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[Pg 289]

While much that is interesting has happened
this week in connection with the
Maine disaster, little can be even surmised
as to the final action that will be taken by
our Government. In our news columns
we have given such statements as seem
worthy of repetition, but we wish our readers to remember
that unconfirmed news must not be accepted
as fact. Careful attention to the rumors and reports
will, however, enable us to discriminate between the
reports published for sensational purposes and those
based upon actual information.

We have received a number of suggestions from
our subscribers concerning subjects relative to
Current History that they would like to have written
up in our paper. We are very glad to receive these
letters and to provide articles to meet the demand.
It is a pleasure to us to keep in touch with our subscribers,
and it is, of course, our desire to give them
[Pg 290]exactly what they want. Let us hear from you on
this subject, and address your letter to the Assistant
Editor.

Answers to Correspondents

Mushrooms will be added to the list. This is the
first inquiry about them. “Naturalist.“

Harold H. C., Cornwall.—The fastest large vessels
are the new ocean liners. Several of these have
made runs of over five hundred miles in a day. The
new torpedo-boats can outstrip any of the large vessels
for short distances. Several of them have records
of about thirty miles an hour. Seals cannot breathe
under water; they are obliged to come to the surface
frequently.

“B. S.” asks: “For how long are foreign ministers
to this country appointed? by whom? and how are
our foreign ministers appointed? and what is their
salary?”

Foreign ministers are appointed by the head of the
Government, and generally until their successor is
appointed. Our ministers are appointed by the
President; their salaries differ according to the importance
of their position.

[Pg 292]

New Books

In place of quoting our own reviewer in reference to
the “Thieme-Preusser German and English Dictionary,”
we quote a more able critic, Dr. A. Weiss,
Professor of German Language, Woolwich Military
Academy:

“Its very appearance is inviting. A careful selection
of paper and type and a judicious arrangement
of the work have made it possible to combine the two
parts in one handy volume for the sake of those who
prefer a foreign dictionary in that form. All literary
requirements of our time have been considered.
Without injury to the etymological point of view, the
meanings of a word are grouped according to their
frequency in modern usage, so that obsolescent and
obsolete meanings can be distinguished at a glance
by their position at the end of the article. The new
German orthography has been adopted with certain
modifications which seem to settle the points hitherto
open to discussion.”

This is not the book so long on the market, but a
new vastly improved edition, and is certainly far and
away the best of the moderate-priced German dictionaries.

[Pg 293]

Current History

The Maine disaster is to the public almost as
much of a mystery as ever. Little of absolutely
reliable information has been made known, and until
something is officially stated by the court of inquiry,
judgment must be suspended.

The court of inquiry began the investigation almost
immediately after its arrival at Havana. The sittings
were held on the lighthouse tender Mangrove, and
lasted for a number of days; the court then adjourned
to Key West.

The investigation has been a secret one throughout,
and though the numerous correspondents have done
their best to obtain information, very few facts have
been ascertained; and fact and fiction have been so
mixed in the newspaper accounts that it is not safe to
accept as final any of the statements.

In some foreign papers it has been hinted that the
disaster resulted from an accident due to lack of discipline
on board the vessel. The utter falseness of
this statement is shown by the facts. Just think of
a crew, or what was left of it, mustering without confusion
on the deck of a sinking, burning vessel, and
this vessel likely to be blown to pieces at any moment!
Could any better evidence of perfect discipline
and heroism be given? Every man took his
place without comment; each order was given quietly
[Pg 294]and coolly, and obeyed with precision. Is it possible
that an accident could have happened on that ship
through lack of discipline?

Of course, many of the newspaper accounts have
more or less foundation in fact, for no effort is spared
by their correspondents to be the first to ascertain and
report the truth. The general impression now seems
to be that no explosion in the ship originated the
disaster.

One New York paper stated that the most important
evidence was given by an officer of the Fern, who
is said to have discovered that the keel and armor-plates
of the Maine had been driven upward, this
proving in his opinion that the explosion must have
occurred under the vessel.

The correspondent of this paper also said that the
ten-inch and six-inch magazines were upset and hurled
from their places in opposite directions, and added
that the forward boilers were overturned and wrecked.
There were no fires under these boilers at the time of
the explosion. Fires were under the after boilers
only.

