosque.
The province of Ait Atter, or the Atterites,
in Lower Suse, is considered as an independent
province, and it pays no tribute. They have a
great dislike to kadis
198, talbs, and attornies, alleging
that they only increase disputes between
man and man, which is not at all necessary; all
disputes are, therefore, decided by the sheik,
who is not a logical wrangler, but decides according
[312]
to the simplest manner. The following
decree of their sheik is on record:–
“Four men conjointly bought a mule, which
for elucidation, we will call A, B, C, and D:
each claimed a leg. D’s leg was the off-hind
one. In a few days this leg began to swell: it
was agreed to cure it by (el keeh) burning it
with a hot iron, (a common remedy in this
country.) This done, the mule was turned out,
and went into a field of barley. Some spark was
attached to the hoof, and set fire to the corn,
which was consumed. The proprietors of the
barley applied to the sheik for justice; and A,
B, C, and D, the owners of the mule, were
summoned to appear. The sheik, finding the
leg which caused the barley to be burnt, belonged
to D, ordered him to pay the value of the
barley. D expostulated, and maintained that he
had no right to pay; for, if it had not been for
A, B, and C’s portions of the mule, the barley
would have remained. “How so?” replied the
sheik. “Because,” quoth D, “the leg which
belongs to me cannot touch the ground; but it
was brought to the corn-field by the legs of A,
B, and C, which were the efficient cause of the
ignition of the barley. The sheik reversed his
decree, and ordered A, B, and C to pay the
damage, and D got off without expense.
Footnote 198:
(return) Kadis, i.e. judges. Talbs, i.e. record writers. Kadi is
generally spelt by the Europeans of the south Cadi, because
they have no K in their alphabet: the Arabs have no C; the
letter is Kaf or K, not C.
Customs of the Shelluhs of the Southern Atlas, viz.>
of Idaultit (in Lower Suse.)
The mountains of Idaultit are inhabited by a
courageous and powerful people, strict to their
honour and word, unlike their neighbours of
Elala. They make verbal contracts between
themselves, and never go to law, or record their
contracts or agreements, trusting implicitly to
each other’s faith and honour. If a man goes to
this country to claim a debt due, he cannot receive
it while there, but must first leave the country,
and trust to the integrity of the Idaultitee,
who will surely pay when convenient, but cannot
bear compulsion or restraint. They do not acknowledge
any sultan, but have a divan of their
own, called Eljma, who settle all disputes between
man and man. These people cultivate the plains,
when there is no khalif in Suse; but when there
is, they retire to the fastnesses in their mountains,
and defy the arm of power; satisfying
themselves with the produce of the mountains.
Connubial Customs.
The (shereef) Prince Muley Bryhim, son of
the present Emperor Soliman, was married to the
daughter of the bashaw Abdrahaman ben Nassar,
who was powerful and rebellious, and prevented
the Emperor for some time from proceeding to
the south. This couple was married in 1803.
The bashaw died the same year; and in 1805
[314]
she was divorced, and sent by the Emperor to
Mogodor, with orders to a sheik of Shedma to
marry her, it being considered a degradation
for a prince to be united to the daughter of a
rebellious subject. This happened in January,
1806. The widow of the late Prince Muley
Abdrahaman, who rebelled against his father,
and who was elder brother to the Emperor Soliman,
has been recently sent by the Emperor to
Bu Azar, a negro bashaw, and governor of the
city of Terodant, in Suse, to marry her. These
marriages are promoted by the royal decree, to
prevent the females from contaminating the royal
blood by illicit connection, if they remain divorced,
without a new husband.
Political Duplicity.
A fakeer having interceded in behalf of a
state prisoner, his friend, who was confined in
the island of Mogodor (the state prison of the
empire, except for princes, who are sent to
Tafilelt), the Emperor assured him he would release
him; and urged the fakeer to proceed to
Mogodor, and wait there his Majesty’s arrival.
The fakeer departed, and soon after his arrival
at Mogodor, he learned that the Emperor was
not going there; but the alkaid of Mogodor
showed him a letter from the Emperor, ordering
him to retain the prisoner in safe keeping, and
not attend to what the fakeer should say. This
system of breaking engagements and promises,
is too often denominated policy. “Dost thou
[315]
think I am a Christian,” said an emperor to a
prince who was expostulating with him for not
fulfilling his engagements,–“Dost thou think I
am a Christian, to be a slave to my word?”
Senor P. a Spanish merchant, received a letter
from the Emperor, directed to the (alkaid) governor
of Rabat, ordering him to show Senor P.
every attention, and to assist him if he should
be desirous of establishing a house at Rabat.
Senor P. left the court at Mequinas, well satisfied
with his letter; but a few days after his
arrival, the alkaid told him he must embark
and quit the country in twenty-four hours,
by the Emperor’s order, which he showed to
Senor P. who could read Arabic. He was
obliged to embark immediately.
Etiquette of Language at the Court of Marocco.
If the Emperor should enquire about any person
that has recently died, it is not the etiquette
to mention the word “death,”–a muselmen is
supposed never to die;–the answer is Ufah
Ameruh, “his destiny is closed,” or “he has
completed his destiny.” To which the following
answer is invariably given–Allah ê Erhammoh,
“God be merciful to him.” If a Jew’s
death is announced to any muselman prince,
fakeer, or alkaid, the expression is, Maat
hashak asseedi, “He is dead, Sir.” Ashak is
an Arabic idiom, the exact meaning of which
cannot easily be conveyed in English; but it
may be assimilated to–“Pardon me for mentioning
[316]
in your presence a name contemptible
or gross (as Jew).” Thus, for further elucidation
to the enquirer after the peculiarities of language,
Kie ‘tkillem ma el Kaba hashak asseedi,–“He
is talking with a prostitute–your pardon,
Sir, for the grossness of the expression.”
If a man goes to the alkaid, to make a
complaint against any one for doing any indecent
act, and in relating the circumstance
he omits the word hashak asseedi, the persons
present will interrupt him thus,–Kul hashak
b’adda, “Say hashak before you proceed.”
Blood, dung, dirt, pimp, procuress, prostitute,
traitor, &c. &c. are words that (in correct company)
are invariably followed by the qualifying
word hashak.
If a Christian is dead, the expression is Mat
el kaffer, or Mat el karan, or Mat bel karan,
“The infidel is dead,” “the cuckold, or the
son of a cuckold is dead.”
Food.
Kuscasoe is, flour moistened with water, and
granulated with the hand to the size of partridge-shot.
It is then put into a steamer uncovered,
under which fowls, or mutton, and vegetables,
such as onions, and turnips, are put to boil:
when the steam is seen to pass through the
kuscasoe it is taken off and shook in a bason,
to prevent the adhesion of the grains; and then
put in the steamer again, and steamed a second
time. When it is taken off, some butter,
[317]
salt, pepper, and saffron, are mixed with it, and
it is served up in a large bowl. The top is garnished
with the fowl or mutton, and the onions
and turnips. When the saffron has made it the
colour of straw, it has received the proper quota.
This is, when properly cooked, a very palatable
and nutritious dish.
Hassua is gruel boiled, and then left over the
fire two hours. It is made with barley not ground
into flour, but into small particles the size of
sparrow-shot. It is a very salubrious food for
breakfast, insomuch that they have a proverb
which intimates that physicians need never go
to those countries wherein the inhabitants break
their fast with hassua.
El Hasseeda is barley roasted in an earthen
pan, then powdered in a mortar, and mixed with
cold water, and drank. This is the travelling
food of the country–of the Arab, the Moor,
the Berebber, the Shelluh, and the Negro; and
is universally used by travellers in crossing the
Sahara: the Akkabas that proceed from Akka
and Tatta to Timbuctoo, Houssa, and Wangara,
are always provided with a sufficient quantity of
this simple restorative to the hungry stomach.
The Woled Abbusebah, a whole Clan of Arabs,
banished from the Plains of Marocco.
This populous, powerful, and valiant kabyl,
during the former part of the reign of the Sultan
Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah, father of the
[318]
present Emperor Soliman, occupied the plains
west of the city of Marocco (being an emigration
from the Bedouin tribe of the same name
in the Sahara); but their depredatory disposition
made travelling through their territory unsafe;
wherefore the Emperor, after endeavouring in
vain to make an example of them, issued a decree
that they should all to a man leave his dominions,
and they were driven by his army out
of their country to the south, and entered the
Sahara. The whole kabyl was thus outlawed,
so that they were plundered and killed as they
passed through the plains of Fruga, Ait Musie,
Haha, and Suse, by the natives of those countries
respectively. Not half the number that
emigrated, (which was some thousands,) reached
the original clan in the Sahara.
The Koran, called also El Kateb el Aziz.
The word Koran conveys the same signification
as Bible: it means “the reading” or “the
book;”–kora, “to read; “el Kateb el Aziz, i.e.
“the dear or beloved book,” meaning thereby
the Koran.
Arabian Music.
The Sultan Seedi Muhamed, after hearing the
musical band of the Marquis de Vialli, ambassador
from Venice, expressed his gratification at
the music of the Italians, and laconically observed
that it possessed more harmony than that
of any other nation, excepting his own.
Sigin Messa. (Sigilmessa.)
The country of Sigin Messa, called in the
maps Sigilmessa, was the state prison of the
kingdom of Suse, when it formed a part of the
empire of Muley el Monsore, in the twelfth
century of the Christian era. Messa, a port in
Suse, was then a large city, and the capital of
the kingdom of Suse. The state prisoners were
sent to a place of safe keeping, which was east
of Tafilelt, and was therefore called Sigin
Messa, i.e. the prison of Messa.
Mungo Park at Timbuctoo.
In the month of March, 1806, a letter was
received at Mogodor by Seedi L’Abes Buhellal
Fasee, from his liberated slave at Timbuctoo.
This letter was in Arabic, and the following is an
extract literally translated from it by myself:–
“A boat arrived a few days since from the
West at Kabra, having two or three Christians
in it. One was (rajel kabeer) a tall man, who
stood erect in the boat, which displayed (shinjuk
bied) a white flag. The inhabitants of Kabra
did not, however, understand the signal to be
emblematic of peace, and no one went to the
boat, although it remained at anchor before
Kabra the whole day, till night. In the morning
it was gone.”
Troglodytæ.
The Shelluhs of the Atlas, south-east of Santa
[320]
Cruz, in Suse, during the rainy season, from
November till February inclusive, live in caves
and excavations in the rocks and earth; laying
up provisions sufficient for that period, until the
snow begins to melt. The Berebbers of North
Atlas have followed the same custom from time
immemorial.
Police of West Barbary.
When the present Emperor came to the
throne, he gave indefatigable attention to the
police. He wished, he said, to make the roads
safe for travellers, from the Desert, or Sahara,
to the shores of the Mediterranean. He was
vigilant in discovering thefts, and rigorous in
punishing them. If any one was robbed, he
had only to report it to the Emperor, who would
forthwith order the douar where the robbery
was committed to restore the sum stolen, and
to pay a fine to the treasury of the same amount.
By adhering strictly to this system, he improved
the revenue, and made travelling perfectly safe;
so that one may travel now (1805), without danger,
with property or money, from one end of
the empire to the other. Before this system of
policy was renewed, (for it is an old law of the
land,) travellers with property were obliged to
have a statta: thus, if a caravan was going from
Terodant or Marocco to Fas, it took a statta;
that is, two men, natives of the district of Rahamena,
who accompanied the caravan in safety
[321]
to the confines of their territory; they then
received a remuneration, and delivered over the
caravan to two men of Abda, who conducted it
to the border of Duquella: it was then delivered
into the hands of two Duquella Arabs; and so
it went through the different provinces till it
reached Fas, under the protection, through each
province, of a statta, each of which statta receives
a remuneration. So that, by the time of
arrival at Fas, the merchandise was sometimes
subject to a charge of 8 or 10 per cent. for
statta or convoy through the various provinces.
Before the Emperor Soliman thus established
his authority, caravans of gums, almonds, ostrich
feathers, gold-dust, &c. &c. from Suse, were
sometimes twenty days going from Santa Cruz
to Mogodor, a distance of less than one hundred
miles, the statta being changed and paid at the
entrance of every kabyl, of which there are
twelve in the province of Haha alone; the camels
being also changed at every change of
statta, increased the charge on the merchandise
to an immoderate amount. It would be a great
acquisition to England, if His Majesty were to
negociate with the Emperor of Marocco for the
port of Santa Cruz; for the province of Suse
produces in abundance olive oil, almonds, and
gums; worm-seed, annis-seed, cummin-seed, and
orchilla; oranges, grapes, pomegranates, figs,
melons, &c. This port was farmed, during the
reign of Muley Ismael, for an annual stipend.
It is the key to Sudan, and a communication
[322]
might be opened on an extensive scale from
hence with Timbuctoo, Housa, Wangara, and
other regions of Sudan, so as to supply, in a
few years, the whole of the interior of Africa
with British and East-India manufactures.
Muley Abdrahaman ben Muhamed.
This prince, who was elder brother of the
present Emperor Soliman, had accumulated considerable
treasure in executing the office of
(khalif) viceroy of the provinces of Duquella,
Abda, and Shedma. His father, jealous of his
son’s power, when supported by a command of
treasure, had recourse to the usual means of
transferring it to the imperial treasury. It is
held as law in this country, that little is sufficient
for every purpose of life. When property
becomes accumulated, it is alleged that more
than a sufficiency is derogatory of the principles
laid down in the Koran, and ought to revolve
to the national treasury, there to be deposited
as a fund in reserve against the invasion of the
country by the Europeans, an event, which they
are quite sure, from an ancient tradition, will
happen at no very distant period.
Abdrahaman, however, equally avaricious with
his father, objected to deliver up his treasure;
which so irritated the Sultan, that he ordered a
party of his negro soldiers to go to the Prince’s
house and seize every thing valuable. These
men, in their thirst for plunder, out-ran their
discretion, as it appears; for they proceeded to
[323]
examine the ladies in the Horem, putting their
base hands on their persons, under the pretence
of discovering if they had concealed their jewels
and gold. This outrage roused the Prince’s
indignation and he lost no time in absenting
himself for ever from his father’s dominions,
for this insult on his dignity.–“If my
father,” said the Prince, “had taken my treasure,
it would have passed from my hands to
his; but to permit the ignoble hands of slaves
to offer me such an indignity, is more than I
can or will suffer.” Abdrahaman therefore emigrated
to the province of Lower Suse, on the
confines of Sahara, where he remained encamped,
ready, upon any alarm, at a moment’s notice,
to penetrate into the Desert. He had always
two heiries ready saddled at the gate of his
(keyma) tent; one for carrying his treasure, viz.
gold dust and jewels, and the other for himself
to ride, on any emergency. Many fakeers were
sent from the Sultan to the Prince; with the
most solemn assurances of his reconciliation,
and with urgent solicitations to him to return;
but the Prince never forgave or forgot the
insult.
Anecdote of Muley Ismael.
Muley Ismael compared his subjects to a bag
full of rats.–“If you let them rest,” said the
warrior, “they will gnaw a hole in it: keep
them moving, and no evil will happen.” So his
[324]
subjects, if kept continually occupied, the government
went on well; but if left quiet, seditions
would quickly arise. This sultan was always
in the tented-field: he would say, that he
should not return to his palace until the tents
were rotten. He kept his army incessantly occupied
in making plantations of olives, or in
building: rest and rebellion were with him synonymous
terms.
Before the Portuguese transplanted their
African colonies to South America, they had
penetrated far into West Barbary; they frequently
made incursions into the country from
Mazagan to Marocco, and eastward of that city.
They had a church near Diminet, on the declivity
of the Atlas, about thirty-five miles east of
Marocco, which is still existing: it is a kind of
sanctuary; the Berebbers say it is haunted;
they will not approach it. There is said to be
an inscription on the building in Roman characters,
over the entrance; but I never could ascertain
what it is.
Library at Fas.
When the present Emperor came to the throne
there was a very extensive and valuable library
of Arabic manuscripts at Fas, consisting of
many thousand volumes. Some of the more
intelligent literary Moors are acquainted with
events that happened formerly, during the time
of the Roman power, which Europeans do not
[325]
possess. Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of
Abda, was perfectly acquainted with Livy and
Tacitus, and had read those works from the
library at Fas. It is more than probable that
the works of these authors, as well as those of
many other Romans and Greeks, are to be
found translated into the Arabic language, in
the hands of private individuals in West and in
South Barbary. This library was dispersed at the
accession of Muley Soliman, and books commenting
on the Koran only were retained; the
rest were burned or dispersed among the
natives.
Deism.
Deism was very prevalent throughout the
empire. When the present Emperor Soliman
came to the throne, the deists went about in
large numbers, exclaiming, La Allah ila Allah,
“There is no God but God.” The Emperor
soon silenced these people, by proclaiming that
if any should be found uttering this truth,
without adding, “Muhamed is his prophet,”
should (
199ekul lassah) be beat. The sect soon
disappeared.
Footnote 199:
(return) This punishment is inflicted by two men, one on each
side; the culprit is stretched naked on the ground, and
beat on the back unmercifully, with sticks two yards long,
and as thick as a finger.
Muhamedan Loyalty.
An alkaid of a district in the province of
Abda, when that province submitted to the
Emperor, went to His Majesty, taking with
him the fruit of his government, viz. 100,000
dollars. He prostrated himself before the
Emperor, and announced that he had brought
this money to the Muselman treasury, being
what he had collected since the death of the
Emperor’s father. “I have lived splendidly, and
have never wanted any thing, or I should have
brought Your Majesty much more treasure.”
“You have been,” said the Emperor, “a faithful
servant, and you shall be rewarded.” He
was promoted to a government, and had many
opportunities of refunding his loss. A large
sum was returned to him for his fidelity.
Cairo.
The city of El Kahira is called by Europeans
Cairo. When Kairo was founded, in the 359th
year of the Hejra, the planet Mars was in
ascension; and it is Mars who conquers the
universe: “therefore,” said Moaz, (the son of El
Mansor) to his son, “I have given it the name
of El-Kahira.”
200
Races of Men constituting the Inhabitants of
West and South Barbary, and that Part of
Bled el Jereed, called Tafilelt and Sejin Messa,
east of the Atlas, forming the Territories of the
present Emperor of Marocco.
The Moors, who inhabit the towns on the
coast, and the cities of Fas, Mequinas, Marocco,
and Terodant; who speak a corrupt Arabic
language.
The Berebbers, who appear to be the Aborigines,
and who retain precisely the same character
that was anciently given of the Mauritanians
by Sallust. These people inhabit the
mountains of Atlas, north of the city of
Marocco, and have a language peculiar to
themselves. They are a hardy race of warriors,
as artful as they are indefatigable in war; when
attacked by the imperial troops, they defend
themselves valiantly; and, by stratagem and
device, often surprise and defeat the Emperor’s
best troops, the abeed Seedy Bukaree. They
call the Negro and Arab troops of the Emperor,
(mâden el grudder), a mine of deceit, and
never trust to their vows and promises, even if
they swear by the Koran. They are a restless
turbulent race, and have never been conquered.
They have adopted the Muhamedan doctrines.
The Shelluhs, or inhabitants of the Atlas, who
dwell in houses in the mountains south of
Marocco, in the province of Haha, and in part
of Suse. These are a weaker race, not so
[328]
athletic and robust as the Berebbers. Their
language has been represented to be similar to
that of the Berebbers, but that is evidently a
mistake; I have travelled through their country,
and through the country of the Berebbers, and
have conversed with hundreds, nay, I may say,
with thousands of them: I have no hesitation in
declaring them to be a different race. Their
language, costume, and habits differ; the
Shelluhs, however, possess the same art and duplicity
with the Berebbers.
The Arabs, who live in douars of tents, and
inhabit the immense plains west of the Atlas,
are the agriculturists of the country. They form
the principal population of this terrestrial paradise;
they are for the most part emigrations
from the Sahara, several centuries ago, and
speak the true Arabic language. These are a
fine race of men, possessing, in a superlative
degree, some of the noblest qualities of the
human race. To these may be added
The Jews, who wear a distinguishing costume,
and a black cap; they are all engaged in trade,
and form one-seventh of the population of the
walled habitations. They are held in great contempt,
and are treated very rudely by the Arabs,
and therefore are seldom met with among the
encampments of that people.
A douar is a village of tents; these tents are
made of goats’ and camels’ hair; they are made
by the females, are of a close texture, extremely
warm, and impervious to the rain: thus they
[329]
are cool in the summer, and warm in the rainy
season. In countries exposed to the attacks of
neighbouring kabyles, they are arranged in a
circular form, covering sometimes several acres
of ground, having a large keyma or Arab tent
in the centre of the circle, which serves for a
jamma, or meeting for morning and evening
prayers, and at other times for an emdursa, or
seminary, where the Muhamedan youth are
taught to read the Koran, and to write, as they
call it, (Sultan men Elsen) the sultan of languages,
or language of languages. The tent-pegs
of the respective tents are indented within
each other, so that the cattle cannot go out or
in; moreover, a hedge of thorny bushes encircles
the whole, secured by staves drove into
the ground. The camels, horses, mules, horned
cattle, sheep, and goats, are all inclosed in a
division of the circular area during the night,
and a fire is kept all night, to keep off the lions
and wild beasts. The incessant barking of dogs,
which are very numerous among the Arabs,
prevent the travellers unaccustomed to these
habitations from sleeping.
Various Modes of Intoxication.
All nations have some method of getting rid
of reason, for the purpose of indulging in the
vacuum and temporary independence produced
by intoxication. We, of Europe, have recourse
to wine to effect this purpose: the opulent
indulge in the libations of claret, burgundy,
[330]
and champagne; the middling classes have
recourse to brandy, rum, and gin; but the
African effects this purpose at far less expense.
A muselman procures ample temporary relief
from worldly care for a mere trifle: he buys at
the (attara), drug shop, for a penny, a small
pipe of el keef or hashisha; this completely effects
his purpose. The leaves of this drug, which is
a kind of hemp, are called el hashisha; the
flower of the plant is called el keef, and is much
more powerful in its inebriating quality than
the hashisha, but a pipe of the latter will have
as powerful an effect as two or three bottles of
wine. It is said, that when the patient is
under the influence of pleasant imaginations,
the fume of this drug increases the sensation
into the most pleasing delirium, engendering
the most luxuriant images, and promoting a
voluptuous vacuum. But when the person’s
ill fate tempts him to taste it in a melancholy
mood, it protracts the gloomy moments, and
gives the woes of life a longer duration: he
utters sighs and lamentations, he apprehends
nothing but misery and misfortune, till the effect
of the drug is exhausted, and he awakes from
his dream of woe.
Division of Agricultural Property.
Agricultural property is ascertained by a large
stone laid at each corner of a plantation of corn,
a direct line is drawn from stone to stone at
[331]
the season of reaping; it has, perhaps, never
been known, that these partitions have been
removed for the purpose of encroachment; a
mutual confidence, and a point of honour
renders this mode of discriminating the respective
property of individuals adequate to
every purpose of hedge or ditch.
Mines.
The mountains that separate the province of
Suse from that of Draha, abound in iron,
copper, and lead. Ketiwa, a district on the
declivity of Atlas, east of Terodant, contains
also mines of lead and brimstone; and saltpetre
also, of a superior quality, abounds in the
neighbourhood of Terodant. In the same
mountains, about fifty or sixty miles south-west
of Terodant, there are mines of iron of a very
malleable quality, equal to that of Biscay in
Spain, from which the people of Tagrasert
manufacture gun-barrels, equal to those made
in Europe. At Elala in Suse, in the same ridge
of mountains, are several rich mines of copper,
some of which are impregnated with gold:
they have also a rich silver mine, the metal of
which latter is cast in round lumps, weighing
two or three ounces each piece. I have bought
of this silver at Santa Cruz, and have paid
Spanish dollars for it, weight for weight; it is
very pure. Mines of antimony and lead ore
are also found in Suse, impregnated with gold,
[332]
some specimens of which I sent to England to
be analyzed; but being informed that it yielded
gold sufficient only to pay the expenses of
purifying, I gave no farther attention to it,
although I have had reason to think, since then,
that an importation of the ore would amply pay
the importer.
Nyctalopia, Hemeralopia, or Night-blindness,
called by the Arabs Butelleese; and its Remedy.
During my residence at Santa Cruz, I had a
cousin with me who was afflicted with this disorder.
When the sun sat his blindness came
on, and continued till the rising sun. This
youth was so afflicted, during a month, with
this disorder, that he could scarcely see his way
with a candle in his hand, so that it was quite
painful to see him groping about. An Arab of
the Woled Abbusebah Kabyl, who retain much
of the science and art of their ancestors, and
whose prosperity I had promoted at Santa
Cruz, by facilitating his commercial adventures,
communicated to me a simple remedy for
this disorder; I put no faith in it, for it was
so simple that I was disposed to think it an
illusion. He called on me, however, repeatedly,
and finding I had not applied it, he brought it
one morning himself, and urged me to try it,
I did so; and that same evening the eyes of the
youth were almost well, and his sight was completely
restored the following night. This
[333]
ophthalmic affection, in an Arabic translation
of Hippocrates, is called Butelleese; another
translation of ancient date calls it Shebkeret:
the name, however, by which it is known at
the present day in Africa, is Butelleese: the
Latins called it Lusciosus, which word denotes
precisely the disease, viz. one who sees imperfectly
in the morning and evening twilight,
but whose vision is clear at broad day-light.
Lusciosus ad lucernam non videt. Vesperi non
videre quos lusciosos appellant. Plaut. Mil.
Gl. ii. 3.
This ophthalmia has been by some denominated
hen-blindness, from the circumstance of
hens’ eyes being thus affected, when they are
unable to see to pick up small grains in the
dusk of the evening. I have frequently seen
fowls thus affected soon after going to sea, from
the coast of Africa, after which they decline
and grow sick. A quantity of small gravel
should be spread in their coops at sea, which
prevents this disorder, and will sometimes cure
it. At the commencement of this complaint, the
circumstance that first engages the patient’s
attention is the dimness of his eye-sight at
twilight: the nocturnal dimness of vision was
such, in the instance before-mentioned, that
the youth could scarcely see, even with a candle
in his hand, which he described, as seen by
him, as if it were misty, or as glimmering in a
thick fog. There was no external disfiguration
visible in the eyes, but they appeared as usual.
What the cause of this disorder was I am
unable to say; but I have often suspected that
it was contracted from the shining of the sun on
the white terras of the house where my cousin
used to go of a morning to shoot tibeebs, a bird
somewhat resembling the European sparrow.
This youth was rather of a weak or delicate
constitution. I did not repeat the above remedy,
as the boy’s eyes continued well, without any
defect in the vision at any time of the day or
night, till seven-and-twenty days had elapsed,
when the disorder returned. I procured the
remedy again, and he took it; it had the same
effect as before; he took it again, and then
continued well for a month. It again returned
a third time, and was cured by one single
administration, after which it entirely disappeared,
and never returned. Some time after
this, I was informed that the British fleet in
the Mediterranean was affected with this disorder;
that one-tenth, or more, of the crews
of our ships had laboured under it; and, on my
return to England, I was urged to represent to
His Majesty’s ministers, that I had an infallible
remedy for the disorder. I was referred to
Doctor Harness, of the Transport Board. I
waited on the Doctor, and afterwards corresponded
with him. He appeared very desirous of
knowing the remedy; but he was not at liberty
to grant me any remuneration for it. I, however,
offered to discover it, on being reimbursed
the sum which the remedy cost me, on experimental
[335]
proof being produced of its infallibility;
which proposition was rejected by the Transport
Board in August, 1812, who informed me at the
same time, that the Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty did not judge proper to grant
the sum required by me for the discovery of the
remedy for Nyctalopia, which, I should add, was
between 500l. and 600l. The remedy, therefore,
remains a secret to this day.
A celebrated electrician and galvanist having
conversed with me lately respecting this remedy
for Nyctalopia, suggested to me the probability,
that the same remedy might be effectual also in
gutta serena, as both those disorders are known
to proceed from a defect in the optic nerve. This
opinion he corroborated, by quoting, in confirmation
of it, the opinion of a well-known author.
The electrician perceiving my incredulity, or
more properly, my ignorance of the wonderful
connection that exists between the intestines and
the head, was prompted, as I verily believe, by
a philanthropic disposition; and actually proved
to me, experimentally, the influence which the
eyes have on the intestines, and vice versa. A
patient with a gutta serena, who had been, as
he informed me, twelve months under the hands
of a celebrated oculist, was recommended by the
latter, as a last resource, to try galvanism. He
had received no benefit whatever whilst under
the direction of the oculist above alluded to,
but his intestines were intolerably deranged by
the effects of the mercury which he had taken.
[336]
This gentleman galvanised his eyes, and the
man, who is a gunsmith, told me, that when
he first went to have the operation performed,
he could not see the red border round the
hearth-rug in the front parlour, but when he
returned into that room, after having been
galvanised, he assured me he saw it plainly.
He moreover declared that his bowels had been,
and then were, in a very deranged state, from
the effects of the mercury which he had taken,
but that he felt incredible relief after having
been galvanised, and that, two or three days
afterwards, they were quite restored to health
and strength. Being thus satisfied with the influence
that so wonderfully exists between the
intestines and the eyes, I am now making
arrangements with the same gentleman, to
administer the remedy for the benefit, as we
hope, of patients afflicted with gutta serena.
But I now declare to the public a third
time, that the remedy is simple, safe, and
effectual, and that I am ready and desirous of
administering it to any one who may choose to
apply for it, who is afflicted with the disorder,
with my positive assurances, that it will effect a
cure in eight-and-forty hours at the utmost, but
probably in twenty-four.
Vaccination.
Intelligence received from West Barbary was
instrumental in promoting the adoption of
[337]
vaccination. In the latter years of the last
century, the small-pox pervaded West and
South Barbary. Mr. Matra, the British consul-general
to the Empire of Marocco, wrote to
me at that period officially, to procure him
every information possible, and to inform him
if I could discover if cattle in this country were
subject to the small-pox. I made every inquiry
without delay, and I reported to His Excellency,
(who was ambassador as well as consul), that I
had ascertained that the horses, mules, asses,
and oxen were subject in this country to the
small-pox, of which there could be no doubt,
as the name given to the disorder in the beasts
of the field, was the same as that which designated
the small-pox in the human species, viz.
Jedrie. In consequence of this information,
confirmed afterwards by other enquiries, His
Excellency wrote to England on the subject,
and, I believe, sent some vaccine pus home;
soon after which Dr. Jenner began his experiments
on vaccine inoculation, which have
since been adopted throughout Europe, and in
great part of Asia and America. Although
I was thus instrumental in the propagation
of vaccine inoculation, yet I never asked
for or received any remuneration; but I feel
a satisfaction in having been thus instrumental
of good to mankind, in this new and eligible
system of inoculation, by means of which human
life has been preserved; for, according to Sir
Gilbert Blane’s late statement, 23,134 lives
[338]
have been saved during the last 15 years by
vaccination.
Game.
All kinds of game are plentiful in South and
in West Barbary; viz. el gror, a bird somewhat
similar to the English partridge, but unknown in
Europe. I shot some of these birds for Doctor
Brussonet, the naturalist, who was intendant of the
national garden of botany at Montpelier, which
that gentleman prepared in the oven, and sent to
the National Institute at Paris. He informed me
this bird was a non-descript. Hares, antelopes,
woodcocks, snipes, plovers, bustards. There is
an abundance of partridges, red ducks as large
as geese, ducks, wigeon, and teal; curlews, in
immense quantities, are found in the flat parts of
the country on the coast; immense quantities of
doves, wild pigeons, wood-pigeons, and large
sand-larks. Every person is at liberty to shoot;
but the princes and the great, consider field-sports
beneath their dignity, except hawking,
and hunting the wild boar, the lion, and the
tiger. The Muhamedans do not prefer game to
other food. When they have shot a bird, they
immediately cut its throat, that the blood may
flow freely; otherwise it is not lawful to eat it.
Game is never seen in the public markets.
When they shoot for Europeans, they dispense
with the ceremony of cutting the throat of
the game. They reproach the Christians for
eating such food, which they call (m’jeefa)
“strangled.”
Agriculture.–Mitferes.
The agriculturists, in all the Arab provinces
throughout this empire, have subterraneous caverns
or apartments, generally in the form of a
cone, for the preservation of their corn during
a scarcity or famine. During my residence in
this country, I have investigated the method,
and have learned the art of constructing these
depositories of grain. They season them before
the corn is deposited. They should not be constructed
in a clay soil. In these mitferes, throughout
the Arab provinces of Duquella, Temsena,
Shawiya, &c. they preserve the corn sound during
thirty years. I have been present at the
opening of them after the corn had been deposited
twenty-one years. It was perfectly
sound. When these depositories are opened,
each family takes a portion of the grain, so as
to distribute the whole immediately; otherwise,
in a few months, if not consumed, it acquires
a peculiar bad flavour, which is called the mitfere
twang. To prevent this, an Arab, on opening
one of these depositaries, lends corn to all
his neighbours, and in his turn he receives it
back again, when they respectively open theirs. It
is unnecessary to expatiate on the expediency of
constructing mitferes in a country oftentimes visited
by locusts, the plague, drought, or inundation.
There would be a manifest policy in establishing
similar granaries in our colony in South
Africa, where I understand they are visited by
[340]
locusts, and where the soil is similar to that of
West and South Barbary. All the valuable
gums that Barbary now supplies Europe with,
and also many articles of commerce not yet
known at the Cape, might be procured from
Barbary, and if transplanted to that colony,
would undoubtedly thrive, from the similarity of
climate and soil.
Laws of Hospitality.
The territory of the Emperor of Marocco,
west of the mountains of Atlas, and from the
shores of the Mediterranean to the confines of
the Shelluh province of Haha, is one continual
corn-field, inhabited by Arabs living in douars
or encampments: much of the ground, however,
lies fallow. These encampments are fixed generally
at a considerable distance from the track
of travellers, so that a person unacquainted
with this circumstance, would be disposed to
imagine the country thinly inhabited. The tents
in safe countries, where there is no fear of
wild beasts, are pitched in a straight line; but
where lions or other ferocious animals are found,
the tents are disposed in a circular form; and
thorny bushes are placed round the douar, to
prevent the visits of these unwelcome guests.
The Arabs are the agriculturists of the country,
and are for the most part emigrations from
the original stock in Sahara. These people have
preserved from time immemorial the practice of
open and unrestrained hospitality. Their prophet
[341]
confirmed these propensities; and hospitality
has been ever since, the predominant
virtue of the Arab. Accordingly, Muhamedans
are entitled, through their various journeys,
to be entertained three days wherever
they sojourn. A traveller, therefore, when he
chooses to rest from the fatigue of his journey,
goes to one of these douars and exclaims (Deef
Allah) “the guests of God.” The sheik then
comes forth from his tent to receive him or
them: (Kheyma Deâf) the travellers’ or guests’
tent is appropriated to the stranger; food is
brought to him, agreeably to his rank in life,
but always simple, good, and wholesome. Here
he may remain, if he chooses, for three days,
without being considered an intruder, and free
of all expense whatsoever. If he wishes to exceed
the three days allowed by the Muhamedan
law, he must prove his poverty; which being
done, he may be entertained for a further period
of time: but this latter is quite optional; no
man is compelled to entertain and provide food
for strangers and travellers, without remuneration,
above three days.
