EMERSON.
HOW I CAME TO BE A SLOVEN.
AN UNPUBLISHED FRENCH NOVEL.
THE WIDOW OF GLENCOE.
THE PYRENEES.
JUDAISM IN THE LEGISLATURE.
PÆANS OF THE ATHENIAN NAVY.—NO. I.
OUR CURRENCY, OUR TRADE, AND OUR TARIFF.
INDEX TO VOL. LXII.
BLACKWOOD’S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. CCCLXXXVI. DECEMBER, 1847. VOL. LXII.
EMERSON.
The genius of America seems
hitherto disposed to manifest itself
rather in works of reason and
reflection than in those displays
of poetic fervour which are usually
looked for in a nascent literature.
And a little consideration would
lead us, probably, to expect
this. America presents itself upon
the scene, enters into the drama
of the world, at a time when the
minds of men are generally awakened
and excited to topics of grave and
practical importance. It is not a
great poem that mankind now want
or look for; they rather demand a
great work, or works, on human society,
on the momentous problems
which our social progress, as well as
our social difficulties, alike give rise
to. If on a new literature a peculiar
mission could be imposed, such
would probably be the task assigned
to it.
The energetic and ceaseless industry
of the people of America, the
stern and serious character of the
founders of New England, the tendency
which democracy must necessarily
encourage to reason much and
boldly on the interests of the community,—would
all lead us to the
same anticipation; so far as any
anticipation can be warranted, regarding
the erratic course and capricious
development of literary genius.
The first contribution, we believe,
our libraries received from America,
was the half theological, half metaphysical
treatise on the Will by
Jonathan Edwards. This follower
of Calvin is understood to have stated
the gloomy and repulsive doctrines of
his master with an unrivalled force
of logic. Such is the reputation
which Edwards on the Will enjoys,
and we are contented to speak from
reputation. The doctrine of necessity,
even when intelligently applied
to the circle of human thoughts and
passions, is not the most inviting
tenet of philosophy. It is quickly
learned, and what little fruit it
yields is soon gathered. But when
combined with the theological dogma,
wrung from texts of scripture, of
predestination; when the law of
necessity supposed to regulate the
temper and affairs of the human
being in this little life, is converted
into a divine sentence of condemnation
to a future and eternal fate—it
then becomes one of the most odious
and irrational of tenets that ever
obscured the reason or clouded the
piety of mankind. We confess,
therefore, that we are satisfied with
re-echoing the traditional reputation
of Jonathan Edwards, without
earning, by perusal of his work, the
right to pronounce upon its justice.
The first contribution, also, which
America made to the amount of our
knowledge, was of a scientific character,
and, moreover, the most anti-poetical
[644]imaginable. As such, at
least, it must be described by those
who are accustomed to think that a
peculiar mystery attached to one
phenomenon of nature more than
another, is essentially poetic. Several
poets, our Campbell amongst the
number, have complained that the
laws of optics have disenchanted the
rainbow; but the analysis of Newton
is poetry itself compared to that instance
of the daring and levelling
spirit of science which Franklin exhibited,
when he proved the lightning
to be plain electricity; took the bolts
of Jupiter, analysed them, bottled them
in Leyden jars, and experimented on
them as with the sparks of his own
electrical machine.
As the first efforts of American
genius were in the paths of grave and
searching inquiry, so, too, at this
present moment, if we were called upon
to point out amongst the works of our
trans-Atlantic brethren, our compatriots
still in language, the one which,
above all others, displayed the undoubted
marks of original genius,—it
would be a prose work, and one of a
philosophical character we should
single out:—we should point to the
writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson.
The Americans are frequently
heard to lament the absence of
nationality in their literature. Perhaps
no people are the first to perceive
their own character reflected
in the writings of one of their countrymen;
this nationality is much
more open to the observation of a
foreigner. We are quite sure that
no French or German critic could
read the speculations of Emerson,
without tracing in them the spirit
of the nation to which this writer
belongs. The new democracy of the
New World is apparent, he would
say, in the philosophy of one who
yet is no democrat, and, in the
ordinary sense of the word, no politician.
For what is the prevailing
spirit of his writings? Self-reliance,
and the determination to see in the
man of to-day, in his own, and in his
neighbour’s mind, the elements of all
greatness. Whatever the most exalted
characters of history, whatever the
most opulent of literatures, has displayed
or revealed, of action or of
thought,—the germ of all lies within
yourself. This is his frequent text.
What does he say of history? “I have
no expectation that any man will
read history aright, who thinks that
what was done in a remote age, by
men whose names have resounded
far, has any deeper sense than what
he is doing to-day.” He is, as he
describes himself, “an endless seeker
of truth, with no past at his back.”
He delights to raise the individual
existing mind to the level, if not
above the level, of all that has been
thought or enacted. He will not
endure the imposing claims of antiquity,
of great nations, or of great,
names. “It is remarkable,” he says,
“that involuntarily we always read
as superior beings. Universal history,
the poets, the romancers, do not, in
their stateliest pictures, in the sacerdotal,
the imperial palaces, in the
triumphs of will or of genius, anywhere
make us feel that we intrude, that this
is for our betters, but rather is it true
that in their grandest strokes, there
we feel most at home. All that
Shakspeare says of the king, yonder slip
of a boy that reads in the corner, feels
to be true of himself.“
Neither do the names of foreign
cities, any more than of ancient nations,
overawe or oppress him. Of
travelling, he says, “I have no
churlish objection to the circumnavigation
of the globe, for the purposes
of art, of study, and benevolence, so
that the man is first domesticated, or
does not go abroad with the hope of
finding somewhat greater than he
knows. He who travels to be amused,
or to get somewhat which he does
not carry, travels away from himself,
and grows old even in youth among
old things. In Thebes, in Palmyra,
his will and mind have become old
and dilapidated as they. He carries
ruins to ruins. Travelling is a fool’s
paradise. We owe to our first journeys
the discovery that place is nothing.
At home, I dream that at Naples, at
Rome, I can be intoxicated with
beauty, and lose my sadness. I pack
my trunk, embrace my friends, embark
on the sea, and at last wake up
in Naples, and there beside me is the
stern fact, the sad self, unrelenting,
identical, that I fled from. I seek the
Vatican and the palaces. I affect to
be intoxicated with sights and suggestions,
but I am not intoxicated.[645]
My giant goes with me wherever I
go.”
In a still higher strain he writes,
“There is one mind common to all
individual men. Every man is an
inlet to the same, and to all of the
same. He that is once admitted to
the right of reason is made a freeman
of the whole estate. What Plato has
thought he may think; what a saint
has felt he may feel; what at any
time has befallen any man he can
understand. Who hath access to
this universal mind, is a party to
all that is or can be done, for this is
the only and sovereign agent.” This
passage is taken from the commencement
of the Essay on History, and
the essay entitled “Nature,” opens
with a similar sentiment. He disclaims
the retrospective spirit of our
age that would “put the living generation
into masquerade out of the
faded wardrobe of the past.” He
will not see through the eyes of others.
“Why should not we also,” he demands,
“enjoy an original relation
to the universe? Why should not
we have a poetry and philosophy
of insight, and not of tradition, and
a religion by revelation to us, and
not the history of theirs? The sun
shines to-day also! Let us demand
our own works, and laws, and worship.”
In the Essay on Self-reliance—a
title which might over-ride a great
portion of his writings—he says:
“Our reading is mendicant and
sycophantic. In history, our imagination
makes fools of us, plays us
false. Kingdom and lordship, power
and estate, are a gaudier vocabulary
than private John and Edward in a
small house and common day’s work:
but the things of life are the same to
both: the sum total of both is the
same. Why all this deference to
Alfred, and Scanderberg, and Gustavus?
Suppose they were virtuous:
did they wear out virtue?”
And in a more sublime mood he proceeds:
“Whenever a mind is simple,
and receives a divine wisdom, then
old things pass away,—means,
teachers, texts, temples fall. Whence,
then, this worship of the past? The
centuries are conspirators against the
sanity and majesty of the soul….
Man is timid and apologetic. He is
no longer upright. He dares not say
‘I think,’ ‘I am,’ but quotes some
saint or sage. He is ashamed before
the blade of grass or the blowing
rose. These roses under my window
make no reference to former roses,
or to better ones; they are for what
they are; they exist with God to-day.
There is no time to them.
There is simply the rose,—perfect in
every moment of its existence. But
man postpones or remembers; he
does not live in the present, but with
reverted eye laments the past, or,
heedless of the riches that surround
him, stands on tiptoe to foresee the
future. He cannot be happy and
strong until he, too, lives with nature
in the present, above time.”
Surely these quotations alone—which
we have made with the additional
motive of introducing at
once to our readers the happier
style and manner of the American
Philosopher—would bear out the
French or German critic in their
views of the nationality of this
author. The spirit of the New World,
and of a self-confident democracy,
could not be more faithfully translated
into the language of a high and abstract
philosophy than it is here. We
say that an air blowing from prairie
and forest, and the New Western
World, is felt in the tone and spirit of
Emerson’s writings; we do not intend
to intimate that the opinions expressed
in them are at all times such
as might be anticipated from an
American. Far from it. Mr Emerson
regards the world from a peculiar
point of view, that of an idealistic
philosophy. Moreover, he is one of
those wilful, capricious, though powerful
thinkers, whose opinions it would
not be very easy to anticipate, who
balk all prediction, who defy augury.
For instance, a foreigner might
naturally expect to find in the speculations
of a New England philosopher,
certain sanguine and enthusiastic
views of the future condition of society.
He will not find them here. Our
idealist levels the past to the present,
but he levels the future to the present
also. If with him all that is old is
new, so also all that is new is old. It
is still the one great universal mind—like
the great ocean—ebbing, flowing,
in tempest now, and now in calm.[646]
He will not join in the shout that sees
a new sun rising on the world. For
ourselves, (albeit little given to the
too sanguine mood) we have more
hope here than our author has expressed.
We by no means subscribe
to the following sentence. The
measure of truth it expresses—and so
well expresses—bears but a small proportion
to the whole truth. “All
men plume themselves on the improvement
of society, and no man improves.
Society never advances. It recedes
as fast on one side as it gains on the
other. It undergoes continual changes:
it is barbarous, it is civilised, it is
christianised, it is rich, it is scientific;
but this change is not amelioration.
For every thing that is given, something
is taken. Society acquires new
arts and loses old instincts. What
a contrast between the well-clad,
reading, writing, thinking American,
with a watch, a pencil, and a bill of
exchange in his pocket, and the naked
New Zealander, whose property is a
club, a spear, a mat, and an undivided
twentieth of a shed to sleep under.
But compare the health of the two
men, and you shall see that his aboriginal
strength the white man has
lost. If the traveller tell us truly,
strike the savage with a broad axe,
and in a day or two the flesh shall
unite and heal as if you struck the
blow into soft pitch, and the same
blow shall send the white to his grave.
The civilised man has built a coach,
but has lost the use of his feet. He
is supported on crutches, but loses so
much support of muscle. He has got
a fine Geneva watch, but he has lost
the skill to tell the hour by the sun.
A Greenwich nautical almanac he has,
and so being sure of the information
when he wants it, the man in the
street does not know a star in the sky.
The solstice he does not observe; the
equinox he knows as little; and the
whole bright calendar of the year is
without a dial in his mind. His notebooks
impair his memory; his libraries
overload his wit; the insurance
office increases the number of accidents;
it may be a question whether
machinery does not encumber; whether
we have not lost by refinement some
energy, by a christianity (entrenched
in establishments and forms) some
vigour of wild virtue. For every stoic
was a stoic; but in Christendom where
is the Christian?“
A French critic has designated
Emerson the American Montaigne,
struck, we presume by his independence
of manner, and a certain egotism
which when accompanied by
genius is as attractive, as it is ludicrous
without that accompaniment.
An English reader will be occasionally
reminded of the manner of Sir
Thomas Brown, author of the “Religio
Medici.” Like Sir Thomas, he
sometimes startles us by a curiosity of
reflection, fitted to suggest and kindle
thought, although to a dry logician it
may seem a mere futility, or the idle
play of imagination. Of course this
similarity is to be traced only in single
and detached passages; but we
think we could select several quotations
from the American writer which
should pass off as choice morsels of
Sir Thomas Brown, with one who
was familiar with the strain of thought
of the old Englishman, but whose
memory was not of that formidable
exactness as to render vain all attempt
at imposition. Take the following
for an instance:—”I hold our
actual knowledge very cheap. Hear
the rats in the wall, see the lizard on
the fence, the fungus under foot, the
lichen on the log. What do I know
sympathetically, morally, of either of
these worlds of life? As long as the
Caucasian man—perhaps longer—these
creatures have kept their council
beside him, and there is no record
of any word or sign that has passed
from the one to the other….
I am ashamed to see what a shallow
village tale our so-called history is.
How many times we must say Rome,
and Paris, and Constantinople.
What does Rome know of rat or lizard?
What are Olympiads and Consulates
to these neighbouring systems of
being?”
Or this:—”Why should we make
it a point to disparage that man we
are, and that form of being assigned
to us? A good man is contented.
I love and honour Epaminondas, but
I do not wish to be Epaminondas.