He added, that from the discoveries of the divers
there was every indication that the explosion came
from a point beneath the keel, just forward of the
conning-tower, and that this explosion drove keel,
plates, and ribs almost to the surface, the main force
of the explosion having been exerted on the port side
of the vessel.

According to this report, the ascertained facts, collectively,
indicate that the contents of the reserve six-inch
magazine were exploded by the first explosion,
and that there was no explosion in either of the other
[Pg 295]two magazines. In the reserve magazine was stowed
twenty-five hundred pounds of powder, in copper
tanks, each of which contained two hundred pounds.

Several of these tanks have been found by the
divers, all in crushed and shapeless masses. It is
important to note that in the six-inch and ten-inch
tanks recovered the excelsior used for packing the
charges shows no injury from flame or gases.

The powder stowed in the six-inch reserve magazine
was used for saluting purposes only. The magazine
itself appears to have been utterly destroyed,
only a few traces being left to show the spot where it
was once located.

The under part of the ten-inch magazine is wholly
inaccessible to divers. In the upper part is lightly
wedged a mass of powder cylinders, too heavy for
divers to extricate, but apparently containing unexploded
charges of powder.

The Dow torpedo-tube of the Maine has been located
in the wreck. It lies in the débris forward,
submerged several feet under water. The writer adds
that these are the facts as he has obtained them from
sources that he believes to be entirely trustworthy
and authentic.

The careful way in which the statement is worded
shows how uncertain has been the information relative
to the testimony before the board of inquiry.
As a matter of fact, on the day when this article
is being written we are very much in the dark
as to what information the inquiry is really developing.
The secrecy maintained by the board is, of
course, very necessary, for at this time it is most important
that, until the facts in the case are absolutely
[Pg 296]established, our Government should do its best to
keep back any news tending to inflame public opinion.
An unconsidered and hasty step by our authorities
in this matter might plunge us into war. It will
be time enough for us to think of war when we know
beyond a reasonable doubt that we have been injured
by Spain and that Spain refuses to make amends for
the loss. Even if the Maine was blown up by a mine,
that does not by any means prove that the Spanish
Government was guilty of the dastardly act. If Spain
does what is right toward redeeming the loss, we will
have no just cause for a declaration of war, and our
Government will without doubt use every honorable
means to avoid a conflict.

In connection with the Maine disaster there was no
greater example of heroism than that of the chaplain,
the Rev. John P. Chidwick,—”Father John,” as the
sailors call him.

From the first he has devoted himself night and
day to his work—spending part of his time with the
poor fellows maimed and dying in the hospital, making
their hours of suffering brighter, and from this
work turning to that still more difficult task, the
identification of the dead. He was one of the last to
leave the vicinity of the wreck that terrible night. It
was only after the last sailor had been picked up that
he went ashore, and only then because he could be of
assistance to the poor fellows who were suffering.
Greater heroism is required to face such scenes of
suffering and death as he had to face, than is necessary
to storm a fortress in time of battle. His name
will never be forgotten.

Captain Sigsbee, too, has shown a wonderful amount
[Pg 297]of self-command in this time of great trial. Cool and
deliberate at the moment of the disaster, he gave his
orders with absolute self-possession, doing the very
best that could be done to save his ship and men.
The magazines were flooded to prevent further damage,
and every available step was taken with as much
judgment as if he had had the same terrible experience
many times before. His first reports were
worded with the greatest care, for had he let slip one
ill-advised remark it might have plunged this country
at once into the horrors of war. You will remember
his despatch, and how he advised the country to await
facts before forming a judgment. This despatch did
more than anything else toward making the proper
investigation possible, and the final action will in
consequence be based upon facts carefully ascertained
and deliberately considered.

The latest news with regard to the movements of
the board of inquiry is that it went to Key West for
a few days only, and with the intention of returning
to Havana for further sittings.

On February 23d, Secretary of War Long completed
arrangements with the Merritt and Chapman
Wrecking Company, of New York city, and with
the Boston Towboat Company, to undertake to raise
the Maine. It was agreed that they were to be paid
$1,371 a day for their work, $871 a day for the use of
their regular appliances, and $500 a day in addition
for the use of the great floating derrick Monarch.
On the delivery in New York of the hull of the
wrecked vessel, $100,000 will be paid. It is, how[Pg 298]ever,
provided in the contract that the total cost of
the work shall not exceed $200,000.