This hospitality extends not generally to all
mankind, but to Muhamedans only. A Christian
or a Jew would be expected to pay a trifle
for his entertainment; although, in travelling
through the province of Suse, the Arabs have
absolutely refused to take any remuneration from
me; but, that is not generally the case, nor
ought such conduct to be expected: in the instances
[342]
before-mentioned, these people considered
themselves so much benefited by the
opening of the port of Santa Cruz, that they
thought they could not do enough for me. I
was, therefore, every where received in that
province with the most cordial marks of disinterested
hospitality.
The laws of hospitality are sacred and inviolable.
This I will elucidate, by relating a circumstance
that happened while I was at Marocco.
The Emperor was dissatisfied with the
conduct of four sheiks of Suse: they had not
discharged the duties of their public vocation,
but had abused their office; the Emperor had
issued orders to arrest them, but by some means
they got intelligence of the orders; they therefore
immediately ordered their horses, and decamped
in the evening from Marocco: they
knew they should not be safe any where from
the Emperor’s grasp, but under the protection
of the Khalif Muhamed ben Delemy, whom,
however, they had in some manner injured;
nevertheless, knowing the noble character of
the man, they were resolved to try their fate;
accordingly, they made haste to reach the gates
of his castle in Shtuka, before the Emperor
might discover their departure. They arrived,
and exclaiming Deef Allah, they were admitted.
Delemy told them, that although they had not
behaved friendly to him, he would protect them.
His gates, he said, were always open to the
children of adversity, and they might depend on
[343]
his protection. The Emperor soon discovered,
by diligent enquiry, what route they had taken,
and His Imperial Majesty urged Delemy to
deliver them up; but the latter expostulated,
and observing that he should not deserve the
name of an Arabian sheik, if he degraded himself
by giving up those who had claimed his
protection, in his own country: and he actually
granted them protection several months; till, at
length, finding they could not escape the hand
of power, by any plan but that of going into
the Sahara, Delemy agreed to see them safe out
of the Emperor’s dominions, and accompanied
them to Akka, and beyond that place, till they
reached the Sahara, where, being perfectly safe,
he took his leave of them, and they exchanged
Salems.
Punishment for Murder.
If a man commits murder, the friends of the
murdered claim redress of the alkaid, if in a
town,–of the bashaw of the province, if in
the country. If the murderer is discovered,
he is taken into custody, to suffer death, unless
the relations of the murdered man choose to
compromise with the relations of the murderer:
in which case, a sum of money is paid to the
former, and the matter is thus settled.
Insolvency Laws.
An insolvent cannot be detained in prison
after his insolvency is ascertained. He gives up
his property to his creditors; but if he should
[344]
afterwards become a man of substance, his creditors
can claim the amount of their debts, deducting
what they have already received.
Dances.
The dances of the Arabs are peculiar to themselves.
The youths dance without females, and
the females without youths. On all marriages
and rejoicings, music and dancing continue till
the dawn of day. Among the encampments of
Arabs, in the summer season, the whole country,
at night, is in a blaze of light. The kettle-drum,
the triangle, the shepherd’s pipe, and the erbeb
an instrument resembling the fiddle, with two
strings, form the band of music.
The youths form a double row of six or eight
in each, and carry themselves erect, with their
arms hanging down close to their side; moving
obliquely to the right, then to the left, without
taking their feet from the ground, but moving
their heels, then their toes on the ground, advancing
or gliding slowly along; keeping exact
time with the music: they then vault in the air,
perform somersets and various feats of agility.
They sing also with great taste and judgment,
and some of them have excellent voices, being
selected for the purpose of affording entertainment
to the spectators. The ladies dance also
in a similar manner, but without the vaulting
and somersets. They have a very elegant shawl-dance,
which some of them dance with great
taste, and with much graceful movement.
Circumcision.
The circumcision of male children is the general
practice of Islaemism; it is also used among
some of the
201 Khaffers or Cafers of North, Central,
and South Africa. Circumcision is not a
practice ascribed to a principle of cleanliness,
or any other cause, but ancient usage. The
period of performing this operation among the
Arabs is at the age of eight years.
Footnote 201:
(return) Khaffer (singular number) is an Arabic term, applied to
all who are not Muhamedans; all Pagans, Jews, and
Christians, are called Khaffer, K’fer (plural) Kaffir billa, an
atheist: hence Caffraria, the name of the country near the
Cape of Good Hope.
Invoice from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz.
Transport of (
202Alk Sudan) gum of Sudan,
bought at Timbuctoo, on account of Messrs.
James Jackson and Co. by their agent, L’Hage
Muhamed O—-n, and dispatched to Akka by
the spring (akkaba) accumulated caravan, in
February, 1794.
M. Doll
Footnote 202:
(return) This gum is the produce of an enormous tree of Sudan,
which flourishes near Timbuctoo, Housa, Wangara, and
Bernoh (or Bernou) it is transported by the caravans to
Alexandria in Egypt, to Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers. From
the African ports in the Mediterranean it is shipped to
Smyrna and Constantinople, and from thence to England,
under the denomination of Turkey gum; some goes to
Mogodor and Tetuan, and thence to London.
[347]
The adventure is subject to this charge, provided
it arrive safe at Akka, not otherwise, as
also to encourage the agent at Timbuctoo, to
exert himself in procuring trusty guides and competent
statas, which he would not do, without
having a certain interest in the safe delivery.
N.B. No stata is necessary from Akka to
Santa Cruz, but the hire is 3 dollars per camel.
Translation of a Letter from Timbuctoo, which
accompanied the foregoing Consignment.
Praise be to God alone; for there is nothing
durable but the kingdom of heaven.
To the Christian merchant, Jackson, at Agadeer.
Peace be to those who follow the right
way.
This being premised, know that I have sent
you by this akkabah, two hundred camel load of
gum-sudan, agreeable to the account herewith
transmitted. The stata will be paid by my friend,
L’Hage Aly, sheik of Akka, whom I request you
will reimburse according to the account which I
have sent to you by him; and if he goes to
Agadeer, be kind, friendly, and hospitable to
him on my account, for he stands high in my
esteem; and peace be with you.
Written at Timbuctoo, 10th of the month Muharram,
year of the Hejra 1208, (corresponding
with 15th Feb. A.C. 1794). By your friend,
L’HAGE MUHAMED O—-n.
God be merciful to him.
Invoice from Timbuctoo to Fas.
Transport of gold, gum, and cottons, from
Timbuctoo to Fas, consigned to L’Hage Seyd
and L’Hage Abdrahaman Elfellely, Timbuctoo
merchants at Fas, by (akkaba el Kheriffy) the
autumnal caravan. Dispatched 29th Duelhaja el
Hurem, year 1204, corresponding with 10th
October, A.C. 1790.
500 skins (Tibber Wangâree) gold dust of Wangara,
each skin containing 4 ounces, bought
on their account, in barter for 800 Flemish
plattilias.
100 (Sibikat deheb Wangaree). Wangara gold
in bars, weighing 20 ounces each, bought
in exchange for 400 pieces (Shkalat) Irish
cloth, averaging 44 cubits each piece (7
cubits are equal to 4 English yards).
[348]
10 bed-covers, 9 cubits long, 4 wide, chequered
pattern, blue and white cotton, with
scarlet silk between the chequers, manufactured
at Timbuctoo, bought in barter for
100 lb. sugar, 30 loaves.
50 camel-load gum-sudan, weighing net 120
quintals.
Charges.–Hire of 50 camels to Akka, at 18
dollars each.
Stata to ditto, 1 dollar per load, to be paid
by Sheik Aly ben A—-r.
Copy of the Letter accompanying the foregoing
Remittance.
Praise be to God alone; for there is neither
beginning nor strength, without God, the eternal
God.
To my friends, L’Hage Zeyd and L’Hage Abdrahaman
Elfellely. Peace be with ye, and the
mercy of the High God; and after that, know,
that I have sent to our agents at Akka, by the
autumnal caravan, 50 camel loads of gum-sudan,
being 100 skins; in each skin of gum I have
packed 5 skins of gold dust, and 1 bar of gold.
L’Hage Tahar ben Jelule will deliver to our
agent at Akka, for you, 10 very handsome cotton
covers for beds, of Sudan manufacture. May
all this arrive safe, with the blessing of God. I
will inform you by the spring caravan what merchandize
to send here next autumn. I refer you
to a long letter, which I have sent to you by
L’Hage Tahar. Peace be with you, and the
blessing of God be upon you.
[349]
Written at Timbuctoo, the 29th Duelhaja El
Huram, year 1204.
L’HAGE HAMED ELWANGARIE
.
203God protect him.
Footnote 203:
(return) The Muhamedans, in signing their name, always invoke
the protection, mercy, or providence of God upon themselves.
Food of the Desert.
The people, whose interest induces them to
cross the desert, (for there are no travellers from
curiosity in this country,) obviate the objection to
salt provisions, which increases the propensity
to drink water, by taking with them melted
butter, called smin; this is prepared without
salt. They also cut beef into long pieces, about
six inches long, and one inch square, without
fat; these are called el kuddeed, which are
hung on a line, exposed to the air till dry; they
then cut them into pieces, two inches long;
these are put into (buckul) an earthen pot;
they then pour the smin into the buckul till it
is covered. This meat and butter, besides being
palatable, is comprised in a small compass, and
feeds many. When this butter has been thus
prepared and kept twelve or fifteen years, it is
called budrâ, and is supposed to contain penetrating
active medicinal qualities. I have seen
some thirty years old.
Antithesis, a favourite Figure with the Arabs.
Mahmoud, sultan of Ghezna in the beginning
of the eleventh century, though the son of a
[350]
slave, was very powerful. He sent to the
khalif Alkader, requesting a title suited to his
exalted dignity. The latter hesitated; but fearing
the power of the sultan, sent him at the
expiration of a year the ambiguous title, Uly,
i.e. a prince, a friend, a slave. Mahmoud
penetrated the khalif’s meaning, and sent him
immediately 100,000 pieces of gold, with a wish
to know whether a letter had not been omitted.
Alkader received the treasure, and took the
hint, instantly dispatching letters patent in full
form, creating him Uäly which signifies,
without equivocation, a sovereign independent
prince.
Arabian Modes of Writing.
The Arabs have various modes of writing,
the principal of which is that used by the
Koreish, the most learned of all the Western
tribes, and is denominated the Niskhi, or upright
character: if this is understood, the others
may be easily comprehended. This is the character
in which the Koran was originally written.
In the seventh century, the Arabs adopted the
invention of Moramer ben Morra, a native of
Babylonian Irak, which was afterwards improved
by the Kufik. The Kufik and the
Niskhi are synonymous. Richardson, in his
Arabic Grammar, p. 4. say, “The Mauritannick
character, which is used by the Moors of Marocco
and Barbary, descendants of the Arabians, differs
[351]
in many respects considerably from the other modes
of writing.” But this is incorrect; for the Mauritannick
alphabet, excepting in the order of the
letters, is precisely the same with the Oriental, as
now written and spoken, with the exception only
of the letters Fa and Kaf, and the formation even
of these characters are alike. The punctuation
only, differs in the West, that is, west of the
Egyptian Nile. The Western punctuation of Fa,
is one point below the letter, and the punctuation
of the letter Kaf is one point above. In
the East, the former letter has one point above,
the latter has two. This is the only difference
between the Eastern and the Western alphabets.
Richardson, (see his Grammar, page 5,) also says,
that “the purest Arabic is spoken at Grand
Cairo,” but this is not correct: the language of
Grand Cairo and of Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and
Marocco are much alike, but none of them
are the pure Koraisch or Korannick Arabic,
which is only spoken at Mekka, and among
some of the tribes of Bedouins in the West.
The language of the Woled Abbusebah, of the
Howara, and of the Mograffra is the pure Arabic.
Finally, in a note in Richardson’s Grammar,
page 18, it is said, “Some of our European
writers, and amongst others Voltaire, substitute
Koran for Alcoran, but perhaps improperly, as
D’Herbelot and other learned Orientalists, write
uniformly l’Alcoran, il Alcorano, the Alcoran.”
We have been too apt to copy the orthography
of Oriental names from the French, whose pronunciation
of the Roman or European characters
[352]
differs from ours. There cannot be a doubt that
D’Herbelot is incorrect. The word Koran (for
there is no c in the Arabic language) is derived
from the verb Kora, to read; koran, reading:
Al is the article; but, in this instance, D’Herbelot
uses this article twice, which is certainly
erroneous, for l’ is the French article in the word
in question, and al is the Arabic article; whereas
one article only should precede a noun. L’Alcoran
and the Alcoran are therefore equally incorrect;
for the word in French should be Le
Coran; in English, the Koran; therefore Voltaire
was correct. I have thought it expedient to
make these observations, because standing in
Richardson’s Grammar on the authority of
learned orientalists, they are calculated to mislead
the Arabic student.
Decay of Science and the Arts among the Arabs.
The literary fire of the Arabs and Persians
has been extinguished upwards of 300 years; but
before that period, the encouragement to learning
in the East was unprecedented, and has
never been equalled by any European nation
either before or since that period. Kadder
Khan, king of Turquestan, was the greatest
support to science. When he appeared abroad,
he was preceded by 700 horsemen, with silver
battle-axes, and was followed by an equal
number bearing maces of gold. He supported
with magnificent appointment a literary academy
in his palace, consisting of 100 men of
[353]
the highest reputation. Amak, called Abu Näib
El Bokari, who was the chief poet, exclusive of
a great pension and a vast number of slaves,
had, in attendance wherever he went, thirty
horses of state richly caparisoned, and a retinue
in proportion. The king before-mentioned used
to preside at their exercises of genius, on which
occasions, by the side of his throne were always
placed four large basons filled with gold and
silver, which he distributed liberally to those
who excelled.
Lebid suspended over the gate at Mecca a
sublime poem; Muhamed placed near it the
opening of the second chapter of the Koran,
which was conceived to be something divine,
and it gained the prize of the Ocadh assembly.
The remains of this custom of suspending
over gates Arabic poems, is perceived at this
day among the western Moors. The gates or
entrances to Mogodor, Fas, Mequinas, Marocco,
&c. have writing over them, which is a
kind of Arabic short-hand, that none but the
learned understand; these writings, however,
are not moveable, being engraven on a square
table on the stone itself.
Extraordinary Abstinence experienced in the
Sahara.
The Arabs or inhabitants of the Sahara, can
support the most extraordinary abstinence. Occasions
occur, wherein they will travel several
[354]
days without food. After suffering a privation
of a day or two, they tie their (hazam) belt
round their loins, every morning tighter than
the preceding day, thereby preventing, in some
measure, that action of the bowels which promotes
appetite. A Saharawan will thus go five
or six days without food of any kind, in which
case, when he reaches a habitation, or a (wah)
cultivated spot in the Desert, he will drink
about half-a-pint of camel’s milk; this remains
on the stomach but a short time: he then takes
another draught, which, with some, remains and
gives nourishment, but with others it is also
rejected by the stomach; a third draught is then
taken, which restores the exhausted traveller!
I have been assured, that instances have been
known in Sahara, wherein a man has been
without food of any kind for seven days, and
has afterwards been restored by the foregoing
regimen!
LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.
Various Dialects of the Arabic Language.–Difference
between the Berebber and Shelluh Languages.–Specimen
of the Mandinga.–Comparison of the Shelluh
Language with that of the Canary Islands, and Similitude
of Customs.
Yareb, the son of Kohtan
204, is said to have
been the first who spoke Arabic, and the Muhamedans
contend that it is the most eloquent
language spoken in any part of the globe, and
that it is the one which will be used at the day
of judgment. To write a long dissertation on
this copious and energetic language, would be
only to repeat what many learned men have said
before; a few observations, however, may not
be superfluous to the generality of readers. The
Arabic language is spoken by a greater proportion
of the inhabitants of the known world
than any other: a person having a practical
knowledge of it, may travel from the shores of
the Mediterranean Sea to the Cape of Good
Hope, and notwithstanding that in such a
journey he must pass through many kingdoms
and empires of blacks, speaking distinct languages,
yet he would find men in all those
[356]
countries versed in Muhamedan learning, and
therefore acquainted with the Arabic; again,
he might cross the widest part of the African
continent from west to east, and would every
where meet with persons acquainted with it,
more particularly if he should follow the course
of the great river called the Neel El Abeed,
on the banks of which, from Jinnie and Timbuctoo,
to the confines of lower Egypt, are
innumerable cities and towns of Arabs and
Moors, all speaking the Arabic. Again, were
a traveller to proceed from Marocco to the
farthest shore of Asia, opposite the islands of
Japan, he would find the Arabic generally
spoken or understood wherever he came. In
Turkey, in Syria, in Arabia, in Persia, and in
India, it is understood by all men of education;
and any one possessing a knowledge of the
Korannick Arabic, might, in a very short time,
make himself master of all its various dialects.
Footnote 204:
(return) This Kohtan is the Joktan, son of Eber, brother to
Phaleg, mentioned in Genesis. Chapter x, verse 25.
The letters of this language
205 are formed in
four distinct ways, according to their situation
at the beginning, middle, or end of words, as
well as when standing alone; the greatest
difficulty, however, to be overcome, is the
acquiring a just pronunciation, (without which
no living language can be essentially useful;)
and to attain which, the learner should be able
to express the difference of power and sound
between what may be denominated the synonymous
[357]
letters, such as ط and ث with ت
and ع with ا and ص with س and ض and ظ with د
and ة with ح and ق with ى and خ and غ with ر.
Footnote 205:(return) The Oriental punctuation is here adopted.
Besides these, there are other letters, whose
power is extremely difficult to be acquired by
an European, because no language in Europe
possesses sounds similar to the Arabic letters
خ غ ع, nor has any language, except, perhaps,
the English, a letter with the power of the
Arabian ث. Those who travel into Asia or
Africa scarcely ever become sufficiently masters
of the Arabic to speak it fluently, which radical
defect proceeds altogether from their not learning,
while studying it, the peculiar distinction
of the synonymous letters. No European, perhaps,
ever knew more of the theory of this language
than the late Sir William Jones, but still
he could not converse with an Arabian; a circumstance
of which he was not conscious until
he went to India. This great man, however,
had he been told that his knowledge of this
popular eastern language was so far deficient,
that he was ignorant of the separate powers of
its synonymous letters, and consequently inadequate
to converse intelligibly with a native
Arab, he would certainly have considered it an
aspersion, and have disputed altogether that
such was the fact. Considering how much we
are indebted to the Arabians for the preservation
of many of the works of the ancients,
[358]
which would otherwise have never, perhaps,
been known to us, it is really surprising, that
their language should be so little known in
Europe. It is certainly very difficult and
abstruse, (to learners particularly,) but this difficulty
is rendered insurmountable by the
European professors knowing it only as a dead
language, and teaching it without due attention
to the pronunciation of the before mentioned
synonymous letters, a defect which is not likely
to be remedied, and which will always subject the
speaker to incessant errors.
To show the Arabic student the difference
between the Oriental and Occidental order of
the letters of the alphabet, I shall here give
them opposite each other.
| Oriental | Occidental |
|
1 Alif 2 ba 3 ta 4 thsa 5 jim 6 hha 7 kha 8 dal 9 dsal 10 ra 11 za 12 sin 13 shin 14 sad 15 dad 16 ta 17 da 18 ain 19 gain 20 fa 21 kaf 22 kef 23 lem 24 mim 25 nun 26 waw 27 he 28 ya 29 lam-alif |
ا ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش ص ض ط ظ ع غ ف ق ك ل م ن و ه ي  |
1 Alif 2 ba 3 ta 4 tha 5 jim 6 hha 7 kha 8 dal 9 dth’al 10 ra 11 zain 12 ta 13 da 14 kef 15 lam 16 mim 17 nune 18 sad 19 dad 20 ain 21 g’rain 22 fa 23 kaf 24 sin 25 shin 26 hha 27 wow 28 ia 29 lam-alif |
ا ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز ط ظ ێ ل م ن ص ض ع غ ڢ ف س ش ه و ي |
Besides this difference of the arrangement of
the two alphabets, the Arabic student will observe
that there is also a difference in the punctuation
of two of the letters: thus–
| Oriental | Occidental |
|
1 fa 2 kaf |
ف ق |
1 fa 2 kaf |
ڢ ف |
Among the Western Arabs, the ancient
Arabic figures are used, viz. 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8, 9: they often write 100 thus, 1..–200,
2..
To explain the force of the synonymous
letters on paper would be impossible; the reader,
however, may form some idea of the indispensable
necessity of knowing the distinction
by the few words here selected, which to one
unaccustomed to hear the Arabic language
spoken, would appear similar and undistinguishable.
| ENGLISH |
ARABIC Rendered as near to European pronunciation as the English Alphabet will admit. | ARABIC |
|
A horse Wood To repeat Fish A gun A foolish woman A frying pan A lion Morning Seventh Hatred Harvest Learning A flag Granulated paste The dish it is made in Heart Dog Mould Captain Feathers Mud Smell Poison Absent Butter-milk White A black Eggs Afar off A pig An oath Feed for horses A thousand |
Aoud Awad Aoud Hout Mokhalla Mokeela Makeela Seban Seban Seban Hassed Hassed Alem, or El Alem El Alem Kuscasoe Kuscas Kul’b Kil’b Kal’b Rice Rish G’ris Shim Sim G’raib Raib Bead El Abd Baid Baid Helloof Hellef Alf Elf |
                                  |
Footnote 206:
(return) The African Jews find it very difficult in speaking, to
distinguish between shim and sim, for they cannot pronounce
the sh, ش but sound it like s س ; the very few who
have studied the art of reading the language, have, however,
conquered this difficulty.
It is difficult for any one who has not accurately
studied the Arabic language, to imagine
the many errors which an European commits
in speaking it, when self taught, or when
taught in Europe. This deficiency originates
in the inaccuracy of the application of the
guttural and synonymous letters.
The ain ع and the غ grain cannot be accurately
[363]
pronounced by Europeans, who have not
studied the language grammatically when young.
The aspirated h, and the hard s, in the word
for morning (sebah), are so much like their
synonymes, that few Europeans can discern
the difference; the one is consequently often
mistaken for the other; and I have known
a beautiful sentence absolutely perverted through
an inaccuracy of this kind. In the words
rendered Hatred and Harvest, the two synonymes
of س and ص or s hard and s soft, are
indiscriminately used by Europeans in their
Arabic conversations, a circumstance sufficient
to do away the force and meaning of many a
sentence.
The poetry as well as prose of the Arabians
is well known, and has been so often discussed
by learned men, that it would be irrelevant
here to expatiate on the subject; but as the
following description of the noblest passion of
the human breast cannot but be interesting to
the generality of readers, and, without any exception,
to the fair sex, I will transcribe it.
“Love 
beginneth in contemplation,
passeth to meditation; hence proceeds
desire; then the spark bursts forth into a flame,
the head swims, the body wastes, and the soul
turns giddy. If we look on the bright side of
love, we must acknowledge that it has at least
one advantage; it annihilates pride and immoderate
self-love; true love, whose aim is the
[364]
happiness and equality of the beloved object,
being incompatible with those feelings.
“Lust is so different from true love ,
and so far from a perfection, that it is always
a species of punishment sent by God, because
man has abandoned the path of his pure love.”
In their epistolary writing, the Arabs have
generally a regular and particular style, beginning
and ending all their letters with the name
of God, symbolically, because God is the beginning
and end of all things. The following
short specimen will illustrate this:
Translation of a letter written in the Korannick
Arabic by Seedy Soliman ben Muhammed
ben Ismael, Sultan of Marocco, to his Bashaw
of Suse, &c. &c.
“Praise be to the only God! for there is neither
power, nor strength, without the great and
eternal God.”
L.S.
Containing the Emperor’s name and
titles, as Soliman ben Muhamed
ben Abdallah, &c, &c.
“Our servant, Alkaid Abdelmelk ben Behie
Mulud, God assist, and peace be with thee,
and the mercy and grace of God be upon thee!”
“We command thee forthwith to procure
and send to our exalted presence every Englishman
that has been wrecked on the coast of
Wedinoon, and to forward them hither without
delay, and diligently to succour and attend to
[365]
them, and may the eye of God be upon
thee!”
207
Footnote 207:
(return) When they write to any other but Muhamedans, they
never salute them with the words, “Peace be with thee,”
but substitute–“Peace be to those who follow the path of
the true God,” Salem ala min itaba el Uda.
“26th of the (lunar), month Saffer, year of the
Hejra 1221. (May, 1806.)”
The accuracy of punctuation in the Arabic
language is a matter that ought to be strictly
attended to.
The foregoing observations will serve to
prove the insufficiency of a knowledge of this
language, as professed or studied in Great
Britain when unaccompanied with a practical
knowledge. These observations may apply
equally to the Persian language.
208
Footnote 208:
(return) “One of the objects I had in view in coming to Europe,
was to instruct young Englishmen in the Persian language.
I however met with so little encouragement from persons in
authority, that I entirely relinquished the plan. I instructed,
however, (as I could not refuse the recommendations that
were brought to me,) an amiable young man, Mr. S——n,
and thanks be to God, my efforts were crowned with success!
and that he, having escaped the instructions of self-taught
masters, has acquired such a knowledge of the principles
of that language, and so correct an idea of its idiom
and pronunciation, that I have no doubt, after a few years’
residence in India, he will attain to such a degree of excellence,
as has not yet been acquired by any other Englishman.”
Vide Travels of Mirza Abu Taleb Khan, vol. i. p. 200.
If the present ardour for discovery in Africa
be persevered in, the learned world may expect,
in the course of a few years, to receive histories
and other works of Greek and Roman
[366]
authors, which were translated into the Arabic
language, when Arabian literature was in its
zenith, and have ever since been confined to
some private libraries in the cities of the interior
of Africa, and in Arabia.
Having said thus much with regard to the
Arabic of the western Arabs, which, with little
variation, is spoken throughout all the finest
districts of North Africa, I shall proceed to say
a few words respecting the other languages
spoken north of Sahara: these are the Berebber
and its dialects, viz. the Zayan and Girwan, and
Ait Amor; the Shelluh of Suse and South
Atlas, all which, though latterly supposed by
some learned men to be the same, differ in
many respects; any one possessing a knowledge
of the Berebber language might, with
little difficulty, make himself understood by the
Zayan of Atlas, the Girwan, or the Ait Amor;
but the Shelluh is a different language, and each
so different from the Arabic, that there is not
the smallest resemblance, as the following specimen
will demonstrate:
Specimen of the Difference between the Arabic
and Shelluh Languages.
Marmol says, the Shelluhs and Berebbers
write and speak one language, called Killem
Abimalick
209; but the foregoing specimen, the
accuracy of which may be depended on, clearly
proves this assertion to be erroneous, as well
as that of many moderns who have formed
their opinion, in all probability, on the
above authority. Now, although the Shelluh
and Berebber languages are so totally dissimilar,
that there is not one word in the foregoing
vocabulary which resembles its corresponding
word in the other language, yet, from
the prejudice which Marmol’s authority has
[369]
established, it will still be difficult, perhaps,
to persuade the learned that such an author
could be mistaken on such a subject. My
account therefore must remain for a future age
to determine upon, when the languages of
Africa shall be better known than they are at
present; for it is not a few travellers occasionally
sent out on a limited plan, that can
ascertain facts, the attainment of which requires
a long residence, and familiar intercourse with
the natives. Marmol had also misled the
world, in saying that they write a different
language; the fact is, that when they write any
thing of consequence, it is in the Arabic; but
any trifling subject is written in the Berebber
words, though in the Arabic character. If they
had any peculiar character in the time of
Marmol, they have none now; for I have conversed
with hundreds of them, as well as with
the Shelluhs, and have had them staying at my
house for a considerable time together, but
never could learn from any, that a character
different from the Arabic had ever been in use
among them.
Footnote 209:
(return) Killem Abimalick signifies the Language of Abimalick;
this is evidently an error of Marmol, the Shelluh language
is denominated Amazirk; the Berebber Language is denominated
Killem Brebber.
In addition to these languages, there is
another spoken at the Oasis of Ammon, or
Siwah, called in Arabic 
El Wah
El Grarbie, which appears to be a mixture of
Berebber and Shelluh, as will appear from the
list of Siwahan words given by Mr. Horneman
210,
[370]
in his Journal, page 19, part of which I have
here transcribed, to show the similitude between
those two languages, whereby it will
appear that the language of Siwah and that of
the Shelluhs of South Atlas, are one and the
same language.
|
ENGLISH. Sun Head Camel Sheep Cow Mountain Have you a horse? Milk Bread Dates |
SIWAHAN. Itfuckt Achfé Lgum Jelibb Tfunest Iddrarn Goreck Ackmar Achi Tagor Tena |
SHELLUH. Atfuct Akfie Arume Jelibb Tafunest Iddra 211 Is derk Achmar? 212 Akfie Tagora 213 Tenia (sing.)Tena (plural.) |
South of the Desert we find other languages
spoken by the blacks; and are told by Arabs,
who have frequently performed the journey
from Jinnie to Cairo, and the Red Sea, that
thirty-three different Negro languages are met
[371]
with in the course of that route, but that the
Arabic is spoken by the intelligent part of the
people, and the Muhamedan religion is known
and followed by many; their writings are uniformly
in Arabic.
Footnote 210:
(return) In reading Mr. William Marsden’s observations on the
language of Siwah, at the end of Horneman’s Journal, in
page 190, I perceive that the short vocabulary inserted
corresponds with a vocabulary of the Shelluh language,
which I presented to that gentleman some years past.
Footnote 211:
(return) Plural Iddrarn.
Footnote 212:
(return) Or, Is derk ayeese?
Footnote 213:
(return) This is applied to bread when baked in a pan, or over
the embers of charcoal, or other fire; but when baked in
an oven it is called Agarom (g guttural.)
It may not be improper in this place, seeing
the many errors and mutilated translations
which appear from time to time, of Arabic,
Turkish and Persian papers, to give a list of the
Muhamedan moons or lunar months, used by
all those nations, which begin with the first appearance
of the new moon, that is, the day following,
or sometimes two days after the change,
and continue till they see the next new moon;
these have been mutilated to such a degree in
all our English translations, that I shall give
them, in the original Arabic character, and as
they ought to be spelt and pronounced in the
English character, as a clue whereby to calculate
the correspondence between our year
and theirs. They divide the year into 12
months, which contain 29 or 30 days, according
as they see the new moon; the first day of the
month Muharam is termed 
Ras
Elame, i.e. the beginning of the year.
As we are more used to the Asiatic mode of
punctuation, that will be observed in these
words.
|
Muharam Asaffer Arabia Elule Arabea Atthenie Jumad Elule Jumad Athenie Rajeb Shaban Ramadan Shual Du’elkada Du Elhajah |
            |
The first of Muharram, year of the Hejra
1221, answers to the 19th March of the Christian
æra, 1806.
Among the various languages spoken south
of the Sahara, we have already observed
that there are thirty-three different ones between
the Western Ocean and the Red Sea,
following the shores of the Nile El Abeed, or
Niger: among all these nations and empires, a
man practically acquainted with the Arabic,
may always make himself understood, and
indeed, it is the language most requisite to
be known for every traveller in these extensive
regions.
The Mandinga is spoken from the banks of
the Senegal, where that river takes a northerly
course from the Jibel Kuthera to the kingdom
[373]
of Bambarra; the Wangareen tongue is a different
one; and the Housonians speak a language
differing again from that.
Specimen of the difference between the Arabic and
Mandinga language; the words of the latter
extracted from the vocabularies of Seedi Muhamed
ben Amer Sudani.
Having now given some account of the languages
of Africa, we shall proceed to animadvert
on the similitude of language and customs between
the Shelluhs of Atlas and the original
inhabitants of the Canary Islands. The words
between inverted commas, are quotations from
Glasse’s History of the Discovery and Conquest
of the Canary Islands.
“The inhabitants of Lancerotta and Fuertaventura
are social and cheerful;” like the
Shelluhs of Atlas; “they are fond of singing
and dancing; their music is vocal, accompanied
with a clapping of hands, and beating
with their feet;” the Shelluhs resemble them
in all these respects; “Their houses are built
of stone, without cement; the entrance is
narrow, so that but one person can enter at a
time.”
The houses of the Shelluhs are sometimes
[378]
built without cement, but always with stone;
the doors and entrances are low and small, so
that one person only can enter.
“In their temples they offered to their God
milk and butter.”
Among the Shelluhs milk and butter are
given as presents to princes and great men; the
milk being an emblem of good will and candour.
“When they were sick (which seldom happened)
they cured themselves with the herbs
which grew in the country; and when they
had acute pains, they scarified the part affected
with sharp stones, and burned it with fire, and
then anointed it with goat’s butter. Earthen
vessels of this goat’s butter were found interred
in the ground, having been put there by the
women, who were the makers, and took that
method of preparing it for medicine.”
The custom of the Shelluhs on such occasions
is exactly similar; the butter which they
use is old, and is buried under ground many
years in (bukul) earthen pots, and is called
budra: it is a general medicine, and is said to
possess a remarkably penetrating quality.
“They grind their barley in a hand-mill,
made of two stones, being similar to those used
in some remote parts of Europe”.
In Suse, among the Shelluhs, they grind
their corn in the same way, and barley is the
principal food.
“Their breeches are short, leaving the knees
bare;” so are those worn by the Shelluhs.
[379]
“Their common food was barley meal roasted
and mixed with goat’s milk and butter, and this
dish they call Asamotan.”
This is the common food of the Shelluhs
of Atlas, and they call it by a similar name,
Azamitta.
The opinion of the author of the History and
Conquest of the Canary Islands, is, that the
inhabitants came originally from Mauritania,
and this he founds on the resemblance of names
of places in Africa and in the islands: “for,”
says he, “Telde
214, which is the name of the
oldest habitation in Canaria, Orotaba, and
Tegesta, are all names which we find given to
places in Mauritania and in Mount Atlas. It
is to be supposed that Canaria, Fuertaventura,
and Lancerotta, were peopled by the Alarbes
215,
who are the nation most esteemed in Barbary;
for the natives of those islands named
milk Aho, and barley Temecin, which are the
names that are given to those things in the
language of the Alarbes of Barbary.” He
adds, that–
“Among the books of a library that was in
the cathedral of St. Anna in Canaria, there was
found one so disfigured, that it wanted both
the beginning and the end: it treated of the
Romans, and gave an account, that when
[380]
Africa was a Roman province, the natives of
Mauritania rebelled and killed their presidents
and governors, upon which the senate, resolving
to punish and make a severe example of the
rebels, sent a powerful army into Mauritania,
which vanquished and reduced them again to
obedience. Soon after the ringleaders of the
rebellion were put to death, and the tongues of
the common people, together with those of their
wives and children, were cut out, and then
they were all put aboard vessels with some
grain and cattle, and transported to the Canary
islands.”
216
Footnote 214:
(return) Telde or Tildie is a place in the Atlas mountains, three
miles east of Agadeer; the castle is in ruins.
Footnote 215:
(return) The Alarbes, this is the name that the inhabitants of
Lower Suse and Sahara have, El Arab or Arabs.
Footnote 216:
(return) One Thomas Nicols, who lived seven years in the
Canary Islands, and wrote a history of them, says, that the
best account he could get of the origin of the natives, was,
that they were exiles from Africa, banished thence by the
Romans, who cut out their tongues for blaspheming
their gods.
The following vocabulary will show the similarity
of language between the natives of Canaria
and the Shelluhs (inhabitants of the Atlas
mountains south of Marocco).
Benehoare, the name of the natives of Palma.
Beni Hoarie, a tribe of Arabs in Suse between
Agadeer and Terodant.