I hold it more just to love the world
of this hour, than the world of his
hour. Nor can you, if I am true,
excite me to the least uneasiness by
saying ‘he acted and thou sittest still.’[647]
I see action to be good, when the
need is, and sitting still to be also
good. Epaminondas, if he was the
man I take him for, would have sat
still with joy and peace, if his lot had
been mine. Heaven is large, and
affords space for all modes of love
and fortitude. Why should we be
busy-bodies, and superserviceable?
Action and inaction are alike to the
true…. Besides, why should
we be cowed by the name of action?
‘Tis a trick of the senses,—no more.
We know that the ancestor of every
action is a thought. The rich mind
lies in the sun and sleeps, and is
Nature. To think is to act.”
Or if one were to put down the
name of Sir Thomas Brown as the
author of such a sentence as the following,
are there many who would
detect the cheat? “I like the silent
church, before the service begins, better
than any preaching. How far
off, how cool, how chaste the persons
look, begirt each one with a precinct
or sanctuary; so let us always sit.
Why should we assume the faults of
our friend, or wife, or father, or child,
because they sit around our hearth,
or are said to have the same blood?”
But Emerson is too original a mind
to be either a Montaigne or a Sir
Thomas Brown. He lives, too, in
quite another age, and moves in a
higher region of philosophy than
either of them. The utmost that can
be said is, that he is of the same class
of independent, original thinkers,
somewhat wayward and fitful, who
present no system, or none that is distinctly
and logically set forth, but
cast before us many isolated truths
expressed in vivid, spontaneous eloquence.
This class of writers may be described
as one whose members, though not deficient
in the love of truth, are still more
conspicuous for their love of thought.
They crave intellectual excitement;
they have a genuine, inexhaustible
ardour of reflection. They are not
writers of systems, for patience would
fail them to traverse the more arid
parts of their subject, or those where
they have nothing new, nothing of
their own, to put forth. The task of
sifting and arranging materials that
have passed a thousand times through
the hands of others, does not accord
with their temperament. Neither are
they fond of retracing their own steps,
and renewing, from the same starting-place,
the same inquiry. They are
off to fresh pastures. They care not
to be ruffling the leaves of the old
manuscript, revising, qualifying, expunging.
They would rather brave
all sorts of contradictions and go on,
satisfied that to an ingenuous reader
their thoughts will ultimately wear a
true and faithful aspect. They will
not be hampered by their own utterances
more than by other men’s—”If
you would be a man,” says Emerson,
“speak what you think to-day
in words as hard as cannon-balls, and
to-morrow speak what to-morrow
thinks in hard words again, though
it contradict every thing you said to-day.”
These headstrong sages, full
of noble caprice, of lofty humours,
often pour forth in their wild profusion
a strange mixture of great truths
and petty conceits—noble principles
and paradoxes no better than conundrums.
As we have said, they are
lovers pre-eminently of thought. Full
of the chase, they will sometimes run
down the most paltry game with unmitigated
ardour. Such writers are
not so wise as their best wisdom, nor
so foolish as their folly. When certain
of the ancient sages who were in
the habit of guessing boldly at the
open riddle of nature, made, amidst
twenty absurd conjectures, one that
has proved to be correct, we do not
therefore give them the credit of a
scientific discovery. One of these
wise men of antiquity said that the
sea was a great fish; he asserted
also that the moon was an opaque
body, and considerably larger than
she appears to be. He was right
about the moon; he was wrong about
the fish; but as he speculated on both
subjects in the same hap-hazard
style, we give him very little
more credit in the one case than the
other. Perhaps his theory which
transformed the sea into a fish, was
that on which he prided himself most.
Something of the same kind, though
very different in degree, takes place
in our judgment upon certain moral
speculators. When a man of exuberant
thought utters in the fervour
or the fever of his mind what comes
first, his fragments of wisdom seem[648]
as little to belong to him as his fragments
of folly. The reader picks up,
and carries off, what best pleases him,
as if there were no owner there, as if
it were treasure-trove, and he was
entitled to it as first finder. He foregoes
the accustomed habit of connecting
his writer with the assemblage of
thoughts presented to him, as their
sole proprietor for the time being:
“he cries halves,” as Charles Lamb
has said on some similar occasion, in
whatever he pounces on.
The task of the critic on a writer of
this class, becomes more than usually
ungracious and irksome. He meets
with a work abounding with traits of
genius, and conspicuous also for its
faults and imperfections. As a reader
only, he gives himself up to the
pleasure which the former of these
inspire. Why should he disturb that
pleasure by counting up the blemishes
and errors? He sees, but passes
rapidly over them; on the nobler
passages he dwells, and to them alone
he returns. But, as critic, he cannot
resign himself entirely to this mood;
or rather, after having resigned himself
to it, after having enjoyed that
only true perusal of a book in which
we forget all but the truth we can
extract from it, he must rouse himself
to another and very different act
of attention; he must note defects and
blemishes, and caution against errors,
and qualify his admiration by a recurrence
to those very portions of the
work which he before purposely hurried
over.
We take up such a book as these
Essays of Emerson. We are charmed
with many delightful passages of
racy eloquence, of original thought, of
profound or of naive reflection. What
if there are barren pages? What if
sometimes there is a thick entangled
underwood through which there is no
penetrating? We are patient. We
can endure the one, and for the other
obstacle, in military phrase, we can
turn it. The page is moveable. We
are not bound, like the boa-constrictor,
to swallow all or none. Meanwhile,
in all conscience, there is sufficient
for one feast. There is excellence
enough to occupy one’s utmost attention;
there is beauty to be carried
away, and truth to be appropriated.
What more, from a single book, can
any one reasonably desire? But if
the task of criticism be imposed
upon us, we must, nevertheless, sacrifice
this easy and complacent mood,—this
merely receptive disposition;
we must re-examine; we must cavil
and object; we must question of
obscurity why it should stand there
darkening the road; we must refuse
admittance to mere paradox; we
must expose the trifling conceit or
fanciful analogy that would erect
itself into high places, and assume
the air of novel and profound truth.
Some portion of this less agreeable
duty we will at once perform, that we
may afterwards the more freely and
heartily devote ourselves to the more
pleasant task of calling attention to
the works of a man of genius,—for we
suspect that Emerson is not known in
this country as he deserves to be.
With some who have heard his name
coupled with that of Carlyle, he
passes for a sort of echo or double
of the English writer. A more independent
and original thinker can nowhere
in this age be found. This
praise must, at all events, be awarded
him. And even in America—which
has not the reputation of generally
overlooking, or underrating, the
merits of her own children—we understand
that the reputation of Emerson is
by no means what it ought to be; and
many critics there who are dissatisfied
with merely imitative talent, and
demand a man of genius of their own,
are not aware that he stands there
amongst them.
When we accuse Mr Emerson of
obscurity, it is not obscurity of style
that we mean. His style often rises—as
our readers have had already
opportunities of judging—into a vivid,
terse, and graphic eloquence, agreeably
tinged at times with a poetic colouring;
and although he occasionally
adopts certain inversions which are
not customary in modern prose, he
never lays himself open to the charge
of being difficult or unintelligible.
But there is an obscurity of thought—in
the very matter of his writings—produced
first by a vein of mysticism
which runs throughout his works, and,
secondly, by a manner he sometimes
has of sweeping together into one
paragraph a number of unsorted ideas,
but scantily related to each other—bringing[649]
up his drag-net with all
manner of fish in it, and depositing
it then and there before us.
Mysticism is a word often so
vaguely and rashly applied, that we
feel bound to explain the sense in
which we use it. It is not because
Mr Emerson is an idealist in his philosophy—what
we are in the habit
in the present day of describing as
the German school of metaphysics,
though he does not appear to have
drawn his tenets from the Germans,
and more frequently quotes the name
of Plato than that of Kant or Hegel—it
is not for this we pronounce him to
be a mystic. Berkeley was no mystic.
In support of this philosophy reasons
may be adduced which appeal to the
faculties, and are open to the examination
of all men. We do not pronounce
idealism to be mystical, but
we pronounce him to be a mystic who
upholds this, or any other philosophy,
upon grounds of conviction
not open to all rational men; whose
convictions, in short, rest upon some
profound intuition, some deep and
peculiar source of knowledge, to which
the great multitude of mankind are
utter strangers. A man shall be an
idealist, and welcome; we can discuss
the matter with him, we can follow
his reasonings, and if we cannot sustain
ourselves in that nicely-balanced
aerial position he has assumed, poised
above the earth on a needle’s point of
faith, we can at least apprehend how
the more subtle metaphysician has
contrived to accomplish the feat. But
the moment a man proclaims himself
in the possession of any truth whatever,
by an intuition of which we, and
other men, find no traces in our own
mind, then it is that we must, of
force, abandon him to the sole enjoyment
of an illumination we do not
share, and which he cannot impart.
We call him mystical, and he calls
us blind, or sense-beclouded. We
assume that he pretends to see where
there is no vision, and no visual
organ; he retorts that it is we, and
the gross vulgar who have lost, or
never attained, the high faculty of
vision which he possesses. Whether
it is Plato or Swedenborg, Pagan or
Christian, who lays claim to this
occult and oracular wisdom, we must
proclaim it a delusion. It is in vain
to tell us that these men may be the
élite of humanity, that they are thus
signally favoured because they have
more successfully cultivated their
minds, both intellectually and morally,
and purified them for the reception of
a closer communion with the divine
and all-sustaining and interpenetrating
Intelligence, than is vouchsafed
to the rest of mankind. We, who
have nothing but our eyesight and
our reason, we of the multitude who
are not thus favoured, can, at all
events, learn nothing from them.
Whether above or beside human
reason, they are equally remote from
intellectual communion. We do not
recognise their reason as reason, nor
their truth as truth; and we call
them mystics to express this unapproachable
nature of their minds, this
hopeless severance from intercommunion
of thought, from even so
much of contact as is requisite for the
hostilities of controversy. These
wisest of mankind are in the same
predicament as the maddest of mankind;
both believe that they are the
only perfectly sane, and that all the
rest of the world have lost their
reason. The rest of the world hold
the opposite opinion, and we are not
aware that in either case there is any
appeal but to the authority of numbers,
to which, of course, neither the
lunatic nor the mystic will submit.
We have frequent intimations in Mr
Emerson’s writings of this high intuitive
source of truth. Take the following
passage in the Essay on Self-reliance:—
“And now at last the highest truth on
this subject remains unsaid, probably,
cannot be said; for all that we say is the
far off remembering of the intuition. The
thought by what I can now nearest approach
to say it, is this. When good is
near you, when you have life in yourself,
it is not by any known or appointed way;
you shall not discern the foot-prints of any
other; you shall not see the face of man;
you shall not hear any name; the way,
the thought, the good, shall be wholly
strange and new; it shall exclude all
other being. You take the way from
man not to man. All persons that ever
existed are its fugitive ministers. There
shall be no fear in it. Fear and hope are
alike beneath it. It asks nothing. There
is somewhat low even in hope. We are
then in vision. There is nothing that can[650]
be called gratitude, nor, properly, joy.
The soul is raised over passion. It seeth
identity and eternal causation. It is a
perceiving that Truth and Right are. Hence
it becomes a tranquillity out of the knowing
that all things go well. Vast spaces
of nature—the Atlantic Ocean—the South
Sea—vast intervals of time—years—centuries—are
of no account. This, which I
think and feel, underlay that former state
of life and circumstances as it does underlie
my present, and will always all circumstance,
and what is called life, and
what is called death.”
Whenever a man begins by telling
us that he cannot find language to
express his meaning, we may be
pretty sure that he has no intelligible
meaning to express; and Mr Emerson,
in the above passage, fully bears
out this general observation. “I cannot,”
he says in another place, “I
cannot, nor can any man, speak precisely
of things so sublime, but it
seems to me, the wit of man, his
strength, his grace, his tendency, his
art, is the grace and the presence of
God. It is beyond explanation. When
all is said and done, the rapt saint is
found the only logician. Not exhortation,
not argument, becomes our lips,
but pæans of joy and praise. But not
of adulation: we are too nearly related
in the deep of the mind to that we
honour. It is God in us which checks
the language of petition by a grander
thought. In the bottom of the heart it
is said ‘I am, and by me, O child! this
fair body and world of thine stands and
grows. I am: all things are mine: and
all mine are thine.‘”
If we can gather any thing from
this language, it must imply that the
individual mind is conscious of being
a part, an emanation of the Divine
mind—is conscious of this union or
identity—the pretension to which
species of consciousness is, in our
apprehension, pure mysticism.
But we shall not weary our readers
by seeking further proofs of this charge
of mysticism; for what can be more
wearisome than to have a number of
unintelligible passages brought together
from different and remote parts
of an author’s works. We pass to
that other cause of obscurity we have
hinted at,—the agglomerations of a
multitude of unrelated, or half-related,
ideas. Sometimes a whole paragraph,
and a long one too, is made up of separate
fragments of thought or fancy, good
or amusing, it may be, in themselves,
but connected by the slightest and
most flimsy thread imaginable. Glittering
insects and flies of all sorts,
caught and held together in a spider’s
web, present as much appearance of
unity as some of these paragraphs we
allude to.