The question as to the amount of the indemnity to
be paid for the destruction of the Maine, in case Spain
is held liable for the disaster, has occasioned considerable
comment in the press. It has been asserted that
the Government should demand at least $10,000,000,
and even so large an amount as $30,000,000 has by
some been suggested as the proper sum to be asked.
The ship itself cost about $3,000,000, and the fittings
several millions more. The indemnity should, of
course, cover not only the material loss of the vessel,
but the loss of life and the injury done to our Government.

The divers at work on the wreck of the Maine
have been steadily hampered by the difficult
situation of the vessel. In the first place, the hull is
sinking into the mud at the rate of a foot a day, and
a week after the disaster the divers had to wade
through mud up to their waists. Then, too, the
water is so dirty that they can hardly see below the
surface.

Nevertheless, they have succeeded in bringing up
many valuables, among others the paymaster’s safe
containing $2,700.

The opinion seems to be growing that we may
never be able to discover the cause of the disaster.
The fact that the forward half of the ship has
been completely destroyed adds probability to this
[Pg 299]view. The after half, however, is reported to be practically
intact.

As for the submarine mines, it may be that their
existence will also remain problematical. A prominent
naval officer has explained that such mines consist
merely of big metal cases filled with gun-cotton,
and that their explosion would blow them into atoms.

In spite of our sensational newspapers, which had
done their best to spread the “war scare,” our
country has acted in a thoroughly sensible and praiseworthy
manner in relation to the disaster of the Maine.
The best of our newspapers, moreover, had also shown
a willingness to avoid sensational news for the sake of
encouraging peace. This shows that we are a much
less aggressive nation than we have hitherto been
thought to be.

In this connection it is worth while calling the attention
of the readers of The Great Round World to
the immense influence that our newspapers may exert
at a time like this. If all of the papers had behaved
as disgracefully as some have done, we might
now be really on the verge of war.

In other words, it is of the highest importance to us
as a nation, with an absolutely free press, to have for
journalists men and women who possess not only
ability, but character and discretion as well. So much
that was false was published in some of the papers
that their reputation for reliability has been entirely
lost, and now no one pays very much attention to what
they say. They have certainly now a well-established
[Pg 300]reputation as monumental liars, and this reputation
will stick to them for a long time to come.

In the minds of the public the question as to whether
the Maine was blown up by accident or design
seems to have reduced itself to the question whether
the harbor of Havana is fortified with subterranean
mines.

On this point some curious evidence has been presented
by an American citizen who has just returned
from Cuba, where he has been for two years in the
employ of a large importing house. His name is
J. P. Sherman, and he is a native of Chicago. In
an interview recently published in a New York paper,
he stated that it is a fact well known to residents of
Havana that its harbor was fortified with both torpedo
and submarine mines by order of General
Weyler. Early last spring Captain-General Weyler
engaged the services of Charles A. Crandal, an American
torpedo expert, formerly a member of the crew
of the United States ship San Francisco, to lay out
the mine and torpedo service of the harbor of Havana.
Crandal worked at night, and during the time that he
was in the service of the Spanish Government he
placed ten mines and seven torpedoes in the harbor.

Crandal went to Havana in the latter part of 1895,
and was employed by his firm as a packer. He stated
that he had served as a marine and diver on the
United States cruiser San Francisco, while Capt. W.
T. Sampson, now president of the Maine board of
inquiry, was in command of that vessel.

[Pg 301]

Crandal left their employ in May of last year, and
soon after said that he had entered General Weyler’s
employ and was working on mines and torpedoes.

When General Weyler left Havana the map showing
the location of these mines and torpedoes was
transferred to the custody of a spy, known throughout
Havana as Captain del Pedrio, who was seen on
more than one occasion on board the battle-ship
Maine in his capacity as captain of the harbor police.

The mines and torpedoes were connected with an
electric firing plant in the magazine diagonally across
the channel from Morro Castle, and it would have
been one of the easiest things in the world for one of
the spies to have placed the switch and blown the
Maine out of the water.