217
Footnote 217:
(return) For further particulars, see Glasse’s History of the
Canary Islands, 4to. page 174.
TITLES
OF
THE EMPEROR OF MAROCCO,
STYLE OF ADDRESSING HIM,
AND
SPECIMENS OF EPISTOLARY CORRESPONDENCE.
THE TITLES OF THE EMPEROR
ARE
Servant of God.
Commander, Captain, or Leader of the (Mumeneen)
Faithful [i.e. in Muhamed], upheld by the
Grace of God.
Prince of Hassenee. Ever supported by God.
Sultan of Fas, of Maroksh [Marocco], of Suse,
and of Draha, and of Tafilelt and Tuat, together
with all the kabyles [tribes] of the West, and of
the Berebbers of Atlas, &c.
The Sultan calls his soldiers (ketteffee) “my
shoulders or support, or strength;” his subjects
he calls his sons (woledee), and himself the father
of his people.
N.B. The Hejra, or Muhamedan æra began
A.D. 622. The Muhamedan years are lunar,
33 of which are about 32 solar years.
[383]
THE STYLE
USED BY MUSELMEN,
IN ADDRESSING THE EMPEROR,
IS AS FOLLOWS:
“Sultan of exalted dignity, whom God preserve.
May the Almighty protect that royal
purity, and bestow happiness, increase of wealth,
and prosperity on the nation of believers
[i.e. in Muhamed], whose welfare and power
is attributed entirely to the favour and benevolence
of the Exalted God.”
The Sultan is head of the ecclesiastical, military,
and civil law, and is universally considered
by his subjects God’s Vicegerent, or Lieutenant
on Earth. All letters written to his Imperial
Majesty, are begun with the praise of God,
and with the acknowledgment, (in opposition to
idolatry,) that there is neither beginning nor
power but what proceeds from God, the
eternal God, (La hule û la kûa ela billa, Allah
el adeem.)
[384]
SPECIMENS
OF
MUHAMEDAN EPISTOLARY CORRESPONDENCE.
The following Letters are literal translations from the original
Arabic, and, although not of great importance, yet it is
some satisfaction to the enquiring mind, to observe the
various modes of address, and to note the style of Epistolary
Correspondence practised by the Muhamedans,
which is so different from that which is used among
European and other nations.
LETTER I.
From Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco, to Captain
Kirke at Tangier; Ambassador from King Charles the
Second, dated 7th Du Elkadah, in the 1093d Year of
the Hejra, (corresponding to the 27th October,
A. D, 1682.)
Praise be to God, the most High alone! and
the blessing of God be upon those who are for
his prophet.
From the shereef
218, the servant of God, who
putteth his trust in God, the commander of the
p. 385
faithful, who is courageous in the way of the
omniscient God.
Footnote 218:
(return) Shereef is a general term in the Arabic for a prince, king,
or emperor, signifying royal blood.
L.S.
Ismael Son of a shereef; God illumine
and preserve him.
God assist his commanders, and give victory
to his forces and armies, Amen! To the captain
of Tangier, Kirke, peace be to those who
follow the right way;
219 this by way of preface.
Your letter came to the lofty place of our
residence, and we understand what your discourse
contained. As for the asking a cessation
of arms by sea; know, that it was not treated of
between us till this present time. Neither did
we make truce with you concerning any thing
but Tangier alone. When you came to our
illustrious house, we treated with you about
that matter for four years, and if you had
sojourned there yourself, no Muselman would
ever have gone into that town hostilely against
you, but merely as a peaceable merchant.
Footnote 219:
(return) This is a sentence which frequently occurs in the Koran,
but when used in epistolary correspondence with Christians
(for it is never used by Muhamedans between themselves),
it bears the appearance of a salutation, but the allusion is to
Muhamedans, who these people think are the only men who
follow the true path or right way; it is, however, a compliment
to all who think themselves in the right way.
As to a cessation of arms by sea, it was not
negociated by us, neither did we discourse about
it; but, when you desired it of us, we wrote to
your Master in England, saying, If you desire
[386]
a cessation of arms by sea, and are willing to receive
a firm peace from us, send us two understanding
men, of the chief of the Divan of
England, by whom the peace of all the Christians
here may be confirmed; and, when they shall
arrive at the lofty place of our residence, and
sit before us, whatsoever they shall hear from us,
by way of agreement, shall be acceded to! And
we have given you security, at sea, for four
months, viz. from the time we sent you our letter
to Tangier, till the day that there shall come an
answer from your Master, and until the arrival
of the two ambassadors aforementioned, after
the aforesaid manner. As for those men who in
thy letter thou didst say were taken at sea: I
neither know nor have heard any thing of them.
Your discourse about that matter having been
with Aly ben Abdallah, and he administered justice
(to you) upon the Muselmen who had taken
these men prisoners for the sake of him, for
whom you made your complaint to us; and he
returned the Christians to you, and imprisoned
the sailors for capturing them. Now, if there
shall happen to be a peace between me and you
at sea, as there is for four years by land, through
your mediation, and by reason of your coming
to us, I will hang them, and blot out their footsteps,
and be revenged on them with the most
severe revenge.
Our servant Muhamed ben Hadu Aater, who
came from your presence, told us that lions are
scarce in your country, and that they are in high
[387]
estimation, with you. When your servant came
to us, he found we had two small young lions,
wherefore by him we send them to you. And
know, that we have received by our servants
from your Master, three coach-horses, now a
coach requires four horses to draw it, wherefore
you must needs send us another good one of the
same kind and size, that they may draw the
coach with four horses. Oblige us in this by all
means. Farewell: we depend upon it.
Written 7th of the sacred month Du El
Kadah, in the year of the Hejra, ninety-three
and a thousand, (A.D. 1682.)
LETTER II.
From the same Muley Ismael to Sir Cloudesly Shovel, on
board the Charles Galley, off Salee, written Aug. 26.
A.D. 1684, year of the Hejra 1095.
L.S.
I, servant of God, and Emperor of
Marocco and King of Mauritania,
whom God preserve in all
his undertakings, &c.
I Salute you and the rest of the captains.
As for the captives you have taken, they belong
to several places, and are not all my subjects;
and what I do is out of charity, as they are Muhamedans,
being forced to go to sea for want of
maintenance. As for those that are my soldiers,
they go to sea to fight and to die in my quarrels;
[388]
but, those Moors that you have taken, are inconsiderable
and of no account.
Henceforward I shall have ships as big as
yours, if not bigger, hoping to take some of your
ships and captains, and cruise for you in your
English seas, as you do for us in these.
I have written letters to the King of England,
in which are kind expressions: And when you
had Tangier, all things were given to you as
you wanted, and all done out of kindness; and
now that you have left Tangier for the Moors,
whatever His Majesty of Great Britain wants,
either by sea or by land, it shall be granted, so
that there be a peace betwixt the two crowns;
for which I pass my word and faith.
Now, I have written several letters to his Majesty
of Great Britain, to which I have received as
yet no answer; but, when it (the answer) reaches
my hands, I hope there will be a good accommodation
between us.
You have taken several of our ships and destroyed
others, and you are cruising on our coast,
which is not the way to make a good peace,
neither the actions of honesty in you.
God be praised that you have quitted Tangier
and left it to us, to whom it did belong: from
henceforward we shall keep it well supplied with
stores, for it is the best port of our dominions.
As for the captives you have taken, you may
do as you please with them, heaving them into
the sea, or otherwise destroying them. The
[389]
English merchants that are here resident, shall
satisfy all their debts, which being done, none
of them shall remain in my country.
LETTER. III.
Captain Shovel’s Answer.
May it please Your Majesty,
We, the King of England’s captains, return
Your Majesty humble thanks for your kind
wishes to us. Your Majesty by this may know,
that we have received your letter, and by it we
understand, that Your Majesty is informed that
most of these people that are taken are not your
subjects. We perceive by this, as well as in
other things, how grossly Your Majesty has
been deceived by those people you trust; else,
we doubt not, but that, long before this, our
Master, whom God preserve, and Your Majesty
had accommodated all differences, and we should
have had a firm peace.
Of those fifty-three slaves that are here, (excepting
two or three,) they are all Moors of their
own country, as they themselves can make
appear; but, if they are to be disowned because
they are poor, the Lord help them!! Your
Majesty tells us, that we may throw them overboard,
if we please: all this we very well know;
but we are Christians, and they bear the form
of men, which is reason enough for us not
to do so.
[390]
As to Tangier, our Master kept it twenty-one
years; and the world is sensible, that in spite of
all your force, he could, if he had pleased, have
continued to keep it to the world’s end; for, he
levelled your walls, filled up your harbour, and
demolished your houses, in the face of your
Alkaid and his army; and when he had done, he
left your
220 barren country (without the loss of a
man) for your own people to starve in: but our
departure from thence, long before this, we doubt
not, but you have repented of. When you tell
us of those mighty ships Your Majesty intends
to build and send to our coast, you must excuse
us if we think ourselves the better judges; for
we know, as to shipping, what you are able
to do.
Footnote 220:
(return) The gallant and magnanimous captain was better acquainted
with the coast than with the country, which is any
thing but barren.
If you think fit to redeem those slaves, at 100
dollars a-piece, they are at Your Majesty’s service,
and the rest shall be sent to you; or, if
you think fit to give us so many English in exchange,
we shall be well satisfied; but we think
you will hardly comply with that, for the poorest
slave that ever our Master redeemed out of your
country, cost him 200 dollars; and some of these
five times that sum, for he freely extended his
charity to all, and never forgets his people because
they are poor.
[391]
It is great wonder to us, that you should tax us
with unjust proceedings in taking your ships in
time of truce, when Your Majesty may remember
that, during the time your ambassador was in
England, your corsairs took about twenty sail of
my Master’s ships; and this very year, you have
fitted out all the force in your kingdom to sea,
who have taken several of our ships, and at the
same time pretend to a truce for peace! But
some of your ships, for their unjust dealings,
have had their reward, and the rest, when they
shall come to sea, we doubt not but God Almighty
will put them into our hands.
If Your Majesty think fit to send proposals to
my Master concerning peace, I shall take care
for the speedy and safe conveyance of the same.
I desire Your Majesty’s speedy answer; for I do
not intend to stay long before Salee.
Wishing Your Majesty long life and happiness,
I subscribe myself, Your Majesty’s
Most obedient and humble Servant,
Cloudesly Shovel.
Sept. 1684 A.D.
LETTER IV.
A literal Translation of Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco’s
Letter to Queen Anne, in the year of our Lord
1710, extracted from the Harl. MSS. 7525.
L.S.
In the name of the most
merciful God.
He that depends upon God goeth straight to
the right way. From the servant of God, the
Emperor of the believers, who maketh war for
the cause of the Lord of both worlds, Ismael ben
Assherif Al Hassanee to the Queen of the English,
nay of England, and the mistress of the great
parliament thereof, happiness to every one that
followeth the right way, and believes in God,
and is so directed.
This premised, we have heard from more than
one of the comers and goers from thy country,
that thou hast seized our Armenian servant, a
person of great esteem. We sent him to thee,
to compose a difference between us and thee,
and we wrote to thee concerning him, that thou
shouldst use him well. Then, after this, we
heard that thou didst set him at liberty: And
wherefore didst thou seize him? Hath he exceeded
any covenant, or hath he made any covenant
with thee and broke it? We should not
have sent him to thee, but on account of our
knowledge and assurance of his understanding
[393]
and integrity; and when he resolved upon his
journey into your country, we gave him directions
to dispatch some of our affairs. Wherefore
we wrote unto thee concerning him, and said,
If thou hast any necessity or business with us,
he will convey it to us from thee. And we said
unto thee, Speak with him, and whatsoever thou
sayest unto him, he will communicate unto us,
without addition or diminution.
As for what our servant Alkaid Ali ben Abdallah
did to —-, the Christian, thy servant,
by God we know nothing of it, nor gave him
any permission as to any thing that passed between
them; and, at the instant that we heard
that he had taken thy man, we commanded him
to set him at liberty forthwith; and since then
we have never manifested any favour to Alkaid
Ali, nor was our mind ever right towards him
afterwards till he died.
Our Christian servant, the merchant, Bayly,
told us, that thou hadst a mind to an ostrich,
and we gave him two, a male and a female,
which shall come to you, if God will. And, lo!
a secretary, our servant, (who is much esteemed
by us,) when he cometh he shall bring what
goods he hath collected with him, if it please
God. And we are in expectation of thy messenger
the ambassador; and if he comes, he
shall see nothing from us but what is fair; and
we will deliver to him the Christians, and do
what he pleases, if God will. Wherefore be kind
to our servant, with respect.
[394]
Written the first of the Glorious Ramadan, in
the year of the Hejra 1125 (corresponding with
A.D. 1710).
LETTER V.
Translation of an Arabic Letter from the Sultan Seedi
Muhamed
221 ben Abdallah, Emperor of Marocco, to the
European Consuls resident at Tangier, delivered to each
of them, by the Bashaw of the province of El Grarb, on
1st day of June, 1788, corresponding with the year of
the Hejra, 1202.
Footnote 221:
(return) Father of the present Sultan Soliman ben Muhamed.
L.S.
Mohamed ben Abdallah, ben
Ismael, Sultan ben, Sultan,
&c.
In the name of God, for there is no power or
strength but from God.
To all the Consuls at Tangier.
Peace (be) to those who follow the right path.
By this you will learn that we are in peace
and friendship with all the Christian powers until
the month of May of the next year, (of the Hejra,
1203,) and such nations as shall then be desirous
to continue in peace and friendship with us, are
to write a letter to us, when the month of May
comes, to inform us if they are in peace and
friendship with us, then we shall be the same
with them; but, if any Christian nation desire
to go to war with us, they will let us know before
[395]
the month above-mentioned; and we trust God
will keep us in his protection against them; and
thus I have said all I had to say.
2d day of Shaban, year of the Hejra 1202,
(corresponding with 7th May, 1788.)
Letter VI.
Letter from Muley Soliman ben Muhamed, Emperor of
Marocco, &c. &c. to His Majesty George III. literally
translated from the original Arabic, by James Grey
Jackson, at the request of the Right Hon. Spencer Perceval,
after lying in the Secretary of State’s Office
here for several months, and being then sent ineffectually
to the Universities for translation, and after various enquiries
had been made on behalf of the Emperor, to the
Governor of Gibraltar, the Bashaw of El Garb, and
the Alkaid of Tangier, to ascertain if any answer had
been returned to his Imperial Majesty.
In the name of God! the all-merciful and
commiserating God, on whom is our account,
and we acknowledge his support; for there is
neither beginning nor power but that which proceeds
from God, the High Eternal God.
From the servant of God, the commander of
the faithful [in Muhamed] upheld and supported
by the Grace of God.
Soliman the son of Muhamed, the son of Abdallah,
the son of Ismael, Prince of [the house or
dynasty of Hassan]
222 who was ever upheld by the
[396]
power of God, Sultan of Fas and Marocco, and
Suse, and Draha, and Tafilelt, and Tuat, together
with all the territories of the West.
L.S.
Soliman, son of Mohamed, son
Abdallah, God illumine and support
him!
To our dearly beloved and cherished, exalted
by the power of God, the Sultan
223 George the
Third, Sultan of the territories of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain, Ireland, Duke of
Mecklenburg Strelitz, Prince, descended from
the dynasty of the Sultans of Rome and Palestine,
&c.
Footnote 223:
(return) This perhaps is the only letter extant, wherein a Muselman
Prince gives the title of Sultan to a Christian king.
This premised, we inform you, that we make
diligent inquiry about you, desiring heartily that
you may be at all times surrounded by health
and prosperity. We wish you to increase in
friendship with us, that our alliance may be more
strongly cemented than heretofore, even stronger
than it was in the days of our ancestors, whom
God guard and protect.
Now therefore we make known to you, that
your physician, Doctor Buffé, has been in our
royal presence, [which is] exalted by the bounty
of God, and we have been well pleased with his
medical knowledge and diligent attention, and
moreover with the relief he has given to us.
We have therefore to entreat of you to give
[397]
him your royal order to return to Gibraltar, in
our neighbourhood, well provided with all good
and necessary medicines; that he, residing at
Gibraltar, may be ready to attend quickly our
royal presence, whenever we may be in need of
his [medical] assistance. We trust you will return
him without procrastination to our throne,
seeing that he has been of essential service to us.
We recommend you to exalt Dr. Buffé, in your
favour and esteem on our account, and we will
always be your allies and friends. May you ever
be well and in prosperity! Peace be with you,
4th of the month Jumad El Lule in the year [of
the Hejra] 1221, (corresponding with 5th July,
1806, A.D.)
LETTER VII.
In Muhamedan countries, an insolvent man
continues liable to his creditors till the day of
his death, unless the debt is discharged; but he
can claim by law his liberation from prison, on
making oath, and bringing proof of his insolvency:
but then if he succeed afterwards and
become possessed of property, he is compelled
to pay the debts formerly contracted; so that an
European should be cautious how he contracts
debts with the Moors, lest the misfortunes that
commerce is liable to should oblige him to
remain all his life in the country. A letter,
similar to the following, should be procured by
every European, about to quit the country, to
[398]
prevent the extortion of the alkaid, who might,
as has often happened before, throw impediments
in the way for the purpose of extorting presents,
&c.
Translation of a Firman of Departure, literally translated
from the Original Arabic, by James Grey Jackson.
L.S.
Soliman ben Muhamed, ben
Abdallah, ben Ismael Sultan,
&c.
Praise be to God alone.
Our servants El Hage Mohamed o Bryhim,
and Seid Mohamed Bel Akkia, peace and the
mercy of God be with you! This premised, I
command you to suffer the Christian merchant,
Jackson, to embark for his own country, if it
appears to you that no one pursues him in law
[for debt,] as I wrote to you on this subject in
my last letter: if no one claims of him any right
by law, allow him to go, and do not impede him.
224
God protect you, and peace be with you. 3d
day of Saffer, the good year 1220 of the Hejra,
(A.C. 1805.)
Footnote 224:
(return) This repetition of the principal subject in Arabic correspondence,
is a mode of impressing on the mind more forcibly,
the subject intended to be impressed, and is commonly
practised by the best Arabian, and African writers; it also
frequently occurs in the inspired writings. See Psalms
lxxv, l. lxxvii, 1. &c.
LETTER VIII.
As a specimen of the lofty style of writing so
much in use among the Eastern authors, I shall
[399]
add the summons which Hulacu the Tartar
conqueror of the East, (who took Bagdad, and
entirely subverted the government of the Saracens,)
sent to Al Mâlek Annâsar, sultan of Aleppo,
in the year of the Hejra 657, (of Christ 1259.)
Let Al Mâlek Annâsar know, that we sat down
before Bagdad in the 655th year (of the Hejra,)
and took it by the sword of the most high God:
and we brought the master of it before us, and
demanded two things of him; to which he, not
answering, brought deserved punishment upon
himself. As it is written in your Koran, “God
doth not change the condition of a people, till their
own minds are changed.” He took care of his
wealth, and fate brought him to what he is come
to. He chose to exchange precious lives for
pieces of money made of vile metal; which is
plainly the same that God says They found
[the reward of] what they had done present with
them.
225 For we have attained by the power of
God, what we desired; and by the help of the
most high God we shall increase. Nor is there
any doubt of our being the army of God upon
his earth. He created us, and gave us power
over every one upon whom his anger rests.
Wherefore, let what is past be to you an example,
and what we have mentioned a warning.
Fortifications are nothing in our hands, nor doth
[400]
the joining of battle avail you any thing; nor
will your intreaties be heard or regarded. Take
warning therefore by others, and surrender entirely
to us, before the veil be taken off, and
[the punishment of] sin light upon you. For we
shall have no mercy upon him that complains,
nor be moved by him that weeps. We have
wasted countries, we have destroyed men, we
have made children orphans, and the land desolate.
It is your business to run away; ours to
pursue; nor can you escape our swords, nor fly
from our arrows. Our horses are racers; our
arrows strike home; our swords pierce like
lightning; our fortifications are like mountains,
and our numbers like the sand. Whosoever surrenders
comes off safe: whosoever is for war, repents
it. If you will obey our command, and
come to our terms, your interest and ours shall
be the same; but if you be refractory and persist
in your error, blame not us, but yourselves.
God is against you, ye wicked wretches: look
out for something to screen you under your
miseries, and find somebody to bear you company
in your affliction. We have given you fair
warning, and fair warning is fair play. You have
eaten things forbidden
226, you have been perfidious
in your treaties. You have introduced new
heresies, and thought it a gallant thing to commit
sodomy. Prepare yourselves therefore for
[401]
scorn and contempt. Now you will find what
you have done; for they that have done amiss,
will now find their state changed. You take it
for granted, that we are infidels. We take it
for granted, that you are villains; and He by whose
hand all things are disposed and determined,
hath given us the dominion over you. The
greatest man you have is despicable among us;
and what you call rich, is a beggar. We govern
the world from east to west, and whosoever is
worth any thing is our prey; and we take every
ship by force. Weigh therefore what is fit to be
done, and return us a speedy answer, before
infidelity
227 shall have kindled its fire, and scattered
its sparks among you, and destroy you all
from off the face of the earth. We have awakened
you by sending to you: make haste with
an answer, lest punishment come upon you unawares.
Footnote 225:
(return): A quotation from the Koran. The Tartar was a deist,
and quotes the Koran in derision.
Footnote 226:
(return) The Muhamedans, whose religion is a compound of Judaism
and Christianity, have borrowed many customs from
either, they abstain like the Jews from swine’s flesh, &c.
Footnote 227:
(return) As the Muhamedans charge every nation that doth not
believe Muhamed to have been a prophet with infidelity, so
the Tartar (who was a Deist) returns it upon them.
LETTER IX.
Translation of a Letter from the Emperor Muley Yezzid,
to Webster Blount, Esq. Consul General to the Empire
of Marocco, from their High Mightinesses the States-General,
of the Seven United Provinces. Written soon
after the Emperor’s Proclamation, and previous to the
Negotiation for the opening of the Port of Agadeer, to
Dutch Commerce.
“Praise be to God alone; for there is neither
beginning nor power without God.”
L.S.
Yezzid ben Muhamed, Sultan
ben Sultan, (i.e. Emperor
and Son of an Emperor.)
“To the Consul Blount. Peace be with those
who follow the right way, or the way of the true
God: and this being premised, know that I have
received your letter, and that we are with you,
(the Dutch nation,) in peace and amity and good
faith, and peace be with you. 22 Ramadan,
year of the Hejra 1204, (A.C. 1792.)”
Translated literally by the Author, from the
original Arabic in his possession.
LETTER X.
Translation of a Letter from the Emperor Yezzid, to the
Governor of Mogodor, Aumer ben Daudy, to give the
Port of Agadeer to the Dutch, and to send there the
Merchants of that Nation.
“Praise be to God alone; for there is neither
beginning nor power without God,
the eternal God.”
[403]
L.S.
Yezzid ben Muhamed, Sultan
ben Sultan.
“Our servant (or agent) Alkaid Aumer ben
Daudy, peace be unto you, with the mercy and
blessing of God: this premised, I command that
all the duties you have collected be sent to me
speedily by my brother
228 Muley Soliman, who will
(berik) discharge you by receipt for every thing you
deliver to him, for he is our representative. We
are preparing to go to the siege of Ceuta, with
the acquiescence of the High God, by whose
power we hope to enter it, and take it. And
we command you to send the Alkaid M’saud El
Hayanie to my port of Agadeer, with all things
necessary for his journey, assisting him with
every possible succour, and send with him twenty
Benianters
229, who must be sailors skilful in the
management of boats; and the Christian merchants
of the Dutch nation will go to Agadeer,
and establish their houses there; for I have given
that port to the Dutch to trade there: and send
with them Talb Aumer Busedra, and the eye of
God be upon you, and peace be with you.”
Footnote 228:
(return) The duties were at this time collected in kind; viz. one
tenth of every thing imported from Europe: and the present
Emperor Muly Soliman was deputed to convey them to the
camp before Ceuta, to his brother, the Emperor Muley Yezzid,
whose army was besieging that fortress.
Footnote 229:
(return) Benianters, are a kabyle of Shelluhs of Suse, who are
employed to work, and row the boats, and land the goods at
Mogodor.
Seventh day of Arrabea Ellule, year (Hejra)
1205.
230
Translated by the Author, from the original
Arabic in his possession.
“Be vigilant with respect to the matter of the
establishment of Agadeer, and of M’saud El
Hayanie.”
231
Footnote 230:
(return) Corresponding with A.C. 1793.
Footnote 231:
(return) The Emperors of Marocco, and the Arabian writers in general
thus repeat the principal subject of a letter or discourse,
to impress it more forcibly on the mind.
LETTER XI.
Epistolary Diction used by the Muhamedans of Africa, in
their Correspondence with all their Friends who are not
of the Muhamedan faith.
“Praise be to God alone; for there is neither
beginning nor strength without
God, the eternal God.
“From the servant of the great God, El Hage
Abdrahaman El Fellely, to my friend Consul
Jackson, peace be to those who follow the right
way, or who pursue the right path; and then, O
my friend, I have received your letter, and I
have taken good notice of its contents, &c. &c.”
The letter, after explaining matters of business,
concludes thus:–
“Do not leave me without news from you;
and peace be with you, and peace from me
to our friend L’hage Muhamed Bu Zeyd;
and peace from me to Seed Muham’d bel Hassen,
and to the Fakeer Seed Abdallah, and
praise be to God, I am very well, and prosperous.
[405]
Written 15th day of Shaban, year of the
Hejra 1209, (1797, A.C.)”
The style in which letters are addressed is generally
as follows:–
“This shall arrive, God willing, to the hands
of Consul Jackson, at Agadeer. May God prosper
it.”
LETTER XII.
Translation of a Letter from the Sultan, Seedi Muhamed
Emperor of Marocco, to the Governor of Mogodor.
“Praise be to God alone,
“I order my servant Alkaid Muhamed ben
Amran, to deliver the treasure and the merchandise
to the Christian merchants at Mogodor,
which is in the possession of the Jews, Haim
Miram, and Meemon ben Isaac Corcos, and
others of the Jews, friends of the Christian merchants.
God assist you, and peace be with you.
23d of the month Jumad Ellule, year of the
Hejra 1203.
“By order of the Sultan, empowered by
God. Written by Talb El Huderanie.”
The courier who receives the letter is ordered
by the minister whom to deliver it to. It is then
inclosed in a blank leaf or sheet of paper, without
any address, and not sealed. It is presumed,
that the courier or messenger will not dare to
open it, or discover the contents to any one;
such a breach of confidence might cost him his
head, if discovered.
[406]
Doubts having been made in the Daily Papers,
concerning the accuracy of the two following
Translations of the Shereef Ibrahim’s account
of Mungo Park’s Death; the following Observations,
by the Author, are laid before the
Public in elucidation of those Translations.
The following is a copy of a letter, supposed
to be a description of Mungo Park’s death;
brought to England from Ashantee in Africa, by
Mr. Bowdich; and that gentleman assured me,
about six months after his arrival in England,
and a few days previous to the publication of his
interesting account of a mission to Ashantee,
that he had by every means in his power endeavoured,
but ineffectually, to get this manuscript
decyphered and translated into English; that he
had sent it to several persons, who had retained
it in their hands a considerable time, but had
returned it without a decypher, or even a complete
translation. When delivered into my
hands, I transmitted him a decypher, and a translation
immediately. The following is my translation,
which, in that gentleman’s account of
Ashantee, is coupled with another translation,
not perspicuous, but unintelligible; for which see
Bowdich’s “Account of a Mission to Ashantee,”
Appendix, No. 2.
The original Arabic document, of which I have
given a decypher in the work before mentioned,
[407]
is, (for the information of gentlemen desirous of
referring to the same,) deposited in the British
Museum. There are also, in the same work on
Ashantee, several papers decyphered by me, of
certain routes in Africa. Now I think it expedient
here, to declare to the public, that whenever
the British Government, the Court of Admiralty,
or private individuals, have stood in
need of translations, and decyphers from the
Arabic, they have invariably found it expedient,
ultimately, to apply to me for the same, after
having, however, endeavoured ineffectually to
procure their information at the Universities,
the Post Office, and elsewhere: but as this
declaration may appear to many incredible, I
will mention three instances in elucidation of this
my assertion, which, as they are all on record,
will place this fact beyond doubt.
1st. A vessel under Marocco colours, was,
during last war, taken by a British cruiser, and
sent or brought into Plymouth, or other port,
in England. The captain and the ship were detained
a considerable time here; the former, at
length, whose patience became exhausted, expostulated
at his detention, and insisted on
being released, if no interpreter in this commercial
nation could be found competent to
translate his passport. Mr. Slade, an eminent
proctor in Doctors’ Commons, then applied to
me, after a detention of, I believe, two months,
and I translated the passport. Mr. Slade very
liberally told me, that whatever I chose to
[408]
charge for this service, which he had sought in
vain to accomplish, should be gratefully paid. I
charged five guineas; and it was instantly paid.
The passport consisted of two lines and a half.
This was in the Court of Admiralty. Mr. Slade,
who is an honourable and respectable man, will
of course not hesitate to corroborate the accuracy
of this statement.
2d. A letter was written by the present Sultan
Soliman, emperor of Marocco, &c. to our late revered
sovereign, George III., in a more courteous
style than is usual for Muhamedan potentates
to write to Christian kings; with liberal offers
on the part of the Sultan, courting an augmentation
of friendly intercourse, &c. This letter
(contrary to the usual courtesy of European
courts) was neglected some months, no answer
being returned to it. It was sent to the Universities
for translation, but ineffectually; then
to the Post Office; and, at the expiration of
some months, it was accidentally transmitted to
me, through the hands of the Right Honourable
Spencer Perceval, at that time Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and I delivered, at the request
of that gentleman, a translation of it in English.
This letter was ten or fifteen times as long as
the passport before mentioned, and I charged
thirty pounds for the service. But the Treasury
thought ten pounds a sufficient remuneration,
which I accepted!!
This service was rendered to the British government,
[409]
and I have letters and documents in
my possession, which corroborate this fact.
3d. Was the translation of an Arabic manuscript,
respecting Mungo Park’s death; delivered
gratuitously to a private individual, viz. Mr.
Bowdich, before mentioned; to satisfy the
curiosity of my country, whose interest was excited
respecting the fate of that enterprising and
indefatigable African traveller. Mr. Bowdich,
who is an honourable man, will undoubtedly confirm
the truth of this statement, to any gentleman
who may be desirous of ascertaining the
fact.
The Shereef Ibrahim’s account of Mungo Park’s
Death.
(THE AUTHOR’S TRANSLATION.)
“In the name of God, the Merciful and Clement!
“This narrative proceeds from the territory in
Husa, called Eeaurie or Yeaurie. We observed
an extraordinary event or circumstance, but we
neither saw nor heard of the river which is
called Kude. And as we were sitting we heard
the voice of children; and we saw a vessel, the
like to which in size we never saw before. And
we saw the king of Eeaurie send cattle and
sheep, and a variety of vegetables, in great
abundance. And there were two men and one
woman, and two slaves; and they tied them in
the vessel. There were also in the vessel two
[410]
white men, of the race called Christians: and
the Sultan of Eeaurie called aloud to them, to
come out of the vessel, but they would not.
They proceeded to the country of Busa, which
is greater than that of the Sultan of Eeaurie.
And as they were sitting in the vessel, they
hung
232, or were stopped by the cape, or head-land
of Kude.”
Footnote 232:
(return) Probably by an impetuous current.
“And the people of the sultan of Busa called to
them, and poured their arms into the vessel; and
the vessel reached the head-land or cliff, and became
attached or fixed to the head of the mountain
or projection in the river, and could not
pass it. Then the men and women of Busa collected
themselves hostilely together, with arms
of all descriptions; and the vessel being unable
to clear the head-land, the man in the vessel
killed his wife, and threw the whole of her property
into the river; they then threw themselves
into the river through fear. The news of
this occurrence was then conveyed to the Sultan
Wawee, until it reached, by water, the territory
of Kanjee, in the country of the Sultan Wawee.
And we buried it in its earth; and one of them
we saw not at all in the water. And God
knows the truth of this report from the mouth
of the Shereef Ibrahim. The end.”
OBSERVATION.
After giving the foregoing translation, it behoves
[411]
me to inform the intelligent reader, that
I wrote a letter to Mr. Bowdich, communicating
to him my observations on several notes, transmitted
to him by Sir William Ouseley, on the
manuscript of which the foregoing is a translation,
in which I informed him, that in decyphering
the Arabic manuscript, I had observed the
Oriental or Asiatic punctuation; knowing that
Mr. Bulmer had not letters with the occidental
punctuation. Several observations I made,
respecting the Arabic manuscripts which could
not be elucidated here without the Arabic
type. I shall, therefore, omit them, and conclude
by observing, that in translating this
manuscript, two gentlemen (Arabic scholars)
had translated akkadan Fie Asfeena, “two
maids in the ship;” which words I have
translated, “were tied or bound in the vessel:”
the word akkadan being the preterite of the
verb akkad, to bind. I was not surprised to hear
that one translator had made such an interpretation;
knowing that incredible errors have
been frequently committed by professed Professors
in the Hebrew language as well as in the
Arabic. But when I heard, as I did, that another
Arabic scholar had given a similar interpretation,
I must confess that I was not a little surprised.
However, a circumstance soon after
unravelled the mystery; for I discovered that
these two gentlemen, at a loss no doubt to ascertain
the meaning of akkadan, had referred to
[412]
Richardson’s Arabic Dictionary, wherein the
word is quoted to signify, in a figurative sense,
a virgin. In a figurative sense! In translating
an ill-written, illiterate, and ungrammatical manuscript,
these two translators had had recourse
to rhetorical figures, and actually substituted a
trope for what was a verb, generally used in the
West, signifying “to bind!”
As it has been asserted in the following extract,
that my translation of the foregoing manuscript
differs only in a trifling degree from that of
Mr. Abraham Salamé, I here insert my answer to
that assertion, leaving the intelligent reader to
determine, whether they are alike or materially
different.
Extract from The Times, 3d May, 1819.
MUNGO PARK.
The death of this enterprising traveller is
now placed beyond any doubt. Many accounts
of it have been received, and although varying
as to the circumstances attending it, yet all
agreeing that it has taken place. One statement
was given to Mr. Bowdich, while on his mission
to the King of the Ashantees, in 1817, by a
Moor, who said that he was an eye-witness; and
the same gentleman procured an Arabic manuscript
declaratory of Mr. Park’s death. This
manuscript has been deposited with the African
Association, formed for the purpose of extending
[413]
researches in that part of the world. Two
translations have been made of this curious document;
one by Mr. Salamé, an Egyptian, who
accompanied Viscount Exmouth in his attack on
Algiers, as interpreter; and the other by Mr.
Jackson, formerly consul at one of the Barbary
courts. The following is Mr. Salamé’s translation,
from which, however, the one by Mr.
Jackson only differs in a trifling degree. The
words in italics have been inserted by Mr. Salamé,
in order to render the reading more perfect,
and are not in the original:–
A literal Translation of a Declaration written in
a corrupted Arabic, from the Town of Yaud,
in the Interior of Africa.
“‘In the name of God, the merciful and the
munificent. This declaration is issued from the
town called Yaud, in the county of Kossa. We
(the writer) do witness the following case (statement.)