For an example, we will turn to the
first essay in the series, that on History.
It is, perhaps, the most striking of
the whole, and one which has a more
distinct aim and purport than most of
them, and yet the reader is fairly bewildered
at times by the incongruous
assemblage of thoughts presented to
him. It is the drift of the essay to
show, that the varied and voluminous
record of history is still but the development
and expansion of the individual
being man, as he existed
yesterday, as he exists to-day. “A
man,” he says, “is the whole encyclopædia
of facts. The creation of a
thousand forests is in one acorn, and
Egypt, Greece, Rome, Gaul, Britain,
America, lie folded already in the first
man. Epoch after epoch, camp, kingdom,
empire, republic, democracy, are
merely the application of his manifold
spirit to the manifold world.” This
idea is explained, illustrated, amplified,
and very often in a novel and ingenious
manner. To exemplify the necessity
we feel to recognise ourselves in the
past, he says,—”All inquiry into
antiquity, all curiosity respecting the
pyramids, the excavated cities, Stonehenge,
the Ohio circles, Mexico,
Memphis, is the desire to do away
this wild, savage, and preposterous
There or Then, and introduce in its
place the Here and the Now. It is to
banish the Not me, and supply the Me.
It is to abolish difference and restore
unity. Belzoni digs and measures
in the mummy-pits and pyramids of
Thebes, until he can see the end of
the difference between the monstrous
work and himself. When he has
satisfied himself, in general and in
detail, that it was made by such a
person as himself, so armed and so
motived, and to ends to which he
himself, in given circumstances, should
also have worked, the problem is then
solved, his thought lives along the
whole line of temples and sphinxes and
catacombs, passes through them all[651]
like a creative soul, with satisfaction,
and they live again to the mind, or are
now.”
This is good, but by and by he
begins to intercalate all sorts of
vagrant fantasies, as thus:—
“Civil history, natural history, the
history of art, and the history of literature,—all
must be explained from individual
history, or must remain
words. There is nothing but is related
to us, nothing that does not interest
us,—kingdom, college, tree, horse, or
iron shoe, the roots of all things are
in man. It is in the soul that architecture
exists. Santa Croce and the
dome of St Peter’s are lame copies
after a divine model. Strasburg
cathedral is a material counterpart of
the soul of Erwin of Steinbach. The
true poem is the poet’s mind, the true
ship is the ship-builder,” and so forth.
It would be waste of time and words
to ask how “tree and horse,” in the
same sense as kingdom and college,
can be said to have “their roots in
man;” or whether, when it is said
that “Strasburg cathedral is the
material counterpart of the soul of
Erwin of Steinbach,” this can possibly
mean anything else than the undoubted
fact, that the architect thought and
designed before he built.
This subject of architecture comes
sadly in the way of the author, and of
the reader too, whom it succeeds in
thoroughly mystifying. “The Gothic
cathedral is a blossoming in stone,
subdued by the insatiable demand of
harmony in man. The mountain of
granite blooms into an eternal flower
with the lightness and delicate finish,
as well as the aerial proportions and
perspective of vegetable beauty. In
like manner, all public facts are to be
individualised, all private facts are to
be generalised. Then at once history
becomes fluid and true, and biography
deep and sublime.”
The fables of Pagan mythology
next cross his path, and these lead to
another medley of thoughts. “These
beautiful fables of the Greeks,” he says,
“being proper creations of the imagination,
and not of the fancy, are
universal verities.” And well they
may be, whether of the fancy or the
imagination (and the great distinction
here marked out between the two, we
do not profess to comprehend), if each
mind, in every age, is at liberty to
interpret them as it pleases, and with
the same unrestrained license that
our author takes. But how can he
find here an instance of the present
man being written out in history,
when the old history or fable is perpetually
to receive new interpretations,
as it is handed down from generation
to generation—interpretations which
assuredly were never dreamt of by the
original inventor?
“Apollo kept the flocks of Admetus,
said the poets. Every man is a
divinity in disguise, a god playing the
fool. It seems as if heaven had sent
its insane angels into our world as to
an asylum, and here they will break
out into their native music, and utter
at intervals the words they have heard
in heaven; then the mad fit returns,
and they mope and wallow like dogs.”
Whether witty or wise, such interpretations
have manifestly nothing to do
with the fable as it exists in history,
as part of the history of the human mind.
“The transmigration of souls: that
too is no fable; I would it were. But
men and women are only half human.
Every animal of the barn-yard, the
field and the forest, of the earth and
of the waters that are under the earth,
has contrived to get a footing, and to
leave the print of its features and form
in some one or other of these upright,
heaven-facing speakers.” Very good;
only, if poets and wits are to set themselves
to the task, we should like to
know what fable there is in the world,
whether the product of imagination or
fancy, which might not be shown to
abound in eternal verities.
Travelling on a little farther, we
meet with the following paragraph,
some parts of which are to be made
intelligible by putting ourselves in the
point of view of the idealistic philosopher;
but the whole together, by
reason of the incongruity of its parts,
produces no other effect than that of
mere and painful bewilderment,—
“A man is a bundle of relations, a knot
of roots, whose flower and fruitage is the
world. All his faculties refer to natures
out of him. All his faculties predict the
world he is to inhabit, as the fins of
the fish foreshow that water exists, or
the wings of an eagle in the egg presuppose
a medium like air. Insulate and
you destroy him. He cannot live[652]
without a world. Put Napoleon in an
island prison, let his faculties find no
men to act on, no Alps to climb, no stake
to play for, and he would beat the air
and appear stupid. Transport him to
large countries, dense population, complex
interests and antagonist power, and
you shall see that the man Napoleon,
bounded, that is, by such a profile and
outline, is not the virtual Napoleon.
This is but Talbot’s shadow;“His substance is not here:
For what you see is but the smallest part,
And least proportion of humanity;
But were the whole frame here,
It is of such a spacious lofty pitch,
Your roof were not sufficient to contain it.Columbus needs a planet to shape his
course upon. Newton and Laplace need
myriads of ages and thick-strewn celestial
areas. One may say, a gravitating solar
system is already prophesied in the
nature of Newton’s mind. Not less does
the brain of Davy and Gay-Lussac, from
childhood exploring always the affinities
and repulsions of particles, anticipate the
laws of organisation. Does not the eye
of the human embryo predict the light?
the ear of Handel predict the witchcraft
of harmonic sound? Do not the constructive
fingers of Watt, Fulton, Whittemore,
and Arkwright, predict the fusible,
hard, and temperable texture of metals,
the properties of stone, water, and wood?
the lovely attributes of the maiden child
predict the refinements and decorations
of civil society? Here, also, we are reminded
of the action of man on man.
A mind might ponder its thoughts for
ages, and not gain so much self-knowledge
as the passion of love shall teach
it in a day. Who knows himself before
he has been thrilled with indignation at
an outrage, or has heard an eloquent
tongue, or has shared the throb of thousands
in a national exultation and alarm?
No man can antedate his experience, or
guess what faculty or feeling a new object
shall unlock, any more than he can draw
to-day the face of a person whom he shall
see to-morrow for the first time.”
And the essay concludes by presenting
its leading idea in this distorted
and exaggerated shape:—
“Thus, in all ways does the soul concentrate
and reproduce its treasures for
each pupil, each new-born man. He, too,
shall pass through the whole cycle of experience.
He shall collect into a focus
the rays of nature. History no longer
shall be a dull book. It shall walk incarnate
in every just and wise man. You
shall not tell me by languages and titles
a catalogue of the volumes you have
read. You shall make me feel what
periods you have lived. A man shall be
the Temple of Fame. He shall walk as
the poets have described that goddess, in
a robe painted all over with wonderful
events and experiences;—his own form
and features by that exalted intelligence
shall be that variegated vest. I shall
find in him the Foreworld; in his childhood
the age of gold; the apples of
knowledge; the Argonautic expedition;
the calling of Abraham; the building of
the temple; the advent of Christ; dark
ages; the revival of letters; the Reformation;
the discovery of new lands, the
opening of new sciences, and new regions
in man. He shall be the priest of Pan, and
bring with him into humble cottages the
blessing of the morning stars, and all the
recorded benefits of heaven and earth.”
We regret to say that instances of
this painful obscurity, of this outrageous
and fantastical style of writing,
it would not be difficult to multiply,
were it either necessary or desirable.
We have quoted sufficient
to justify even harsher terms of censure
than we have chosen to deal
in; sufficient to warn our readers
who may be induced, from the
favourable quotations we have made,
and shall continue to make, to turn
to the works of this author, that it is
not all gold they will find there, that
the sun does not always shine upon
his page, that a great proportion of
his writings may be little suited to
their taste.
That which forms the great and
inextinguishable charm of those
writings is the fine moral temper
they display, the noble ardour, the
high ethical tone they every where
manifest and sustain, and especially
that lofty independence of his intellect,
that freedom of his reason which
the man who aspires after true cultivation
should watch over and preserve
with the utmost jealousy. Addressing
the Divinity students of Cambridge,
U. S., he says,—
“Let me admonish you, first of all, to
go alone; to refuse the good models,
even those most sacred in the imagination
of men, and dare to love God without
mediator or veil. Friends enough you
will find, who will hold up to your emulation
Wesleys and Oberlins, saints and
prophets. Thank God for these good
men, but say, ‘I also am a man.’ Imitation
cannot go above its model. The[653]
imitator dooms himself to hopeless mediocrity.
The inventor did it because it
was natural to him; and so in him it has
a charm. In the imitator, something
else is natural, and he bereaves himself
of his own beauty, to come short of
another man’s….“Let us not aim at common degrees of
merit. Can we not leave to such as love
it the virtue that glitters for the commendation
of society, and ourselves pierce
the deep solitudes of absolute ability and
worth? We easily come up to the standard
of goodness in society. Society’s
praise can be cheaply secured, and almost
all men are content with those easy
merits; but the instant effect of conversing
with God, will be to put them away.
There are sublime merits; persons who
are not actors, not, speakers, but influences;
persons too great for fame, for display;
who disdain eloquence; to whom
all we call art and artist seems too nearly
allied to show and by-ends, to the exaggeration
of the finite and selfish, and
loss of the universal. The orators, the
poets, the commanders, encroach on us
only, as fair women do, by our allowance
and homage. Slight them by preoccupation
of mind,—slight them, as you can
well afford to do, by high and universal
aims, and they instantly feel that you
have right, and that it is in lower places
that they must shine. They also feel your
right; for they, with you, are open to the
influx of the all-knowing spirit, which
annihilates before its broad noon the little
shades and gradations of intelligence in
the compositions we call wiser and wisest.“In such high communion, let us study
the grand strokes of rectitude: a bold
benevolence, an independence of friends,
so that not the unjust wishes of those
who love us shall impair our freedom;
but we shall resist, for truth’s sake, the
freest flow of kindness, and appeal to
sympathies far in advance. And, what is
the highest form in which we know this
beautiful element?—a certain solidity of
merit that has nothing to do with opinion,
and which is so essentially and manifestly
virtue, that it is taken for granted that
the right, the brave, the generous step
will be taken by it, and nobody thinks of
commending it. You would compliment
a coxcomb doing a good act, but you
would not praise an angel. The silence
that accepts merit as the most natural
thing in the world, is the highest applause.”
Nothing but the necessity to husband
our space prevents us from
quoting other passages of the same
noble strain.
There is an Essay on Love which
has highly pleased us, and from which
we wish to make some extracts.
To a man of genius the old subjects
are always new. The romance and
enthusiasm of the passion is here
quite freshly and vividly portrayed,
while the great moral end of that
charming exaggeration which every
lover makes of the beauty and excellence
of his mistress, is finely pointed
out. There is both poetry and philosophy
in the essay—as our readers
shall judge for themselves from the
following extracts. We do not always
mark the omissions we make for the
sake of economy of space, nor
always cite the passages in the
order they appear in the essay.
“What fastens attention, in the intercourse
of life, like any passage betraying
affection between two parties? Perhaps
we never saw them before, and never
shall meet them again. But we see them
exchange a glance, or betray a deep emotion,
and we are no longer strangers. We
understand them, and take the warmest
interest in the development of the romance.
All mankind love a lover. The earliest
demonstrations of complacency and kindness
are nature’s most winning pictures.
It is the dawn of civility and grace in the
coarse and rustic. The rude village boy
teases the girls about the school-house
door;—but to-day he comes running into
the entry, and meets one fair child arranging
her satchel: he holds her books to
help her, and instantly it seems to him
as if she removed herself from him infinitely,
and was a sacred precinct.
Among the throng of girls he runs rudely
enough, but one alone distances him; and
these two little neighbours that were so
close just now, have learned to respect
each other’s personality.”
As is ever the case when men describe
what is, or might be an exquisite
happiness, there steals a melancholy
over the description; and our
author makes it a primary condition,
“That we must leave a too close and
lingering adherence to the actual, to facts,
and study the sentiment as it appeared
in hope, and not in history. Let any man
go back to those delicious relations which
make the beauty of his life, which have
given him sincerest instruction and nourishment,
he will shrink, and shrink.