Weyler received in July or August a consignment
of ten large casks, which Sherman himself saw in the
Custom-House shed. Crandal told him that these
contained mines, which he claimed were to be placed
on the west side of the island to prevent filibustering.
When Crandal had completed his work of placing the
mines and torpedoes in the harbor he was retained in
the Spanish service, but when General Weyler was
recalled he took Crandal to Madrid with him.

In contradiction of Sherman’s statement, one of the
Madrid newspapers which is known to express the
views of General Weyler declares that it has the authority
of one of the chiefs of the army, supposed to
be Weyler himself, for saying that there are no submarine
mines beneath the harbor of Havana.

[Pg 302]

THE GOVERNOR’S PALACE AT HAVANA.

[Pg 303]

After staying for only a few days in the harbor
of New York, the Vizcaya quietly sailed away
to Havana.

Her departure was a great relief to our Government,
not because she was a menace to the safety of
New York, but because it was feared that harm might
come to her while she was in American waters.

The presence of the vessel, however, in the greatest
of our ports at so critical a time made the War Department
realize the importance of protecting New York
more carefully. So the United States monitor Terror
was sent to New York harbor and will remain
there for the present. Work is being pushed on other
war-vessels that are in the shipyards for repair or in
process of construction, as it is quite possible that
we may need our whole strength at any time.

Last week we referred to the report that a strong
feeling was growing in Washington in favor of
putting an end to the Cuban war by having the United
States purchase Cuba.

The report has reached Spain and has brought
out the following despatch from a correspondent in
Madrid:

“I have it on the highest authority that Spain will
never, no matter what government is in power, consider
any such suggestion or any compromise in Cuba
beyond the broad measure of autonomy drafted by
the liberal government.

“This is an absolute, irrevocable decision. People
who suggest anything else are only wasting time and
arousing unfounded hopes in the minds of the rebels.”

[Pg 304]

Spain’s feeling whenever mention is made of possible
interference in Cuba by another power was lately
shown by the indignation expressed in Madrid at the
report that Bismarck wanted the war to be settled by
arbitration. The Spanish Premier, Señor Sagasta,
refused to believe the rumor, and declared that “No
one would dare to propose such an absurdity,” and
that “No Spanish government would listen to or
dream of such a proposal.”

In view of this news, the present attitude of Congress
toward Cuba is by no means reassuring. Many
of the Republican Congressmen are strongly in favor
of passing the Senate resolution recognizing the belligerent
rights of the Cuban insurgents. This resolution
was “shelved” some time ago by being referred
to the House Committee of Foreign Affairs. So
warm is the sentiment in favor of Cuba throughout
the country, that many members of the House of
Representatives are said to believe that they must
pass a definite measure in support of the insurgents
before Congress adjourns.

It is reported that Consul-General Lee has been
quietly advising the American families in Havana
to leave Cuba. On the other hand, we have good authority
for the statement that the captains of the
American ships in the harbor of Havana have been
informed by our Government that they are in no danger,
and may, with assurance of safety, remain in the
harbor.

This is an example of the contradictory news that
is constantly coming to us from Cuba.

[Pg 305]

The fact remains, however, that there is in Havana
a strong anti-American feeling. The Spaniards seem
to believe that we are not sincere in our declarations
that we do not want to interfere in the war or to
secure possession of the island.

The friends of General Weyler seem to be particularly
hostile to us. It is said that, in case the destruction
of the Maine is found to have been caused
by a plot, they will join forces with the other enemies
of the United States in Cuba and attack the Americans
in Havana.

On February 26th, while King George of Greece
was riding through the streets of Athens with
his daughter, the Princess Maria, two men fired several
shots at him. The driver of his carriage whipped
up the horses and the King escaped injury. One of
the footmen was wounded in the arm.

King George displayed great bravery. As soon as
the first shot was fired he rose from his seat and stood
between the Princess and the would-be assassins.

It is supposed that the attack was due to the unpopularity
which the King acquired among many of
his subjects during the late war between Greece and
Turkey. The King’s escape, however, was made the
cause of great rejoicing and thanksgiving in Athens.
From all parts of the civilized world, too, telegrams
of congratulation were sent to him.