We never saw, nor heard of the sea
(river) called Koodd; but we sat to hear (understood)
the voice (report) of some persons, saying,
‘We saw a ship, equal to her we never
saw before; and the King of Yaud had sent
plenty of every kind of food, with cows and
sheep; there were two men, one woman, two
male slaves, and two maids in the ship; the two
white men were derived from the race (sect) of
Nassri (Christ, or Christianity.) The King of
[414]
Yaud asked them to come out to him (to land);
but they refused coming out (landing); and
they went to the King of the country of Bassa,
who is greater than the King of Yaud; and
while they were sitting in the ship, and gaining a
position (rounding) over the Cape of Koodd, and
were in society with the people of the King of
Bassa, the ship reached (struck) a head of mountain,
which took (destroyed) her away, and the
men and women of Bassa all together, with
every kind of arms (goods); and the ship could
find no way to avoid the mountain; and the
man who was in the ship, killed his wife, and
threw all his property into the sea (river), and
then they threw themselves also, from fear.
Afterwards they took one out of the water till
the news reached the town of Kanji, the country
of the King of Wawi; and the King of Wawi
heard of it; he buried him in his earth (grave),
and the other we have not seen; perhaps he is
in the bottom of the water. And God knows
best.’ Authentic from the mouth of Sherif
Abraham.–Finis.’
“In addition to the foregoing, another corroboration
has been obtained. Lieut. Col. Fitzclarence,
when on his voyage down the Mediterranean
on board the Tagus frigate, Capt.
Dundas, with despatches from the Marquis of
Hastings, learnt from the governor to the two
sons of the Emperor of Marocco, who had been
on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and were then returning
home, that he (Hadjee Tahib) had
[415]
been at Timbuctoo in 1807, and had heard of
two white men, who came from the sea, having
been near that place the year before; and that
they sold beads, and had no money to purchase
grain. This person added, that they went
down the Nile to the eastward, and that general
report stated that they died of the climate.
There can be little doubt but the two white men
here alluded to were Mr. Park and his companion,
Lieutenant Martyn, who were at Sandsanding
in Nov. 1805, and could, in the following
year, have been near Timbuctoo. Sandsanding
is the place from whence the last dispatches
were dated by Mr. Park; and Amadi
Fatouma, who was his guide afterwards, was
sent to learn his fate, and returned with an
account of Mr. Park being drowned. The
statement of this person was, however, of such
a nature as to excite suspicions of its correctness;
and hopes were entertained that Mr.
Park had not met with such an untimely fate.
Fourteen years have now almost elapsed since
the date of his last dispatches; and this circumstance
is of itself sufficient to demonstrate,
that he is to be added to the catalogue of
those who have perished in their attempts to
explore the interior of Africa.–Englishman.”
TO THE EDITOR OF THE BRITISH STATESMAN.
Sir;–Seeing in your Paper of yesterday a
translation of the Arabic manuscript respecting
[416]
Mr. Mungo Park’s death, which is deposited
with the African Association, and decyphered
and transcribed by me in Mr. Bowdich’s account
of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 480, and perceiving
that the errors in that translation are thus
propagated to the public through the medium
of the London Papers; which although perhaps
of little consequence to the general
reader, yet, as they are of importance to the
critic, and to the investigator of African affairs,
I shall take the liberty of offering a few observations
on the subject.
The following passage, in the translation
above alluded to, might have passed the public
eye without animadversion as the language of a
foreigner, (as we have understood Mr. Salamé
to be,) but from the intelligent Editor of a
London daily paper, might we not have expected
more correct phraseology?
233
Footnote 233:
(return) “The phrases thus objected to by our learned Correspondent,
were contained in the translations furnished to us
in common with other papers, and not the language of the
Editor. Indeed, this appears to be admitted by our Correspondent himself,
in the apparently very just comments he
has thus favoured us with.–Editor.”
“The ship reached a head of mountain which
took her away, and the men and women of
Bassa, altogether with every kind of arms, and
the ship could find no way to avoid the mountain.”
I have no hesitation in declaring to be incorrect
the first two lines of Mr. Abraham Salamé’s
[417]
translation, inserted in your paper of yesterday, which
runs thus:–
“This declaration is issued from the town
called Yaud, in the country of Kossa.”
My translation of this passage, inserted in
Mr. Bowdich’s account of a Mission to Ashantee,
page 478, runs thus:–
“This narrative proceeds from the territory in
Hausa called Ecauree.”
No one, I presume, will say that there is not
a manifest difference between these two translations–between
the town called Yaud, in the
country of Kossa, and the territory of Hausa,
called Ecauree.
One of these translations must therefore necessarily
be incorrect. The Arabic manuscript
decyphered and transcribed by me, is inserted
in Mr. Bowdich’s work, page 480. Those who
may feel interested in ascertaining which is the
correct and precise translation, are requested to
refer to the transcript above-mentioned, or to
the original manuscript, in the possession of the
African Association. As for myself, I presume
I am right; and would submit the decision to
the judgment of either Sir Gore Ousley, or to
that of Sir William, or to the opinion of any
Arabic scholar, to decide this question.
If, Mr. Editor, you had an Arabic type, to
save the trouble of referring to the original, I
should ask the Arabic scholar if it were possible
for any man to translate the following passage
in that document:–“Bled Hausa eekalu Ecuree”–“the
[418]
town called Yaud, in the country
of Cossa;” whilst I should maintain that it
would admit of no other translation but the following,
viz.–“the country of Hausa, called
Ecauree.”
If you think this elucidation of the translation
of the Manuscript of Park’s death sufficiently
interesting to the public to deserve a
place in your intelligent paper, it is very much
at your service.
From, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
James Grey Jackson,
Professor of African Languages, and formerly British
Consul and Agent for Holland, Sweden, and Denmark,
at Santa Cruz, South Barbary.
234
Circus, Minories,
May 4. 1819.
LETTERS RESPECTING AFRICA,
FROM
J.G. JACKSON AND OTHERS.
On the Plague.
To JAMES WILLIS, Esq. late Consul to Senegambia.
London, October 30, 1804.
My dear Sir,
Your letter reached my hands yesterday; but
I am afraid I shall not be able to satisfy you in
every enquiry which you have made relative to
the plague in Barbary in 1799. I have, however,
no doubt but the plague which has prevailed
in Spain has originated from it. Some of
the following observations may probably be of
service to you.
It does not appear to be ascertained how the
plague originated in Fas in the year 1799. Some
persons have ascribed it to infected merchandise
received at Fas from the East; whilst others
maintain that the locusts which had infested
Western Barbary during seven years, destroying
the crops, the vegetables, and every green thing,
even to the bark of the trees, produced such a
scarcity, that the poor could obtain scarcely
[420]
any thing to eat but the locusts; and living on
them for several months, till a most abundant
crop enabled them to satisfy the cravings of nature,
they ate abundantly of the new corn, which
producing a fever, brought on the contagion. At
this time the small-pox pervaded the country,
and was generally fatal. The small-pox is thought
to be the forerunner of this species of contagion,
as appears by an ancient Arabic manuscript,
which gives a full account of the same disorder
having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants
of West Barbary about four hundred years since;
but, however the dreadful epidemy originated,
the leading features of the disorder were novel,
and more dreadful than the common plague of
Turkey, or that of Syria or Egypt, as the following
observations will demonstrate.
In the month of April, 1799, a plague of the
most dreadful kind manifested itself at the city of
Old Fas, which soon after communicated itself
to the new city. About this time the Emperor
Muley Soliman ben Muhamed was preparing a
numerous army, and was on the eve of departure
to visit his Southern dominions, and to take
possession of the province of Abda, which had
not acknowledged him as Emperor, but was, as
well as the port of Saffy, in a state of rebellion.
The Emperor left Fas early in the summer, and
proceeded to Sallee, Mazagan, and Saffee; thence
to Marocco and Mogodor. Now the plague began
to kindle in all the Southern provinces, first
carrying off one or two the first day, three or
four the second day, six or eight the third day,
[421]
and increasing progressively till it amounted to
a daily mortality of two in a hundred of the
whole population; continuing with unabated violence,
ten, fifteen, twenty days, being of longer
duration in old than in new towns; then diminishing
in a progressive proportion from one
thousand a-day, to nine hundred, to eight hundred
and so continuing to decrease till it disappeared.
When it raged at the town of Mogodor, a small
village (Deabet) situated two miles South-east of
Mogodor remained uninfected, although the
communication was open between these two
places. On the thirty-fourth day after its first
appearance at Mogodor, this village received the
infection, where, after committing dreadful havock
among the human species for twenty-one
days carried off one hundred persons out of one
hundred and thirty-three, the population of the
village before the plague visited it. After this,
none died; but those who were infected recovered,
some losing the use of a leg, or an arm,
or an eye.
Many similar circumstances might be mentioned
relative to the numerous villages scattered
about the extensive province of Haha, all which
shared the like, or a worse fate. Travelling
through this province after the plague had disappeared,
I saw many ruins, which had been
flourishing villages before the plague. Making
enquiry concerning the population of these dismal
remains of the pestilence, I was informed,
[422]
that one village contained six hundred inhabitants;
that only four had escaped. Others,
which had contained four and five hundred, had
left seven or eight to lament the calamities they
had suffered.
Whenever any families retired to the country,
to avoid the infection; on returning to town,
when apparently all infection had disappeared,
they were generally attacked, and died. The
destruction of the human species in the province
of Upper and LowerSuse was much greater
than elsewhere. The capital city of this province
(Tarodant) lost, when the infection was
at its acmé, about eight hundred each day; the
city of Marocco lost one thousand each day; the
cities of Old and New Fas from twelve to fifteen
hundred each day; insomuch, that, in these large
towns, the mortality was such, that the living
had not time to bury the dead: they were therefore
thrown altogether into large holes, which
were covered over when full of dead bodies.
Young and healthy robust persons were generally
attacked first; then women and children;
lastly, thin, sickly, and old people. After the
plague had totally subsided, we saw men, who had
been common labourers, enjoying their thousands,
and keeping horses, without knowing how to ride
them. Provisions became extremely cheap, for
the flocks and herds had been left in the fields, and
had nobody now to own them. Day-labour increased
enormously. Never was equality in the
human species more evident than at this time.
[423]
When corn was to be ground, or bread made, both
were done in the houses of the rich, and prepared
by themselves; for the very few poor people whom
the plague had spared were insufficient for the
wants of the affluent, and they were consequently
obliged to work for themselves. The country
being now depopulated, vast tribes of Arabs from
the Desert poured into Suse and Draha; settling
themselves on the river Draha and in Suse, and
wherever they found little or no population.
The symptoms of the disorder varied in different
patients; in some it manifested itself by a
sudden shivering, in others by delirium, succeeded
by a violent thirst. Cold water was
drank eagerly by the imprudent, and generally
proved fatal. Some had one, two, or three, some
more biles, generally in the groin, under the
arm, or near the breast; some had more. Some
had no biles, nor any outward disfiguration;
these were invariably carried off in less than
twenty-four hours. I recommended Mr. Baldwin’s
remedy
235, applied according to his directions;
and I do not know one instance of its
failing, when properly applied, and sufficiently
persevered in.
Footnote 235:
(return) Of unction of the body with olive oil.
I have no doubt but the epidemy, which has
been ravaging Spain lately, is the same disorder
with the one above described. We have been
told that it was communicated originally to Spain
by two infected persons, who went from Tangier
[424]
to Estapona, and eluded the vigilance of
the guards. We have been assured that it was
communicated by some persons infected, who
landed in Spain from a vessel that had loaded
produce at Laraich, in West Barbary. We have
also been informed that a Spanish privateer,
which had occasion to land its crew for water in
some part of West Barbary, caught the infection,
and afterwards went to Cadiz and communicated
it to the town.
James G. Jackson.
Death of Mungo Park.
May, 1812.
The doubts which may have existed of the
fate of this eminent man are now removed, by
the certain accounts lately received from Goree,
of his having perished, through the hostility of
the natives, on one of the branches of the Niger.
The particulars have been transmitted to Sir
Joseph Banks, by Governor Maxwell, of Goree,
who received them from Isaco
236, a Moor, sent
inland by the Governor, for the purpose of
enquiry. In a letter to Mr. Dickson, of Covent-garden,
brother-in-law to Mr. Park, Sir Joseph
thus writes:–
“I have read Isaco’s translated journal; by
which it appears, that the numerous European
retinue of Mungq Park quickly and miserably
[425]
died, leaving, at the last, only himself and a
Mr. Martyn. Proceeding on their route, they
stopped at a settlement, from which, according
to custom, they sent a present to the chief whose
territory they were next to pass. This present
having been treacherously withheld, the chief
considered it, in the travellers, as a designed
injury and neglect. On their approaching, in a
canoe, he assembled his people on a narrow
channel of rocks
237, and assailed them so violently
with arrows, that some of the rowers were killed.
This caused Mr. Park and Mr. Martyn to make
an effort by swimming to reach the shore; in
which attempt they both were drowned. The
canoe shortly afterwards sunk, and only one hired
native escaped. Every appurtenance also of the
travellers was lost or destroyed, except a sword-belt
which had belonged to Mr. Martyn, and
which Isaco redeemed, and brought with him
to Goree.”
Footnote 236:
(return) Isaco was a Jew, not a Moor.–J.G.J.
Footnote 237:
(return) There is a remarkable confirmation of this quotation from
Sir Joseph’s letter in Mr. Jackson’s translation of the Arabic
manuscript of Mungo Park’s death, for which see Bowdich’s
Account of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 480.; also Annals of
Oriental Literature, No. I.
Death of Mr. Rontgen, in an Attempt to explore the
Interior of Africa.
May, 1812.
The young German gentleman of the name of
Rontgen, who left England about a twelve-month
since for Africa, in order to prosecute
[426]
discoveries in the interior of that country, has, it
is said, been murdered by the Arabs, before he
had proceeded any great distance from Mogodor,
where he spent some time perfecting himself in
the Arabic language. He was a promising
young man, and an enthusiast in the cause in
which he was lost, and supposed to understand
the Arabic language better than any European
who ever before entered Africa. At an early
age he formed the plan of going to that country,
and gave up his connections and a competency
in Germany, to prosecute his intentions. His
father was a character well known in Europe,
who raised himself from obscurity to the greatest
celebrity by his talent for mechanics. He was
at one time worth a million, but was ruined by
the French revolution.
The following Letter from James Willis, Esq. late Consul
to Senigambia, is extracted from the Gentleman’s Magazine
for May, 1812.
COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.
May 5. 1812.
At a time when our ancient rivals and enemies
are exerting all their powers to destroy the British
commerce, and have nearly effected their
gigantic schemes of cutting off all communication
between Great Britain and the various ports,
states, and kingdoms of Europe; at such a time
when we are in imminent danger of losing the
markets of a quarter of the globe, it becomes
[427]
essentially important to discover other channels
for our commerce, and other markets for our
manufactures.
In this point of view, the information lately
communicated to the public by Mr. James Grey
Jackson, in his “Travels in Africa,” becomes
highly interesting to the statesman as well as to
the merchant. From the account which he has
given of the city of Timbuctoo, and its commercial
relations, there is great reason to conclude,
that if we could find means to open and maintain
a safe and easy communication with that
great emporium, and with the rich, fertile, and
populous regions in its vicinity, we might acquire
a market for our manufactures, that would in
time compensate for the loss of that of Europe.
In the warehouses of Timbuctoo, are accumulated
the manufactures of India and of Europe;
and from thence the immense population that
dwells upon the banks of the Niger is supplied.
There is no doubt that we could furnish the articles
they want, upon much lower terms than they
can obtain them at present; and, in return, we
should furnish the best market they could have
for their gold, ivory, gums, and other rich products,
and raw materials.
Now, it certainly appears to me, and I think
it must appear to every man who takes the trouble
of investigating the subject, that, provided Government
would give proper support to the enterprise,
this important communication might easily
be established. For this purpose, nothing more
[428]
is necessary than to take a fortified station upon
the African coast, somewhere about the 29th
degree of north latitude, near the confines of the
Marocco dominions, to serve as a safe magazine
or emporium for merchandize. From this station
it would be easy to maintain a direct correspondence
with the opulent merchants of Timbuctoo;
regular caravans might be established
to depart at fixed periods; the protection of the
Arabs can at all times be purchased at stipulated
prices, which may be considered as premiums of
insurance, or as a tax for convoy, and thus in a
little time these caravans might carry out merchandize,
to and from Timbuctoo, with as much
regularity and safety, and with less expense,
than our fleets convey our goods to and from
the West Indies.
The expense of such a fortified station as is
here proposed, would be very moderate, in comparison
with the advantages it would produce;
and it would be easy to draw out a plan for it;
but I do not think it would be proper to go into
a detail here,–“non est hic locus.”
It has been well observed, that commerce is
the key of Africa; and I shall only add, that if
the plan I have suggested were carried into execution,
these interesting regions of Africa, that
have heretofore baffled the attempts of curiosity
and enterprise, and remained for so many ages
a “sealed book” to the inhabitants of Europe,
would soon be explored and laid open. This is
an object that cannot be indifferent to a prince,
[429]
who has so evidently evinced a desire to patronise
science, and who is undoubtedly desirous
to encourage, to facilitate, and to increase, still
further the vast geographical discoveries which
have added such lustre to the reign of his august
father.
To return to Mr. Jackson’s book. This work
contains, besides the information that more directly
concerns the statesman and the merchant,
much interesting matter for the natural and moral
philosopher, as well as for the general reader.
The author makes no pretension to fine writing;
his style is plain, unaffected, and perspicuous,
and there is as much new, authentic, and important
matter in the book, as in the hands of the
French writers of African travels, (Golberry,
Vaillant, and Savary, for instance,) would have
been spread over three times the space. Upon
the whole, it is the most valuable work of the
kind that has appeared for many years. I hope
the author will reap the reward which his labours
have so well deserved.
James Willis.
Of the Venomous Spider.–Charmers of Serpents.–Disease
called Nyctalopia, or Night-blindness.–Remedy for
Consumption in Africa.–Western Branch of the Nile, and
Water Communication between Timbuctoo and Egypt.
Sir,
The venomous spider (Tendaraman). This
beautiful reptile is somewhat similar to a hornet
in size and colour, but of a rounder form; its
[430]
legs are about an inch long, black, and very
strong; it has two bright yellow lines, latitudinally
crossing its back; it forms its web octagonally
between bushes, the diameter being two
or three yards; it places itself in the centre of
its web, which is so fine, as to be almost invisible,
and attaches to whatever may pass between
those bushes. It is said to make always towards
the head, before it inflicts its deadly wound. In
the cork forests, the sportsman, eager in his pursuit
of game, frequently carries away on his garments
the tenderaman, whose bite is so poisonous,
that the patient survives but a few hours.
Charmers of serpents (Aisawie).–These Aisawie
have a considerable sanctuary at Fas. They
go to Suse in large bodies about the month of July
to collect serpents, which they pretend to render
harmless by a certain form of words, incantation,
or invocation to Seedy ben Aisah, their tutelary
saint. They have an annual feast, at which time
they dance and shake their heads quickly, during
a certain period, till they become giddy, when
they run about the towns frantic, attacking any
person that may have a black or dark dress on;
they bite, scratch, and devour any thing that
comes in their way. They will attack an unjumma,
or portable fire, and tear the lighted
charcoal to pieces with their hands and mouths.
I have seen them take the serpents, which they
carry about, and devour them alive, the blood
streaming down their clothes. The incredible
[431]
accounts of their feats would fill a volume; the
following observations may suffice to give the
reader an idea of these extraordinary fanatics.
The buska and the
238el effah are enticed
out of their holes by them; they handle them
with impunity, though their bite is ascertained
to be mortal; they put them into a cane
basket, and throw it over their shoulders: these
serpents they carry about the country, and
exhibit them to the people. I have seen them
play with them, and suffer them to twist round
their bodies in all directions, without receiving
any injury from them. I have often enquired how
they managed to do this, but never could get any
direct or satisfactory answer; they assure you,
however, that faith in their saint, and the powerful
influence of the name of the divinity, (Isim
Allah,) enables them to work these miracles: they
maintain themselves in a miserable way, by donations
from the spectators before whom they
exhibit. This art of fascinating serpents was
known by the ancient Africans, as appears from
the Marii and Psilii, who were Africans, and
showed proofs of it at Rome.
Footnote 238:
(return) For a description of these deadly serpents, see Jackson’s
Account of Marocco, &c. chapter on Zoology.
Bu Telleese (Nyctalopia).–This ophthalmic
disease is little known in the northern provinces;
but in Suse and Sahara it prevails. A defect of
vision comes on at dusk, but without pain; the
patient is deprived of sight, so that he cannot see
[432]
distinctly, even with the assistance of candles.
During my residence at Agadeer, a cousin of
mine was dreadfully afflicted with this troublesome
disease, losing his sight at evening, and continuing
in that state till the rising sun. A Deleim
Arab, a famous physician, communicated to me
a sovereign remedy, which being extremely simple,
I had not sufficient faith in his prescription
to give it a trial, till reflecting that the simplicity
of the remedy was such as to preclude the possibility
of its being injurious, it was applied inwardly;
and twelve hours afterwards, to my
astonishment, the boy’s eyes were perfectly well,
and continued so during twenty-one days, when
I again had recourse to the same remedy, and it
effected a cure, on one administration, during
thirty days, when it again attacked him; the
remedy was again applied with the same beneficial
effect as before.
Offer to discover the African Remedy for Nyctalopia, or
Night Blindness.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE LITERARY PANORAMA.)
Sir,
Having read your animadversions on the additional
matter introduced in my second edition
of an “Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo,” &c.
(see Literary Panorama for April last, p. 713.)
wherein you conceive that I am reprehensible
[433]
for not having discovered publicly the remedy
alluded to as an infallible cure to the Butellise or
Nyctalopia, I should observe that I was not apprised,
(till I read those animadversions,) that this
was a disorder incident to the inhabitants in
Europe, or that it affected our seamen on the
Mediterranean station. But, if that be the case,
and it should be found expedient and beneficial
to the interests of Great Britain, that this remedy
should be divulged for the alleviation of our meritorious
seamen in His Majesty’s service, I am
willing to make the discovery to any respectable
medical man who may be appointed by Government
as physician or surgeon on the Mediterranean
station.
James G. Jackson.
May 18. 1812.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE LITERARY PANORAMA.
Circus, Minories, June 21. 1815.
Sir,
I request you will contradict in your next
publication the assertion of my decease, which is
calculated to injure considerably my interests
abroad as a merchant. (Vide your Review of
Parke’s Travels, page 377.) In answer to this
unfounded information, which has been propagated
in your review of last month, I have to
acquaint you that I am not only in the land of
the living, but in excellent health, and waiting
to hear the testimony of some stranger or European
[434]
traveller (since the Africans are not to
be relied on), who shall establish the fact of the
junction of the Nile of Sudan with that of
Egypt; or at least, the approximation of these
two mighty streams. And notwithstanding the
insidious reflections and censures passed on the
native Africans, from whom I gathered much
of the information communicated to the public in
my account of Marocco, it must be allowed by all
liberal-minded men, that a native is more likely
to give an accurate account of his country than
a foreigner; and a residence of sixteen years in
a country may be allowed to give a man of common
observation experience enough to select
judiciously such intelligence as might be relied
on; and I have no hesitation in declaring it to
be my unalterable opinion, that so soon as a traveller
shall have returned from the interior of
Africa, many of my assertions respecting those
regions will be confirmed, and that information
founded on the testimony of unprejudiced and
disinterested Africans, will be found not so contemptible
as some learned persons have imagined.
James G. Jackson.
Critical Observations on Abstracts from the Travels of
Ali Bey, and Robert Adams, in the Quarterly Journal
of Literature, Science, and the Arts, edited at the
Royal Institution of Great Britain, Vol. I. No. II.
page 264.
London, Dec. 19. 1817.
In the discussion on Aly Bey’s Travels, in
the Journal of Science and the Arts, above mentioned,
p. 270. are the following words:–
“Aly Bey has added, in a separate chapter,
all the information he received, respecting a
mediterranean sea, from a merchant of Marocco,
of the name of Sidi Matte Buhlal, who had
resided many years at Timbuctoo, and in other
countries of Sudan or Nigritia, the most material
of which was, that Tombut is a large town, very
trading, and inhabited by Moors and Negroes,
and was at the same distance from the Nile
Abid, (or Nile of the Negroes, or Niger,) as
Fez is from Wed Sebu, that is to say, about three
hundred English miles.”
As this passage is quoted from Aly Bey, by
the first literary society of Great Britain, and
is, therefore, calculated to create a doubt of
the accuracy of what I have said, respecting the
distance of the Nile El Abeed from Timbuctoo,
in the enlarged editions of my account of Marocco,
&c. page 297. I consider it a duty which
I owe to my country and to myself, not to let
[436]
this sentence pass through the press without
submitting to the public my observations on the
subject.
Sidi Matte Buhlal is a native of Fas: the name
is properly Sidi El Mattie Bû Hellal. This gentleman
is one out of twenty authorities from
whom I derived the information recorded in my
account of Marocco, respecting Timbuctoo and
the interior of Africa; his whole family, which
is respectable and numerous, are among the first
Timbuctoo merchants that have their establishments
at Fas. I should, however, add, that
among the many authorities from whom I derived
my information relative to Timbuctoo,
there were two muselmen in particular,–merchants
of respectability and intelligence, who
came from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz, soon after
I opened that port to Dutch commerce, in the
capacity of agent of Holland, by order of the
then Emperor of Marocco, Muley Yezzid, brother
and predecessor of the present Emperor
Soliman. These two gentlemen had resided at
Timbuctoo, and in other parts of Sudan, fifteen
years, trading during the whole of that period
with Darbeyta, on the coast of the Red Sea,
with Jinnie, Housa, Wangara, Cashna, and other
countries of the interior, from whom, and from
others, equally intelligent and credible, I procured
my information respecting the mediterranean
sea in the interior of Africa, called El Bahar
Assudan, i.e. the Sea of Sudan, situated fifteen
days’ journey east of Timbuctoo. These two
[437]
muselmen merchants had amassed considerable
fortunes at Timbuctoo, and were on their journey
to Fas, their native place; but in consequence
of a civil war at that time raging
throughout West Barbary, particularly in the
province of Haha, through which it was indispensable
that they should pass, on their way to
Fas, they sojourned with me two months; after
which they departed for Fas with a caravan.
These intelligent Moors gave me much information
respecting Timbuctoo, and the interior
countries where they had resided; they sold me
many articles of Sudanic manufacture, among
which were three pieces of fine cotton cloth, manufactured
at Timbuctoo, and some ornaments of
pure gold in or molu, of exquisite workmanship,
of the manufacture of Jinnie; one of these pieces
of Timbuctoo manufacture, of cotton interwoven
with silk, of a square blue-and-white pattern,
dyed with indigo of Timbuctoo, I had the honour
to present to the British Museum, in April,
1796
239, where it is now deposited.
Footnote 239:
(return) This piece of cloth, about two yards wide and five long,
I had the honour of offering to Sir Joseph Banks, who declined
receiving it; but at the same time suggested that it
was a manufacture deserving public notice, and would be
considered an acceptable present by the British Museum.
I have been led into this digression from certain
insinuations that have been
240 insidiously
propagated, reflecting on the accuracy of my
statements respecting the interior of Africa;
[438]
and I must add, that I always have felt, and still
feel confident, that in proportion as we shall become
more acquainted with the interior of this
unexplored continent, my account will be so
much the more authenticated: my confidence in
this opinion, (however dogmatical it may appear,)
is founded on the original and intelligent sources
of my information; on a long residence and
general acquaintance with all the principal inhabitants
of West Barbary, whose connections
lay in Sudan, and at Timbuctoo; in a competent
knowledge and practical acquaintance with the
languages of North Africa, and a consequent
ability to discriminate the accuracy of the
sources of my intelligence.
Footnote 240:
(return) See my letter to the editor of the Monthly Magazine,
for March, 1817; page 125.
This being premised, I now proceed to offer to
the public my animadversions on the above quotation
from the Journal of Science and the Arts.
I have actually crossed the Wed Sebu, or the
River Sebu, alluded to in the above quotation,
which passes through the Berebber Kabyl of
Zimure Shelleh; I have crossed the same river
several times at the city of Mequinez, and also
at Meheduma, where it enters the Atlantic
Ocean, in lat. 34° 15′ north, and from this experimental
knowledge of the course of that river,
I can affirm, with confidence, that it is not inaccurately
laid down in my map of West Barbary
241,
and that it is not three hundred English
miles from Fas, but only six English miles from
[439]
that city. I can also assert, from incontestable
testimony, that Tombut, or Timbuctoo, is
242 not
three hundred miles from the Nile El Abeed,
but only about twelve English miles from that
stream, the latter being south of the town.
Footnote 241:
(return) For which see page 55.
Respecting the following passage in the above
quoted Journal of Science and the Arts, p. 272,
“This river contains the fierce animals called
Tzemsah, which devour men,” I shall only observe,
that Tzemsah is the word in Arabic which
denominates the crocodile. Farther on, in the
same page, we have the words,–“We must
suppose that the Joliba makes at this spot a
strange winding, which gives to the inhabitants
of Marocco the opinion they express.”
This supposed winding is actually asserted to
exist, and is denominated by the Arabs
243 El
Kose Nile, i.e. the arch or curve of the Nile,
and is situated between the cities of Timbuctoo
and Jinnie.
Footnote 243:
(return) Idem, note, p. 305.
I should here adduce some further testimony
respecting the course of the Nile El Abeed;
but as the quotation from Aly Bey in the above
Journal of Sciences and the Arts, page 271.
asserts it to be towards the east, and again, in
page 272. declares it to be towards the west,
such incoherence, I presume, requires no confutation.
I consider that it originates from
Moorish inaccuracy.
[440]
The La Mar Zarak of Adams, if any such
river exists, may be a corruption of Sagea el
Humra, i.e. the Red Stream, a river in the
southern confines of Sahara, nearly in the same
longitude with Timbuctoo. This river the
late Emperor of Marocco, Muley Yezzid, announced
as the southern boundary of his dominions;
but from the accounts which I have
had of it, it was not of that magnitude which
Adams ascribes to the Mar Zarak, nor was it
precisely in the neighbourhood of Timbuctoo,
when I was a resident in South Barbary: rivers,
however, which pass through sandy or desert
districts, often change their courses in the space
of twenty-four hours, by the drifting of the
moving sands impelled by the wind; instances
of which I have myself often witnessed.
If this river proceeded from the Desert, it
might have had the name of El Bahar Sahara, i.e.
the River of Sahara; the word La Mar is a
lingua franca, or corrupt Spanish word, signifying
the sea, and might have been used to this
poor sailor by a native to make it the more intelligible
to him. Many Spanish words having
crept into the Arabic vocabulary, and are occasionally
used by those Africans who have had
intercourse with Europeans.
The next passage for animadversion is as
follows:–
[441]
“The state in which he represented Timbuctoo,
and its being the residence of a Negro
sovereign, instead of a muselman.”
The state in which he has represented Timbuctoo,
is, I think, extremely inaccurate; and
being a slave, it is more than probable, that he
was placed in a Fondaque
244, or Caravansera,
belonging to the King, which he mistook for his
palace; but that his narrative should be deemed
inaccurate, because he has described the town
of Timbuctoo to be under the sovereignty of a
Negro prince, is to me incomprehensible.
The various sources of information that I
have investigated, uniformly declare that sovereign
to be a Negro, and that his name in the
year 1800, was Woolo. This account, it appears,
is confirmed by Adams, who says,
245 Woolo
was King of Timbuctoo in 1810, and that he
was then old and grey-headed. Some years after
the above period, Riley’s Narrative, epitomised
in Leyden’s Discoveries and Travels in Africa,
vol. i., speaking of the King of Timbuctoo, says,
this sovereign is a very large, old, grey-headed
black man, called Shegar, which means Sultan.
This, however, I must observe is a misinterpretation
of the word Shegar, which is an African-Arabic
word, and signifies red or carrotty,
and is a word applicable to his physiognomy;
but certainly not to his rank:–Abd Shegar, a
[442]
carrotty or red Negro. If these two testimonies,
since 1800, be correct, then the anachronism of
which I am accused in the New Supplement to
the Encyclopedia Britannica, (title Africa,) is
misapplied.
Footnote 245:
(return) Since publishing this letter, Mr. Bowdich, in his Account
of Ashantee, pages 194, 195, says, Woolo was King
of Timbuctoo in 1807, or ten years before Mr. Bowdich was
at Ashantee.
Many of this king’s civil officers, however,
in 1800, were muselmen; but the military were
altogether Negroes.
However fervent the zeal of Muhamedanism
may be at Timbuctoo, it is not, I imagine, sufficient
to convert the Negroes, who have not the
best opinion of the Muhamedan tenets. The
Negroes, however, are disposed to abjure idolatry
for any other form of religion that they can
be persuaded to think preferable, or that holds
out a better prospect; a convincing proof of
which has been seen by the readiness of the
Africans of Congo and Angola, to renounce
their idolatry for the Christian faith, by the
conversion of thousands to that faith by the indefatigable
zeal of the catholic missionaries,
when the Portuguese first discovered those
countries, and which, if the Sovereign of Portugal
had persevered with that laudable zeal
with which he began to promote the conversion
of the Africans, the inhabitants of those extensive
and populous countries might, at this day,
have been altogether members of the Christian
church!!
[443]
On the Junction of the Nile of Egypt with the Nile of
Timbuctoo, or of Sudan.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE.
246
Footnote 246:
(return) Inserted in March, 1817.
London, Jan. 25. 1817.
Sir,
Having read some annotations, in the Journal
of a Mission to the Interior of Africa, by Mungo
Park, in 1805, which are calculated to persuade
some persons, that my Account of the Interior of
Africa is not altogether authentic, I feel myself
called upon to offer some cursory observations
to the public, in refutation of those aspersions.
(Vide Appendix, No. IV. to Mungo Park’s
Second Journey, in 1805, pages 114. and 115.)
Although I assert, on the concurrent testimony
of the best informed and most intelligent
natives of Sudan, that there exists a
247water
communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo,
I do not maintain that the
248Nile of Sudan falls
into the
249Nile of Egypt, but that it hath a
communication with it, or with some river that
[444]
connects itself with the Nile of Egypt, which
opinion is confirmed by Mr. Hornemann, on
African authority.
Footnote 248:
(return) (Nile el Kabeer) the Great Nile, (Bahar el Abeed, or
Nile el Abeed) the Nile of Slaves or Negroes, (Nile Sudan)
the Nile of Sudan or Nigritia, are the various names applied
to the river that passes by Timbuctoo, and through the interior
of Sudan, from west to east.
Footnote 249:
(return) Nile Masser is the name applied to the Nile of Egypt.
It is very probable that this junction is formed
by a stream that flows westward towards Wangara
through the country called
250 Bahar Kulla,
and Lake Dwi, from the source of the Nile of
Egypt, or from that part of the Jibbel Kumri,
or Lunar Mountains, which form the southern
boundary of Donga.
If this be so, the junction of the Nile el
Abeed, of Timbuctoo, and the Bahar el Aheäd
of Donga
251, (or more properly the Bahar el
Abeed,) is established, and the water communication
between Timbuctoo and Cairo is proved;
admitting, however, that the Negroes reported
by me to have performed the
252 voyage by water,
took their boat or canoe ashore, to ascend the
cataracts, in the country between Wangara and
Donga.
Footnote 250:
(return) Bahar Kulla is an Arabic term, signifying the sea altogether,
implying an alluvial country, (probably forming a
part of the mediterranean sea of central Africa). See Major
Rennel’s Map in the Proceedings of the African Association,
vol. i. 8vo. page 209. lat. N. 10°, long. 18°.