Alas! I know not why, but infinite compunctions
imbitter in mature life all the
remembrances of budding sentiment, and
cover every beloved name. Every thing[654]
is beautiful seen from the point of the intellect,
or as truth. But all is sour, as
seen from experience. It is strange how
painful is the actual world,—the painful
kingdom of time and space. There dwell
care, canker, and fear. With thought,
with the ideal, is immortal hilarity, the
rose of joy. Round it all the muses sing.
But with names and persons and the partial
interests of to-day and yesterday, is
grief.“But be our experience in particulars
what it may, no man ever forgot the visitations
of that power to his heart and
brain which created all things new; which
was the dawn in him of music, poetry, and
art; which made the face of nature radiant
with purple light, the morning and the
night varied enchantments; when a single
tone of one voice could make the heart
beat, and the most trivial circumstance
associated with one form, is put in the
amber of memory; when we became all eye
when one was present, and all memory
when one was gone; when the youth becomes
a watcher of windows, and studious
of a glove, a veil, a ribbon, or the wheels
of a carriage; when no place is too solitary,
and none too silent for him who has
richer company and sweeter conversation
in his new thoughts, than any old friends,
though best and purest, can give him;
when all business seemed an impertinence,
and all the men and women running to
and fro in the streets, mere pictures.“For, though the celestial rapture falling
out of heaven, seizes only upon those
of tender age, and although a beauty,
overpowering all analysis or comparison,
and putting us quite beside ourselves, we
can seldom see after thirty years, yet the
remembrance of these visions outlasts all
other remembrances, and is a wreath of
flowers on the oldest brows.”
And on this matter of beauty how
ingenious and full of feeling are the
following reflections!—
“Wonderful is its charm. It seems
sufficient to itself. The lover cannot
paint his maiden to his fancy poor and
solitary. Like a tree in flower, so much
soft, budding, informing loveliness, is society
for itself, and she teaches his eye why
Beauty was ever painted with Loves and
Graces attending her steps. Her existence
makes the world rich. Though she extrudes
all other persons from his attention
as cheap and unworthy, yet she indemnifies
him by carrying out her own being
into somewhat impersonal; so that the
maiden stands to him for a representation
of all select things and virtues. For that
reason the lover sees never personal resemblances
in his mistress to her kindred or to
others. His friends find in her a likeness
to her mother, or her sisters, or to persons
not of her blood. The lover sees no
resemblance except to summer evenings and
diamond mornings, to rainbows and the
song of birds.“Beauty is ever that divine thing the
ancients esteemed it. It is, they said, the
flowering of virtue. Who can analyse the
nameless charm which glances from one
and another face and form? We are
touched with emotions of tenderness and
complacency, but we cannot find whereat
this dainty emotion, this wandering gleam,
points. It is destroyed for the imagination
by any attempt to refer it to organisation.
Nor does it point to any relations
of friendship or love that society knows
or has, but, as it seems to me, to a quite
other and unattainable sphere, to relations
of transcendent delicacy and sweetness, a
true faerie land; to what roses and violets
hint and foreshow. We cannot get at
beauty. Its nature is like opaline doves’-neck
lustres, hovering and evanescent.
Herein it resembles the most excellent
things, which all have this rainbow character,
defying all attempts at appropriation
and use. What else did Jean Paul
Richter signify, when he said to music,
‘Away! away! thou speakest to me of
things which in all my endless life I have
found not, and shall not find.’ The same
fact may be observed in every work of
the plastic arts. The statue is then
beautiful, when it begins to be incomprehensible,
when it is passing out of criticism,
and can no longer be defined by
compass and measuring wand, but demands
an active imagination to go with
it, and to say what it is in the act of
doing. The god or hero of the sculptor
is always represented in a transition
from that which is representable to the
senses, to that which is not. Then first
it ceases to be a stone.“So must it be with personal beauty
which love worships. Then first is it
charming and itself when it dissatisfies
us with any end; when it becomes a story
without an end; when it suggests gleams
and visions, and not earthly satisfactions;
when it seems‘Too bright and good
For human nature’s daily food;’when it makes the beholder feel his unworthiness;
when he cannot feel his right
to it, though he were Cæsar; he cannot
feel more right to it, than to the firmament
and the splendours of a sunset.”
But this dream of love is but one
scene in the play; and our author
concludes his essay by pointing out
what is, or should be, the denouement
of the drama.
[655]“Meantime, as life wears on, it proves
a game of permutation and combination
of all possible positions of the parties to
extort all the resources of each, and acquaint
each with the whole strength and
weakness of the other. For, it is the
nature and end of this relation, that they
should represent the human race to each
other.“At last they discover that all which
at first drew them together,—those once
sacred features, that magical play of
charms, was deciduous, had a prospective
end, like the scaffolding by which the
house was built; and the purification of
the intellect and the heart, from year to
year, is the real marriage foreseen and
prepared from the first, and wholly above
their consciousness. Looking at these
aims with which two persons, a man and
a woman, so variously and correlatively
gifted, are shut up in one house to spend in
the nuptial society forty or fifty years, I
do not wonder at the emphasis with which
the heart prophesies this crisis from early
infancy,—at the profuse beauty with which
the instincts deck the nuptial bower, and
nature and intellect and art emulate each
other in the gifts and the melody they
bring to the epithalamium. Thus are we
put in training for a love which knows not
sex, nor person, nor partiality, but which
seeketh virtue and wisdom every where,
to the end of increasing virtue and wisdom.”
If there is some of the ideal in this
account given of love and matrimony,
there is, nevertheless, a noble truth
in it. And surely in proportion as the
sentiment of love is refitted and spiritualised,
so also ought the moral culture,
to which it is subservient, to be
pure and elevated.
The longest essay in the collection,
and that which approaches nearest to
the more formidable character of a treatise,
is that entitled “Nature.” This
exhibits, so to speak, the practical point
of view of an idealist. The idealist
has denied the substantial, independent
existence of the material world,
but he does not deny the existence of
a phenomenal world. The Divine
Nature reveals itself in the twofold
form of finite mind and this phenomenal
world. Thus, we believe, we
may express the general creed of these
philosophers, though it is a very delicate
matter to act as interpreter to
this class of thinkers: they are rarely
satisfied with any expressions of their
own, and are not likely to be contented
with those of any other person.
This phenomenal world has for its
final cause the development and education
of the finite mind. It follows,
therefore, that all which a realist could
say of the utility of nature can be
advanced also by the idealist. He
has his practical point of view, and
can discourse, as Mr Emerson does
here, on the various “uses” of nature
which, he says, “admit of being
thrown into the following classes:—commodity,
beauty, language, and
discipline.”
We have not the least intention of
proceeding further with an analysis
of this essay; as we have already
intimated, the value of Mr Emerson’s
writings appears to us to consist in the
beauty and truthfulness of individual
passages, not at all in his system, or
any prolonged train of reasoning he
may adopt. It is impossible to read this
production without being delighted
and arrested by a number of these
individual passages sparkling with
thought or fancy; it would be equally
impossible to gather from it, as a
whole, any thing satisfactory or
complete.
On the beauty of nature he is
always eloquent; he is evidently one
who intensely feels it. “Every day,
the sun; and, after sunset, night and
the stars. Ever the winds blow;
ever the grass grows.” The shows of
heaven and earth are with him a
portion of daily life. “In the woods
is perpetual youth.” “We talk,” he
says in another place, “with accomplished
persons who appear to be
strangers in nature. The cloud, the
tree, the turf, the bird are not theirs,
have nothing of them; the world is
only their lodging and table.” No
such stranger is our poet-philosopher.
“Crossing a bare common, in twilight,
under a clouded sky, without having
in my thoughts any occurrence of
special good fortune, I have enjoyed a
perfect exhilaration. Almost I fear
to think how glad I am.”
The only quotation we shall make
from the Essay on “Nature,” shall be
one where he treats of this subject—
“A nobler want of man is served by
nature,—namely, the love of beauty.
Such is the constitution of all things, or
such the plastic power of the human eye,
that the primary form, as the sky, the[656]
mountain, the tree, the animal, give us a
delight in and for themselves; a pleasure
arising from outline, colour, motion, and
grouping. And as the eye is the best
composer, so light is the first of painters.
There is no object so foul, that intense light
will not make beautiful. And the stimulus
it affords to the sense, and a sort of
infinitude which it hath, like space and
time, will make all matter gay. But
besides this general grace diffused over
nature, almost all the individual forms are
agreeable to the eye, as is proved by our
endless imitations of some of them; as the
acorn, the grape, the pine-cone, the wheat-ear,
the egg, the wings and forms of most
birds, the lion’s claw, the serpent, the
butterfly, sea-shells, flames, clouds, buds,
leaves, and the forms of many trees, as the
palm.“The influence of the forms and actions
in nature is so needful to man that, in its
lowest functions, it seems to lie on the
confines of Commodity and Beauty. To
the body and mind which have been
cramped by noxious work or company,
nature is medicinal and restores their
tone. The tradesman, the attorney, comes
out of the din and craft of the street, and
sees the sky and the woods, and is a man
again. In their eternal calm he finds himself.
The health of the eye seems to demand
a horizon. We are never tired so
long as we can see far enough.“But in other hours nature satisfies the
soul purely by its loveliness, and without
any mixture of corporeal benefit. I have
seen the spectacle of morning from the
hill-top over against my house, from daybreak
to sunrise, with emotions which an
angel might share. The long slender
bars of cloud float like fishes in the sea
of crimson light. From the earth, as a
shore, I look out into that silent sea. I
seem to partake its rapid transformations;
the active enchantment reaches my dust,
and I dilate and conspire with the morning
wind. How does nature deify us
with a few and cheap elements! Give me
health and a day, and I will make the
pomp of emperors ridiculous. The dawn
is my Assyria, the sunset and moonrise
my Paphos, and unimaginable realms of
faerie.”
Mr Emerson has published a volume
of poems, and it has been generally
admitted that he has not succeeded in
verse. But there are touches of
charming poetry in his prose. This
discrepancy, which is not unfrequently
met with, must result, we presume,
from an inaptitude to employ the forms
of verse, so that the style, instead of
being invigorated, and polished, and
concentrated by the necessary attention
to line and metre, becomes denaturalised,
constrained, crude, and
unequal. We have looked through
this volume of poems, but we should
certainly not be adding to the reputation of
the author by drawing attention
to it. If we wished to find instances
of the poetry of Emerson, we should
still seek for them in his prose essays.
Thus he says:—
“In this pleasing contrite wood-life
which God allows me, let me record,
day by day, my honest thought, without
prospect or retrospect, and I
cannot doubt it will be found symmetrical,
though I mean it not and see
it not. The swallow over my window
should interweave that thread or straw
he carries in his bill into my web also.“
“Our moods,” he says, “do not
believe in each other. To-day I am
full of thoughts; but yesterday I saw
a dreary vacuity in this direction in
which now I see so much; and a
month hence, I doubt not, I shall
wonder who he was that wrote so many
continuous pages. Alas for this infirm
faith, this will not strenuous, this
vast ebb of a vast flow! I am God in
nature—I am a weed by the wall!“
“A lady,” he writes on another
occasion, “with whom I was riding
in the forest, said to me that the woods
always seemed to her to wait, as if the
genii who inhabit them suspended their
deeds until the wayfarer has passed
onward. This is precisely the thought
which poetry has celebrated in the
dance of the fairies which breaks off
on the approach of human feet.” The
lady had a true poetic feeling. And
the following thought is illustrated by
a very happy image.
“In man, we still trace the rudiments
or hints of all that we esteem
badges of servitude in the lower
races, yet in him they enhance his
nobleness and grace; as Io in Æschylus,
transformed to a cow, offends the
imagination, but how changed when
as Isis in Egypt she meets Jove, a
beautiful woman, with nothing of the
metamorphosis left but the lunar
horns, as the splendid ornament of her
brows!”
In his philosophy, we have seen
that Mr Emerson is an idealist, something,
too, of a pantheist. In theology,
we have heard him described as[657]
a Unitarian; but although the Unitarians
of America differ move widely
from each other, and from the standard
of orthodoxy, than the same denomination
of men in this country, we
presume there is no body of Unitarians
with whom our philosopher would
fraternise, or who would receive him
amongst their ranks. His Christianity
appears rather to be of that description
which certain of the Germans,
one section of the Hegelians for
instance, have found reconcilable
with their Pantheistic philosophy. It
is well for him that he writes in a
tolerant age, that he did not make
his appearance a generation too soon;
the pilgrim fathers would certainly
have burnt him at the stake; he would
have died the death of Giordano Bruno.
And we believe—if the spirit of his
writings be any test of the spirit of
the man—that he would have suffered
as a martyr, rather than have foregone
the freedom and the truthfulness of
his thought. His essays are replete
with passages such as this:—”God
offers to every mind its choice between
truth and repose. Take which you
please—you can never have both.
Between these, as a pendulum, man
oscillates ever. He in whom the love
of repose predominates, will accept
the first creed, the first philosophy, the
first political party he meets,—most
likely his father’s. He gets rest, commodity,
and reputation; but he shuts
the door of truth. He in whom the
love of truth predominates, will keep
himself aloof from all moorings and
afloat. He will abstain from dogmatism,
and recognise all the opposite
negations, between which, as walls,
his being is swung. He submits to
the inconvenience of suspense and imperfect
opinion, but he is a candidate
for truth, as the other is not, and he
respects the highest law of his being.”