King George is the second son of the King of Denmark,
and brother of the Princess of Wales. He was
born in Denmark in 1845, and was elected in 1863 by
[Pg 306]the National Assembly at Athens to fill the vacancy
in the Greek throne. Four years later he married the
Grand Duchess Olga, niece of the late Emperor Alexander
II. of Russia.

Until the Græco-Turkish war broke out, King
George was one of the most popular monarchs in
Europe. He believed in a liberal form of government
and he lived in a very simple and democratic
style. His wife, too, was highly esteemed for her
fine character and abilities. She soon became known
for her great love of the sea, and she is said to be the
only woman in any navy in the world who holds a
commission as admiral.

When, about a year ago, King George defied Turkey
and the great powers of Europe in his brave
defence of Crete, and actually went to war with a
power vastly stronger than his own little kingdom,
he was applauded for his courage in nearly every
country of the civilized world. It was even thought
that Greece was on the verge of winning back her
old glory.

But the result proved to be a bitter disappointment.
The Greeks were utterly routed, and King
George and Crown Prince Constantine, his son, were
accused of having shamefully mismanaged the war.
At one time it looked as if the royal family would be
driven from Greece. It was reported also that King
George intended to abdicate.

Since the close of the war, however, the King has
appeared in some measure to have strengthened his
position in Athens. The attempt on his life, however,
suggests that the feeling against him among his
people must still be strong. It is reported that dur[Pg 307]ing
the last few months his life has been repeatedly
threatened.

Two days after the attack was made on the King,
one of his assailants, while being searched for, gave
himself up.

He proved to be an ignorant man named Karditza.
It is thought that his mind had been inflamed against
King George by the severe criticisms made on the
King by some of the more violent newspapers in
Athens. He has made a confession showing that a
conspiracy was formed by a political society against
the King’s life.

A dynamite-bomb was discovered by the police
near the spot where the shooting took place.

England has maintained her firm position with
regard to her claims in Western Africa. She
has informed France most emphatically that she does
not propose to be interfered with there as she was
by the French colonists in Madagascar.

She has practically persuaded France to agree that
she shall have absolute control of the Niger River.
This means that the river will be kept open to the
commerce of the whole world.

It is said that at first Monsieur Hanotaux, the
French foreign minister, did not believe that Lord
Salisbury would maintain his position in the matter,
and that this belief encouraged him to send the French
troops into Western Africa. But, with the assistance
of Mr. Chamberlain, who is a shrewd diplomatist as
well as a man of nerve, Lord Salisbury held firmly to
his point.

[Pg 308]

It is now known that the difficulties have been practically
settled, and that France, though she has secured
some concessions, has practically backed down in favor
of England.

Nothing pleases the English more than to have
their own way against the French. The English and
the French have been natural enemies for generations.
The feeling of the French toward the English is even
more bitter than their hostility to the Germans.

The Chinese loan, about which we have heard so
many different reports, has at last been definitely
granted by a combination of English and German
capital. The loan has been described as “semi-private,”
but this does not prevent it from being
considered a distinct success for Lord Salisbury’s
negotiations, though regret is naturally felt in England
that Germany should have a share in it. As a
result of the loan, England has secured new concessions
from China, which greatly strengthen her influence
in Chinese territory and place her in a stronger
position from which to insist upon her policy of
open ports.

The news comes by cable that China has agreed to
allow the control of the imperial maritime customs to
be placed in the hands of a British subject “so long
as the British trade with China exceeds that of any
other powers.” As the British trade is now reported
to be nearly ten times as great as that of any other
power, there is no immediate prospect of a change.

[Pg 309]

The sentence of Zola to a year’s imprisonment
and to the payment of a fine of $600 has been
only the beginning of extraordinary proceedings in
France, resulting from his trial.

Colonel Picquart, who has been a strong champion
of ex-Captain Dreyfus, has been expelled from the
French army without a pension, and he is also for
three years to be constantly watched by the police.

Furthermore, the papers and the public men who
have been conspicuous in their defence of Zola and of
Dreyfus have been warned to cease their agitation.
Even some of the foreign correspondents have received
hints from the governmental authorities that if
they are not more careful in their statements with regard
to the Dreyfus case, they will be obliged to leave
the country.