Footnote 251:
(return) Vide Major Kennel’s Map in the Proceedings of the
African Association, 8vo. edition, vol. i. page 209.
Mr. Park’s annotator, in the spirit of controversy
with which he appears to be endued, may
say, the fact of this stream running to the west
towards Wangara, cannot be admitted, because
[445]
Mr. Browne saw a ridge of mountains extending
in that direction; but Mr. Browne did not ascertain
that this was an uninterrupted ridge;
the river might therefore pass through some
chasm similar to that which I have seen in crossing
the Atlas Mountains, or through some intermediate
plain.
The annotator further says
253, “It is needless
to comment upon such hearsay statements, received
from an African traveller.” This assertion
being calculated to impress on the public
mind, that I founded my hypothesis respecting
the junction of the Niles of Africa on the simple
and single statement of one individual African
traveller; I feel it incumbent on me thus publicly
to declare, that the junction alluded to is
founded on the universal and concurrent testimony
of all the most intelligent and well informed
native African travellers (for the most
part natives of Sudan), not one of whom differed
in this opinion, but unanimously declared
it to be an uncontroverted fact, that the waters
of the Nile of Egypt joined the waters of the
Nile el Abeed, which passes near Timbuctoo to
the east; and that there exists, without a doubt,
a water communication between Cairo in Egypt,
and Timbuctoo in Sudan. Now, if, as M. de
Bailly observes, “la vérité se fait connaître par
le concours des témoignages,” it must be admitted,
[446]
by men of liberal sentiments, that it is somewhat
more than a hearsay statement; and what better
foundation can there possibly be for the truth of
any geological fact, than the concurrent testimony
of the best-informed natives of the country
described?
With respect to precision being unfavourable
to authenticity
254, I consider this a new dogma;
and if I were disposed to confute it, (but it
carries with it its own confutation,) I should
point out many hearsay evidences, precisely recorded
in my Account of Marocco, which have
been confirmed already by Ali Bey (El Abassy)
and many others; but “non est hic locus.”
J.G. Jackson.
Strictures respecting the Interior of Africa, and Confirmation
of Jackson’s Account of Sudan, annexed to his
Account of the Empire of Marocco, &c.
London, 16th Jan, 1818.
It is a satisfaction to perceive (after a lapse of
eight or nine years since the publication of my
account of Marocco and the interior of Africa),
that in proportion as we are becoming better acquainted
with the interior of that continent, my
account becomes more authenticated, notwithstanding
the attempts that have been so insidiously
made to invalidate it.
[447]
The various hypotheses, for the most part
founded in theory, that have within the last
seven years, been adopted respecting the course
of the Nile el Abeed (Niger), are beginning now
to fall to the ground, and the learned and judicious
editor of the Supplement to the New Encyclopedia
Britannica, founding his opinions, as
it should seem, upon the facts that have been
corroborated respecting the interior of Africa,
has actually adopted my opinion;
255 viz.
That there is an union of waters between the
Nile of Egypt, and that of Sudan
256; where the
common receptacle is, I have not ventured to
declare, but it is probable that it may be in the
Bahar Kulla
257, in Wangara, or in the
258Sea of
Sudan; the opinion that the junction is formed in
the Sea of Sudan is supported by the Shereef
Imhammed, who saw the Nile at Cashna, and declared
that it was so rapid there from east to west,
that vessels could not stem it.
Footnote 255:
(return) See my letter to the Editor of the Monthly Magazine,
vol. xliii. March, 1817, page 125.
Footnote 256:
(return) It is incorrect to say, that the word Nile is applied, in
Africa, to any great river: the name, I can with confidence declare,
is never applied to any river in North Africa, except the
Nile of Egypt, and that of Sudan; whoever has propagated
this opinion has mistaken the matter altogether. See Proceedings
of the African Association, vol. i. page 540.
Again: Parke’s intelligence, in his second
[448]
journey, demonstrates an union of waters in the
(Baseafeena
259) Sea of Sudan; for he says, the
current was said to be sometimes one way, and
sometimes another; which I will take the liberty
to interpret thus:–
That the current from the Eastern Nile, was
westward into the Sea of Sudan, and the current
of the Western Nile was eastward into the same
sea of Sudan: thus the current would be sometimes
one way, and sometimes another, making
the Sea of Sudan the common receptacle for
the Eastern as well as for the Western Nile.
Ptolemy’s Sea of Nigritia is undoubtedly the
same with my Sea of Sudan; Lybia Palus
260 being
the Latin denomination, as Bahar Sudan is the
Arabic for the interior lake called the Sea of
Sudan; but whether this sea of Sudan will ultimately
prove to be situated
261 as I have described
it, fifteen journies
262 east of Timbuctoo, or 450
English miles, or as Ptolemy has described it,
or in the intermediate distance between the two
extremes, must be left for future travellers to
ascertain.
Footnote 260:(return) See Ptolemy’s Map of North Africa.
Footnote 261:(return) See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, page 310.
Footnote 262:(return) Fifteen journies horse travelling, which are the journies
here alluded to, at thirty miles a-day, is 450 British miles.
The enterprising and indefatigable, the patient
and persevering genius of Burkhardt, deriving
incalculable advantages from a long residence in
the eastern regions of Africa, may probably decree
[449]
him to be the person to clear up this long-contested
geographical point, unless the fascination
of Arabian manners, or some Utopia in the
interior regions of that continent, should wean
him from the desire to re-visit his native
country.
This intelligence of Park may be considered
some corroboration of what I have maintained
respecting the union of waters between the
Eastern and Western Niles.
263
The following testimonies are some confirmation
of my report respecting decked vessels, &c.
in the interior of Africa.
264
Dr. Stetzen, a German physician residing at
Alexandria
265, says, that he has received intelligence
from a pilgrim, on his way to Mecca, a
native of Ber Noh, or Bernou
266, that the river
within a mile of the city is as large as the Egyptian
Nile, and overflows its banks; it is navigated
by vessels of considerable dimensions, carrying
sails and oars.
Footnote 263:
(return) See Monthly Magazine, March, 1817, page 125.
Footnote 266:
(return) This Bernou, or according to the Arabic orthography,
Ber Noh, is asserted by the Arabs to be the birth-place of
the Patriarch Noah.
Mr. Barnes states, that the Niger discharges
itself into a large lake; that he has heard from
the Black traders that there are white inhabitants
upon the borders of this lake; and has been
[450]
told, by people who have seen them, that they
dress in the style of Barbary Moors, and wear
turbans, but do not speak Arabic. See Report
of Committee of Council.
267
Footnote 267:
(return) See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p, 309.
Park, in his second journey, was informed,
that “one month’s travel south of Baedo, through
the kingdom of Grotto, will bring the traveller
to the country of the Christians, who have their
houses on the banks of the Ba Seafeena
268, which
they describe as incomparably larger than the lake
Dehebby (Dibbie).”–This is another corroboration
of the accuracy of my account of the interior
of Africa; but before I dismiss this subject,
I should observe, that from the general ignorance
of the African Arabic, an important circumstance
respecting this Ba Seafeena, is not yet
(it appears) discovered. It is this:–the words Ba
Seafeena, or, according to the correct Arabic
orthography, Bahar Sefeena, literally translated
into English, signifies the Sea of Ships, and is
evidently only another name for the Sea of Sudan,
declaring it to be a sea wherein ships are
found!
Footnote 268:
(return) See New Supp. to Ency. Brit. article “Africa.”
Here then are two topographical facts first
asserted by me, among the moderns, to exist in
the heart of Africa, and since confirmed by Ali
Bey, Park, and Dr. Sietzen, or, as the enlightened
editor of the Supplement to the New Encyclopedia
Britt. observes,
“We have thus three independent testimonies
269
[451]
from opposite quarters, meeting exactly in
the same point; nor does there, as far as we
know, exist any evidence at all respectable to
the contrary.”
It now remains for me to declare (that as opinions
have been industriously propagated tending
to discredit my account of Marocco, and the
interior of Africa,) that nothing has been set
down therein, until I had previously investigated
the qualifications of the narrators, their
means of knowledge, and whether the respective
vocations of the several narrators made it
their interest to disguise or misrepresent the
truth of their communications; and, after ascertaining
these important points, I have generally
had recourse to other testimonies, and
have seldom recorded any thing until confirmed
by three or four concurrent evidences: on this
pyramidical basis is founded the intelligence in
my account of Marocco, and of the interior of
Africa, annexed to that account.
This assertion is to be understood in respect
to intelligence that I could not ascertain by
ocular demonstration.
Finally, my description of the black heartheaded
serpent, called Bouska
270, has been doubted;
but a late traveller
271 has confirmed the accuracy
[452]
of my account; even of this extraordinary animal.–In
Riley’s Narrative of his Shipwreck on the
[453]
Coast of Sahara is given an account of an exhibition
by two Isawie
272, who do not appear to
[454]
have been adepts in the art of fascinating these
serpents; for I have frequently seen them manage
[455]
and charm the Bouska much more adroitly
than those who exhibited at Rabat before Riley,
although its bite is more deadly, and its strength
considerably greater, than that of the El Effah!
Footnote 270:
(return) See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109.
Footnote 271:
(return)“I paid two dollars for a station, and I looked into the
room without interruption. It was about twenty feet long,
and fifteen broad, paved with tiles and plastered within.
The windows had also been secured by an additional grating
made of wire, in such a manner as to render it impossible
for the serpents to escape from the room: it had but one
door, and that had a hole cut through it six or eight inches
square: this hole was also secured by a grating. In the
room stood two men, who appeared to be Arabs, with long
bushy hair and beards; and I was told they were a particular
race of men, that could charm serpents.“A wooden box, about four feet long and two wide, was
placed near the door, with a string fastened to a slide at one
end of it; this string went through a hole in the door. The
two serpent-eaters were dressed in haiks only, and those very
small ones. After they had gone through their religious
ceremonies most devoutly, they appeared to take an eternal
farewell of each other: this done, one of them retired from
the room, and shut the door tight after him. The Arab
within seemed to be in dreadful distress. I could observe his
heart throb, and his bosom heave most violently: and he
cried out very loudly, “Allah houakiber,” three times;
which is, as I understood it, God have mercy on me.
273“The Arab was at the farthest end of the room: at that
instant the cage was opened, and a serpent crept out slowly;
he was: about four feet long, and eight inches in circumference;
his colours were the most beautiful in nature, being
bright, and variegated with a deep yellow, a purple, a cream
colour, black and brown, spotted, &c. As soon as he saw
the Arab in the room, his eyes, which were small and green,
kindled as with fire; he erected himself in a second, his head
two feet high; and darting on the defenseless Arab, seized
him between the folds of his haik, just above his right hipbone,
hissing most horribly; the Arab gave a horrid shriek,
when another serpent came out of the cage. This last was
black, very shining, and appeared to be seven or eight feet
long, but not more than two inches in diameter: as soon as
he had cleared the cage, he cast his red fiery eyes on his intended
victim, thrust out his forked tongue, threw himself
into a coil, erected his head, which was in the centre of the coil,
three feet from the floor, and flattening out the skin above
his head and eyes, in the form, and nearly of the size of a
human heart, and springing like lightning on the Arab, struck
its fangs into his neck near the jugular vein, while his tail
and body flew round his neck and arms in two or three folds.
The Arab set up the most hideous and piteous yelling, foamed
and frothed at the mouth, grasping the folds of the serpent,
which were round his arms with his right hand, and seemed
to be in the greatest agony, striving to tear the reptile from
around his neck, while with his left he seized hold of it near
its head, but could not break its hold: by this time the other
had turned itself around his legs, and kept biting all around
the other parts of his body, making apparently deep incisions:
the blood, issuing from every wound (both in his neck
and body,) streamed all over his haik and skin. My blood
was chilled in my veins with horror at this sight, and it was
with difficulty my legs would support my frame.“Notwithstanding the Arab’s greatest exertions to tear
away the serpents with his hands, they turned themselves
still tighter, stopped his breath, and he fell to the floor,
where he continued for a moment, as if in the most inconceivable
agony, rolling over, and covering every part of his
body with his own blood and froth, until he ceased to move,
and appeared to have expired. In his last struggle, he had
wounded the black serpent with his teeth, as it was striving,
as it were, to force its head into his mouth, which wound
Footnote: seemed to increase its rage. At this instant I heard the shrill
sound of a whistle, and looking towards the door saw the
other Arab applying a call to his mouth: the serpents listened
to the music, their fury seemed to forsake them by
degrees, they disengaged themselves leisurely from the apparently
lifeless carcase, and creeping towards the cage, they
soon entered it, and were immediately fastened in.“The door of the apartment was now opened, and he
without ran to assist his companion: he had a phial of blackish
liquor in one hand, and an iron chissel in the other: finding
the teeth of his companion set, he thrust in the chissel, forced
them open, and then poured a little of the liquor into his
mouth; and holding the lips together, applied his mouth to
the dead man’s nose, and filled his lungs with air: he next
anointed his numerous wounds with a little of the same liquid,
and yet no sign of life, appeared. I thought he was dead in
earnest; his neck and veins were exceedingly swollen; when
his comrade taking up the lifeless trunk in his arms, brought
it out into the open air, and continued the operation of blowing
for several minutes before a sign of life appeared; at
length he gasped, and after a time recovered so far as to
be able to speak. The swellings in his neck, body, and legs
gradually subsided, as they continued washing the wounds
with clear cold water and a sponge, and applying the black
liquor occasionally; a clean haik was wrapped about him,
but his strength seemed so far exhausted that he could not
support himself standing, so his comrade laid him on the
ground by a wall, where he sunk into a sleep. This exhibition
lasted for about a quarter of an hour from the time the
serpents were let loose until they were called off, and it was
more than an hour from that time before he could speak. I
thought I could discover that the poisonous fangs had been
pulled out of these formidable serpents’ jaws, and mentioned
that circumstance to the showman, who said, that they had
indeed been extracted; and when I wished to know how
swellings on his neck and other parts could be assumed, he
assured me, that though their deadly fangs were out, yet
that the poisonous quality of their breath and spittle would
cause the death of those they attack; that after a bite from
either of these serpents, no man could exist longer than fifteen
minutes: and that there was no remedy for any but
those who were endowed by the Almighty with power to charm,
and to manage them; and that he and his associates were of
that favoured number! The Moors and Arabs call the thick
and beautiful serpent El Effah, and the long black and heartheaded
one El Bouskah.“I afterwards saw engravings of these two serpents in
Jackson’s Marocco; which are very correct resemblances.
They are said to be very numerous on and about the south
foot of the Atlas mountains and border of the Desert, where
these were caught when young, and where they often attack
both men and beasts.”–Vide Riley’s Shipwreck and Captivity
in the Great Desert, p. 550.
Footnote 272:
(return) Disciples of Seedy ben Isa, whose sanctuary is at Fas,
and who possess the art of fascinating serpents.
Footnote 273:
(return) N.B. This is a misinterpretation of the Arabic words
here used, which, literally translated, signify, God alone, is
great!–J.G.J.
Animadversions on the Orthography of African
Names.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE,
INSERTED MAY, 1818.)
Bennet’s-hill, Feb. 1818.
Sir,
I should be much surprised to find that Jackson’s
account of what he has heard is doubted,
if I did not remember that Bruce’s account of
[456]
what he had seen was disbelieved. Nothing human
can appear to me more deserving of implicit
credit than the intelligence the former of
these writers gives respecting Timbuctoo. He
has not seen it, it is true. I have not seen Lisbon;
but, if I had, and were to sit down to
write an account of it, some things would be
necessary to be described, with regard to which
I should feel a degree of uncertainty; and, having
given an account of Lisbon, if I were to visit
it again, I should find others on which I had
been mistaken. But let me arrange in my own
mind the information I want respecting Lisbon;
let me make enquiries of twenty intelligent persons
who have resided there; let me carefully
compare their different accounts, and who shall
doubt the accuracy of the result?
Mr. Jackson has had an opportunity of acquiring
information respecting Timbuctoo that
no other European ever had, by having the direction
of commerce in a city frequented by Timbuctan
merchants; a city, the port of which is
called, in Arabic, Bab Sudan, the Gate of Sudan.
Mr. Jackson was qualified to make use of
this advantage to an extent that no other European
ever was, by a practical, and even critical
knowledge of the general language of the
country,–the African Arabic. To these Mr.
Jackson added an ardent spirit of research, an
industry which neglected no opportunity, a caution
to compare, a judgment to discriminate,
and a firmness to decide. Who, that weighs
[457]
these things, can doubt the accuracy of his intelligence
respecting Sudan? I even regard his
orthography as the standard of correctness, and
am surprised that any person should continue to
write Timbuctoo instead of Timbuctoo, or Fez
instead of Fas.
I am inclined to believe that Adams has been
at Timbuctoo, though I do not consider it as
proved; but, supposing that he has, and that I
wished to become acquainted with that city,
would I apply for information to an illiterate
slave, who was confined within narrow precincts?
Or would I rely upon the united testimony of
twenty persons of education, who had each a
wider field of observation?
I have read “Jackson’s Account of Marocco”
twice through, at different periods, with great
attention; and I do most heartily join in the
confidence expressed by the enlightened and judicious
author, that, in proportion as the interior
of Africa shall be more known, the truth of
his account of it will be made evident.
Catherine Hutton.
Hints for the Civilisation of Barbary, and Diffusion of
Commerce.
March 16, 1818.
Algiers, and the territory belonging to it, is
governed by despotic Turks, the refuse of the
Ottoman troops; who maintain their power over
the Moors and Arabs of the plains (who are the
[458]
cultivators of the country), and over the Berebbers
(who are the aborigines of the country), or
inhabitants of the mountains of Atlas, which terminate
this sovereignty on the south, and divide
Algiers from Bled-al-Jereed. The first principle
of this barbarous and sanguinary government,
according io an African adage, is to “Maintain
the arm of power, by making streams of blood flow,
without intermission, around the throne!” This
country,–the government of which reflects disgrace
on Christendom, which has been, during
many ages the scourge of Christian mariners, and
of all who navigate the Mediterranean Sea,–has
often been conquered. The Romans reduced
Numidia and Mauritania into Roman provinces.
This beautiful garden of the world was
afterwards conquered by the Vandals; then by
the Greeks, during the reign of Justinian, under
Belisarius; and, finally, three times by the Arabs,
viz. in the 647th year of Christ, by Abdallah
and Zobeer; in the year 667, by Ak’bah for the
Kalif Moawiah; and in the year 692, by Hassan,
the governor of Egypt, for the Kalif Abd Elmelik.
Not one of the armies of these warriors
ever exceeded 50,000 men.
After these general conquests, the partial conquests
of the Portuguese and Spaniards, about
the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the
sixteenth century, were effected by a mere handful
of men; and, in 1509, the latter rendered
the kingdom of Algiers tributary to them: but,
afterwards, they lost it by the ferocity of their
[459]
chiefs, and by the fanaticism of their soldiers
and priests; and, finally, by their perfidy and
intolerance, they made themselves enemies to
the various (Kabyles) tribes of Mauritania, and
thereby lost their conquest.
The repeated insults, offered by these ruffians
to civilised Europe, cannot be efficiently
punished by a bombardment; a measure which
punishes many innocent subjects for the insults
offered by their government. No one acquainted
with the character of the natives of
Barbary will maintain, that the destruction of a
few thousands of the peaceable inhabitants, or
the burning of many houses, is a national calamity
in the eyes of a Muselman chief; who
would himself commit the same ravage and destruction
that was so gallantly effected by the
British fleet, under Lord Exmouth, for half the
money it cost to accomplish it.
When Lord St. Vincent was off Cadiz with
the British fleet, and could not obtain the object
which he sought of the Emperor of Marocco;
his Lordship, after refusing to comply with the
Emperor’s request, communicated to his Lordship
by the Emperor’s envoy, or agent, Rais Ben
Embark, told the Rais to inform his Emperor,
that, if he did not change his conduct very soon,
he would begin a war with him, and such a war
as he had neither seen nor read of before. When
the Rais reported this to the Emperor Soliman,
he enquired what kind of war an admiral could
wage against him; some one of the divan observed,
that he would destroy the ports on the
[460]
coast; adding, that it would cost a certain large
sum of money to effect that destruction. Upon
which the Emperor exclaimed, that, for half
that amount, he would himself destroy all these
ports.–This affair happened in September, 1798.
There is a prophecy in Barbary, that, from
time immemorial, has been generally credited
by the inhabitants. It has been transmitted to
them by some fakeer, that the land of the Muselmen
will be wrested from them by the Christians;
and there is an impression, that the period
when this event will take place is not far distant.
They also believe that this event will happen
on a Friday (the Muselman Sabbath), whilst
they are occupied at their devotions at the Dohor,
service of prayer. Accordingly, at this period,–viz.
from twelve till half-past one o’clock,–the
gates of all the town’s on the coast are shut
and bolted every Friday. This attack, forsooth,
is to happen whilst they are occupied at prayer,
because they are so infatuated with an opinion
of their own valour, that they will not believe
that Christians would presume to attack them
openly, when armed and prepared for the combat.
It should seem that these people begin
now seriously to anticipate the near approach of
this predestined conquest, and have accordingly
entered into a kind of holy alliance, offensive
and defensive: to which, it is said, the Emperor
of Marocco, and the Deys of Tunis and Tripoli,
have acceded; and that this holy alliance
is crowned by the Ottoman Emperor.
[461]
It is more than probable, that the Dey of
Algiers, goaded by the blow inflicted by
Lord Exmouth,–which has increased his hatred
to Christians, and has inflamed his desire
of revenge,–will not fail to seek every opportunity
(according to the known principles of
Muhamedanism), of retaliating and insulting
the Europeans, whenever a favourable opportunity
may offer, even at the risk of another
bombardment. This opinion has been confirmed
by his late conduct; and by the activity that has
been manifested in the fortifications, in increasing
their military force, in building and equipping
new vessels, to infest the Mediterranean with
their abominable piracies; all which proceedings
demonstrate the hostile intentions of the Dey
beyond all doubt.
Plan for the Conquest of Algiers.
The inhabitants of the plains are bigoted to
the Muhamedan tenets; but they would readily
exchange the iron rod that rules them for
a more mild and beneficial form of government.
A well-disciplined European army of 50,000
men, would assuredly effect their complete conquest
without much difficulty: such an army,
directed by a Wellington, would perform wonders,
and astound the Africans. After the conquest,
an energetic, decisive, but beneficent
form of government, would be necessary, to
retain the country, and to conquer and annihilate
[462]
the repugnancy which these people entertain
to our religious tenets. A system of rule
formed on the principles of the English constitution,–directed
by good policy, benevolence,
and religious toleration,–would not fail to reconcile
these hostile tribes, and attach them to
rational government. The Berebbers would
readily assimilate to such a government; and,
although by nature a treacherous race, they
would rejoice to see the country in possession
of a government which, they would perceive,
strove to promote the welfare and prosperity of
the mountaineers, as well as the inhabitants of
the plains; and their own interest would thus
gradually subdue the antipathy resulting from
religious prejudices.
A general knowledge of the African Arabic
would be essentially necessary; and I think a
school might be established in England, on the
Madras system, for initiating youths (going out
to Africa) in the rudiments of that language.
This would be attended with most important
advantages; and might be accomplished in a
very short time. The conquest of Algiers being
thus effected, that of the neighbouring states
would follow, without difficulty, by a disciplined
army of European troops; keeping the principle
ever in view, of conciliating the natives, without
swerving from an energetic and decisive mode
of government.
The advantages that would necessarily result
from a successful attack upon Africa, would be–
[463]
1. An incalculable demand for spices, and
East India manufactures of silk and cotton.
2. A similar demand for coffees, and for sugars,
manufactured and unmanufactured; as well
as for other articles of West India produce.
3. An incalculable demand for all our various
articles of manufacture.
On the other hand, we should obtain from this
fine country,–
1. An immense supply of the finest wheat,
and other grain, that the world produces.
2. We should be able to open a direct communication
with the interior regions of Africa,–which
have baffled the enterprise of ancient and
modern Europe: the fertile and populous districts
which lie contiguous to the Nile of Sudan,
throughout the whole of the interior of Africa,
would become, in a few years, as closely connected
to us, by a mutual exchange of benefits,
as our own colonies; and such a stimulus would
be imparted to British enterprise and industry,
as would secure to us such stores of gold as would
equal the riches of Solomon, and immortalize the
prince who should cherish this great commerce
to its maturity.
Vasco De Gama.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.)
Liverpool, Dec. 17. 1818.
Sir,
In “The Portfolio,” a Monthly Miscellany
for May, 1817, published at Philadelphia, there
is rather an interesting review of Ali Bey’s travels.
The writer says, “Ali Bey has rectified
various errors in the common maps of Marocco.
The river Luccos, for instance, flows to the
South, and not to the North of Alcasser; and
the city of Fas, according to Ali Bey, is situated
in 34° 6′ north latitude, and not as laid down
in the Maps of Arrowsmith, Rennell, Delille,
Golberri, &c.”–If, however, he had given himself
the trouble to consult the map of West Barbary,
in Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c. &c.
(which is by far the most accurate extant, and
whose geographical orthography has been adopted
in all the best modern English maps,) he would
have seen that Fas is in 34° north latitude; that
the river Elkos, or Luccos, is described in that
map, (which was published several years before
Ali Bey’s travels,) as running south of Alcasser.
In describing the funeral cry at Marocco, the
editor, or reviewer, impresses his reader with
an idea that this funeral cry is that of the Moors,
whereas it is no such thing: it is the practice of
the Jews only in West Barbary to cry “Ah!
Ah!” and lacerate their faces with their finger
[465]
nails; after which they wash, drink brandy, and
enjoy themselves.
The large sea in the interior of Africa, described
by Ali Bey to be without any communication
with the Ocean, had been described (years
before Ali Bey’s travels were published) by Jackson,
in his Account of Marocco, &c. &c. third
edition, p. 309, and called first by him Bahar
Sudan, and represented as a sea having decked
vessels on it. Mr. Park, in his Second Journey,
calls this sea the Bahar Seafina, without, however,
informing the public, or knowing, that the
Bahar Sefeena is an Arabic expression implying
a sea of ships, or a sea where ships are found;
and the situation he places it in coincides exactly
with Jackson’s prior description. There
are thus three concurrent testimonies of the situation
of the Bahar Sudan, or Sea of Sudan,
first noticed by Jackson, and since confirmed by
Ali Bey and Park.
274
Footnote 274:
(return) There is an able discussion of this subject in the New
Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, article “Africa,”
p. 104, and 105.
El Hage Hamed El Wangary.
On the Negroes.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.)
Eton, 5th Dec. 1818.
Sir,
Many maintain that the Negroes are a docile
and tractable race, and more easily to be governed
than Europeans; others maintain, that
[466]
they are liars, thieves, vindictive, and a demoralised
race. That they are vindictive, no one
who is acquainted with their character will deny;
but are not most barbarous and uncivilised nations
the same? What are the Muhamedans
and Pagans? The latter, who form nearly two-thirds
of the population of the earth, are generally
of the same character, and the vindictive
character of the former is notorious.
Propagate among the Negroes the benign principles
of the Christian doctrine, and they will
gradually (as those principles are inculcated)
become good subjects, and useful members of
society. It is that religion which will bring
forth their latent and social virtues–a religion,
the moral principles of which are the admiration
even of its enemies, the Muhamedans themselves:
a religion which exalts the human character
above the brutes, and brings forth its
beauties as the brilliancy of the diamond is
brought forth by the hand of the polisher.
Destroy their witchcraft and idolatry, and on
their ruins inculcate the divine doctrines of Christ,
and we shall soon see that they will possess sentiments
that exalt the human character, and that
nothing has contributed more to their mental
degradation than the cruel treatment of their
masters in the European colonies of the West.
Vasco De Gama.
Cursory Observations on Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzclarence’s
Journal of a Route across India, through Egypt, to
England.
Eton, 7th May, 1819.
It is remarkable, that in proportion as our
mass of information respecting the interior of
Africa increases, the truth of Mr. James Grey
Jackson’s account of that country, in the appendix
to his account of Marocco, &c. receives
additional confirmation. Some literary sceptics
have been so far prejudiced against this author’s
report as to doubt its veracity altogether; but
let us see how far the interesting report of
Lieut.-Colonel Fitzclarence, in his journal of a
route across India, through Egypt, to England,
lately published, corroborates Mr. Jackson’s
description of Timbuctoo, published so long
since as 1809.
It is to be lamented, that Jackson’s African
orthography is not altogether adopted: with
the superior and practical knowledge which he
evidently possesses of the African Arabic language,
it cannot, I presume, be doubted by
the learned and impartial, that his orthography
is correct; and, judging from what has already
transpired, I do not hesitate to predict, that his
African orthography, from an evidence of its
accuracy, will, in a few years, be adopted
throughout; although the learned world have
been ten years in correcting Tombuctoo into
Timbuctoo; the latter being Mr. Jackson’s orthography
[468]
in his account of Marocco, Timbuctoo,
&c. published in 1809.
The late account of Mr. Bowdich’s mission to
Ashantee has been the first to corroborate this
author in this respect; and Lieut.-Colonel Fitzclarence
has confirmed it with this additional
observation, in his Journal of a Route, &c.
page 493: “Upon enquiring about Timbuctoo
the Hage laughed at our pronunciation, the
name of the city being Timbuctoo.” The next
improvement in African geographical orthography,
will probably be the conversion of Fez
into Fas (for there is absolutely no more reason
for calling it Fez than there has been for calling
Timbuctoo, Timbuctoo), this word being
spelled in Arabic with the letters Fa, Alif, and
Sin, which cannot be converted into any other
orthography but Fas; the same argument would
hold with various other words spelled correctly
by this author, an accurate elucidation of which
might encroach too much upon your valuable
pages. I shall therefore briefly state, that in
page 480 of Colonel Fitzclarence’s Journal, the
name of the Moorish gentleman to whose care
the sons of the Emperor of Marocco, Muley
Soliman, were confided, is stated to be El
Hadge Talib ben Jelow: this is incorrect orthography,
there is no such name in the Arabic
language as Jelow, it is a barbarism; ben Jelow
signifies ben Jelule, and the proper name is El
Hage Taleb ben Jelule.
Page 494. Behur Soldan is evidently another
[469]
barbarism or corruption of the Arabic words
Bahar Sudan: vide Jackson’s Account of Marocco,
Timbuctoo, &c. page 309, published by
Cadell and Davies.
It has been observed by an intelligent French
writer, that “Le pluspart des hommes mesurant
leur foi par leur connoissance acquise croyent
fort peu de choses.” In confirmation of this
opinion, many intelligent men, at the time of
the publication of Jackson’s Account of Marocco,
Timbuctoo, &c. doubted the existence
of the Heirie, as described by him; but in proportion
as our knowledge of Africa improves,
we see that the truth of these wonders is confirmed:
and Colonel Fitzclarence mentions one
that travelled four days in one; but we should
not be surprised to hear, before this century
shall terminate, that an Englishman had travelled
from Fas to Timbuctoo on a Heirie,
accompanied by an accredited agent of the Emperor
of Marocco, in ten or fifteen days!
It appears by this ingenious traveller’s Journal
of a Route, &c. page 493, that all religions are
tolerated at Timbuctoo. This is a confirmation
of what is reported by Jackson, in the Appendix
annexed to his Account of Marocco, &c.
page 300.
The fish in the river of Timbuctoo, the Neel
El Abeed or Neel of Sudan, is described by
Colonel Fitzclarence as resembling salmon: this
is a corroboration of Jackson, who says, the
[470]
shebbel abound in the Neel of Sudan, and the
shebbel is the African salmon. See appendix
to Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c. page 306.
In page 494, Colonel Fitzclarence says, the
Nile at Kabra is a quarter of a mile wide;
Jackson says it is as wide as the Thames at
London. See Appendix to Jackson’s Marocco,
&c. page 305.
In page 496 of the Colonel’s narrative, an
account is given of the rate of travelling through
the Desert; which, allowing for an arbitrary
difference, in the resting days, corroborates Jackson’s
Account, page 286.
In page 497, El hage Taleb ben Jelule’s
report to the Colonel, of an account of two
white men, (undoubtedly Mungo Park and
another,) who were at Timbuctoo in 1806, is a
remarkable confirmation of the account brought
by Mr. Jackson from Mogodor in January, 1807,
and reported by him to the Marquis of Hastings,
to Sir Joseph Banks, and to Sir Charles Morgan,
which is inserted in the Morning Post and other
papers, about the middle of August, 1814.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
VASCO DE GAMA.
On the Arabic Language, as now spoken in Turkey in
Europe, in Asia, and in Africa.
London, May 10, 1819.
In this enlightened age, when our intercourse
is increasing with nations remote from our own,
and possessing different religions, languages,
laws, and customs; when the ambassadors of
the Muhamedan potentates of Europe, Asia,
and Africa, are resident in our metropolis, all
understanding the Arabic language; when, with
a knowledge of this language, a person may
travel and hold colloquial intercourse with the
inhabitants of Turkey, with the greater part of
Asia, and with Africa; and, lastly, when we
consider the valuable and immense stores of
Arabian literature, of the best periods which
still remain unexplored, is it not remarkable
under all the exciting circumstances above
enumerated, that in this powerful and opulent
country, there should not be found, with all
our boasted learning and eagerness of research,
three or four Englishmen capable of writing and
conversing intelligibly in that beautiful and
useful language? The extent of this disgraceful
ignorance would be scarcely credible, were
there not proofs beyond doubt, that our principal
seats of learning are as deficient in this
knowledge as the public in general
275, and that
[472]
letters or public documents written in that language,
have been in vain sent to them for
translation. What I have long considered as
chiefly tending to diminish the desire of acquiring
this language, is an opinion dogmatically
asserted, and diligently propagated, that
the Arabic of the East and West are so different
from each other, as almost to form distinct
languages, and to be unintelligible to the inhabitants
of either of those regions respectively;
but, having always doubted the truth of this
assertion, I have endeavoured, from time to time,
during the last ten years, to ascertain whether
the Arabic language spoken in Asia be the same
with that which is spoken in Africa, (westward
to the shores of the Atlantic ocean,) but without
success, and even without the smallest satisfactory
elucidation, until the arrival in London
[473]
last winter, of the most Reverend Doctor Giarve,
Bishop of Jerusalem, who has given such
incontestible proofs of his proficiency in the
Arabic language, that his opinion on this important
point cannot but be decisive; accordingly,
on presenting to the reverend Doctor some
letters from the Emperor of Marocco to me,
desiring that he would oblige me with his
opinion, whether the Arabic in those letters was
the same with that spoken in Syria, the Rev.
Doctor replied in the following perspicuous
manner, which, I think, decides the question:
“I can assure you, that the language and the
idiom of the Arabic in these letters from the Emperor
of Marocco to you, is precisely the same
with that which is spoken in the East.”
Footnote 275:
(return) See page 408. respecting a letter sent to our late
revered Sovereign, by the Emperor of Marocco. In consequence
of the inattention to that letter, the Emperor determined
never to write again to a Christian king in the
Arabic language; and, with regard to Great Britain, I believe
he has faithfully ever since kept his word! Some time before
this letter was written, I being then in Marocco, the Emperor’s
minister asked me if the Emperor his master were to
write an Arabic letter to the Sultan George Sultan El Ingleez,
(these were his expressions,) whether there were persons
capable of translating it into English: I replied, that there
were men at the Universities capable of translating every
learned language in the known world; and accordingly the
letter above alluded to was written in Arabic, and addressed
to His Majesty. This letter was written by the Emperor
himself, which I am competent to declare, having letters
from him in my possession, and being acquainted with his
hand-writing and style.