We gather from what little has
reached us of his biography, that he
has in fact sacrificed somewhat of the
commodity of this life, to this “higher
law of his being.” In a work which
has just fallen into our hands, entitled
“The Prose Writers of America, with
a Survey of the Intellectual History,
Condition, and Prospects of the
Country, by Rufus Wilmot Griswold,”
we find the following scanty account
of Emerson. “He is the son of a
Unitarian clergyman of Boston, and
in 1821, when about seventeen years
of age, was graduated at Harvard
University. Having turned his attention
to theology, he was ordained
minister of one of the congregations
of his native city, but, embracing soon
after some peculiar views in regard to
the forms of worship, he abandoned
his profession, and retiring to the quiet
village of Concord, after the manner
of an Arabian prophet, gave himself
up to ‘thinking,’ preparatory to his
appearance as a revelator.” Which
meagre narrative, not very happily
told, leads us to infer that the recluse
of Concord has lived up to the high
spirit of his own teaching.
It is remarkable that Mr Griswold,
in the prefatory essay which he entitles
The Intellectual History, Condition,
and Prospects of the Country,
although he has introduced a host of
writers of all grades, some of whom
will be heard of in England for the
first time, never once mentions the
name of Emerson! Yet, up to this
moment, America has not given to
the world any thing which, in point of
original genius, is comparable to his
writings. That she has a thousand
minds better built up, whose more
equal culture, and whose more sober
opinions, one might prefer to have,—this
is not the question,—but in that
highest department of reflective genius,
where the power is given to impart
new insights into truth, or make old
truths look new, he stands hitherto
unrivalled in his country; he has no
equal and no second.
Very popular he perhaps never may
become; but we figure to ourselves
that, a century hence, he will be recognised
as one of those old favourite
writers whom the more thoughtful
spirits read, not so much as teachers,
but as noble-minded companions and
friends, whose aberrations have been
long ago conceded and forgiven. Men
will read him then, not for his philosophy,—they
will not care two straws
for his idealism or his pantheism:
they will know that they are there,
and there they will leave them,—but
they will read him for those genuine
confessions of one spirit to another,
that are often breathed in his writings;
for those lofty sentiments to which all
hearts respond; for those truths which
make their way through all systems,
and in all ages.
HOW I CAME TO BE A SLOVEN.
A pretty question this, my dear
Eusebius,—and that the question
comes from you, who at no time of
your life were a “Beau Nash,” is
rather extraordinary. It is after the
fashion of most of your movements,
however, and so far should not be
thought extraordinary in you. For
as you do not walk in the track that
other men’s shoes have made, nor
dress your thoughts in other men’s
draperies; but both walk and think
as few other men do, I ought not to
wonder that you turn suddenly round
upon me, eye me from head to foot,
and ask me this curious question, How
I came to be a sloven. Now, I can easily
imagine your own slovenly attitude
and attire when you wrote me this
precious letter, and how fantastically
conceited you fancied yourself standing
before me, ωστε Ζωγραφης
—like a
painter, as says Hecuba, when she
bad her rags and misery be looked at,—and
thought to put me out of countenance
with your own perfections.
Perfections, indeed! Why, your whole
wardrobe would not be worth exporting
in charity to the land of Ne’erdo-weels—and
I doubt not that the loss of a
single suit, bad as it may be, would leave
you in some small respects as bare as
when you came into the world. You
have been reading, you tell me, the
“Æsthetics of Dress,” as you term
them, those very amusing papers in
Maga—from which you mean to cull
materials for the history of the art,
and to write a treatise on “The Philosophy
of Tailors,” wherein you intend
to set forth upon what principles
of the “Fitness of things” it is that
nine tailors make a man. It is a
whimsical notion of yours that the
game of nine-pins was set up in
honour of these nine worthies—”Knights
of the thimble”—signifying
how weakly they stand upon their
pins, and how they go by the board at
the very breath of a ball. You affect
to think that the Templars were but
the imitators of a more honourable
cross-legged company—and that
their antiquity is shown prior to the
invention of Heraldry, for that the
very term, the coat of arms, must have
come from them. You say they can
show parchments with the oldest companies
and families, and cut to
shivereens the longest pedigrees, and
yet never go beyond their own measure.
What would a parliament be without
them? They not only make
their man, but seat him. Indeed, man
is no man, till he is made one by
these Novemviri, and hath been invested
by them, as of old, with the
toga virilis; and now-a-days (we
vulgarise every thing even in the
nomenclature) the first advance to
manhood is to be “breeched:”—that
first step when, with the dignity of
newly assumed and duly authorised
manhood, the dressed youth puts his
best foot foremost, on the first step
of the ladder of life, and is not
ashamed, while ascending, to turn his
back, and show what stuff he is made
of.
It is said, that when a man marries
he enters into a bond with society for
his future good behaviour—but of what
consequence is this, in comparison
with that previous bottomry bond,
to use a mercantile word suitable to
these our mercantile days, that every
man has entered into and given the
surety of nine men besides, without
which, whatever bottom he may show
in the fight, the greatest hero would
be but a sans culotte. Heroes! why,
are not tailors the very models after
which men should dress themselves?
They have made, in all senses, the
best regiments. And what a large
slice of this globe is governed and
commanded by the Board in Threadneedle
Street.
Thread and thimble do wonders to
make a man—rig him out with the
best materials—no devil’s dust, disdaining
dishonest “thimble-riggery.”
The son of Japetus admired not
more his man-invention, than does the
tailor. The fleshly life which he condescends
to stuff into his manufacture,
is with him but a secondary consideration;
and it must be confessed
he is often not very choice in these
his human materials. Any thing that
way will do to adorn the real “man
of shreds and patches.” Pegs and[659]
lay figures would answer the purpose
quite as well as these, pattern-humanities,
if they would but walk. Bad,
however, as they are, as specimens
per se, they are made so much of by
the adornments, that their painted
effigies and portraits, as they are exhibited
in tailors’ laboratories, saloons,
and establishments, excite the envy
and wonder of a gaping population.
They are set forth, to show what the
worst man may be made—to portray
vividly the excellence of the art, and
to “give the world assurance of a
man,” even built and fabricated
out of next to nothing but his dress.
It is no longer “Ex pede Herculem.”
The boot-maker has been defeated—Hoby
dethroned—you may have
a Hercules or an Apollo only according
to cloth measure. Then will the
proud artificer hold the mirror up to
Nature to show her how vastly she
is improved, even though it be by
the slandered hands of “Nature’s journeymen.”
Then, so various in its
powers is the art, that the real professors
will at the shortest notice
turn the shopman into the esquire,
and, if need be, the thief into an
archdeacon. They will fit you with
any character, fit or unfit:—will send
you most genteelly to the court or to
the gallows. Vain is the conceit of
the scoffing world of fashion that
affect to scorn the craft that makes
them what they are;—nay, a great deal
better, and to look what they are not.
Let them try to set up for themselves,
what sorry figures they would be—perfectly
ridiculous, to be kicked out
of Fop’s Alley, and whipped by the
beadle!! worse clad than Prince
Vortigern in that despicable and invisible
slip of a vestment,
But that can never be to any extent.
What man in his senses would enter
upon this stage of the world, rushing
in like a wild man of the woods, a
general wonder, and without the introductory
aid of his proper master
of the ceremonies; when, too, at a
trifling cost, he can take his ticket of
admission, and go boldly certificated
by the sign-manual of a Doudney or
a Moses? No man dares to walk entirely
out of rules sartorial, nor utterly
to despise the images which it pleaseth
the tailors to set up. Not that their
laws are like those of the Medes and
Persians, which alter not—their very
principle is change—and every change
is suitable. The seasons change not
fast enough for them. Is a man to be
married?—even then he is in the tailor’s
hands—he must have a new suit—nay,
he must wait for it, he dare
not appear without it. Is he to be
hanged?—he must have a new suit;
nay, before condemnation he is tried
in his best, as if he were to be judged
as much by appearance as evidence.
The public, the real thinking public,
take more notice of his appearance
than of his crimes. Every journal is
full of accurate detail, not of his doings,
but of his looks and of his dress.
The Pictorials present the very cut of
his coat, and pattern on his waistcoat;
and what the graver cannot, they
supply in words, so that you may see
not only the shape but the colour.
Blue is the favourite colour at the
altar of Hymen,—a suit of black on the
platform of the hangman—but that
is a compliment to the clergy—or a
malice, that folk may think most who
go out of the world that way are of
the cloth—and that is what they call
giving the culprit “the benefit of
clergy.”
Really man should be defined “a
dressing animal.”—Were all the powers
of the earth to meet together to consult
upon their everlasting interests,
the previous question would be, in
what are they to appear; and the
first announcement of the great congress
of the gentlemen of the press
would be what they wore,—what they
said, would be slurred over as of less
importance. Thus, for example, the
Roman historian is particular when
he describes the great ambassador
before the senate of the Carthagenains,
making a fold of his robe, as if it alone
were worthy to contain the fate and
fortunes of empires, asking them
which they would have, Peace or
War—and so letting it fall loose out
of his hand,—just as a modern senator
on the opposition side might put
his hands into his breeches pockets,
make a show of searching, and taking
them out with nothing in them, might,
with all the dignity of senatorial energy,
declare that he could not surmise[660]
where the minister would get his supplies.
It is extraordinary man is ashamed of
nothing so much as of his own natural
figure. It is a mean and low thing to appear
to have flesh and blood, excepting
in the face and hands,—this remark
must, however, apply only to the male
sex. The female is allowed a greater
latitude. Even a Count D’Orsay would
be hooted through the streets, should he
dare to appear, on foot or on horseback,
without a coat, and with his shirtsleeves
tucked up,—such is the obeisance
we make to the tailoring craft.
And if it be a folly, it is one of an old
growth, and is rife among our antipodes
as ourselves. Savage and cultivated,
civil and uncivil, all have the propensity.
The Chinese exquisites felt
the skirts of the coats of the members
of our embassy, and burst out into
immoderate laughter. They quizzed
the cut and colour, proud of their own
envelopes; and, to their cost, judged
us by our clothes. They have since
felt our arms. Your tailor is an important
personage all the world over,
but alas! he is too restricted in his
commerce. He is confined to spots
and spaces, that is, individually speaking,—universal
is the race. It is quite
curious to consider what free trade
may do for him. The export and the
import may quite change the appearances
of all, men, women, and children.
When navigation laws shall be done
away with, and “free bottoms shall
carry free goods,” then, indeed, may it
come to pass that “motley is your only
wear.” The picturesque will triumph;
wondrous will be the variety; in
apparel, China and Kamschatka shall
meet and shuffle together in every
public way. Then “all the world
will be a stage,” and all the men and
women at least look like players. The
drab world will be extinct—it is nearly
so now. Quakers have been long
since ashamed of their Sartorian
antipathies, and from growing to be
coxcombs in their own particular line,
have pretty generally thrown off the
dull garb, and plunged with eagerness
into the emporium of fashion, and
come out so as that their mothers
would not know them. The snake
throws off his old skin, and when he
comes out shining in his new, looks
with a sly leer from under the hedge,
and seemeth to say, “Thanks, friend,
thee hast complimented me by following
my example, I am verily proud of
thy similitude.” Too many of us have
a spice in our veins of the snake’s
venom,—shift skins, and turn coats,—but
no more of that, Eusebius, it
leads to fearful questioning, and we
both eschew politics; and do not let us
call up the evil one, whoever may be
among the tailors. Yet let me remind
you of a whimsical accident that
happened the other day to a certain
M.P., who, having bought a ready-made
paletot, walked boldly into the
streets, forgetting that he was thus
ticketed on the back, “This neat
article to be sold cheap.” I dare to
say, it was warranted to keep its gloss,
and turn as good as new—and that
the wearer peeled well in the house.
You would, I see, implicate
me in fopperies. If it is not my
humour to patronise by personal
wear, I at least panegyrise all fraternities
of tailors. You may make
yourself look ridiculous if you please,
and the change may not ill become
your vagary-loving mind; but I do
not mean to doff my old habit, not
having faith in novelties, that I should
trust the present easy motion of my
limbs to unused ties and compressions.
Dress, with such old ones as we are,
Eusebius, should have the blessings
Sancho bestows upon sleep, and
“should wrap us warm like a blanket;”
and what reason is there that we
should think the worse of ourselves
for showing the dates of our thoughts
and ways, and bearing upon our coats
the figures of a somewhat backward
age. We may yet brighten up our
countenances, and say out of the book
of that dramatist who knew life so
well, and may thus depict ours—even
for some few years to come, my dear
good Eusebius,—
But, by the mass, our hearts are in the trim.”