It is hard to believe that such a state of affairs can
exist in a civilized country. The position of the
French Government has been so clearly defined, however,
by the French Premier, Monsieur Méline, that
it is plain the French republic has for a time become
almost a despotism, ruled by a tyrant known as the
French army, which is, of course, the cause of all the
trouble. In the Chamber of Deputies the other day
Monsieur Méline remarked:

“After military justice civil justice has declared
itself. It has proclaimed that the members of the
court-martial were honest men, who obeyed their consciences.
The Zola trial has ended the confusion
made by those who presumed to put themselves above
the laws of the country. Those who appeared in
[Pg 310]court were not there as subordinates of the Minister
of War, but as individual witnesses under nobody’s
orders.

“Certain generals may have been led on too far,
but they were led on by the defence. One general no
doubt spoke a word too much, but remember the accusations
that were flung in his face. They ascribed
to officers hidden intentions to undermine our institutions,
but the French army cannot be an army of one
man. There is not a single officer capable of an attempt
against the country, for our officers have other
dreams.”

From this speech it is plain that the French Government
is exerting its power to crush the present
movement in favor of Dreyfus. But those who have
followed the Zola trial carefully and impartially are
convinced that the Government will fail. What the
result will be, no one can tell. But there are many
who believe that one result will be a revolution ending
in the overthrow of the republic.

This, however, is an extreme view.

No one really believes that Zola will be kept in
prison for a year, even if he does go there. He himself
has borne his sentence like a hero, and is willing
to accept it without an appeal. His lawyer, however,
and his friends will do their utmost to save him from
suffering so gross an injustice.

Even if Zola were guilty of libelling the army, his
intentions were so honorable and unselfish that any
fair court of justice could not have failed to have acquitted
him, or at most to have given him merely a
nominal punishment.

[Pg 311]

It is plain that behind the Zola case there lurks a
very deep feeling against the Jews. It is thought
by students of French life at the present time, that
this is the real cause of the terrible bitterness of the
French people against ex-Captain Dreyfus and his
defenders. They believe that the Dreyfus party
represents the Jews of France, for whom they have an
intense hatred.

It should be explained here that the Jews have acquired
an immense power in France, as they have,
indeed, all over Europe. They are the great financiers
of the world, and their power is so extensive
that it has created the alarm and jealousy and malice
now finding expression in Paris.

The Government of France is now in so dangerous
a situation that there is a good deal of discussion
as to what will happen in case the republic is
overthrown.

The President of the republic, Félix Faure, is popular
throughout France, but he has hardly strength
enough with the people to become a great leader. A
few months ago he won enthusiastic approval by the
skill with which he arranged his visit to the Emperor
of Russia, and by the dignity and simplicity
which he displayed during that visit.

President Faure is essentially a man of the people.
For many years he has been prominent in the commercial
and the political life of France, and he has
always been a champion of the people’s rights. But
he is not the kind of leader that would appeal strongly
[Pg 312]to the army, and, as we have seen, the army practically
controls France at the present moment.

Consequently, if a revolution were to take place in
Paris as a result of the Dreyfus affair, it would probably
bring forward a popular military man as a candidate
for leadership. Such a man is to be found in
General Boisdeffre, who figured in the Zola trial and
made a bombastic speech glorifying the army.

A revolution would also, of course, bring up the
rival claims in France of the Royalist and the Napoleonic
parties.

The Royalist party is at present headed by the
young Duke of Orleans, who thus far has done very
little to distinguish himself. In the event of a crisis,
however, France might recall the fact that a few years
ago the Duke, though exiled from his country, as all
the pretenders to the French throne have been in recent
years, forced his way into Paris and demanded
that he be given the right to join the army. This
was a very youthful and theatrical attempt to excite
the enthusiasm of the French people. It failed, however,
for the republican Government succeeded in
placing the Duke in a rather ridiculous position. He
was kept in prison for a few months, and then quietly
released.

The Bonapartist party has for leader Prince Napoleon
Victor Jerome Bonaparte, grandson of Prince
Jerome, youngest brother of Napoleon the First.

Prince Victor has had almost no chance of making
himself known to the world, and at the present time
his chances of succeeding to the throne of France
seem very slight.

[Pg 313]

Our Government has been quietly making provision
for strengthening our navy and coast defences
in case of war.