It is, therefore, thus ascertained, that the
Arabic language spoken in the kingdom of
Tafilelt, of Fas, of Marocco, and in Suse or
South Barbary, is precisely the same language
with that which is now spoken in Syria, and
Palestine in Asia; countries distant from each
other nearly 3000 miles, and from information
since obtained, there appears to be no doubt
that the Arabic language spoken by the Arabs
in Arabia, by the Moors and Arabs in India
and Madagascar, by the Moorish nations on
the African shores of the Mediterranean, are
one and the same language with that spoken in
Marocco, subject only to certain provincial
peculiarities, which by no means form impediments
to the general understanding of the language,
[474]
no more, or not so much so, as the provincial
peculiarities of one county of England
differ from another!!
Unwilling to encroach too much on your
valuable pages, I will leave, for the subject of
my next letter, the inconceivable misconstructions
and errors into which the ignorance of this
language has led European travellers in Africa,
of which I shall state some examples in a recent
publication respecting Africa.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
James G. Jackson.
Cursory Observations on the Geography of Africa, inserted
in an Account of a Mission to Ashantee, by T. Edward
Bowdich, Esq. showing the Errors that have been committed
by European Travellers on that Continent, from
their Ignorance of the Arabic Language, the learned
and the general travelling Language of that interesting
part of the World.
June 17, 1819.
The Niger, after leaving the lake Dibber, was
invariably described as dividing in two large
streams.–Vide “Bowdich’s Account of a Mission
to Ashantee,” p. 187.
The Lake Dibber is called in the proceedings
of the African Association Dibbie, but the proper
appellation is El Bahar Tibber, or El Bahar
Dehebbie. The Bahar Tibber signifies the sea
of gold dust; the Bahar Dehebbie signifies the sea
[475]
or water abounding in gold. Jinnee, which is on
or near the shore of this lake, (I call it a lake
because it is fresh water,) abounds in gold, and is
renowned throughout Africa for the ingenuity of
its artificers in that metal, insomuch that they
acknowledge the superiority of Europeans in all
arts except that of gold work. There are some
specimens of Jinnee gold trinkets, very correctly
delineated in the recent interesting work of
“Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzclarence’s Journal of a
Route across India, through Egypt to England,”
p. 496.
Page 187, “Yahoodie, a place of great trade.”
This place is reported to be inhabited by one
of the lost tribes of Israel, possibly an emigration
from the tribe of Judah. Yahooda, in African
Arabic, signifies Judah. Yahoodee signifies Jew.
It is not impossible, that many of the lost tribes
of Israel may be found dispersed in the interior
regions of Africa, when we shall become
better acquainted with that Continent; it is certain,
that some of the nations that possessed the
country eastward of Palestine when the Israelites
were a favoured nation, have emigrated to Africa.
An emigration of the Amorites
276 are now in
possession of the declivity of the Atlas Mountains,
westward of the sanctuary
277 of Muley Driss,
and in the neighbourhood of the ruins of Pharaoh;
they live in encampments, consisting of
[476]
two, three, or four tents each: they resemble the
Arabs of the Desert in their predatory excursions.
I speak from practical knowledge, having
twice travelled through their country, and visited
their encampments.
Footnote 276:
(return) They are called Ite-amor, Amorite.
Page 189. “Mr. Beaufoy’s Moor says, that
below Ghinea is the sea into which the river of
Timbuctoo discharges itself.”
This might have been understood to signify
the Sea of Sudan, if the Moor had not said
below Ghinea, (by which is meant Genowa, or
as we call it Guinea,) which implies, that the
Neel El Abeed (Niger) discharges itself in the
sea that washes the coast of Guinea; this, therefore,
corroborates Seedi Hamed’s, or rather
Richard’s hypothesis.
Page 190. “This branch of the Niger passing
Timbuctoo, is not crossed until the third day
going from Timbuctoo to Houssa.”
This quotation from “Dapper’s Description
of Africa,” is corroborated by L’Hage Abdsalam,
Shabeeni, whose narrative says, “Shabeeni,
after staying three years at Timbuctoo,
departed for Houssa, and crossing the small river
close to the walls, reached the Neel in three days,
travelling through a fine, populous, and cultivated
country.”
The confusion of rivers, made mere equivocal
by every new hypothesis, receives here additional
ambiguity. If there were (as Mr. Bowdich affirms)
three distinct rivers near Timbuctoo; viz.
the Joliba, the Gambarro, and the Niger, (i.e.
[477]
the Neel El Abeed) how comes it that they have
not been noticed by Leo Africanus, who resided
at Timbuctoo; by Edrissi, who is the most correct
of the Arabian geographers; or whence is
it, that these rivers have not been noticed by the
many Moorish travelling merchants who have
resided at Timbuctoo, and whom I have repeatedly
questioned respecting this matter
278, or
whence is it that Alkaid L’Hassen Ramy, a renowned
chief of the Emperor of Marocco’s army,
with whom I was well acquainted, and who was
a native of Houssa, knew of no such variously
inclined streams. This being premised, I am
certainly not disposed to relinquish the opinion
I brought with me from Africa in the year 1807,
viz. that the Neel El Abeed is the only mighty
river that runs through Africa from west to east;
but I admit that its adjuncts, as well as itself,
have different names; thus, in the manuscript
of Mr. Park’s death, a copy of which is inserted
in “Mr. Bowdich’s Account of Ashantee,” it is
called Kude; many hundred miles eastward it
is called Kulla, from the country through which
it passes; but Kude and Kulla are different
[478]
names, and ought not to be confounded one with
the other; neither ought Quolla (i. e., the Negro
pronunciation of Kulla) to be confounded with
Kude, the former being the Negro term for the
same river, in the same manner as Niger is the
Roman name for the Neel Elabeed, which is the
Arabic name for the same river. There is a
stream which proceeds from the Sahara, the
water of which is brackish; this stream hardly
can be called a river, except in the rainy season.
It passes in a south-westerly direction near Timbuctoo,
but does not join the Neel Elabeed. I
could mention several intelligent and credible
authorities, the report of respectable merchants,
who have resided, and, who have had
establishments at Timbuctoo, in confirmation
of this fact; but as the authorities which I
should adduce would be unknown, even by
name, to men of science in Europe, I would
refer the reader to the interesting narrative of
an intelligent Moorish merchant, who resided
three years at Timbuctoo, and who was known
to the committee of the African Association;
this travelling merchant’s name is L’Hage
Abdsalam Shabeeny, and his narrative, a manuscript
of which (with critical and explanatory
notes by myself) I have in my possession, has
the following observation:
279–“Close to the town
of Timbuctoo, on the south, is a small rivulet
in which the inhabitants wash their clothes, and
[479]
which is about two feet deep; it runs into the
great forest on the east, and does not communicate
with the Nile, but is lost in the sands west
of the town: its water is brackish; that of the
Nile is good and pleasant.”
Footnote 278:
(return) The Arabs who conduct the cafelahs or caravans across
the Sahara, are often seen at Agadeer or Santa Cruz, and
sometimes even at Mogodor; and if there was a river penetrating
to the north through the Sahara, would it not have
been noticed by them? Is it possible that such a prominent
feature of African geography, as a river of sweet water
passing through a desert, could fail of being noticed by
these people, who are, in their passage through the Desert,
continually in search of water?
Footnote 279:
(return) See page 8.
Page 199. Mr. Murray recently observes,
“Joliba seems readily convertible into Joli-ba,
the latter syllable being merely an adjunct, signifying
river; this I was also given to understand.”
This is an etymological error. The Joliba is
not a compound word, if it were it would be
Bahar Joli, not Bajoli, or Joliba; thus do learned
men, through a rage for criticism, and for want
of a due knowledge of African languages, render
confused, by fancied etymologies, that which is
sufficiently clear and perspicuous.
Page 191. “The river of Darkulla mentioned
by Mr. Brown.”
This is evidently an error: there is probably
no such place or country as Darkulla. There is,
however, an alluvial country denominated Bahar
Kulla, (for which see the map of Africa in the
Supplement of the Encyclopaedia Britannica,
p. 88. lat. N. 8°, long. E. 20°). I apprehend this
Darkulla, when the nations of Europe shall be
better acquainted with Africa and its languages,
will be discovered to be a corruption of Bahar
Kulla, or an unintelligible and ungrammatical
term: Dëaar Kulla is grammatical, and implies a
country covered with houses! Dar Kulla is an
ungrammatical and an incorrect term, which being
[480]
literally translated into English, signifies many
house. This being premised, we may reasonably
suppose, that Bahar Kulla is the proper term
which, as I have always understood, forms the
junction of the Nile of the west with the Nile
of the east, and hence forming a continuity
280 of
waters from Timbuctoo to Cairo.
191. In this geographical dissertation the
word Niger is still used, which is a name altogether
unknown in Africa, and calculated to contuse
the geographical enquirer. As this word is
unintelligible to the natives of Africa, whether
they be Arabs, Moors, Berebbers, Shelluhs, or
Negroes, ought it not to be expunged from
the maps?
P. 192. In the note in this page, “Jackson’s
Report of the source of the Neel el Abeed, and
the Source of the Senegal,” is confirmed by the
Jinnee Moor.–See Jackson’s Appendix to his
Account of Marocco, enlarged edition, p. 311.
“It is said, that thirty days from Timbuctoo
they eat their prisoners!” Does not this allude
to Banbugr
281, and has not this word been corrupted
by Europeans into Bambarra. See Mr.
[481]
Bowdich’s MS. No. 3, p. 486; Banbugr, who eat
the flesh of men. Jackson’s translation.
Footnote 281:
(return) The Gr in Banbugr, is the Arabic letter, grain. Richardson,
in his Arabic Grammar, renders this letter gh; which
demonstrates, that his knowledge of the Arabic was only
scholastic, not practical. It has no resemblance or affinity
to gh, and would be unintelligible if so pronounced to an
Arab.
Page 193. The government of Jinnee appears
to be Moorish; because Malai Smaera, which
should be written Mulai Smaera, signifies in the
Arabic language, the Prince Smaera: the term
does not belong to Negroes, but exclusively to
Muhamedans. Malai Bacharoo is a Negro corruption
of the word; it should be Mulai, or
Muley Bukaree; i.e. the Abeed Mulai Bukaree,
or Abeed Seedi Bukaree. They are well known
among the Negroes of Sudan; the Negroes of
this race form the present body-guard of the
Emperor of Maroceo’s troops, consisting of 5000
horse. They are dexterous in the management
of the horse, are well-disciplined troops, and are
the only military in the Emperor’s army that can
cope with the Berebbers of the Atlas.
Note, p. 194. Dapper’s description of Africa
is here quoted in confirmation of the decay of
Timbuctoo; and Jackson is accused of extravagance.
The latter I shall pass over, it being an
assertion unsupported by any substantial testimony;
but immediately afterwards is the following
passage.
“The three last kings before Billa (i.e. Billabahada)
were Osamana, (i.e. Osaman; Osamana
being the feminine gender,) Dawoloo, and
Abass. Mr. Jackson says there was a King Woolo
reigning in 1800; and a Moor who had come
from Timbuctoo to Comassee ten years ago
(viz. about 1807, or ten years before Mr. Bowdich
[482]
visited Ashantee), did not know King Woolo
was dead, as he was reigning at the time he left
Timbuctoo.”
With regard to Dapper’s assertion, it should
be remembered, that if Timbuctoo was decaying
in his time, that is about the period that Muley
Ismael ascended the throne of Marocco, viz. in
1672; it revived very soon after, that is before
the close of the 17th century. This powerful
and warlike prince had the address to establish
and to maintain a very strong garrison at Timbuctoo;
and accordingly, during his long reign
of fifty-five years, viz. from 1672 to 1727, Timbuctoo
carried on a constant, extensive, and lucrative
trade with Marocco, Tafilelt, and Fas,
in gold dust, gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers, ivory,
and slaves, &c. Akkabahs
282, and cafilahs, or caravans,
were going continually from Timbuctoo to
Tafilelt, Marocco, Fas, and Terodant. Travelling
across the Desert was then as safe as it is
now in the plains of Marocco, or on the roads
in England; the only months during which the
caravans did not travel were July and August,
because the Shûme, or hot wind of the Desert,
prevails during these two months. It is reported,
that Muley Ismael was so rich in gold, that the
bolts of the gates of his palaces, and his kitchen
utensils, were of pure gold. Timbuctoo continued
to carry on a most lucrative trade with
[483]
Marocco, &c.; during the Feign of the Emperor
Muley Abd Allah, son and successor of Ismael,
and also during the reign of Seedy
283 Muhamed
ben Abd Allah, who died about the year 1795,
a sovereign universally regretted, and hence
aptly denominated the father of his people: since
the decease of Seedy
284 Muhamed ben Abd Allah,
the father of the reigning emperor, Muley Soliman,
the trade of Sudan has rapidly decreased,
because the policy of the present emperor is, to
discourage commerce, but to encourage the agriculture
and the manufactures of his own country,
so as to make them sufficient for itself, and
independent of foreign supplies!
Footnote 283:
(return) It should be observed, that an emperor having the name
of the Arabian prophet, is called Seedy; but having any
other name, he is called Muley; the former signifies master,
the latter, prince.
Footnote 284:
(return) If therefore the trade with Timbuctoo declined in Leo’s
time, i.e. A.D. 1570, it unquestionably revived in Ismael’s
reign, and also continued with but little diminution during
the reign of his son Abd Allah, and his grandson Muhamed.
Da Woolo is a reverential term, and is synonymous
with Woolo, signifying King Woolo.
Park says, Mansong was king of Timbuctoo
[484]
in 1796, and in 1805, implying that he reigned
from 1796 to 1805. The Moor before mentioned,
who came from Timbuctoo to Comassie
in 1807, told Mr. Bowdich, that Woolo was then
reigning at Timbuctoo. Isaaco says, Woolo was
predecessor to Mansong; consequently, according
to this Jew, Woolo was king before the year
1796; therefore, if Mr. Park’s testimony be correct,
Woolo must have been predecessor and successor
to Mansong; otherwise, Mr. Park was incorrect
in saying that Mansong was king of Timbuctoo
in 1796, and in 1805. Adams says, Woolo
was king of Timbuctoo in 1810, and was old and
grey-headed. Riley’s narrative also confirms
his age and grey hairs. With regard to my testimony,
viz. that Woolo was king
285 of Timbuctoo
in 1800, I had it from two merchants of veracity,
who returned from Timbuctoo in 1800, after residing
there 14 years: they are both alive now,
and reside at Fas; their names I would mention,
were I not apprehensive that it might lead to a
reprimand from the emperor, and create jealousy
for having communicated intelligence respecting
the interior of the country. I should not have
entered into this detail in confirmation of my
assertion that Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in
1800, if the editor of the Supplement to the Encyclopedia
Britannica (article Africa), had not
asserted, that I have committed an anachronism
in asserting, that he was king in that year;
thereby insinuating that Park was right, and that
I was wrong.
Footnote 285:
(return) See my Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the
Anti-Jacobin
Review for January, 1818, p. 453.
Page 195. The Editor of Adams’s Narrative
is, I apprehend, incorrect in asserting, that the
name Fatima affords no proof that the queen, or
the wife of Woolo, was a Muhamedan. Fatima
is incontestably an Arabian proper name; and it
would be considered presumption in a Negress
unconverted to Muselmism, to assume the name
of Fatima. She must, therefore, have been necessarily
a Mooress, or a converted Negress; the
name has nothing to do with a numeral, as Mr.
Bowdich suggests, and above all not with the
numeral five, for that is a number ominous of
evil in Africa, and as such, would never have
been bestowed as a name on a beloved wife.
Page 196. Note of W. Hutchison, “The
four greatest monarchs known on the banks of
the Quolla, are Baharnoo, Santambool, Malisimiel,
and Malla, or Mallowa.”
Baharnoo should be written Ber Noh; i.e. the
country of Noah the patriarch; it is called
in the maps Bernoo, and the whole passage
is calculated greatly to confuse African geography.
The information is unquestionably
derived from Negro authority, and that not
of the most authentic kind. Santambool is
the Negro corruption of Strambool, which is the
Arabic name for Constantinople: Malisimiel
is the Negro corruption of Muley Ismael.
286 The
first signifies the empire of Constantinople; the
second signifies the empire of Muley Ismael, who
was emperor of Marocco in the early part of the
18th century, and whose authority was acknowledged
at Timbuctoo, where he maintained a
[486]
strong garrison, and held the adjacent country
in subjection, where his name is held in reverence
to this day. This being premised, it follows
of course, that one of these four great monarchies
here alluded to, viz. that of Santambool
is certainly not on the Quolla, unless the Quolla
be considered the same river with the Egyptian
Nile, and that Egypt be considered a part of the
empire of Santambool; then, and then only, can
it be said, that the empire of Santambool is situated
on the Quolla.
Page 198. Two large lakes were described
close to the northward of Houssa; one called
Balahar Sudan, and the other Girrigi Maragasee;
the first of these names is a Negro corruption,
or an European corruption of the term Bahar
Sudan
287; the other is a Negro name of another,
if not of the same lake or sea. The situation of
the Bahar Sudan is described by me in the 13th
chapter, in my account of Marocco, to be
fifteen journeys east of Timbuctoo, and the
Neel El Abeed passes through it. I had this
information from no less than seven Moorish
merchants of intelligence and veracity; the same
is confirmed by Ali Bey
288, the Shereef Imhammed,
Park, and Dr. Seitzen; all these authorities
must therefore fall to the ground if Mr. Bowdich’s
report is to overturn these testimonies,
[487]
which has placed it three degrees of latitude
north of the Neel El Abeed, or
289Neel Assudan,
and in the Sahara
290, unconnected with any river!
I doubt if any, but a very ignorant Pagan Negro
(for the Muhamedan Negroes are more intelligent),
would have given the Sea of Sudan this
novel situation.
Footnote 287:
(return) See Jackson’s Marocco, chap. xiii.
Footnote 288:
(return) For an elucidation of these opinions, see my Letter on
the Interior of Africa, in the European Magazine, Feb. 1818,
page 113.
Page 200. The Quolla appears to be the Negro
pronunciation of the Arabic name Kulla; i.e.
the Bahar Kulla, to which the Neel Assudan is
said to flow. Bahar Kulla is an Arabic word
signifying the sea altogether, or an alluvial country.
The Neel Assudan here joins the waters of
a river that proceed westward from the Abysinian
Nile, and hence is formed the water communication
between Cairo
291 and Timbuctoo.
Footnote 291:
(return) See Jackson’s Account of Marocco, enlarged edition,
p. 313. See also his Letter to the Editor of the Monthly
Magazine for March, 1817. p. 125.
Page 201. Quolla Raba, or Kulla Raba, signifies
the Kulla forest, as the Negroes express it;
the Arabs call it Raba Kulla, i.e. the forest of
Kulla, If any further proof of the accuracy of
this interpretation be necessary, it maybe added,
that the position agrees exactly with Major Rennell’s
kingdom of Kulla, for which see the Major’s
map in proceedings of the African Association,
vol. i. page 209, lat. N. 9°, long. W. 10°.
[488]
Page 203. The lake Fittri is a lake, the waters
of which are said to be filtered through the earth,
as the name implies. The Nile is here said to run
under ground. The Arabs and Moors have a
tradition, that the waters of Noah’s flood rested
here, and were absorbed and filtered through the
earth, leaving only this large lake. I never understood
this sea to be identified with the Bahar
Heimed
292; i.e. the Hot or Warm Sea. The
Hot Sea and the Filtered Sea are distinct waters;
the former lies about mid-way, in a right line
between Lake Fittri and Lake Dwi. (See Laurie
and Whittle’s Map of Africa, published in 1813.)
This is another inaccuracy of Mr. Hutchison;
who appears, indeed, to have collected information
from natives, without considering what title
they had to credibility. Another error is added
to the note in page 203 and 204, viz. what he
calls sweet beans are unquestionably dates, which
have not the least affinity in taste, shape, growth,
or quality, to beans. The Arabic name correctly
converted into European letters, is timmer,
not tummer. The Arabic words designating
sweet beans, is Elfool El Hellue. The passage
signed William Hutchison here alluded to, is
this: “The Arabs eat black rice, corn, and sweet
beans called tummer.”
Footnote 292:
(return) Heimed is an Arabic term, signifying that degree of heat
which milk has when coming from the cow or goat.
Note, page 204. I do not know whence the
Quarterly Review has derived its information
[489]
respecting the derivation of the word Misr (a
corruption of Massar); the word Massar is compounded
of the two Arabic words Ma and Sar;
i.e. Mother of Walls. Possibly some Arabic
professor versed in bibliographic lore, to favor a
darling hypothesis, has transmuted Massar into
Misr, to strengthen the plausibility of the etymology
of Misr from Misraem!!
Note, page 205. Bahar bela ma is an Arabic
expression, importing it to be a country once
covered with water, but now no longer so. In the
note in this page, I recognise the word Sooess to
designate the Isthmus of Suez. The Bahar Malee,
and the Sebaha Bahoori, are Negro corruptions of
the Arabic words Bahar El Maleh, and Seba
Baharet: the former does not apply particularly
to the Mediterranean, but is a term applicable to
any sea or ocean that is salt (as all seas and oceans
assuredly are); the latter term signifies literally,
the Seven Seas or Waters: neither is this a term
applicable to the Mediterranean, but to any
sea supplied by seven rivers, as the Red Sea:
these, therefore, are evidently other inaccuracies
of Mr. Hutchison. I apprehend Mr. Hutchison’s
Arabic tutor at Ashantee was not an erudite
scholar. The term, and the only term in
Africa, applicable to the Mediterranean Sea, is
the Bahar Segrer (literally the Small Sea); and
El Bahar El Kabeer (is the Atlantic Ocean, or
literally the Great Sea); the latter is sometimes
figuratively called the Bahar Addolum, i.e. the
Unknown Sea, or the Sea of Darkness.
[490]
Note, p. 206. Is it possible that the author
doubts that Wangara is east of Timbuctoo? It
should seem that he did, as he quotes Mr. Hutchison
as authority for making it to contain
Kong, a mountainous district many journeys
south of the Neel Assudan. Mr. Park’s testimony
is also called in support of this opinion,
but they are both erroneous. Wangara is as
well known in Africa to be east of Timbuqtoo,
as in England York is known to be North of
of London.
Oongooroo is a barbarous Negro corruption of
Wangara; therefore, this note, if suffered to
pass through the press unnoticed, would be calculated
to confuse, not to elucidate, African
geography; neither can it be called, according
to Mr. Horneman’s orthography, Ungura: the
name is Wangara which cannot be converted
accurately into any word but Wangara. Ungura
Oongooroo, &c. are corruptions of the proper
name, originating in an imperfect, and but an
oral knowledge of the African Arabic.
Page 210. I apprehend the reason why Wassenah
was not known at Ashantee by the traders,
is because it was out of their trading track. I
have no doubt of the existence of Wassenah or
Massenah (for when the names of African towns
and countries are recorded, we should not be
particular about a letter or two, when we find
so many orthographical variations are made by
different authors); neither is there any reason
(that I know of) to doubt the description of
[491]
Wassenah given in Riley’s Narrative; but it is
not extraordinary, that this place should be unknown
at Ashantee, if there were no commerce
or communication between these countries respectively;
it is certain, that the Africans neither
know, seek, or care, for places or countries
with which they have no trade or communication.
It appears well deserving of observation (for
the purpose of rendering Arabic names intelligible
to future African travellers), that Mr. Bowdich
has demonstrated that, what is called in our
maps, 1. Bambarra, 2. Gimbala, 3. Sego, 4. Berghoo,
5. Begarmee, being written in the Arabic
language, with the guttural letter grain, would
be quite unintelligible, if pronounced to an African
as they are written by our letters, the nearest
approximation to the Arabic words would be
as follows, taking Gr for the nearest similitude
that our alphabet affords to the guttural letter
[Arabic غ ] grain.
Correct Pronunciation. African Orthography. Called in the Maps.
|
1. Banbug’r 2. Grimbala 3. Shagr’u 4. Bergr’u 5. Bagrarmee |
     |
Bambara. Gimbala. Sego. Berghoo. Begarmee. |
The African traveller should be precise in his
attention to the sound of these words, otherwise
he will be quite unintelligible to the Africans, and
to the Muhamedans.
Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, is certainly
incorrect, when he says, the letter غ grain
should be pronounced gh. No one acquainted
practically with the Arabic language, could possibly
be of this opinion; gh having no more resemblance
to the sound of the letter غ grain, than
g has to h: and every traveller going to Africa
with this erroneous opinion, will, undoubtedly,
be unintelligible to the Africans.
Finally, the Arabic document, if it may be permitted
to call it Arabic, facing page 128 of this interesting
work of Mr. Bowdich, is a most miserable
composition of Lingua franca, or corrupt
Spanish, of unintelligible jargon, consisting of
many words quite unintelligible to the Africans,
whether Negroes or Moors, or others. The language
of this document, although it has some
Arabic words in it, is worse, if possible, than the
scrawl in which it is written; neither is it a correct
translation of the English which precedes it.
But purporting to be a letter issued from the
accredited servants of the King of the English, it
is certainly a disgrace to the country from whence
it issues, and a rare specimen of our knowledge
of the Arabic language.
James Grey Jackson.
Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURNAL OF TRADE, &c.
Eton, June 30, 1818.
Sir,
The last expedition from Sierra Leone, in addition
to many others sent out for the purpose
of exploring the interior of Africa, having failed,
and the enterprising and persevering Mr. Burckhardt,
having frustrated the well grounded
hopes of the African Association, by his having
paid the debt of nature, it is not improbable
that His Majesty’s government will now direct
their attention with energy to the only plan that
can possibly make that interesting and extraordinary
country a jewel in the British crown.
This important discovery, which would immortalise
the prince, who should cherish it to
its maturity, can be effected only through the
medium of commerce. But it should be attempted
not only with energy and decision, but
with dispatch, before the enterprising and commercial
spirit of a foreign power (seeing how
abortive our efforts have been), shall snatch
from us the glorious opportunity now offered of
laying open the interior regions of Africa to the
commercial enterprise of Great Britain.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Vasco de Gama.
The following curious Memoir was composed by Edmund
Hogan, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lately found
amongst the papers of one of his descendants.
(A TRUE COPY.)
“The Embassage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the
Sworne Esquires of her Ma’t’s Person, from her Highnesse
to Muley Abdelmelech, Emperour of Morocco,
and King of Fes and Sus, in the Yeare 1577.
Written by himselfe.
“I Edmund Hogan, being appointed Embassadour
from the Queens Ma’tie to the above-named
Emperour and King Muley Abdelmelech,
departed with my company and servants from
London the 22d April, 1577, being imbarked
in the good ship called the Gallion, of London,
and arrived in Azafi, a port of Barbary, the
21st of May next following. Immediately I
sent Leonell Egerton ashoare with my letters
directed to John Williams and John Bampton,
who dispatched a courier to Morocco to know
the Kings pleasure for my repaire to the court,
which letters came to theire hands on the
Thursday night. They with all speed gave the
King understanding of it, who being glad
thereof, speeded the next day certaine captaines,
with souldiera and tents, with other provision,
to Azafi; so that upon Whitsunday at night,
the said captaines, with John Bampton, Robert
[495]
Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the Kings
officers, came late to Azafi. In the meane time
I remained aboard, and caused some of the
goods to be discharged, for lightning of the
ship; and I wrote in my letter that I would not
lande ’till I knew the Kings pleasure. The
26th day, being Saturday, the Mark-speed
arrived in the roade about two of the clock in the
afternoone. The 27th day, being Whitsunday,
came aboard the Gallion, John Bampton, and
others, giving me to understand how much the
King rejoyced of my safe arrivall, coming from
the Queens Ma’tie; and how that for my safe
conduct to the court he had sent four captaines,
and an hundred souldiers well appointed, with
a horse furnished, which he used himself to ride
on, with all other furniture accordingly; they
wished me also to come on land in the best
order I could, as well for my self as my men,
which I did, having to the number of ten men,
whereof three were trumpeters. The ships
being four, appointed themselves in the best
order they could, for the best shew, and shott
off all theire ordinance to the value of twenty
marks in powder. At my coming, ashoare, I
found all the souldiers well appointed on horseback,
the captaines and the Govern’r of the
towne standing as neer the water side as they
could, with a jennet of the Kings, and rec’d
me from the boate, declaring how glad his Ma’tie
was of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens
Ma’tie my Mistresse, and that he had sent them
[496]
to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I
should tarrie there on shoare five or six dayes
for my refreshing; so being mounted upon the
jennet, they conducted me through the towne
into a faire fielde upon the sea side, where there
was a tent provided for me, and all the ground
spread with Turkie carpets, and the castle discharged
a peale of ordinance, and all things
necessarie were brought into my tent, where I
both tooke my table and lodging, and had other
convenient tents for my servants. The souldiers
inviron’d the tents, and watched about us day
and night as long as I lay there, altho’ I sought
my speedier dispatch. On the Wednesday
towards night, I tooke my horse, and travelled
ten miles to the first place of water that wee
could finde, and there pitched our tents ’till the
next morning, and so traveled till ten of the
clock, and then pitched our tents ’till four, and
so traveled as long as day light would suffer,
about twenty-six miles that day. The next day
being Fryday, I traveled in like order but eight
and twenty miles at the most; and by a
293river,
being about six miles within sight of the Citty
of Morocco, wee pitched bur tents. Imediately
after came all our English Merchants, and the
French, on horseback, to meete me; and before
night there came an Alcayde from the King
with fiftie men, and divers mules laden with
victuall and banket for my supper, declaring
[497]
unto me how glad the King shewed himselfe
to hear of the Queens Ma’tie, and that his
pleasure was I should be received into his
countrey as never any Christian the like; and
desired to know what time the next day I would
come into his Citie, because he would that all
the Christians, as also his Nobilitie, should
meete me; and willed John Bampton to be
with him early in the morning, which he did.
About seven of the clock, being accompanied
with the French and English Merchants, and a
great number of souldiers, I passed towards the
Citie, and by that time I had traveled two miles,
there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards
and Portugals to receive me, which I know was
more by the Kings commandment then of any
good wills of themselves; for some of them,
although they speake me faire, hung downe
theire heads like dogs, and especially the Portugals;
and I countenanced them accordingly.
So I passed on, ’till I came within two English
miles of the Citie; and then John Bampton returned,
shewing me that the King was so glad
of my coming, that he could not devise to doe
too much, to shew the good will that he did owe
to the Queens Ma’tie and her Realme; His
counsellors met me without the gates; and at
the entrie of the gates, his footmen and guard
were placed on both sides of my horse, and so
brought me to the King’s palace. The King
sate in his chaire, with his Counsell about him,
as well the Moores as the Alkaids; and, according
[498]
to his order given unto me before, I
there declared my message in Spanish, and made
deliverie of the Queens Ma’t’s letters, and all
that I spake at that present in Spanish, he
caused one of his Alkaids to declare the same to
the Moores present in the Arabic tongue;
which done, he answered me againe in Spanish,
yeelding to the Queens Ma’tie great thankes,
and offering himselfe and his countrey to be at
her Graces comandment; and he comanded
certaine of his counsellors to conduct me to
my lodging, not being farr from the Court. The
house was faire, after the fashion of that countrey,
being dayly well furnished with all kinde of
victuall at the Kings charge. The same night
he sent for me to the court, and I had conference
with him about the space of two houres;
where I throughly declared the charge co’mitted
unto me from her Ma’tie, finding him conformable,
willing to pleasure, and not to urge her
Ma’tie with any demands, more then conveniently
she might willingly consent unto, hee
knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of
England might be better served with lackes,
then he in comparison from us. Further, he
gave me to understand, that the King of Spain
had sent unto him for a licence that an Embassadour
of his might come into his countrey, and
had made great meanes, that if the Queens
Ma’tie of England sent any unto him, that he
would not give him any credit or entertainment;
albeit (said he) I know what the King of Spaine,
[499]
and what the Queene of England and her
realme is; for I neither like of him, nor of his
religion, being so governed by the Inquisition,
that he can doe nothing of himselfe. Therefore,
when he cometh upon the licence which
I have granted, he shall well see how little
account I will make of him and Spaine, and how
greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes Ma’tie
of England; he shall not come to my presence
as you have done, and shall dayly, for I minde
to accept of you as my companion, and one of
my house, whereas he shall attend twentie
dayes after he hath done his message. After
the end of this speech, I delivered Sir Thomas
Gresham’s letters; when as he tooke me by the
hand, and led me downe a long court to a
palace, where there ranne a faire fountaine of
water, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he
comanded me to sitt downe in another, and
there called for such simple musicians as he
had. Then I presented him with a greate base
lute, which he most thankfully accepted, and
then he was desirous to hear of the musicians;
and I tolde him, that there was great care had
to provide them, and that I did not doubt but
upon my returne they should come with the
first ship. He is willing to give them good
entertainment, with provision of victuall, and
to let them live according to theire law and conscience,
wherein he urgeth none to the contrary.
I finde him to be one that liveth greatly
in the fear of God, being well exercised in the
[500]
Scriptures, as well in the Old Testament, as
also in the New, and he beareth a greater
affection to our nation then to others, because
of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of
idols; and the Moores called him the Christian
King. The same night, being the first of June,
I continued with him till twelve of the clock,
and he seemed to have so good likeing of me,
that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger,
being sett with 200 stones rubies and Turkies,
and did bestowe it upon me; and so I, being
conducted, returned to my lodging for that time.
The next day, because he knew it to be Sunday,
and our Sabboth day, he did let me rest; but on
the Monday in the afternoone he sent for me,
and I had conference with him againe, and
musick. Likewise on the Tuesday, by three of
the clock, he sent for me into his garden, finding
him layed upon a silk bed, complaining of
a sore leg; yet, after long conference, he
walked into another orchard, whereas having a
fair banketing house, and a great water, and a
new gallie in it, he went aboard the gallie, and
tooke me with him, and passed the space of two
or three houres, shewing the great experience
he had in gallies, wherein (as he said) he had
exercised himselfe eighteene yeares in his youth.