They that have taken off and put on
their clothes as often as you and I
have done, may well look upon them
as old friends, with their familiar
looks, and see in their wear and tear
a certain kinship with ourselves, and
all our own elbow rubs that the world
hath given us, and the thread-bare[661]
arguments that we have put upon
ourselves, from which we imagined
we could raise fine flattering maxims,
and substantial truths, which have
more deceived us in the wear than in
the affection with which they retain
us and are still retained.
says the old song,—and how much
does it imply—what a world of memory
is involved in its every fold. At the
shaking of the skirts out fly visions of
the past,—familiar faces, endearing
converse round the pleasant hearth,—cares
that we have wrapped round
with them, buried in them, and now
come up but as effigies of thoughts
that no longer trouble, dreams of life’s
anxieties, from which the mind takes
wholesome food, indulging in the repose
of the old envelopment. Would
you exchange this, Eusebius, for any
new untried thing, forcing its intimacy
upon you without claim to your friendship,
jerking you and twitting you
with impertinent and ill-fitting pressure,
with no other association but of
the congregational squattings of the
nine journeymen who made its existence,
redolent of misshapen and snuff-stained
thumbs?
I would no more willingly part
with the habit that gives me personal
ease, and is familiar with all
my movements, than I would with
that metaphorical habit of mind, of
thoughts and feeling, that makes the
continuing identity of my being. I
say identity, for a man of any character
must identify himself with his
clothes: by wear they acquire somewhat
more than a likeness. No man
can ride the same horse daily for five
years, but the two animals will in
some strange way give out to each
other something of their natures—there
is sure to be a resemblance. So
is it with our clothes. There is an
old caricature of Bunbury’s,—”The
Country Club”—in which this truth is
shown. You know you could put
every man’s hat upon his head, though
they are all hung on pegs. And this
is surely a most characteristic kind of
portraiture. I should as much think
of setting up the painted likeness of a
deceased friend or dearer relative as a
sign to a pot-house for the Saracen’s
head, as I would give his suit of
clothes, at least in the shape in which
he left them, to a mumper that should
go begging in them. Would it not be
an offence, that the noble air of freedom
and of sentient responsibility they
have acquired, should be doomed to contract
in damp and unwholesome decay,
the look of degradation and drooping
melancholy of a vicious meanness,
retaining, at the same time, that something
of the departed, which, by its
presence, seems to connect him with
an abominable deterioration? Let the
clothes be buried with the man, lest
your friend’s very effigies be seen in
low haunts and vile places. For you
can steep them in no dye of a Lethe
that will wash away the remembrances,
the likenesses they have acquired.
Would you have the apron of sanctity
transferred, by ill-advised gift, from a
defunct archbishop to the boddice of
an indecent figurante? Detestable
notions these—that nothing should be
lost, and all turned to use! What use
of any thing is better than that one
which keeps feelings, affections, respect,
entire! Were I a modern
iconoclast, I would rather burn the
petticoats of “our Lady of Loretto,”
than transfer them to a still lower
puppet-show. I had rather say for
ever with the Mayor of Garratt,
“Stand back, you gentleman without
a shirt,” than present him with one
of my grandfather’s wearing. When
a boy, I always used to think it a
painful sight to see cast clothes hung
out on poles or lines, and extending
half across a street, blown to and fro
with the winds, like ghosts affecting
the show and motion of vitality,
undergoing their purification in an
upper aerial purgatory, preparatory to
their metempsychosis, uncertain if
they should adopt unto themselves a
bodily being of a higher or a lower
order. To hang the coat seemed very
like hanging the man.
Pythagoras was the first man, says
history, that wore breeches. When he
hung up the shield of Euphorbus in
the temple of Juno, to show that he
had been Euphorbus, did he suspend
his breeches also? He probably did,
disliking any meaner transmigration
for them; for we are told his fashion
was not followed until some generations
had passed. The modern Pythagorean
would send them to the pawnbrokers.
The fine idea of Lucian, that our[662]
shadows will be our accusers, might
very properly be transferred to coats
and inexpressibles; for, besides that
they might witness of our whereabouts
and of our doings, they might
witness of our ingratitude in casting
them off,—wearing our old friends
thread-bare, and then throwing them
off when they have most singularly
accommodated themselves to all our
strange ways,—of sending them, as
the unfeeling do the high-mettled
racer to the cart, to other service to
which they are but ill-fitted. The
wearer of another man’s coat is guilty
of a kind of larceny; he does more
than steal from the person, he in one
sense steals the person itself! At
least, he should be held responsible
for all that has been done in the coat,
and that on the principle of taxation,
as the law comes not on the tenant
gone off, but upon the land. Better
that a man should make a museum of
his apparel, than part with it out of
the family of which it so properly
forms a part.
A gallery of suspended braces
might represent one’s ancestors,
equally with the be-wigged portraits
that seem to lay their hands upon
their hearts, and say from their
frames, “Posterity, I begot you.” A
breeches-gallery might with much less
expense serve the same purpose; for
if these articles have not fittingly
belonged to posterity, it is notorious
that they have most fittingly belonged
to something very like it. Do you
not think, Eusebius, that these suspension
breeches, the idea of which
is worthy the Shandean philosophy,
would be very expressive of family
character, and nicely distinguish unseemly
interpolation; and that a
genealogical wardrobe-gallery would
become an object of pride, and most
proper appendage to the family seat?
It could no more be doubted to what
race and blood apparel would justly
belong, than to what shoulders certain
heads must belong—which illustration
reminds me of that saying of
Bishop Bonner’s to Henry VIII. who
threatened to cut off the head of every
Frenchman in his power, should
Francis I. take the life of the bishop?
“True, sire,” said he with a smile, “but
I question, if any of their heads would
fit my shoulders as well as that I have
on.” So would the family-fit be no
bad test of the true character and vitality
in the genealogical tree.
I suppose that, by your question—How
I came to be a sloven—you
would have me throw off my old
habits, and put on new—and perhaps,
in your satirical innuendo, attack more
than apparel, which we abuse by metaphor,
when we term ill manners
“bad habits!” Did I tell you how
ingeniously our gay and jocund friend
and poetical satirist defended himself
in encounter of wit with a bantering
opponent? “How do we know,”
said he, “but that our vices may be
our persecuted virtues.” “Slovenry,”
Eusebius, is a persecuted virtue. It
is a tone and virtue that unbends,
loosens the stiffness of the social
body, liberates it from the strict tie
of an awkward formality, and is to
the whole of society what variety is
in the dress in an individual—a happy
relief, without which there would be
too much monotony. The philosopher
who made his bow to the jewelled
and richly dressed man, and thanked
him for the sight, and the trouble he
took in putting on and bearing such a
costly suit, should have been thanked,
in his turn, for acting the foil, the contrast,
which made the finery so conspicuous.
If we were all dressed up
kings and queens—were all the world
to wear a lord mayor’s livery, there
would be no show to see. It is the
intermixture, the great variety, that
makes the exhibition, which is only
then complete when it has a little
dash of slovenry. What a sorry picture
it would be that should have all
bright colours! the finest carnation
is best set off with a little adjacent
umber. You would no more wish to
see people in the streets all dressed
alike, than you would wish to see the
streets all alike, and every house like
another. Nature dresses not after
this one millinery. In the richest
corn field, it is not every blade, and
ear, and stalk, that is equally broad,
full, and straight. Some have a kind
of slovenly lying off from others,
a grace, the very purposed gift of
Nature, to entice the eye to a more
curious and nice selection, whereby to
discover the infinite degrees of beauty,
that all united make the whole perfection.
The precision of the tall and[663]
upright stalk is the more strongly
marked in its strength, by the decoration
of its neighbour—and how
beautifully do a few clustered together
plume off their individual irregularity
into a graceful shape! Has not the
tangled hedge its own beauty even
when it “putteth forth disordered
twigs?” You would not bear all
pruned to one smooth fashion. The
finery of Nature’s robes makes but a
small part of her wardrobe; she hath her
ordinary wear, and even when she putteth
on her mantle of the richest green,
she trims it sparingly—and that for
the most part with a loose lacery of
unobtrusive jasmine and vine-weed.
And the nature that bids all the garniture
of earth thus grow variously
in richness, in moderation, and in a
sweet and humble disorder, putteth
it into man’s mind; for he is doomed
to dress himself, so as to follow her law;—and
thus it is, that in any given
number of persons you shall see some
few endowed with this natural gift and
grace of slovenry. And that careless,
modest, unassuming part in the arabesque
ornament of life, you and I,
Eusebius, are intended to perform.
One character for the harlequin, another
for the clown, and we must have
the lean and slippered pantaloon—and
there must be some one besides, my
good friend, to play the fool too, or
the stage will not be well filled, nor
the comedy of life well performed,
nor the spectators well pleased.
Take, Eusebius, which part you
please,—you will ultimately fall into
your natural character, and however
you may shift a little with age, you
will ever have a hankering after “one
more last appearance” in motley. I
doubt if the daily moving scene would
be perfect without the beggar’s rags.
Their loose uncared for freedom, the
independence of an escape beyond the
limits of poverty, which, says the satirist,
makes men ridiculous, floating
in the wind or drooping in the rain,
alike defying and disregarding the
better or the worse of fortune, have
their moral as well as pictorial use and
dignity too in the panorama. The
beggar’s negligence is the running
commentary on the rich man’s
anxieties. All is right in its place;
you have only to look and admire the
show. The grandest cathedrals, with
their ornamented towers or spires seeking
heaven as their own, are not always
the worse for a contiguous
poverty of humble dwellings, which
they do but seem to take under their
sacred protection; and thus the low
elevates still more the great. You
and I may be well content, by the
lowness of our apparel, to magnify the
magnificent; only, I confess that when
I find myself standing as a foil to one
of our rough-haired, be-whiskered and
bearded fops, I do sometimes feel inclined
to throw a nut in his way to
see if he be a monkey or a man. One
would not wish to be showman to the
brute. The contempt of the fop is of
little moment; and here I cannot but
think Anacharsis was wrong, when he
proposed to himself to leave Greece
on account of the derision cast upon
him for his dress.
I admire your offering the example
of Aristippus, as an inducement to
quit the character of the sloven. You
say he accepted a rich robe; but you
must remember that the wiser Plato
refused it. Besides, it was in the
philosophy of Aristippus to take either
part, and to appear fop or sloven as
his humour pleased him, or convenience
led him. “Omnis Aristippum
decuit color,” says Horace; and let
me suggest that color must have
meant, not color vitæ, (or if it so be,
it is a metaphor from the thing,) but
the colour of his cloth—black, perhaps,
turned brown—seedy.
He was certainly one to “cut his coat
according to his cloth.” Diogenes in
his rags and his tub was a coxcomb—one
would not be like him; he tricked
up his poverty, to be observed, and
looked at, and admired, quite as much
as any other coxcomb would trick out
his fashion for the eye. When he
desired Alexander to step aside, not
to interpose his person between him
and the sun, it was but a self-magnifying
vanity, that his filthy rags might
be the more conspicuous and set off
in the splendour of a new light, as
conceited religionist sects have done,
calling aloud for the finger of scorn to
point at the filthy rags of their own
flesh and blood; vilifying their bodily
man, that their unfleshed and spiritual
selves might be seen by that
glass through which they bid you look,
to rise above and shine in the new[664]
light of their own glorification—an
idea which they have borrowed from
those picture-cherubs, who, only heads
and wings, seem altogether to have
dropped their bodies and enveloped
themselves in a smoky and cloudy
vapour peculiarly their own. And
truly, Eusebius, I am apt to agree
with you, when we see these congregated
saints of the New Calendar, and
to join in their personal vilification,
and to think that merely heads and
wings might offer a more salutary
odour of sanctity than that which you
say you have ever found too pungent
in the “Rag Fair” of their New-Paradise
Row.
And your Aristippus was not
quite to my mind; for though there
was a show of wisdom in his carelessness,
it was the very show
that was displeasing, and the easy
putting on of other men’s tastes and
opinions, as if he himself was as
changeable as they. Does not the
confirmed sloven appear to be actuated
by a nobler kind of philosophy, who,
with a soul bent, as man’s should be,
on durability, resisting to the utmost
a common, degrading, and visible
mutability, and seeing how changeable
a thing fashion of any kind is, and
how unworthy a thing it is to become
to-morrow utterly unlike what he is
to-day, and to be to-day what he was
not yesterday, despises these shiftings
and changes,—these fittings on and
takings off,—these ever-varying metamorphoses
that so unman him, and
rests with a firm disregard of appearance,
which, if unsteady, must be
false to the character that is or should
be within him; and if it be not false,
is but the greater shame, and fixes the
instability upon his mind? Is it not a
kind of blot upon the fair profession
of respect and reverence, to stoop and
put on the livery of a fashion which
leads you up to the portraits of your
ancestors, and bids you turn to ridicule
their attire, and perhaps makes you
laugh at the father who begat you?—or
subject yourself to a like disgrace,
by imagining them to be looking down
from the walls in contempt upon yourself,
and that the fading colours blush
for you? I have heard a neighbour
tell of a friend of his, who had done
great things, in a worldly sense, for
his family, and who, wishing to stand
well in the eyes of his posterity, with
an affectionate reminiscence had his
portrait taken in his wedding-suit.
But after this, going to a play, and
seeing the counterpart upon the stage,
he bethought him that such might be
the case with his suit,—that it might
be sold, and go to the theatrical wardrobe:
so, as he said, to save his
posterity the disgrace of casting contempt
or ridicule upon one who had
done so much for them, he had the
dress painted out, and left it in his
will, that the real wedding-suit should
be buried with him. Indeed, it is
recorded of a gentleman about a century
ago, who, having a very goodly
show of ancestors, was so shocked
at the unfashionable appearances of
his Vandykes, that he had the fashionable
bob-wigs of the day put upon
them all.