This fact does not mean that the governmental authorities
believe that war is sure to break out. It
means simply that they are taking precautions to be
prepared for any circumstances which may arise.

The Department of the Navy has been hampered by
being obliged to wait for the approval of Congress
before it can carry out certain important work. It
has, however, lately put two more vessels in commission
without the approval of Congress and on its own
responsibility. They are the monitor Miantonomoh
and the harbor-defence ram Katahdin.

Since the disaster to the Maine, the Government
has received a great number of applications for the
regular army and for the naval service.

During the past few months some very rich
“finds” have been made in the Klondike, and a
great deal of excitement has been created there. The
facilities for carrying on the work are now greater
than they have previously been, and to this fact is
attributed the new discoveries.

If the latest reports are to be credited, the gold
region is proving to be as valuable as it was thought to
be during the first excitement. Nevertheless, it is only
the few who win great profits, while the majority suffer.

The Canadian Government is taking an active interest
in the Klondike, and it will probably undertake
before long to have surveys made to discover the
best route from the interior of Canada to the Yukon,
[Pg 314]and will also have the Mackenzie-River route improved.
Sir Wilfrid Laurier has lately expressed the
belief that there are gold regions in the Rocky Mountains
yet to be discovered.

Our Government has several questions to settle
with Canada, arising out of the conflict of opinion regarding
the boundaries between the American and the
Canadian Klondike. These are likely to be settled,
however, in a perfectly friendly way.

We continue to hear reports of suffering among the
miners, and the Government is doing its best to provide
relief. The best relief it can provide, however,
is to keep out of the gold regions those who are not
sufficiently provided with supplies to keep them alive
for a long period.

An American correspondent from Dawson City has
lately given a gloomy picture of the way affairs are
managed in the gold regions. The Canadian Government,
he claims, is doing more for the miners
than our own authorities. The Canadian mail service,
for example, is much better than our own.
Throughout the Klondike, governmental discipline
seems to be very poor. Most of the money used is
United States money, but the store-keepers and the
owners of saloons do their best to keep it out of circulation;
they naturally find gold more profitable.
According to the correspondent, the miners are the
men who are making the smallest profits in the gold
regions for this very reason, as the store-keepers
have their own methods of measuring the gold and
estimating its value. No doubt by next summer
banks will be established where miners may exchange
their gold, at full value, for money.

[Pg 315]

THE NICARAGUA CANAL.

The Nicaragua Canal has been so often referred
to lately that it will prove interesting to our
readers to know more about this project and what its
successful completion will mean to the maritime nations
of the world, and especially to the United States.

After Columbus had discovered America and it was
known that the Indies had not been reached, but that
a new continent barred the way, the early discoverers
sought a short route past this continent. Hudson,
Baffin, and others sought this route in the North, and
others tried every available opening in both North
and South America, but of course unsuccessfully, as
it was soon known that no such route existed.

It must be remembered that the expeditions sailing
to the new continent had no knowledge of it geographically.
It is hard to understand now, maps are so
familiar to all of us now, and we can in a moment call
up the shape of the continents, that then they had no
knowledge of the Western hemisphere except what
could be obtained by their ships slowly crawling along
the coasts.

It was not unnatural, therefore, when they sailed
into what we now call the Gulf of Mexico and observed
[Pg 316]how far west they went before coming to land, that
they should expect to find the passage there.

When you look at the map that we print herewith,
you will see that it is but a short step—for the mind—from
the strait that was not found to the idea of
connecting the two oceans by a manufactured strait
or canal. Much more than a century ago the suggestion
was made, and ever since efforts have been made
to build such a canal.

The Panama Railroad, a regular steam railroad for
passengers and freight, was built across the narrow
part of the Isthmus, as indicated in the map, in 1850
to 1855, and at
that time negotiations
were definitely
entered into
looking toward the
construction of a
canal.

Ferdinand de
Lesseps, a Frenchman,
who made
himself famous by
building the Suez
Canal, organized a
company in
France, and work
was commenced on
the Panama route. His plan was to construct what
is known as a sea-level canal across the very narrow
part of the Isthmus (see map). “Sea level” means
that it was to be merely a cut in which the water
would be all the way at the same level—an open clear
[Pg 317]waterway from one ocean to the other. This proved
impracticable on account of engineering difficulties
and the crossing of the Chagres River, and in 1887 it
was decided that it could only be built with locks.