After supper he shewed me his horses, and
other co’modities that he had about his house;
and since that night I have not seene him, for
that he hath kept in with his sore legg; but he
hath sent to me dayly. The 18th of June, at
[501]
six of the clock at night, I had againe audience
of the King, and I continued with him, till midnight,
having debated, as well for the Queenes
co’mission, as for the well-dealing with her
merchants for their traffick here in these parts,
saying, he would do much more for the Queenes
Ma’tie and the Realme; offering that all English
ships with her subjects may with good securitie
enter into his ports and dominions, as well in
trade of merchandize, as for victuall and water,
as also in time of warr with any of her enemies,
to bring in prizes, and to make sales as occasion
should serve, or else to depart againe with
them at theire pleasure. Likewise for all English
ships that shall passe along his Coast of Barbary,
and threw the Streights into the Levant seas,
and so to the Turks dominions, and the King
of Algiers, as his owne; and that he would
write to the Turke, and to the King of Algiers,
his letters for the well using of our ships and
goods. Also, that hereafter no Englishman that
by any meanes may be taken captives, shall be
sold within any of his dominions; whereupon I
declared that the Queenes Ma’tie, accepting of
these his offers, was pleased to confirme the
intercourse and trade of our Merchants within
this his countrey, as also to pleasure him with
such commodities as he should have need of, to
furnish the necessities and wants of his country
in trade of merchandize, so as he required
nothing contrary to her honour and law, and
the breach of league with the Christian Princes
[502]
her neighbours. The same night I presented
the King with the case of combes, and desired
his Ma’tie to have speciall regard that the ships
might be Iaden back againe, for that I found
little store of salt-peter in readinesse in John
Bampton’s hands; he answered me, that I
should have all the assistance therein that he
could, but that in
294 Sus he thought to have some
store in his house there, as also that the Mountainers
had made much in a readinesse; I requested
that he would sende downe, which he
promised to doe. The eighteenth day I was
with him againe, and so continued there till
night; and he shewed me his house, with pastime
in ducking with water spaniels, and baiting
bulls with his English doggs. At this time I
moved him againe for the sending downe to
Sus, which he granted to doe; and the 24th
day there departed Alcayde Mammie, with
Lionell Egerton, and Rowland Guy, to Sus;
and carried with them, for our accounts and his
company, the Kings letters to his brother Muly
Hammet, and Alcayde Shavan, and the Viceroy.
The 23d day the King sent me out of Morocco
to his garden called Shersbonare, with his guard
and Alcayde Mamoute; and the 24th at night
I came to the Court to see a Morris-dance, and
a play of his Alkaids; he promised me audience
the next day, being Tuesday, but he putt it off
[503]
’till Thursday; and the Thursday at night I
was sent for to the King after supper, and then
he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to
conferr with me; but, after a little talk, I desired
to be brought to the King for my dispatch.
And being brought to him,. I preferred two
bills of John Bampton’s, which he had made
for provision of salt-peter, also two bills for the
quiet traffique of our English Merchants, and
bills for sugars to be made by the Jewes, as well
for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good
order in the Ingenios. Also I moved him againe
for the salt-peter, and other dispatches, which
he referred to be agreed upon by the two
Alcaydes. But the Fryday, being the 20th, the
Alcaydes could not intend it, and upon Saturday
Alcayde Rodwan fell sick; so on Sunday wee
made meanes to the King, and that afternoone
I was sent for to conferre upon the bargaine
with the Alcaydes and others; but did not agree.
Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for
my dispatch; and the same afternoone I was
called againe to the Court, and referred all
things to the King, accepting his offer of salt-peter.
That night againe the King had me into
his gallie, and the spaniels did hunt the duck.
The Thursday I was appointed to weigh the
300 quintals grosse of salt-peter,, and that afternoone
the Tabybe came unto me to my lodging,
shewing me that the King was offended with
John Bampton for divers causes. The Sunday
night late, being the 7th July, I got the King
[504]
to forgive all to John Bampton, and the King
promised me to speake againe with me upon
Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe
for my dispatch, and then he sent Fray Lewes
to me, and said, that he had order to write.
Upon Wednesday I wrote againe; and he sent
me word that I should come and be dispatched,
so that I should depart upon Fryday without
faile, being the 12th July. So the Fryday
after, according to the Kings order and appointment,
I went to the Court; and whereas motion
and petition was made for the confirmac’on of
the demands which I had preferred, they were
all granted, and likewise which were on the
behalfe of our English Merchants requested,
were with great favour and readinesse
yeilded unto. And whereas the Jewes there
resident, were to our men in certaine round
sum’es indebted, the Emperor’s pleasure and
co’mandment was, that they should without
further excuse or delay pay and discharge the
same. And thus at length I was dismissed
with great honour and speciall countenance,
such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other
Embassadors of the Christians. And touching
the private affairs intreated upon betwixt her
Ma’tie and the Emperour, I had letters from him
to satisfie her Highnesse therein. So to conclude,
having received the like honourable conduct
from his Court, as I had for my part at
my first landing, I imbarked myself with my
foresaid company; and arriving not long after
[505]
in England, I repaired to her Ma’ties Court,
and ended my embassage to her Highnesses
good liking, with relation of my service performed.”
Footnote 293:
(return) The Tensift.
Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq. F.R.S.L.
and E.
Sir,
London, 17th January, 1818.
Having read, with considerable satisfaction,
your very able and judicious dissertation respecting
Africa, in the new Supplement to the Encyclopedia
Britannica, I will take the liberty to
offer some animadversions that have occurred
to me in the perusal of that very interesting
article.
Bahr Kûlla I conceive to be an immerged
country, of considerable extent, similar to Wangara;
for the name, which is Arabic, implies as
much. The correct orthography, translated literally
into English is Bahr Kûlha, which signifies
the sea, wholly or altogether, implying, therefore,
an alluvial country.
Respecting goat-skins dyed red or yellow,
these are not brought by caravans from central
Africa to Marocco, but are manufactured at
Marocco, Fas, Mequinas, and Terodant the metropolis
of Suse, from which manufactories they
are conveyed to the interior regions for sale.
Goat-skins, with the hair, in the raw state only,
are exported from Mogodor to England.
[506]
When Moore asserted that there was no such
river as the Niger, he evidently meant that the
natives of Africa knew it not by that name;
which is undoubtedly correct; for the word being
an European word, it would not be known in
Africa: but its translation into Arabic is Bahar
El Abeed, i. e. the river of Negroes. Edrissi
called it Niger, from the same motive, viz. because
it was so named by Europeans, and by
them only.
I conceive that the hypothesis which has been
credited by some, viz. that there is no receptacle
for the two Niles, between Cashna and Timbuctoo,
must now necessarily fall to the ground;
since the sea of Sudan, first declared by me to
be between Cashna and Timbuctoo, and since
confirmed by Ali Bey, and by Park, in his second
journey, can (as I apprehend) no longer
be doubted: and it is not improbable that this is
the common receptacle of the Nile of the West
and the Nile of the East. This hypothesis is
strengthened by the testimony of the Shereef
Imhammed, who has said, that he himself saw
the Nile, at Cashna, flowing so rapidly westward,
that vessels could not stem the current.
If this be true, the
295Ba Sea Feena of Park,
which is only another name for the Sea of Sudan,
must lie west of Cashna, and, probably,
about the same point that it is stated by me to
[507]
be situated, viz. fifteen journeys of horse-travelling,
or from 400 to 450 British miles east of
Timbuctoo.
Footnote 295:
(return) The Arabic orthography is Bahar S’feena which being
literally translated into English, signifies the Sea of Ships.
The word Djinawa is the African word that
denominates Guinea, but I cannot imagine that
it was ever intended to signify Gana. (See Supplement
to Encyclopædia Britannica, p. 104.)
You say there are, in Africa, two rivers to
which the name of Niger has been given: this
is evidently an error, but possibly of the press
only. There are, however, two rivers in Africa
to which the name of Neel has been given.
The Proceedings of the African Association,
vol. i. p. 540, declare that the Nile is a name
applied in Africa to any great river; but as this
assertion is calculated to produce confusion in
the geographical elucidation of the interior of
that continent, and as it certainly is not the fact,
I must here beg leave to contradict it, and declare
that there are absolutely but two rivers in
Africa, that bear the name Neel or Nile, viz. the
Neel El Kabeer, Neele Sudan, or Neel El
Abeed, i.e. the great Nile, the Nile of Sudan
or the Nile of the Negroes; and Neele Masser,
i.e. the Nile of Egypt.
296
Footnote 296:
(return) Nile is a French term, and loses its proper pronunciation
and is unintelligible when pronounced by an Englishman to
an African; but if written Neel, and pronounced by an Englishman,
it is intelligible.
If my knowledge of the African Arabic
can be of any service in giving you the
signification or correct orthography of African
[508]
words, in the event of your favouring the public
with a future edition of your New Supplement
to the Encyclopædia Britannica, any information
that I can communicate to you will
be very much at your service; and you may in
this and in any other respect that regards Africa
freely command my services.
Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries and
Travels in Africa, by the late John Leyden, M.D., by
Hugh Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E.
TO HUGH MURRAY ESQ. F.R.S.E.
London, Feb. 1818.
Sir,
You have certainly rendered to your country
a service, in the publication of “The Travels
and Discoveries in Africa, of the late John
Leyden,” the perusal of which has been to me
a fund of instruction and entertainment; it is a
most valuable work, and such a one as was
wanted by the literary world, inasmuch as
the judicious collection of the matter forms a
most valuable epitome of African knowledge,
collecting what was before distributed into many
folios.
I anticipate that the information in this work,
communicated to the public, will soon be circulated,
and you will be called upon to supply
a second edition. In the mean time, I take the
liberty of submitting to your perusal a few cursory
observations which I have made during the
perusal of it, on the accuracy of which you may
[509]
assuredly rely. These apply for the most part
to Arabian words, which have been by the moderns,
as well as the ancients variously corrupted
and mutilated. Desirous (for the information
of those who really seek after African knowledge)
that this book will pass through many
editions. I am, &c.
James Grey Jackson.
Cursory Observations.
“The Ludaia, are not inhabitants of Ludama,
they are a very numerous and warlike tribe of
Arabs, inhabiting the Sahara, of which there are
two or three emigrations or encampments in different
and distant parts of Sahara; the Emperor
of Marocco has some thousands of them in his
army, and they are esteemed (next to the negroes,
called Abeed Seedy Bukaree) his best
troops. See the Map of the tracts from Fas
and Arguin to Timbuctoo, facing page 1.
Lat. N. 24°. long. W. 3°.
“This serpent is the Bûska, described in Jackson’s
enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109.
Providence has afforded to man an opportunity
of evading the attack of this deadly animal; for
when it coils itself up, and by the strength of
its tail darts forward fifteen or twenty yards at
once, the person attacked, by watching vigilantly
its motions, evades the attack, by moving
only a short distance from the right line, in which
it is prepared to dart forwards; neither can the
[510]
Bûska govern itself in the extent of its movement,
but necessarily goes as far as its strength
will permit, and then coils itself up again in a
circular form, again erects its head, and darts a
second time to its object. I have conversed with
Arabs, who have been attacked by this monster,
and they have assured me, that, by vigilantly
watching its motion, and the direction of its
head, when preparing to dart forward, they may
escape its attack.
297
“It is not correct to assert that Nasari is a general
term, applied to infidels in Muhamed; it
is applied to Christians only. Kaffer is the general
term applied to all who have not faith in
the Arabian Prophet.
298
“That which you call the Talk Tree, is the
tree which produces the Barbary gum; the name
is talh.
299“
Footnote 297:
(return) Vide Leyden’s Africa, p. 306.
Footnote 298:
(return) Ibid, p. 429.
Footnote 299:
(return) Ibid. 204.
“The Keydenah.–This is the Sudanic name
for the tree which produces the Argan nut, or
olive, the kernel of which resembles a bitter
almond, and from it, not from the shell, they
extract the oil, so celebrated for frying fish, and
for burning; a pint of which will afford light as
long as two pints of olive oil.
“The She plant, or properly Sheh is not wild
thyme, nor does it resemble it, it is the wormseed
plant, the seed of which is an article of
exportation, from the ports of Marocco, The
[511]
sheh resembles the absynthum. The wild thyme
is called zatar, also an article of exportation
from the ports of the Marocco empire.
300
“The Alsharra signifies the Book of Laws of
Muhamed.
301
“Gebel Ramlie should be written Jibbel Rummelie,
i.e. the Sandy Mountain.
302
“The Elwah
303Elgarbie is inhabited by the
Maggrebee Arabs. My late friend, Muley Abd
Salam, elder brother to Muley Soliman, the reigning
Emperor of Marocco, had a very large estate
in this Wah, called Santariah. In the 1793d year
of the Christian era, he sent his friend and servant
Alkaid Muhammed ben Abd Saddack, late governor
of Mogodor, to effect the sale of this
estate. He was absent on this embassy two years
and three months.
304
“Sheb is the Arabic for alum, the correct orthography
is Shib.
305
“Marybucks should be Marabet, i.e. Priests,
or Holy Muhamedans.
306
“The primitive plough is used in all the African
countries inhabited by the Arabs, or their
descendants; the negroes, however, use the
hoe.”
307
Footnote 300:
(return) Vide Leyden’s Africa, p. 312.
Footnote 301:
(return) Ibid, p. 334.
Footnote 302:
(return) Ibid, p. 398.
Footnote 304:
(return) Ibid, p. 399.
Footnote 305:
(return) Ibid. ibid.
Footnote 306:
(return) Ibid. p. 225.
Footnote 307:
(return) Ibid. p. 227.
“The Mouselmines is a French corruption of
the term Muselman, i.e. Mohamedans.
“Mongearts, i.e. Moguert, the g guttural.
“Ouadelim, i.e. Wooled Deleim, or the sons
of Deemy.
“Labdessebah, i.e. Woled Abbusebah, ‘the
sons of Abbusebah.’
308
“Wed de Non, i.e. Wedinoon.
“The herb, with a decoction of which they dye
their nails and hands, is called by the Arabs El
Henna: it imparts a coolness and softness to the
hands, and diminishes the excessive perspiration
incident to warm climates.
309
“Hooled ben Soliman ought to be Woled ben
Soliman, ‘the sons of the sons of Soliman;’ and
Benioled, should be Ben El Waled, ‘the sons of
Elwaled.’
310
“The small beautiful species of deer, is the El
Horreh: it is an inhabitant of the confines of the
Saharah; it is said never to lie down. It produces
the anti-poison called bezoar stone, (called
in the Arabic Bide El Horrek, i.e. the testicle
of the Horreh.) This is an article of commerce at
Santa Cruz, and Wedinoon. The back and sides
of the skins of these animals are of a red brown,
and of a vivid white underneath.”
311
Footnote 308:
(return) Vide Leyden’s Africa, p. 262.
Footnote 309:
(return) Ibid. p. 291.
Footnote 310:
(return) Ibid. p. 299.
Footnote 311:
(return) Ibid. p. 303.
TO JAMES GREY JACKSON, ESQ.
Edinburgh, May 3. 1818.
Sir,
I have lately been favoured with two communications
from you:–the one a letter to Mr.
Napier, editor of the Encyclopædia Britannica,
on the subject of the article Africa, of which I
was the author, and which Mr. Napier, therefore,
put into my hands; the other, a letter
direct to myself, on the subject of my edition
of “Leyden’s Discoveries in Africa.” I fully
intended to have answered them before now,
but the pressure of other business, with the
wish to bestow upon them the leisurely consideration
which they merited, has hitherto prevented
me. I feel much gratified by the favourable
opinion which you express of what I have done
on this subject, and much obliged to you for
your communications, and offers of further information.
I experienced very much the disadvantage
arising from a want of knowledge of
the languages of North Africa, with which you
appear to have a very extensive acquaintance.
Indeed, several of the etymologies which you
have given, are very interesting. I was particularly
pleased to receive that of the term Ba
Sea Feena, though I cannot conceal that it tends
to strengthen the doubts which I have entertained
of its applying to the sea on the Gold
Coast. The distance, the direction southwards,
the Christians, the motion one way and another,
and even the ships, are all circumstances which
[514]
would agree. There are arguments, however,
against it; and it is certain that Park did not so
understand it. Do you think there is any chance
that the Bahr Soudan could be the Gulf of
Guinea?
If you are acquainted with any circumstances
which could tend to confirm or refute the narrative
of Sidi Hamet, as given by Riley, or throw
light upon Riley’s general credibility; or if you
have ever heard any report of such a city as Wassanah,
I should feel particularly obliged to you
for communicating such information: and whenever
I find myself at a loss, I shall gladly avail
myself of the liberality with which you show
yourself disposed to impart the knowledge of
which you have become possessed.
I shall communicate this letter to Mr. Napier;
and it is but fair to mention, that, from the circumstances
already stated, I am solely responsible
for the too long delay which has taken
place in answering your letter to him, as well
as that to myself.
Hugh Murray.
On the Niger and the Nile.
London, 7th April, 1820.
In the 25th number of the Quarterly Review,
(article Park’s Travels,) the hypothesis there
laid down as almost indisputable, is the non-continuity
of the two Niles of Africa, or (according
[515]
to the European phraseology of the day)
of the Niger and the Nile.
This hypothesis founded on the opinion of
Major Rennel, carries with it no evidence
whatever, but the speculative theory of that
learned geographer. The identity or connection
of the two Niles, and the consequent water communication
between
312 Cairo and Timbuctoo
receives (supposing the Quarterly Review to be
correct), as our intelligence respecting Africa
increases, additional confirmation: and even the
Quarterly Reviewer, who denominated the opinion
recorded by me, the gossipping stories of
Negroes, (vide Quarterly Review, No. 25, p. 140.)
now favours this opinion!
The Quarterly Reviewer appreciates Burckhardt’s
information on this subject, and depreciates
mine, although both are derived from the
same sources of
313 intelligence, and confirm one
another: the reviewer says, Mr. Burckhardt has
revived a question of older date; viz. “that
the Niger of Sudan and the Nile of Egypt are
one and the same river: this general testimony
to a physical fact can be shaken only by direct
proof to the contrary.”
Footnote 313:
(return) i.e. Intelligence from natives of Africa.
This is all very well: I do not object to the
Quarterly Reviewer giving up an opinion which
he finds no longer tenable; but when I see in
the same review (No. 44, p. 481.) the following
words,–“we give no credit whatever to the
[516]
report received by Mr. Jackson, of a person
(several Negroes
314, it should be) having performed
a voyage by water from Timbuctoo to Cairo,”
I cannot but observe with astonishment, that
the Reviewer believes Burckhardt’s report, that
they are the same river, when, at the same time
he does not believe mine.
Is there not an inconsistency here, somewhat
incompatible with the impartiality which ought
to regulate the works of criticism? I will not
for a moment suppose it to have proceeded from
a spirit of animosity, which I feel myself unconscious
of deserving. But the reviewer further
says, the objection to the identity of the Niger
and the Nile, is grounded on the incongruity
of their periodical inundations, or on the rise
and fall of the former river not corresponding
with that of the latter. I do not comprehend
whence the Quarterly Reviewer has derived
this information; I have always understood the
direct contrary, which I have declared in the
enlarged editions of my account of Marocco,
page 304, which has been confirmed by a most
intelligent African traveller, Ali Bey, (for which
see his travels, page 220.)
I may be allowed to observe, that although
the Quarterly Reviewer has changed his opinion
on this matter, I have invariably maintained
mine, founded as it is on the concurrent testimony
of the best informed and most intelligent
native African travellers, and I still assert, on
[517]
the same foundation, the identity of the two Niles,
and their continuity of waters.
I have further to remark what will most probably
ere long prove correct; viz. that the
Bahar Abiad
315, that is to say, the river that
passes through the country of Negroes, between
Senaar and Donga, is an erroneous appellation,
originating in the general ignorance among
European travellers of the African Arabic, and
that the proper name of this river is Bahar
Abeed, which is another term for the river
called the Nile-el-Abeed, which passes south
of Timbuctoo towards the east (called by Europeans
the Niger).
It therefore appears to me, and I really think
it must appear to every unbiassed investigator
of African geography, that every iota of African
discovery, made successively, by Hornemann
316,
Burckhardt, and others, tends to confirm my
water communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo,
and the theorists and speculators in African
geography, who have heaped hypothesis upon
hypothesis, error upon error, who have raised
splendid fabrics upon pillars of ice, will ere
long close their book, and be compelled, by the
force of truth and experience, to admit the
fact stated about twelve years ago by me in my
account of Marocco, &c. viz. that the Nile of
[518]
Sudan and the Nile of Egypt are identified by a
continuity of waters, and that a water communication
is provided by these two great rivers from
Timbuctoo to Cairo; and moreover, that the
general African opinion, that the Neel-el-Abeed
(Niger) discharges itself into the (Bahar el Mâleh)
Salt Sea, signifies neither more nor less than
that it discharges itself at the Delta in Egypt, into
the Mediterranean Sea!
James Grey Jackson.
APPENDIX;
BEING HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS IN ELUCIDATION OF
THE FOREGOING PAGES.
First Expedition on Record to Timbuctoo.–Timbuctoo
and Guago captured by Muley Homed, (son of Muley
Abdelmelk, commonly called Muley Melk
317, or Muley
Moluck,) in the 16th Century, (about the Year 1580.)
Footnote 317:
(return) See the Spectator, No. 349.
Muley Abdelmelk, commonly called Muley Moluck,
in 1577, A.C. fought the celebrated battle with Don
Sebastian, King of Portugal, near Alkassar, which is at
a short distance from L’Araich, wherein Don Sebastian
was killed; and Abdelmelk being, before the battle, extremely
ill, his son Muley Hamed went to his litter, to
communicate to the Emperor his father, that the Moors
had gained the victory, when he found his father dead
and cold. Muley Hamed concealed this event till the
battle was over; and was then proclaimed Emperor, and
reigned twenty-six years: he cultivated the arts and sciences,
mathematics and astronomy, which last was of essential
service to him in crossing the Sahara to Timbuctoo
and Guago; during which perilous journey the compass
is so indispensable, that there is no certainty of travelling
without it. He lost some thousands in this expedition;
[520]but if gold could recompense the waste of human life,
he was rewarded for his journey of abstinence and privation
across the Sahara, for he brought from Guago
seventy-five quintals, and from Timbuctoo sixty quintals,
of gold-dust, making together one hundred and thirty-five
quintals, or 16,065 lb. English avoir-du-poids weight of
gold.
A Library of Arabic Manuscripts taken by the Spaniards,–Contests
among Christians reprimanded.
Muley Sidan, son of Muley Hamed, disputed the
throne of Marocco, A.C. 1611, with three brothers, one
of whom was supported by the Spaniards, whose succour
was purchased by his delivering into their hands
the port of L’Araich, soon after which they gained a
naval victory over the forces of Sidan, which was very
disastrous to the Africans; for the Spaniards, besides
other plunder, got possession of 3000 Arabic books, on
theology, philosophy, and medicine. Sidan, however,
notwithstanding this disaster, maintained his right to the
crown. He was of a liberal and charitable mind. He
protected and granted to the Christians various privileges;
but he ordered that Christians of all sects, and
denominations should live in peace one with another.
One day, some (Userah) Christian slaves of Provence,
in France, who were Catholics, had a controversial
dispute with others from Rochelle, who were Calvinists.
This dispute ended in a violent contest, accompanied with
blows on either side; this scene excited the curiosity of
the Muselmen, who were surprised to see Christians
thus fight among themselves on points of their own law!
The report of this battle was carried to Sidan, who ordered
all these slaves to be brought before him. He condemned
some to a bastinado, which was inflicted in his
[521]presence. He then addressed them thus:–“I command
you all, on pain of death, not to dispute in future
on the various dogmas of your law: every one has the
presumption to think himself right; and as I allow every
individual in my dominions to follow the religion that
he chooses for himself; slaves ought to have among themselves
the same toleration“.
Muley El Arsheed, (a second Expedition to Timbuctoo and
Sudan.)
This Sultan preceded the renowned Muley Ismael, on
the throne of Marocco: he united to great ability the
most ferocious disposition, and was continually inebriated.–He
crossed the Sahara to Timbuctoo, with a
numerous army, about the year of Christ 1670; proceeding
to Suse, he laid siege to the Sanctuary of Seedi
Aly ben Aidar, near Ilirgh: Seedi Aly, making his
escape in disguise, fled to Sudan, whither he was followed
by Muley El Arsheed, who, on his arrival on the
confines of Sudan, between Timbuctoo and Jinnie, was
met by a numerous host of Negroes, commanded by a
black sultan: the Emperor demanded Aly ben Aidar;
but the sultan of Bambarra replied, that, as he had
claimed his protection, it would be an infringement on
the laws of hospitality to deliver him up, adding, that
he desired to know if the views of El Arsheed were hostile
or not; to which the latter replied, after endeavouring
in vain to procure the person of Aly, that he was
not come hostilely, but was about to return, which he
forthwith did: and the Bambareen sultan, having received
from Aly two beautiful renegade virgins, was so
much flattered with the present, that he promised him
any thing that he should ask; whereupon, he requested
permission to go to Timbuctoo, and to settle there with
his numerous followers; which being granted, he proceeded
[522]thither, and having established a Moorish garrison,
resided there several, months, and afterwards returned
to Barbary, bringing with him many thousand
Bambareen negroes: but, on his reaching Suse, he heard
of the death of Muley El Arsheed, and having then no
farther occasion for these negroes, he dismissed them.
They went to various parts of the country, serving the
inhabitants in order to procure daily subsistence; but the
arch-politician Muley Ismael, who had then recently been
proclaimed as his successor, ordered them to be collected
together, and incorporated in his negro army,
which was, however, before this, very numerous, consisting
for the most part of blacks, brought away from
Sudan by Muley El Arsheed the preceding year. The
Sultan Ismael also seized this opportunity of establishing
his authority at Timbuctoo, and he met with little or no
opposition in putting that place under contribution. Having
sent fresh troops to occupy the Moorish garrison there,
the inhabitants were glad to make a contribution, in exchange
for the protection and power which it afforded
them; for previous to this, they had been subject to continual
depredations, from the Arabs of the adjacent
country, to whom they had been compelled to pay tribute,
as a security for their caravans, which were constantly
passing the country of these Arabs, who are of the
race of Brabeesh. In the year 1727, A.C. when Ismael
died, it is reported that he possessed an immense quantity
of gold, of the purity of which, his gold coins, to be
seen at this day at Timbuctoo, bear testimony; it is also
said, that the massive bolts of his palaces were of pure
gold, as well as the utensils of his kitchens. After his
decease, however, the tribute was discontinued, and the
Moorish garrison at Timbuctoo, intermarrying with the
natives, and dispersing themselves in the neighbouring
country, has given to Timbuctoo that tincture of Muselman
manners, which they are known to possess; their
[523]descendants forming, at this period, a considerable portion
of the population of Timbuctoo.
Third Expedition to Timbuctoo and Sudan.
Muley Ismael died of an abscess in 1727, and was
succeeded by his youngest son Muley Hamed Dehebby,
a most avaricious prince, whose treasure, collected in his
government during the life of his father, amounted to
ten millions; to which was now added his father’s treasury,
amounting to fifty millions, besides jewels and
diamonds to a much larger amount.
Dehebby
318, sanguinary and cruel when sober, was mild,
affable, and humane when intoxicated: unlike Muselmen,
he believed not in predestination, but had always several
surgeons and doctors in his suite, and consulted them
with the most unlimited confidence when ill. He decorated
the palace of Marocco: in one of the apartments
of the seraglio, of which he had had painted, in a
superior style, the twelve signs of the zodiac; for which
his ignorant and bigoted subjects accused him of having
conspired against the Deity, in imitating, by gross and ill-formed
images, the works of the Almighty. This prince
was an intolerable drunkard; so that the Marabets and
chiefs of the empire called Abdelmelk to the throne,
whom they enabled to take possession of Mequinas. This
prince, anticipating the revenge of Dehebby, proposed to
deprive him of his eye-sight; but the Marabets and
chiefs opposed this resolution and replied to him in the
following words:–“It is not for his crimes that we
have deposed thy brother, but for his continual intoxication,
which prevented him from watching over the
government and his officers: he has therefore only been
[524]guilty of weakness, which is not a punishable crime.”
Abdelmelk dared not push his point, but was contented
to send his brother to the (Bled Shereef), country of
princes, i.e. Tafilelt. Before Dehebby was dethroned,
he marched with a numerous army across Sahara, to
Timbuctoo, of which he took possession, and brought
home immense quantities of gold.
Footnote 318:
(return) His proper name was Muley Hamed ben Ismael, the name Dehebby
is figurative of his riches in gold.
1730.–Muley Hamed Dehebby dying, should have
been succeeded by his son Muley Bouffer; but money
and intrigue gave power to Abdallah, a son of Muley
Ismael, who was proclaimed in spite of the efforts
of his nephew, whom he attacked at Terodant, the
capital of Suse. Bouffer was taken, together with
a Marabet, his confidential friend and counsellor.
Abdallah ordered them both to be brought before him.–“Thou
art young,” said he to his nephew; “thou hadst
imprudently undertaken more than thou couldst accomplish;
and in consideration of thy youth and inexperience,
I pardon thee, but I will be revenged of thy counsellor.”
Then turning himself to the Marabet, “Thou, art a rebel,”
said he. “Didst thou imagine that thy sacred character,
which thou hast abused against thy (Seed) Lord
or King would prevent him from punishing thee? Let
us see if thy sanctity will turn the edge of my sword.”–In
uttering these words, he struck off the saint’s head.
I N D E X.
A.
ABDELMELK, the prince, moral reflection on his expensive
apparel, 79. Is sent to Tafilelt, 80.
Abolition of Slavery depends on the Africans themselves, not
on our naval force or operations, 270.
Abstinence experienced in the Sahara, 353. Means used to
support it. Effects of, 354.
Abbuselah Woled, Arabs of, 138.
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of Abda, interview
with, 136.
Abdsalam, prince, departs for Tafilelt, through Draha and
Bled el jereed, 149.
Abeed, 481. Seedi Bukaree, emperor’s body guard, 481.
Aboukir, battle of, its consequence to muselmen, 101.
Acephali, 198.
Africa, plan for the discovery of, 201.
African Association, Institution, &c. recommended to unite
their energies and operations to cultivate a commercial
intercourse with Africa, 228. The same recommended
an a large scale, 249. African Company, a plan for, 251.
African Association, disastrous expeditions of, 258.
An union of the African interests beneficial, 271. African
duplicity exemplified, 293. African Association
might find the son of Ali Bey an acquisition in promoting
their views, 304.
African names, how pronounced, 491.
Agadeer, or Santa Cruz, port of, opened to Dutch commerce,
55. Apprehensions at Mogodor from the establishment
of Santa Cruz, 56. Conveniently situated for
the markets of Sudan. Denominated the gate of Sudan, 56.
Port of, farmed by Muley Ismael, 57. Author’s arrival
at, to open the port to European commerce. Wretched
state of its inhabitants. Honourable reception of the
author there, 59. Disgraceful custom abolished by the
author, 60. Propensity to commerce among the people
of Suse. Sanctuary at the entrance of the town. Privilege
of riding in and out of the town established by the author,
for Christians of all denominations, 61. Commercial
road made by the author down the mountain to facilitate
the shipment of merchandise, 62. The spirit of the
natives in working at it. Happy influence of commerce
and industry on the people. Portuguese tower in the
neighbourhood, 63. Description of the town, 64. Strength
of, and convenient situation for a depôt, 65. Mitferes, depositaries
for water, 65. Attempt of the Danes to establish
a colony in its vicinage, at Agadeer Arba. Battery
at, 66. Safe road for shipping. Inhabitants friendly to
the English, 67. Port of, shut by the Emperor, and the
garrison and merchants ordered to go to Marocco, and
from thence to quit the country or establish at Mogodor,
79. Negociation for the port of, from the emperor, 246.
Agricultural property, division of, 330. Agriculture, 339.
Aisawie, or charmers of serpents described, 430.
Ait Attar, or Attarites, an independent kabyl or clan, 311.
Akka, 7. Depôt for camels, 248.
Akkaba, kaffilas, or caravans to Timbuctoo, where eligible
to be established, 263.
Akkaba, what, 345.
Akkad, its signification, 411.
Alk Sudan, what, 345.
Altitude of the Atlas mountains, 93, 94.
Ali Bey, an account of; 297. Suspicions entertained respecting
him. His magnificent mode of living. Excites
the suspicion of the governor of Marocco, 300. He is
prevented from visiting the Atlas mountains, 301. He is
favoured by the emperor, 302. Stratagem practised to
ascertain what religion he followed. Ordered to embark
at Laraich. Is separated from his wife. Her conduct.
He predicts an eclipse, 303. Passes for a learned man.
Suspected to be an agent of Bonaparte. His son resides at
Fas, patronised by the Marabet Muley Dris or Idris, 304.
Algiers, attack of, recommended to the Emperor of Marocco,
283.
Almonds, plantations of, 74.
Ambassador, British, the author’s interview with. Great
honor shown to him on his entry into Tangier, 127.
Amber, manufactured imitation of, at Fas, 126, 216.
Amaranites, or Ait Amaran, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
Amak, the poet, his sumptuous style of living, 353.
Amorites, of the, 475.
——, or Ait Amor, 122. Descendants of the ancient
Amorites, 124. Anecdotes of, 193.
Amusements of Europeans at Marocco, 89.
Anachronism of the author misapplied, 442.
Angola, natives of, how converted to Christianity, 442.
Anti-commercial system, 211.
Antiperistasis of the Africans, how promoted, 230.
Antimony mines, 331.
Anecdote of an Emperor, 307.
Anecdotes, fragments, and notes, 276.
Antithesis, a favourite figure with the Arabs, 349.
Apparel of the emperor, plain and simple, 79.
Arabs, cookery of, 64. Riches of, in what they consist, 247.
Dance and music, 140. Abstinence of, 141. Beauty of
their women, 142. Patriarchal life of, 143, 196. Arab
royalty personified, 195. Customs of, 244. Of Sahara,
hostile to those who do not understand their language,
262. The manners of, resemble those of the patriarchal
ages, 276.. The study of their language and customs
the best comment on the Old Testament, 276.
Their
territory and origin, 328. Decay of science and arts
among, 352.
——, sheiks of, hold themselves accountable for the property,
baggage, &c. of travellers, 233.
Arabic document distributed by Mr. Bowdich in Africa, to
the natives, unintelligible, 492.
—— language, on the,471. The language of Palestine
resembles that of West Barbary, 473.
———-, general utility of, a practical knowledge
of in Africa, 258. On the language, 357. Arabian
music, 318. Arabic grammar, errors in Richardson’s,
351. Pure Arabic, where spoken, 351. Arabian modes
of writing, 350. Errors committed by professors of, who
have not a practical knowledge of the language, 39.
———-, universality of the, 473.
—— translations of documents in, furnished to government
by the author, 407.
—— manuscripts, 3000 taken by the Spaniards, 520.
—— interpreter, the author officiates as, with the prince
Muley Teib, 192.
Architecture described, 90. Gothic prevails, 271.
Argan tree, and oil of, 510.
—— trees, oil of the, productive of leprosy if not properly
prepared, 91.
Ashantee, intercourse through, with Timbuctoo objectionable,
and why, 249.
Atlas, foot of, a productive country, 74.. Table land in,
and produce of, 75. Narrow defile or pass, 76. Calculated
altitude of, 93..
Attarites, or Ait Attar, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
Audiences of the emperor, introductory, of business, of leave
or departure, 89.
Author’s intelligence respecting the interior of Africa, considered
valuable, 99.
—— travels in disguise, 136.
Azamore, 110.
B.
Bab Sudan, 456.
Badge of distinction worn by the lepers, 91.
Bahar Segrer, the Mediterranean designated by that term,
486.
—— Sudan, corroborative testimony of its situation, 450,
451, 465,
———-, situation of, 436.
—— Kulla, explanation of the term, 444.. Ditto of
Bahar Sudan, 448.
—— El Kabeer, or Bahar Addolum, Atlantic Ocean designated
by that name, 489.
—— El Abeed, not Bahar El Abiad, 517.
Ba Scafeena, of Park, synonymous with the sea of Sudan,
450, 465.
———-, of Park, synonymous with the sea of Sudan,
properly called Bahar S’feena, 506.
Bank, in West Barbary, recommended, 237.
Banks, Sir Joseph’s letter to Mr. Dickson, respecting the
death of Mungo Park, a passage in it confirmed only in
Mr. Jackson’s translation of the Shereef Ibrahim’s account
of that traveller’s death, brought by Mr. Bowdich from
Ashantee, but not in Mr. Salemé’s translation, 425. The
author’s translation, 409.