And this, Eusebius, reminds me to
speak of painters, who in nothing are
more at a loss than in what manner
to dress their sitters. They have
almost all come to the conviction at
last, that a kind of slovenly undress
is the best, and are sure to adopt it,
unless by particular desire, and to
commemorate official consequence,
the robes and chain of a lord mayor
are required, at an extra charge, or
the solemn look of one who is nobody
must be removed from asinine insignificance
by a great quantity of fur,
or a red curtain suspended from a marble
column in the open air. Sculptors
take a bolder step, and, with a taste
that does credit to their sagacity,
give the bust, without hesitation, a
slovenly dignity,—simply throw an
old huckaback towel round the chest
and over the shoulder, and trust to
the features of the man and the material
of the marble to add weight and
consequence. The historical painter
would be worse off still, had he not by
common consent a kind of sovereignty
over dress. His greatest desire is,
upon all occasions, entirely to discard
it, as much as may be to paint the
nude, as if there were no truth but
naked truth. The trim suit is his aversion;
the wardrobe for his lay figures
offers but a curious assemblage of rags.
It would be difficult to learn how
to grapple with this Proteus of dress—mutable
fashion. I am told that our
dresses, male and female, were extremely[665]
ridiculous in the eyes of the
French, when we visited the continent
after the Peace. The Persian visitors
were astonished that we wore our
hair in the wrong place—on the head
instead of the chin. There is almost
a slovenly simplicity which alone properly
imitates the natural ease and
grace of unconfined nature. The
farther we depart from it, we go but
back again to the rude, uncultured
barbarian. Sir Joshua somewhere
says, that if a tattooed Indian and
a powdered and buttoned man of
fashion should meet in the street, he
that laughed first would be the real
savage.
I am not, Eusebius, contending
against the advice of Polonius,
You should, however, remember to
whom that advice was given,—to
the courtier Laertes, that “man about
town” in Denmark.
Your quotation will not, be assured,
fit me, and, I suspect, not yourself
either, with a new suit. We must
play our parts, and dress accordingly.
For, as the old courtier adds—
I would have your courtier, who is
but a sort of palace furniture, dress to
suit, and make perfect the millinery
and upholstery about him. You say
that the being a good dresser made
the fortune of Sir Walter Raleigh,
when he threw his costly paletot
before the feet of Queen Elizabeth.
True; but that trick is not to be
played twice. You are more likely
to enter the palace like the boy Jones,
than through any such Eusebian
gallantry. And what should you or
I do there? You would make but a
sorry Aristippus, wearing your court
suit, indeed, “with a difference;”
for there is not a tailor that would
not mismeasure you in your unsteady
postures; and you would make them
worse by your uncontrolled laugh at
your new position.
I am no greater sloven than yourself.
You have, in fact, therein the
advantage of me by a greater laxity.
You could not make a Mantalini. But—not
to think of that extravagance—let
me remind you of a kind of “well-dressed
man” whom I have often
heard you say you should like to trip
up and lodge in a gutter. It is one
who is always well-dressed, always
the same, whatever the temperature—one
whom rain never wets, suns never
make to fade, whom dirt will not
splash. In summer he never looks
hot. Dust will not attach to his boots
or to his coat. He walks about, and
always alone. He is quite out of the
pale and contact of friendship, as if
the invisible creatures so admirably
described in the “Rape of the Lock”
were with invisible brushes ever busying
themselves about his male attire.
You never see him accost or be
accosted by man or woman. His
shadow, if he has one, must smooth
the dust upon which it falls. There
is no wear and tear in him, nor in
any thing about him. His voice, if
utterance he hath, must be of a poor
monotony, of a preservative tone, and
without growth. Whence he comes
or whither he goes, is an undivulged
secret. Does he undress? He
is so unchangeable, so ever the same
neat, well-dressed, unsoiled, and unsoilable
man. He never was in a
chrysalis state. He must have been
beat out of some tailor’s brains with a
goose, and come into the world ready
dressed, and unborn of woman. However
fashion changes, it is all the
same, he is never out of it. Like
dissolving views, he slides unnoticeably
from costume to costume, without
one article about him being ever
newer or older, and you never can tell
where the difference is. Changes
must take place, yet in some charmed
invisible manner. He is like a man
made by the magical words of Pancrates
the Memphian out of a broomstick,
and set walking about, and as
if the Encrates tailor had forgotten
the charm to reduce him again; and
so he had walked about ever since.
While I thus laugh in the glory of
slovenliness, I must refrain from entering
upon a wider field,—woman’s
influences in the full dressed world.—Let
them enjoy their prerogative undisturbed.
As we shall not undergo
a feminine metamorphosis, we are not
likely to suffer, from their amiable
dress vagaries, unless they should
return to some of their older fashions,
in which case, we must alter our very
houses to please them; as was done
for Isabel of Bavaria, the luxurious[666]
consort of Charles VI. of France, who,
when he kept court at Vincennes, was
compelled to call in the architect, and
have all the doors of the palace made
higher, to admit the head-dresses of
the Queen and her ladies. Yet we
need not laugh, for, Eusebius, if the
trunk hose should come into vogue
again, our doorways must be widened.
That would not be so bad as a
return on our side of the question to
a tight fit, on which condition every
limb was in misery, that, to think of,
will reconcile you to our loose indifference.
What a monstrous contrast of
extremes has been exhibited, from the
tight pantaloon, such as we see it in
some old pictures, to the great breeches
worn in the beginning of the reign of
Elizabeth! In the “Pedigree of the
English gallant,” an account is given
of a man, whom the Judges accused
of wearing breeches contrary to law,
(a law was made against them.) His
defence of himself is curious. “He
drawed out of his sloops the contents,”
viz., a pair of sheets, two table-cloths,
ten napkins, four shirts, a brush, a
glass, and a comb, with night-caps, and
other things, saying, “Your worships
may understand, that because I have
no safer a store-house, these pockets
do serve me for a room to lay up my
goods in, and though it be a straight
prison, yet it is big enough for them,
for I have many things of value yet
within it.” He was discharged, as he
should have been, with his merchandise,
and allowed to trade freely on
his own bottom. Hudibras carried
some such a cupboard. Small must
have been the population, when these
inexpressibles, great inexpressibles,
gallanted with the ladies’ large hoop
farthingales. A few pairs must have
occupied no small space. A courtship
in those days must have resembled a
siege, where the principal defence lay
in the outworks, and the difficulty of
approach was not a little enhanced by
the encumbrances of the advancing
party.
Who was the first coxcomb? Was
dress, in its origin, a modest or immodest
appendage to the person; or
rather when did it first cease to be
merely a protection or concealment?
Is love of ornament a natural virtue,
or a superinduced vice? These are
curious speculations. There is an
old play I have somewhere read of,
which represents our first parents in
Paradise perfectly nude, and so were
they exhibited, and in public, without
shame. The subsequent acts introduced
them dressed; and the last act,
I believe, in the fashion of the day in
which the play was acted. As all
plays were then serious, was this
representation a satire on coxcombry,
and intended to exhibit the progress
of personal degradation?
What does a man propose to himself
when he goes to his tailor’s? Is
it to be clothed or adorned? Is it to
hide a defect, that he may not appear
worse than he is, or that he may
appear better than he is? To attract
observation or to escape it. Is the pride
in dress, or in undress? Ingenious
in self-deceit was the reply of the man
reproved for the badness of his dress,
“Oh every body knows me here;”
and his reply when seen in the same
suit far from his home, “Oh nobody
knows me here.” This was a true
amateur; he loved slovenliness for its
own sake. Few believe themselves
so ill-made, as that the “dogs will
bark at them.” Even Richard III., who
owned to his deformity, gets a little
in love with himself, and thinks of
adorning his person. “I do mistake
my person all this while.” He determines
to act the exquisite.
And entertain a score or two of tailors,
To study fashions to adorn my body.
Since I have crept in favour with myself,
I will maintain it with some little cost.”
Or does the satirical and successful
Richard merely laugh at your fop-wooers,
and, proud of his own superiority,
contemn them, by imagining
their dress on his own person? One
would really think, from the figures one
sees, that there are people who dress
purposely to spite the tailors, as there
are those who are paid to be walking
placards of recommendation.
The butcher who ran after the fat
man, and stopped him crying, “Be so
good, sir, as to say you buy your meat
of me,” was not more aware of the
benefit of such a personal recommendation,
than is our fashionable
tailor. A well-made man, if he is in
tolerable fashion, may be supplied with
clothes, as I am credibly informed, for[667]
nothing but the merely notifying the
makers. They are the decoy-ducks,
excepting that, though they have fine
feathers, they have no bills.
I am told that a fashionable tailor
would be quite shy of an ill-made and
vulgar looking customer; and generally
charges his dislike in his bill,
that he may lose him. I knew a
portrait painter, that professed to decline,
painting ugly people, upon that
principle, and consequently his success
was quite astonishing; every one
he did paint was in better humour
with himself, and was proud of his
certificate of beauty when he named
the artist. Were you and I, Eusebius,
to presume to enter the saloon
of a fashionable cutter, and order
suits, they would be purposely so ill-made,
that no one should suspect
from whence they came. And we
should ever wear them with a hitch of
discomfort in some part or other. So
that, were we to try our best at foppery,
we could not now succeed. I have tried
it upon various occasions, and convinced
myself that I was not born to it,
and certainly neither of us has acquired
a second nature that any tailor would
recognise. A tailor’s man, like the
poet, must be born with nature’s fit,
or nothing else will fit him,—”nascitur
non fit.” Some wear their limbs so
loosely, that they move them as do
those German toys, whose legs you
see children jerk with a string. The
best Sartorial artist can make nothing
of them; they are a mockery even
upon the manufacture of “journeymen,”
they “imitate nature so abominably.”
How I came to be a sloven! Well,
if I am a sloven, which I hardly
know how to admit, and if I am a
little in love with a kind of genteel
slovenry, how came I by it? I did
not take to it naturally, as you did,
Eusebius; I caught it. And once
caught, however we may upon occasions
throw it off, it returns like an
influenza, and becomes a continual
habit. Few, indeed, are there who
are not born with a contrary propensity,
inheriting it from their
mothers, whose preparations for the
coming offspring were of the finest,
the ventum textilem, as Apuleius
calls it,—woven wind. Early, indeed,
in his day of existence, is the little
infant taught to show off, both his
nude and his finery, and to hear the
beauty of both commended. Thus is
vanity engendered in the bud. You
were a born genius, and exempt from
the cradle from this visible mark of
frailty. It was not so with me; I
was an incipient fop before I could
walk. And now I remember, Eusebius,
that I sent you a letter some
years ago, that should have answered,
though perhaps imperfectly, your question.
It was a “passage of autobiography,”
giving you an account of
my first entrance at a public school,
and how I was “breeched.” How
one Mr. Flight, after much tugging
and pulling, by himself and foreman,
did contrive to fit me into a pair of
mouse-colour leather inexpressibles,—a
good name for them, too, for I was
hardly pressible in or out of them.
Do you not remember my narration
of the second time of putting them on,
on my first morning at Winchester
College, while the chapel bell was
going, and I not yet fitted in; and
how at last I did contrive to get some
portion of me into them, and to fasten
one button, and how I ran (but that
word won’t express the movement I
made) breathless into the chapel,
and on kneeling down, the button
gave way to my shame, discomfort,
and disgrace, exposure, ridicule. I
might parody what the cock said to
the fox,
This was my first disgust at my own
personal appearance. I hated my
leathers; but they stuck to me,
nevertheless,—my wardrobe contained
nothing but leathers. I was like the
dog that had killed his first lamb,
forced to wear the skin, that became
more odious every day. Here was a
first distaste to dress. The fit was
uncomfortable enough; but, besides,
I was a subject of ridicule.
Time, with its wear and tear, took
off the pride of my nether garment,
and affected at length a kind of reconciliation
between us. We fitted
each other better, and both entered
into a compact of mutual slovenry.
Things won’t last for ever, although,
in those days, the trade did affect to
manufacture a material they called[668]
“everlasting.” As the quotation
from an old song will show:
May become everlasting to-morrow.”
With new breeches come new manners,
new ideas. Foppery takes growth
again, though it is somewhat tender;
struggles for life, but somehow
or other acquires strength in the
struggle. You contend against it,
you wrestle with it, and, by a kind
of enchantment, it becomes the
tailor Antæus, and rises from every
defeat a bigger man than ever. Behold
me, let me stand for my picture,
Ætatis 18, Scholæ Wintoniensis
alumnus. The date is at present
unmentionable,—it will be found
one of these days at the back of
the canvass; behold me at the college
gates, turning my back, for about my
last holidays, upon those statuesque
antique worthies, Sophocles, Euripides,
Æschylus. We have shaken hands
finally with the sublime Longinus,
preferring for the time a “sublime
and beautiful” of our own, a butterfly
of the first down. On second
thoughts, I am not quite fit to stand
there yet; I must describe my preliminary
state. My boots, I rather
think, my first boots, had come home
the night before; boots then were no
more like boots now, than are loose
trousers to Mr. Flight’s mouse-coloured
tights. There was nearly the same
process of pulling and tugging to get
them on, and when once on, the
revocare gradum was next to an impossibility.