The system of using locks allows the water in different
parts of the canal to be at different levels.
This is done by closing both ends of each section of
the canal with gates; a second pair of gates is placed
a short distance beyond, and the space between these
is called a “lock.” If a vessel is to be taken into a
section of the canal higher than that from which she
has come, she goes into the lock; water is then let
into this lock
from the higher
level by opening
a water-gate until
enough has entered
to float the
vessel up to the
level of the higher
section of the canal; the gates before the vessel are
then opened and she passes out into the new section.
If she is to be taken to a lower section, the reverse
of this operation accomplishes this: the water is let
out until she is on the lower level.

ROUTE OF NICARAGUA CANAL.

Mr. Eiffel, the engineer who designed the great
tower in Paris which has his name, designed locks
for the Panama Canal, but in March, 1889, work was
stopped on account of lack of money.

How extravagant an operation this canal was, is
told by the figures. Two hundred and fifty millions
of dollars were spent, and only one hundred and forty
millions’ worth of work can be shown for it. This
[Pg 318]great difference created a scandal throughout France,
especially as the poorer French people had been led
to invest in canal shares, in the belief that they
would yield great profit.

The Nicaragua Canal plan is a very different one.
The distance across the Isthmus at the point chosen
for this route is much greater than for the Panama
Canal, and yet there are fewer difficulties in the way.
Although the route is one hundred and seventy miles
long, there will have to be only twenty-seven miles
of actual canal and only six locks. This is on account
of the use of Nicaragua Lake and the rivers.
The lake is the largest of any lying between the
Great Lakes of the United States and Lake Titicaca
in Peru.

The route, as laid out after many exploring expeditions
have been sent to Nicaragua, is: From Greytown
on the Caribbean Sea to the San Juan River by
canal, through this river to the lake, through the lake
a distance of over sixty miles in clear open water,
then by the Lajas River and by canal to the Pacific
Coast at Brito. It will be seen that about seventy-five
miles of the course is in the rivers and over sixty
miles in the lake. Of course the waterway of the
rivers will have to be improved, but the cost of this
is small compared to making an entirely new cutting.
The engineering expeditions have been over every
inch of the route to be traversed, and have made
thorough examination both of the surface conditions
and of the formation of the soil, etc.

All engineers who have investigated the project
unite in believing it thoroughly practical and not
subject to any extraordinary difficulties.

[Pg 319]

It was at first planned that the United States Government
should build and control this canal, but a
bill for this purpose was vetoed by President Cleveland
on account of the conditions named by the Government
of Nicaragua.

In 1889 a private company was formed to undertake
the work, but this company has since failed. It
is now hoped that bills can be passed and financial
arrangements made which will enable this company
to finish the work and the United States to control
the canal. The estimated cost of this canal is $150,000,000,
and, as General Tracy said in his speech, the
saving, etc., will more than compensate the Government
for the outlay.

The importance of having this waterway joining the
two great oceans has long been recognized and is easily
seen. The distance from New York to San Francisco,
when vessels have to go all the way around
South America, is about fourteen thousand eight
hundred miles. If they could pass through a canal
at the Isthmus it would be reduced to under five
thousand, or about one-third of the distance. Think
of the saving in time and money that this would
mean!

The great advantages of such a plan are evident in
a moment.

We have referred to the speech of General Tracy,
who, you will remember, was, during President Harrison’s
administration, Secretary of the Navy. In that
speech he stated that, were this canal completed, we
would need to have but one navy where now we practically
must have two,—one to guard the Atlantic
coast and one the Pacific coast.

[Pg 320]

If the canal were open, vessels of our navy could
be sent from one coast to the other in a very short
time.

Moreover, the canal would make trade with the East—China,
Japan, etc.—much more direct than now,
and, because the voyage would be easier and quicker,
greatly increase that trade.

It has been said that the nation that controls such
a canal will hold the “key to the Pacific,” and with
the considerations of our shipping interests, and the
desirability of having our war-ships easily transferable
from one coast to the other, and our great expanse
of country, it would seem that the United
States should control it.

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