Barbary, conquered by the Romans, by the Vandals, by
the Greeks, by the Arabs, 458. Partial conquest of by
the Portuguese and Spaniards, 458.
——–, travelling in, 293.
Bashaw of Abda, interview with, 136.
Bedouins, emigration of. Camel’s milk, their food, 203.
Domestic looms of. Manufactures of. Custom of, 204.
Mode of living. Extempore poetry of, 205. Manners
of, 206.
Beef, mode of preserving for food in the desert, 349.
Berebbers, their contest with the emperor, 308. Their territory
and language, 327. Names of their clans or tribes,
124. Specimen of their language, 367.
Bernou, etymology of, 449.
Bism illak, and El Ham’d û lillah, signification of, 231.
Bonaparte, his system respecting Africa, 229.
Bouska, exhibition of that monstrous serpent, 451.
Brimstone mines, 331.
British public, address to, 253.
Buffé, Dr. his medical success at Marocco, 396. He is
recommended to his majesty George the Third, and his
majesty is requested, by the emperor, to return him to Gibraltar,
to reside there as the emperor’s physician, 397.
Buhellessa, the pretender, described, 287. He is an adept in
the occult sciences, 288. He marches with 22,000 men
to attack Delemy’s castle, 289. He is vanquished and
beheaded, 290. His army dispersed, his head and feet
sent to the Prince Muley Abdsalam, at Santa Cruz, 290.
The prince rewards the man who killed the usurper: the
author visits the field of battle, which resembled the plains
of Waterloo, 291.
Buregreg river, 113.
Burkhardt, anticipation respecting, 449.
Butellise, or night-blindness, described, 332.
——–, or nyctalopia, an ophthalmia that affects our seamen
in the Mediterranean, 433.
Butter, melted, food in the desert, 6.
C.
Camel, the ship of the desert, 247.
Caffer, or Khaffer, signification of, 345.
Cairo, derivation of the name, 326.
Canary language resembles the shelluh of Atlas, 381.
Caravans accumulate as they proceed to the confines of Sahara,
4.
Cape of Good Hope, how to preserve, and to improve its
produce, 339, 340.
Cape de Verd, compared to Ceuta, 229.
Ceuta, preparation for the siege of, by the emperor Muley
Yezzid, 403.
Christians, harmony among, necessary to precede the conversion
of Africa, 131.
Christian religion, how to propagate it in Africa, 224.
——–, impediments to its propagation, 225.
——–, the influence of its principles in Africa, 227.
Civilisation of Africa, the necessary result of commerce,
and the only plan by which an expectation of the conversion
of the natives to Christianity can possibly be indulged,
263.
———- of Africa, through commerce, the only effectual
means of abolishing the slave trade, 270.
Civil war prevalent in West and in South Barbary, 279.
Characteristic trait of Muhamedans,308.
Christians, ordered by the emperor, on pain of death, to live
peaceably with one another, 520.
Christ acknowledged by muselmen, 240.
Circumcision, when performed among Muhamedans, 345.
Cobas described, 272.
Colonial produce, consequences of the cultivation of, in
Senegal by the French, 228.
Commercial intercourse with Africa favourable to the propagation
of Christianity, 227.
Recommended on a large scale, 249, 251, 259.
Commercial adventurer in Africa more likely to succeed than
a scientific one, 259.
Commerce, the key of Africa,428.
Communication with Africa to be effected by the medium of
commerce, 493.
Connubial customs, 313.
Copper mines, 331.
Corn, abundant at Dar el Beida and at Fedalla, 110.
Abundance of, in West Barbary,208, 340.
Couriers, confidence reposed in them, 405.
Coffee of Timbuctoo, 279.
Consuls of the European powers, their residence, 130.
Congo, Africans of, how converted to the Christian faith, 442_.
Continental markets of Europe, contemplation how they will
be supplied with colonial produce, 229.
Cuscusoe, or more properly Kuskasoe, an excellent food,
mode of preparing it, 97.
Customs, Muhamedan, 230..
Cuba, slave-trade and produce of, increased, 270.
Customs of the shelluhs of Idaultit, and laws of, remarkable,313.
Customs, ceremonies at funerals, 465.
D.
Dances of the Arabs described, music of, 140, 344.
Dates abundant at Tafilelt, 80.
Dar el Beida, a corn country, 110.
Dead, bodies of the, never interred in towns or in the
mosques, 272.
Ceremony of interment, 273.
Deism, 325.
Deef Allah, what, 341.
Decay of science and the arts among the Arabs, 352.
Delel, i.e. auctioneer of slaves at Marocco, 95.
Deleim, woled Arabs, 138.
Decked vessels in the interior of Africa, 449.
Delemy, sheik of the Deleim Arabs,138.
Invites the author and his companion, Signor Andrea de Christo,
to pass the night at a douar of the Woled Abbusebah Arabs, 139.
Garden of, described, 147.
Renown of, 148.
A main pillar to the throne of Marocco, 148.
Receives an exhortation from the prince Abdsalam to give battle
to the usurper Buhellessa, 288.
Dextrous in the management of a horse, 289.
Desert, rate of travelling through, 470.
Dews of the night, how they secure themselves against,
when sleeping, 154.
Deef Allah, custom of uttering, 233.
Dimenet, in the Atlas, attacked by the emperor,305.
Difference between the oriental and occidental Arabic
alphabets, 351.
Djinawa, definition of the name, 507.
Distances from port to port, along the coast, calculated, 132.
Discovery of Africa, plan for, 200.
Disgrace of inhospitality,240.
Doctors, itinerant, their apparatus, 242.
Douars, or villages of tents, described, 328.
Draha, province of, 2.
Hire of camels from Tafilelt to, 2.
Dates, the names of the different species, 3.
Plantations of, 3.
Inhabitants of nearly black, 2.
Character of them, 2, 7.
Drahim, what,3.
Driss Zerone Muley, renowned sanctuary of,118.
Author’s hospitable reception there, and admission to the
adytum, 119.
Duplicity of the Africans exemplified,293, 314.
E.
East India trade, our, how likely to be affected by French
colonisation, in Senegal, 229.
Ebekoaits, or Ait Ebeko, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
Effah el, exhibition of that venomous serpent, 453.
Elephants, 8.
Elegant females, 142.
Emperor admits an ambassador without prostration, and why, 282.
——– Yezzid is wounded, and dies, 285.
His body exhumated, 286.
Compared to his majesty George the Fourth, 287.
Emperor, anecdote of one, 307.
His contest with the Berebbers, 308.
Letter from him to his bashaw of Suse respecting English seamen
wrecked on the western coast of Africa, 364.
Titles of H.I.M., 382..
Style of addressing him, 382.
Emperor’s letters, 384, 387, 392, 394, 395, 398, 402, 403, 405.
—- plan of reconciling catholics with protestants, 520.
—- table, simplicity of the furniture of, 96.
—- audience of business of the, 98.
Audience of leave in the garden of the Nile, 98.
Embassy, British, to Marocco, result of, 128.
Encroachments of the French anticipated on our colonial
arkets, 230.
Encyclopedia Britannica, misapplication of an anachronism, 442.
The editor of has adopted the author’s opinion respecting
the course of the Niger, 447.
Epistolary correspondence, 382.
Epistolary diction used by Muhamedans, 404.
Equity, case of, 312.
Esshume, See Shume.
Euphorbium plant, 74.
European merchants at Mogador in danger of being decollated
by order of the emperor, on a charge of high-treason, 284.
F.
Fas, bankrupts, how treated at, 16.
Is the metropolis of the north, 87.
Talb Cadus, 87.
—-, gold thread manufactured at, of a superior quality, 126.
Manufactures, various of, 126.
—-, houses of the merchants of, described, and gardens at, 275.
Library at, 324.
Fakeers, or muselmen-saints excite hostility between
Christians and Muhamedans, 267..
Fedalla, corn country, 110.
Fig-trees, very large, 82.
Food, 316.
Food of the desert, 349.
—- of the Arabs similar to that used in the days of Abraham, 243.
Fourban, Comte de, anecdote of, 112, 113.
Fragments, notes, and anecdotes, 276.
French army, landing of, in Egypt, 100.
Fruits of all kinds abundant at Salee and Rabat, 114, 125.
Fruga, town of, 76, 78.
G.
Game, plentiful. Not sold in the public market. Custom
on shooting it, 338.
Strangled, what game so called, 338.
Garrison of Tangier salutes the ambassador, 127.
Garb el, what, so called, 2.
Garden, imperial, the merchants encamped at Marocco in, 88.
Names and produce of, 81.
Geography of Africa, on the, 474.
George IV. compared to the Emperor Muley Yezzid,287.
—- a patron to science and the arts, 429.
Genoa, its indirect commerce with Timbuctoo, 254.
Girwan ait, or Girwanites, a tribe of Berebbers,124.
Gold dust, gold bars, wrought gold, 67.
—-, and bars, consignment of, to Fas from Timbuctoo, 347.
Gold thread, superior manufactory of, at Fas, 215.
—-, of a superior quality, manufactured at Fas, 126.
Government, offer to it, to discover the remedy for nyctalopia, 335.
Great Britain, its indirect commerce with Timbuctoo, 255.
Grored el, or sandy desert of Mogodor, 83.
Gum Sudan, 67.
Gum Barbary, 67.
Gum Euphorbium, 74.
Gum sandrac. Gum ammoniac, 67.
—-, called in England, Turkey gum Arabic, 345.
Gun-barrels, manufacture of, 331.
Gutta serena, probable remedy for the cure of, 335, 336.
Galvanism, beneficial in, 336.
H.
Hawking, and hunting the boar, sports followed by princes, 338.
Hassûa el, described, 242.
Heirie, Jackson’s account of, confirmed by Colonel
Fitzclarence, 489..
Hel shual, and Hel elkilleb, what, 198.
Hel ferdie, what, 200.
Hemeralopia, or night-blindness described, 332.
Henna, an herb with which the Arabian, Moorish, Shelluh,
Berebber, and Jewish women dye their feet, hands, and
hair, and why, 512.
Hire of camels from Akka to Santa Cruz, 346.
Hogan’s embassy to the emperor of Marocco, from queen
Elizabeth, 489.
Honey of Haha, 153.
Hospitality of the Arabs, cultivators of west and south Barbary, 131, 239.
———-, laws of, 340. Disinterested hospitality shown
to the author, 342. Inviolability of the laws of, among the
Bedouin Arabs, 343.
Howara, an Arab clan, take possession of Assouan in
Egypt, 74.
——– Arabs, hunting the boar with. They took the city
of Assouan in Egypt, about four centuries ago, 245.
Houses at Marocco and elsewhere described, 274.
Housa, travelling there safe, 37. Great traffic on the Nile
of Sudan. Niles, how denominated, 39. Description of
the country adjacent to, 40. Situation and size of the
palace of, and description of the city of, 41. Government
of; administration of justice at, 42. Landed property,
43. Revenues of; army, 44. Trade, 45. Climate,
zoology, diseases, religion, 48. Persons; dress,
49. Buildings; manners, 50. Gold, 51. Limits of the
Empire of; pottery; Timbuctoo tributary to it, 53.
Small-pox, inoculation for, 54.
Hutton, Catherine, her observations on an intercourse with
Africa, 264.
Hulacu, the Tartar, conqueror of the east. His letter to
the sultan of Aleppo, 399.
Hypotheses, various, respecting the Niger, 447.
I.(J.)
Jackson’s report corroborated, 467.
Idautenan, independence of, 147. Superior grapes of, 147.
The country described, 147.
Idiaugomoron, 151.
Idaultit, customs of, 313.
Jedrie, the African name for the small-pox in horses, mules,
asses, and oxen, 337.
Jelabia, garment so called, described, 200.
Jerf el suffer, the yellow cliff, 109.
Jew, great present made by one for the privilege of wearing
the European costume, 297.
Jews, a distinct race from the Africans, rendered so from
their particular laws and customs, &c. 230.
——, funeral cry of, 464. Funeral ceremonies of, 235.
——, massacre of, at Algiers, 283. How estimated in the
empire of Marocco, 238.
Jinnie, manufacture of gold filligrane at, 126.
Impediments to our knowledge of Africa. What they
are, 266.
Inactivity, or want of vigilance severely reprehensible in the
officers of the Marocco government, 203.
Incorrect orthography of African names, 468.
Indigo plant, 74.
Interest of money, 237..
Intercourse, commercial, with Africa, recommended to be
adopted on a grand national scale, 249, 263.
Interest of the Arabs of Sahara; how it would be united
with a colony on the coast, 248.
Information from Africans respecting Africa, not contemptible,
434.
Intoxication, various modes of, 329.
Invoice from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz, 345. Ditto from
ditto to Fas, 347.
Invasion of the country by Christians, a tradition of, 225.
Invocation for the author’s welfare made by the Fakeers of
the sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, 119.
———- for the welfare of the British embassy.
Journey, in disguise, at a critical period, 135.
Journies, viz. from Mogodor to Rabat; to Mequinas; to
the sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone; and to the ruins of
Pharaoh; through the country of Amorites to L’Araich
and Tangier, 105.
Irrigation, wheel for, 13.
Iron mines, 331.
Isa Seedy ben, fascinators of serpents, 455.
Isawie (fascinators of serpents) their performance, 453.
Justice, moral, 306.
K.
Kaaba, Muhamed’s mausoleum, so called, 273.
Kadder Khan, king of Turkostan, a great support to
science, 352.
Kaffer, the application of this term, 510.
——, (or Caffre) its signification, 267, 345.
Kassar Kabeer el, a beautiful country, 124.
Kereb, what, 5.
Key of Africa is commerce, 428.
Keyma, its definition, 307.
Khalif Delemys, noble conduct to the prince Abdsalsm,
288.
Kibla, i. e. the tomb of Muhamed, 9.
Kiffen, signification of, 273.
King George IV. compared to the late emperor of Marocco,
Muley Yezzid, 287. A patron to science and
the arts, 429.
Kitiwa ait, or Kituvites, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
Koba, or coba, 88.
Koran, called the beloved book. Etymology of the word,
318. Incorrectly called the Alcoran, l’Alcoran, or il Alcorano,
351. Written in good language, 353.
L.
L’âad of the Arabs described, 289.
Language, etiquette of, at the court of Marocco, 315.
Languages of Africa, 355.
L’Araich, forest of. Ferry of, 125.
Laws of insolvency, 343.
Lead mines, 331. Lead-ore mines, 331.
Leather superior manufactory of, at Mequinas and Marocco,
217. Articles used in the manufacture of leather, 218.
Leghorn, its indirect commerce with Timbuctoo, 255.
Leper’s town or village near Marocco, 90. Mendicant
lepers, 91.
Library at Fas, 324.
Lions, country abounding in. Mode of destroying them.
Preservation against, 115.
Liquorice root, abundant in Suse, 74_.
Locusts, their incredible devastation described, 221. Mode
of collecting them, 222. Used as food; method of
preparing them; much esteemed as food, 222. Remarkable
instance of these insects having devoured every
blade of grass south of the river Elkos, but not north of
that river, 223.
Love, Arabian definition of, 363.
Loyalty of the sheiks of Suse, 288. Of Muhamedans,
326.
Ludaia are not Ludama, 507.
Lybia palus and sea of Sudan synonymous, 448.
M.
Majesty, His, George IV. patron of science and the arts,
429. Compared to the late emperor Yezzid, 287.
Mandinga language compared with the Arabic, 373.
Manufactures of Fas; superior manufacture of gold-thread
there, 214.
Marabets, what, 511.
Marabet, punishment of one, 524.
Market called Soke Elkhummes, 94.
Marocco, emperor’s march to, 73. Country abundant in
corn of a superior quality, 78. Reception at salutations
of the Moors, 78. Gate called Beb el Lushoir; its situation,
78. Garden of the Nile, an imperial garden, 79.
Tafilelt rose flourishes at Marocco; its powerful perfume;
otto of roses, 79. Roses; various flowers abundant;
Persian wheel in general use throughout the country, 82.
Divisions of the empire of, 86. The summer residence
of the emperor, 86. The metropolis of the south, 87.
Town or village of lepers at, 90. Policy of concealing
the appearance of wealth at, 95. Furniture of houses at,
95. Customs at, 95. All trades carried on at, 98.
——–, etiquete of the court of, 310. Emperor dispenses
with, 311.
Marseilles, its commerce indirectly with Timbuctoo, 254.
Massacre of the Jews at Algiers, 283.
Matra, J.M., his excellency the British ambassador, treated
by the emperor like a prince, 128.
——–, his intelligence respecting vaccine pus, 237.
Mauritannick writing, what, 351.
Mazagan, 109. Country of, and inhabitants described,
109.
Mekka caravan, i. 4.
Mendicant lepers, their exclamation, 91.
Mensoria el, 110.
Mequinas, city of the court-town; travelling, mode of; 88.
Imperial palace at, 117. Beauty of the ladies of, 118.
——–, superior leather and shoes made at, 98.
Merchandize, consignment of, from Timbuctoo to Fas, 348.
———-, the various, the produce of Sudan, 256.
Messa, visit to the port of, 145. Gold and silver mines of,
146.
Minister’s house at Marocco, a noble one, 90.
——– suggestions recommended to their attention, 230.
Mitfere, or cistern, magnificent, at Mazagan, 109.
Mitferes, what, 90. Expediency of, 210.
——–, described, magazines for grain, 339. Custom
observed when opened, 339.
Mogodor, duties at, doubled, 74. Merchants of, present
themselves to the emperor, 87.
——–, duties at, reduced to the old standard through
the influence of Muley Abd el Melk ben Dris, 128.
——– merchants in danger of being beheaded, 284.
Monopodia of the ancients compared to a Moorish table, 281.
Months, or moons, Muhamedan, their names, 371.
Money, interest of, 237.
Moors, 4.
———, their language and residence, 327.
Moorish grace at meals, 96.
———-customs, 281.
Morbeya, river of, divides the northern from the southern
division of the empire, 86.
‘Msharrah Rummellah, plains of, 124.
Described, 195.
‘Mtasseb, what, 126.
Muden, what, 111.
Muhamedan princes, treaties with, 283.
————–loyalty, 326.
————–, their claims to hospitality, 341.
————–customs, 349.
Mules, not used in the desert, 5.
Muley Abdsalam’s domain in the oasis of Ammon, 280.
——–Yezzid, the emperor, compared to his Majesty, George IV., 287.
———Abdrahaman, anecdote of, 322.
———Ismael, anecdote of, 323.
———Ismael, emperor of Marocco, his letter to captain Kirke at
Tangier, ambassador from Charles II,, dated A.D. 1682. 384.
———Ismael, his letter to sir Cloudesly Shovel at Salée, 387.
Sir Cloudesly’s answer, 389.
———Ismael, emperor of Marocco, his letter to queen Anne, 392.
———Yezzid, emperor of Marocco, his letter to the
Dutch consul, 402.
———Ismael’s, emperor, gold coins at Timbuctoo, 522.
———Hamed, son of Muley Moluck, an account of his
expedition to Timbuctoo, &c. 519.
———Sidan, loses 3000 Arabic books, 520.
Muley El Arsheed, his expedition to Timbuctoo, 521.
Muley Hamed Dehebby, commonly called Deiby, his expedition
to Timbuctoo, 523.
Mungo Park at Timbuctoo, 319.
Murder, punishment for, 343.
Mushoir, or place of audience, 89.
Music, and Arab dance, 141.
N.
Nasari, the application of the term, 510.
Nassar, Abdrahaman Ben, the bashaw of Abda, interview
with, 136..
Nations, the respective costumes of, enjoined, 296..
Negro languages, thirty-three different ones spoken, 370.
Negroes, opinion respecting, 466. Mental degradation of,
imputable, in some measure, to the cruel treatment of
them in the West India islands, 466.
Neel, a name applied to two rivers in Africa only, 507.
Nile, at Kabra, its width, 471.
—-, the correct orthography in English is Neel, 79.
Niger, contemplated result of the discovery of its course and
termination, 99. Opinion concerning its course, 103.
Nile el Kabeer, Nile Assudan, synonymous with Niger,
201.
—-, or Nile of Sudan, discharges itself in a lake, 449.
—— and the Nile, 515. Theory respecting, 515. The
author’s opinion of this river never varied, 516.
—— or Neel el Abeed, discharges itself into the Mediterranean
sea at the Delta, in Egypt, 518.
Nile, this word is improperly spelled, 507.
Niles, anticipation of the confirmation of their junction, 434.
Nile Abid, or Neel el Abeed, error respecting its situation,
435.
Niles, junction of, where supposed to take place, 444. Not
doubted in Africa, but supported by the general testimony
of the natives, 445.
Nile, the word applied only to two rivers in Africa, 447.
Nishki, manner of writing, 350. Synonymous with the
Kufie.
Nyctalopia, or night-blindness, 332.
———-, description of, and remedy,
432. Offer to discover the remedy, 432.
———-, an ophthalmia, that affects our seamen in the
Mediterranean, 433. Offer to discover the remedy for
to government, 433.
O.
Oasis, western, 280.
Oil of olives, 67. Oil organic, 91.
Olive plantations of Ras el Wed, 77.
Ophthalmia, disorders at Marocco prevail among the Jews,
92.
Opinions of the Africans respecting Jews, Christians, and
themselves, 315.
Oranges of Rabat, superior in quality, and low in price, 114.
Oranges, 75.
Orange-trees, very large, 82.
Ostrich’s feathers, 67.
Ostriches presented by the Emperor Muley Ismael to Queen
Anne, 393.
P.
Palace, imperial, at Tafileet, magnificent, 80.
Palaces described, 274.
Architecture of, 274.
Partridges, mode of hunting among the Arabs, 107.
Park, Mungo, at Timbuctoo, 319.
—-, his arrival at Timbuctoo confirmed, 470.
—-, the author’s translation of the Shereef Ibrahim’s
account of that traveller’s death, 409.
Mr. Abraham Saleme’s translation of the same document, 413.
Persian, or Arabian wheel described, mode of irrigation, 147.
Pharaoh, ruins of, 80, 121.
Philanthropists dig wells for public accommodation, 150.
Physicians fly at the approach of the plague, 165.
Piracy, if the slave-trade were made piracy it would not
abolish the traffic, 270.
Plague, fragments respecting, 156.
Progress of, 157.
Decrease, 161.
The plague political, 164.
Emperor’s minister attacked by it, writes to the British consul
for advice, 165.
—-, supposed origin of, 166.
The author an eye-witness of it, and visited the infected, 167.
Progress of, 167.
Remarkable instance of a village in the neighbourhood of
Mogador being free from the epidemy thirty-four days
after it appeared at Mogador, although the communication
was open between the two places, 168.
Haha, destruction in, by the plague, 169.
Peculiarities of, 169.
Destruction of the plague in Suse, 169.
General depopulation caused by it, 170.
Consequences of, on the survivors, 171.
Gradations in society overturned by the plague, 171.
Emigrations from Sahara consequent to the plague, 172.
Symptoms, various of, 173.
Olive oil, external application of, infallible, supposed origin
of, 174.
Superstitious opinion respecting the plague, 175.
Author’s precaution against, 177.
Fear, its effect in communicating the infection, 178.
Remedies used, 178.
How caught, 179. Plague cases of, 180.
Plague, avoided, by adhering to the principle of avoiding
personal contact and inhalation, 189. Olive oil, infallible
remedy for, 189.
Plough, primitive, used by the Arabs, 511.
Pomegranates, 75.
Policy of the court of Marocco, 211, 212, 280.
—— adopted by the emperor to secure the allegiance of
the Berebbers, 306.
—— of West Barbary, 320.
Poculum amicitiæ, goblet compared to, 232.
Political economy of the emperor, in not going to war with
Algiers, 283.
Portugal, sovereign of, his zeal in converting the Africans to
the Christian doctrine, 443.
Portuguese penetrated far into West Barbary, 324.
Portfolio, monthly miscellany, observations on, 464.
Precision, unfavourable to truth, according to Mungo Park’s
annotator, 446.
Present to the emperor, etiquette of delivering it, presentation
to, 89.
—— received from the emperor, 98.
Prince, Muley Teib, conduct of, to Dr. Bell. Satisfied with
the doctor’s medicines, 197.
Property, agricultural division of, 330.
Prognosticated prosperity from the prayers of benediction of
the marabats or fakeers of the sanctuary of Muley Dris
Zerone.
Prostration practised at the court of Marocco, 281.
Protection among the Arabs a sacred duty when claimed,
343.
Punishment for murder, 343.
Pyramidical basis on which is founded the intelligence in
Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c., 451.
Q.
Quarterly journal, of literature, science, and the arts,
error of, 435, 438.
Queen Elizabeth, embassy to the emperor of Marocco,
494.
R.
Rabat, arrival at, 110. Town described. Aqueduct. Mausoleum
of the Sultan Muhamed at, described. Battery
of, bomb-proof. Bastions. Roman spring at. Old Roman
town of Sheila at, described. Old Roman coins, 111.
Mosques, tower of Hassan, similar to one at Timbuctoo,
&c. described, 112.
Rabat and Salee, abundant countries, 113.
Religions, of all kinds, tolerated at Timbuctoo.
Repast, or dinner, sent by the prince Muley Teib, 192.
Retaliation for murder, an incumbent duty on tha individuals
of a family, 295.
Revenge of the Shelluhs, described, 152.
——– of the Shelluhs for murder rigidly pursued, 291.
Richardson, incorrect in calling the Arabic guttural letter,
grain, ghain, 492.
Richardson’s Arabic grammar, some errors in, 351.
Riches of the Arabs, in what it consists, 247.
Rivers, in sandy districts, change their courses, 440.
Robbery, singular mode of, 116.
Rontgen, African traveller, death of, 425.
S.
Santa Cruz, the port of, delivered to the Dutch, 403.
——–, See Agadeer.
——-, or Agadeer, the key to Sudan, 268.
——-, invoice from Timbuctoo to, 345.
——- opened to Dutch commerce by the author, 436.
Sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, 80.
Saffy, its road for shipping described, 108.
Situation and description of, 108.
Sahara, north part described, no water, 4.
South part described, 7.
Water carried in goat-skins, 5.
Sheiks of, independent.
——–, Arabs of, prefer sleeping in the open air, 155.
Salee, dungeon of, for Christian captives, 114.
—— and Rabat, the adjacent country productive, 113.
Salutations, peculiar character of their, 235.
Saneet Urtemma, a dangerous country, 110.
Sand baths, 279.
Science and the arts, decay of, among the Arabs, 352.
Sebu, river, situation of, 438.
Sejin Messa, etymology of the name, vulgarly called
Segilmessa, 145.
Senegambia, 70.
Serpents, charmers of, described, 430.
——–, domestic, of Marocco, 213.
Servants of the emperor, policy of, 280.
Shegar, signification of, and misinterpretation, 441.
Sheh, the Arabic name for worm-seed, 5.
——, the plant designated, 510.
Shella, an old Roman town, 112.
Shelluh, revenge of, described, 152.
—— repast, described. Patriarchal cakes of, 153.
Customs of, 154, 313.
—— language, specimen of, 366.
Shelluhs, revenge and retaliation, 291.
——, their territory described, 327.
Sheshawa, plains of, 82.
Mountains of, strata of oyster-shells at the top of, 82.
River of, 82.
Shume el, the hot wind of Sahara so denominated, 5.
Shoemaker, an honourable trade, 98.
Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, his letter to the emperor of Marocco.
Sigen Messa, face of that country, 81.
Silver mines of Elala, 218.
—— mine, 331.
Siwah, language of, similar to the Shelluh, 370.
Slavery, state of, in Africa, 219.
Cannot be abolished but by commerce, 269.
Slaves, mode of selling them, 95.
Slave trade, not to be abolished by any naval force however
formidable, 269.
South Africa, policy of constructing mitferes there, 339.
How that colony might be improved in the value of its
produce, 340.
———-, colony of, policy and expediency of building
mitferes there, 339.
How to improve that colony, 340.
Storks, abundance of, at Azamore, 110.
Style used in addressing the emperor, 383.
Subterraneous hordes, propensity to, 238.
Sudan, gum of, 67.
——, trade with, 277.
—— company, plan for one, 251.
——, command of the commerce of, how to be obtained, 67.
—— produce of, 67.
Sugar, figurative of friendship, 234.
Sulphur mines, 331.
Sultan Muhamed’s letter to the European consuls, 394.
To the governor of Mogodor, 405.
——– Soliman’s letter to his majesty George III., 395.
Superstitious tradition, 460.
Suse, province of, inaccessible to an invading army from
the north, 76.
Synonymous words in sound, 362..
T.
Tabia walls, what, 2. Mode of building them.
Tafilelt, 1. A rendezvous for caravans; kassars of; hire of
camels from Fas to; a country of princes, 2. Market
at, 2. Palace, imperial, magnificent at, 80. Dates
abundant at, 80. Magnificent plantations and extensive
forests of, 81. Faith and honour of the natives proverbial;
robberies unknown there, 81.
Talleyrand, his favourite African scheme, 229.
Talh-tree defined, 510.
Tangier garrison, salute to the British ambassador on his
entry there, 127.
Tas, what it is, 231.
Tatta, a depôt for camels, 248.
Tendaraman, venomous spider described, 429
Tensift, river of, 108.
Tildie, repast, Arab, at; Portuguese tower at, 63. Cookery
of the Arabs at, 64.
Timbuctoo, situation of, and charge of travelling to, 7.
City of; river close to it, 8. Population of; extent of;
caravanseras of; slaves at, 10. Houses; government, 11.
Revenue of, 12. Moors pay no duty at, but negroes
do, 14. Subject to Housa, 14. Army of; subsidies;
administration of justice at; punishments, 15. Good
police of, 16. Insolvent debtors at; slaves entitled to
freedom at; property, succession to and distribution of;
rational treatment of slaves at; wills not written, 18.
Laws of inheritance; marriage; rape; adultery, 19.
Trade and articles sold at, 20. Manufactures, 23. Measures,
23. Husbandry, 24_. Sowing season; provisions, 25.
Animals; birds, 26. Fish; prices of various articles, 27.
Costume, 28. Diversions, 31. Time, measurement of;
Religion, 32. Diseases, 33. Manners and customs, 34.
Neighbouring nations, 35.
——–, opportunity of opening a trade with, why declined,
145.
——–, how likely to be made tributary to Great
Britain, 249. Circuitous commerce of, explained, 256.
Direct and eligible route to, through Sahara from the
shores of the Atlantic Ocean, 257.
——–, value of merchandize at, 260. Immense profit
actually made in, 261. Immense quantities of gold
to be procured from Sudan, 261. Goods entering the
city at the gate of the desert pay no duty, 263. Timbuctoo
coffee, 179. Invoice from, 345, 347. Letter from,
346, 348.
Timbuctoo, Mungo Park at, 319.
———-, warehouses of, contain the manufactures, of India
and Europe, 427.
Communication with, plan for opening, 428.
———-, intelligence respecting, whence derived, 436.
———-, cotton manufacture, made in the city of, interwoven
with silk, of a chequered pattern, deposited in the
British Museum, 437.
Situation of, in respect to the Neel el abeed, 439.
Under the sovereignty of a negro prince, 441.
Fish at, resembling salmon, 469.
——– first expedition to and conquest of, 519.
——– second expedition to, 521.
——– third expedition to, 523.
Titles of emperor, 382.
Togreda, ceremony of, how performed, 231.
Tomie, or Sebah Biure, port of; the author visits it by the
prince’s request, 138.
Arab dance and festivity in the neighbourhood of, 141.
Music of, 140.
Trade with Sudan, 277.
Travellers, solitary or scientific, little expectations from,
258.
Travelling in Barbary, 293.
Treaties with Muhamedan princes, 283.
Troglodyte, 319.
U.
Uffran, a depôt for camels, 248.
Uly and Ualy, material difference between these two terms,350.
Unity among Christians a necessary prelude to the conversion
of Africa. The several sects of Christians should
unite, instead of being divided, as an expedient measure
necessary to precede the conversion of Africa, 129.
Union of waters between Timbuctoo and Cairo, 447.
V.
Vaccination, intelligence transmitted from West Barbary
instrumental in the propagation of, 337.
23,134 lives saved by vaccination, 338.
Vasco de Gama’s observations on intercourse with Africa, 258.
Vincent, Lord St. his message to the Emperor of Marocco, 459.
Vines, the grapes of which are of an extraordinary size, 74.
W.
Water communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo, 443.
This opinion is confirmed by Mr. Hornmann, 444.
—— communication between Cairo and Timbuctoo, the
opinion respecting, receives additional confirmation, 517.
—— melons at Salee and Rabat peculiarly sweet, 114.
—— carried through the Sahara in goat’s skins.
Wah el, what, 6.
Wahs of Sahara, how supplied with fish, 257.
Western oasis, 280.
Wangara, jewel from, 103.
Wassenah, or Massenah, conjecture why not known at
Ashantee, 491.
Wed el fees, river of, 82.
Whedinoon, a depôt for camels.
Wheat, superior at Marocco, 95.
——, a superior kind or quality, 125.
Wild myrtle grows in the Sahara, 6.
Wine Company recommended, 212.
Woled Aisah, encampment of Arabs. Produce of that country, 109.
Wool, exportation of, granted by the emperor.
Woladia el, an eligible place for a naval depôt, 108.
Woolja, not Woolga, 109.
Woled Abbusebah, a whole clan of Arabs, banished from the
plains near Marocco, and plundered, killed or dispersed, 318.
Woolo, king of Timbuctoo, 484.
Wormseed, 74.
Wrecked ships, 277.
How treated, 278.
Wrecked sailors, 279.
Wyk, Sir Pieter, Swedish consul, his courier sent to the
author, 127.
Y.
Yezzid Muley, gives the port of Santa Cruz to the Dutch, 436.
———-, emperor of Marocco, compared to his majesty
George the Fourth, 287.
His letter to the Dutch consul, 402.
His letter to the governor of Mogador, giving to the Dutch the
port of Santa Cruz, 402.
Z.
Zealand, New, customs of, compared to those of the Jews,
236.
Zeal of Mohamedans not sufficient to convert the negro nations
of Africa, 442.
Zeef, what it is, 231.
Zemurh ait’s, or Zemurhites, a kabyl of Berebbers, 115.
Zion ait’s, or Zianites, a tribe, or kabyl of Berebbers, 124.
Ziltanait, or Ziltanites, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
Zimurh shelluh, Berebbers of, their character, 284.
THE END.
Printed by A. and K. Spottiswoode,
Printers-Street, London.
Works by the same Author.
An account of the EMPIRE OF MAROCCO and the
DISTRICTS OF SUSE AND TAFILELT, compiled from
Miscellaneous Observations made during a long residence in,
and various Journies through, these Countries;
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
An Account of Shipwrecks on the Western Coast
of Africa, and an Account of Timbuctoo, the great Emporium
of Central Africa; illustrated with Accurate
Maps and a variety of highly finished Plates. Third
edition. Considerably enlarged with new and interesting
matter.
Sold by Cadell and Davies, London; and by W. Blackwood,
Edinburgh.
Preparing for the press.
A GRAMMAR OF THE ARABIC LANGUAGE.
No accurate Grammar of the Arabic Language has ever
yet issued from the British Press!–It is extraordinary that
the many professors of that bold and figurative language of
the East, have never yet favoured the public with such a
desirable work.–An attempt will now be made, by the
above author, to supply in England this deficiency in
Oriental Literature.