The leather, too, was
of a more soaky oily kind, I suppose,
and stuck like adhesive plaster, and
drew like that medicated material.
My boots were on, over-night, but no
tug of war, no steam power of man
or men—for we all tugged, and all
steamed—could get them off. So it
was determined I should sleep in
them. It was very well so to determine,
but sleep, as the negro said,
“hab no massa,” and would not
obey. The bootmaker had advised
and disappeared. It was soon found
a just observation, Ne sutor ultra crepidam.
Sleep would not be bed ridden,
for I was booted, possibly spurred;
not even a classical charm would do,
Brachia nexa tenens ultro te somne repellit,
Inde veni.”
Sleep was only the more obstinate,
and preferred better society, or worse.
Sleep has been too much petted by
panegyrists, till he has learnt ill manners,
lies down with the clown and
the drunkard, for whom he leaves
the presence and courting arms of
suffering beauty,—such were my
thoughts in those youthful classical
and romantic days, and the above
passage was most likely Latinised,—”shown
up.” Probatum est.
I must hasten on, for I am, though
booted, not dressed yet. With a
sickening sensation, at the earliest
gray light of a midsummer dawn, did
I put on my clothes—my bran-new,
in which I was to go out into the
sunshine of life. First, there was a
pair of bright orange-colour plush
breeches; a light buff waistcoat with
a sham-red under; a coat—no—nor
jacket nor coat, but a beautiful tailor-creation,
a coatee; colour, green;
buttons, shining metal. My boots
were of the kind called tops.
Now I am ready to stand at the
college gates for my picture, whip in
hand, though a chaise is waiting for
me and two more. My “copartners in
exile” temporary, are waiting for me.
They vociferate impatience. Is the
portrait finished? Then complete it
at your leisure, secundum artem. I
am off. But while I have been standing
for this portrait, the sun has risen;
it is intensely hot. Heat of weather,
tight boots, and swelling legs and
limbs, are doing their work in and
out of me. I am in a sad perspiration;
and so off we go. We had reached
the first mile-stone; then I discover
I had left my purse behind me. Out
I leap, run all the way back to
“chamber,” and away again to the
chaise. I have at this moment a
painful remembrance of that short
pedestrian excursion—the heat intense,
the orange-yellow plush flushing
up into my face, the glare of buttons,
the now-agony of my booted legs
and feet, the difficulty of making the
needful speed, and fear of the practical
joke of leaving me behind—altogether
these pains and discomforts put me
into a kind of bilious fever, so that, if I
did not loathe myself, I did most thoroughly
my clothes. From that day
I took a disgust to yellows, any thing
glaring—abhorred my orange-plush:[669]
and I do not believe I had any symptom
of foppery about me for three
years after that memorable time.
There is, indeed, a miniature portrait
of me extant, taken about that period:
it has a dash of powder in the hair, a
rather smirking look; and there is a
blue coat, metal buttons, the yellow
waistcoat and red under; but I suspect
these are not out of my wardrobe.
They are from Mr Carmine’s recipe-book
of portrait costume, and may be
found in page 6, lettered, “For very
young gentlemen.” I am pretty sure
the dress, at least as it looks there,
was not mine; for I remember well a
remonstrance from my parent about
that time, thus—”My son, you are
too great a sloven.”
I never quite recovered this; but
there did come days of philandering,
when I mended a little, and occasionally
appeared thus. Behold me entering
the ball-room—coat, blue, metal
buttons; waistcoat, white dimity;
nethers, black tights; pinkish silk
stockings, highly-polished shoes, with
small silver buckles; hair slightly
powdered, and a slip of a tail that
could flirt with either shoulder. You
will see that there is a little of the
sentimental cast in this: it was a
doubtful dress, capable, by a very
small change, of making the wearer a
Hamlet or a Romeo for the night, as
he might determine beforehand. I
continued thus for a while respectable,
and might have remained so to this
day, but for an unfortunate taste
which I acquired, and which threw
me into irredeemable slovenry, in
which I have remained ever since.
In my idleness, which soon became,
as Shakespeare so aptly calls it,
“shapeless,” I dabbled with paints,
oils, and colours; and as with growing
improvement I enlarged the dimensions
of my operations from inch
to the foot, and from foot to the yard,
I was soon above my elbows in the
unclean “materièl.” There were no
tube colours in those days; we had
bladders. They were always bursting;
and thus they bedaubed the
hands, and the hands bedaubed the
clothes; and amateurs were then
Picts, up to their very eyes. Young
as I was, I of course fancied myself a
genius, and painted so large, and so
largely, that a common-sized palette
impeded my work. I enlarged that,
and increased the quantity of my
colours. I now mention a frequent
disaster, that, being frequent, was
quite enough to make a sloven of any
one. Take the following scene:—A
room such as could be spared me, not
too large, in tolerable confusion;
daubs in all states of disorder on the
walls, against the walls, loose and
strained, in all directions; large slabs
for grinding colours—oils, turpentine,
varnishes, &c. &c., all in that proper
disorganisation to enable any youth of
a tolerably slovenly person to set up
for a genius. Now—it has taken
me an hour to set my palette—look
at it—here is a goodly row of colours
mixed and intermixed after the recipe
of Lionardo da Vinci, who would
have added more, if paper, as he said,
had not failed him. Here, however,
are quite enough—and more than
enough—satis superque—I look at
the palette with extreme satisfaction—my
canvass is on the easel—imagination
begins to work—alas! too
soon—I am not quite ready; I
must put in a cup, that diluent
oil—in another, turpentine; it is
done. I am a little weary, and sit,
down for a moment to rest, looking
full on my canvass, and giving loose to
my fancy—I rise, where is my palette—alas!
I have sat upon it. I have had
misfortunes in etching with aqua
fortis—have been the “biter bit”—but
here I was the painter painted.
I do not know why the arts should be
called Fine—”The Fine Arts”—unless
it be in derision of the slovenliness
which they occasion. Many a time
have I sat upon my colours: a poetical
friend once wrote me an ode upon
it, and begged me to learn it by
rote, as a kind of memoria technica,
or charm of preservation. This I declined,
not being good-humoured
enough to admire any poetry not my
own. But I remember upon one
such occasion working off my vexation
in a sonnet. And I recommend the
recipe; you may successfully salve
over many a sore distraction by
soothing verse. There is a great
charm in rhyme, or at least in searching
for it, and versifying either altogether
saves swearing, or enables you
to throw it off very genteelly, and
with a grace. I addressed the Fine[670]
Arts, whose epithet Fine I take to be
given with a superstition of dread, as
the old poets did the Furies, calling
them Eumenides, thinking they should
not fare the worse for giving them a
good name; and as later times called
the Fairies “the good people,” lest
they should punish poor innocents,
and pinch o’nights. Read, Eusebius,
my remonstrance to these personified,
deified, and worshipped Fine Arts.
O, ye Fine Arts—why were ye once so Fine,
So dingy now, and working sore disaster;
As that my best of pigments look like plaster,
Compared with those of “Raphael the divine,”
That grow by time still brighter like old wine,
And seem to renovate a dead old master.
Better had I been born to wield a mallet,
A hod, a plough—than sables, hogs and fitches;
If ye must mock and mark your fool your valet,
With motley livery on my coats and breeches;
Making me sit upon my well-set palette,
With merry jeers the whilst I hear you titter,
And compliment me on my only sitter.
Look, Eusebius, as I dare to say
you have often done, into the smudge
of a colour-maker’s shop, and imagine
a personification of it in a
young amateur aspirant. What a
ludicrously serious Harlequin he is
made! At last, in despair of acquirement
of cleanliness, I plunged, as it
were, into the very mud and smudge
of paint, and did not hesitate to wipe
a brush upon my sleeves.
Thus, I acquired a bad habit—and
as I often had the fit to paint when
my better dress was on, I now and
then seized an unlucky moment of desire,
and the better soon came to be
the worse. By degrees I fell into a
despair of mending; and so I became
a confirmed sloven.
One who fastens his knapsack on his
back, that is to hold his temporary all,
including materials for art, and pedestrianises
over a roughish country,
may acquire an exquisite taste; but
he will not be personally an exquisite.
He will be characteristic in
look, of the picturesque which he hunts
after. He will be very unlike the
man I have described to you, whom
dust would not soil, or rain wet, or
sun burn. The geologist who walks
forth, armed to tomahawk the mountains,
and bag their bones, will, in a
month or so, acquire a strange and
stony look; and be, on his first return,
and sitting in civil society, little
better than the “Man Mountain”
himself. Our pursuits are in us and
about us, soil our dress and chisel
our features. We look in the glass,
easily reconcile ourselves to any metamorphosis,
and think no one has a
right to quarrel with that, which we
think, in our self-satisfaction, makes
up our beloved identity. No man
can be every thing—not all
“Admirable Crichtons”—it is the
diversity and the difference that
makes the pleasing motley in the
masquerade of the world. Though
you might dance more like the brutes,
it does not at all follow but that you
may fiddle like Orpheus. Johnson
defended Kit Smart, the sloven,
(mockery of a name,) having himself
no great predilection for clean linen.
Dionysius was more happy in the
“inky cloak” of the slovenly schoolmaster,
than in the golden mantle
which his father took from the statue
of Jupiter.
Let us both be content to remain
as we are. For be assured, Eusebius,
that if we make the attempt to change
our habits, either of person or of mind,
and put on the more trim, and
of more fashionable cut, we shall
but amuse the spectators by becoming
ridiculous; and in making up the
characters that are to figure on the
stage of the drama of life, insignificant
though we be, there will be found
wanting two good slovens.
AN UNPUBLISHED FRENCH NOVEL.
In the year 1843, a fancy fair was
held at Paris, for the benefit of the
sufferers by an earthquake in the
island of Guadaloupe. The patronage
of the Queen of the French, added to
the strong sympathy awakened by the
catastrophe, filled the bazaar with a
gay throng, delighted to combine
amusement with charity, and to chaffer
for baubles with aristocratic saleswomen.
Amidst the multitude of
tasteful trifles, exposed for sale was
a contribution from Queen Marie
Amélie—fifty books, printed at the
royal press and elegantly bound.
They were fifty copies of a volume
containing three charming tales, and
soon it was whispered that no others
had been printed, and that the author
was a lady of rank, distinguished for
grace and wit, but whose literary
talents were previously unknown, save
to a limited circle of discreet and admiring
friends. At the queen’s request,
and at the voice of pity, pleading for
the unfortunates of Point-à-Pitre,
she had sanctioned the printing of
fifty copies; these taken, the types had
been broken up. Such rumours were
more than sufficient to stimulate curiosity,
and raise the value of the volume.
Every body knows that an
author’s title often sells a stupid book;
should any doubt it, we refer them to
our friends Puff and Co.; how much
greater the attraction when the book
is a clever one, written by a countess,
printed by a sovereign’s command,
and at a royal press. The market
rose instantly. Sixty francs, eighty
francs, five napoleons, were freely
given; how much higher competition
raised the price, we cannot say; but
we are credibly informed the improvement
did not stop there.
The editor of the Revue des Deux
Mondes was not the last to hear the
history of the volume. He procured
a copy, and esteeming it unjust to
reserve for a few what was meant for
mankind, by limiting the produce of so
graceful a pen to the narrow circulation
of fifty copies—he laid violent hands
upon one of the tales, and reprinted
it in his excellent and widely-circulated
periodical. Although literally
a day after the fair, it was not the
less acceptable and successful. The
tale, whose title is “Resignation,” was
attributed by many to the amiable
Duchess of Orleans, then in the first
year of her widowhood. The real
authoress is the Countess d’Arbouville,
wife of the lieutenant-general
of that name, granddaughter of
Madame d’Houdetot, and niece by
marriage of Monsieur de Barante. Inheriting
much of the wit of her celebrated
ancestress, and no small share
of the literary aptitude of her accomplished
uncle, this lady, without
aiming at the reputation of a woman
of letters, writes tales of very remarkable
merit. Whilst her husband, as
governor of Constantine, wields the
sabre in defence of Algeria, the Countess,
secluded in her boudoir, beguiles
her leisure and delights her friends by the
exercise of her pen. Last spring,
it became known that she had completed
the matter of a second volume.
Thereupon, she was so besieged by
petitioners for the favour of a perusal,
that in self-defence, and out of regard
to the integrity of her manuscript,
she was compelled to print fifty copies
for private circulation. Through the
kindness of a Parisian friend one of
these has reached us. It contains
two tales. The first, “Le Medecin
du Village,” is a simple and touching
story, highly attractive by its purity
of style and exquisite feeling. The
circumstances under which it was
printed forbid criticism; otherwise
we might cavil at its introduction
as unartistical, and at one of the
incidents—the restoration of an idiot
boy of fifteen to unclouded reason—as
unprecedented and out of nature.
But one dwells not on these blemishes
whilst reading the old doctor’s affecting
tale, which does equal honour to
the heart and mind of the authoress.
We would gladly place it before our
readers in an English dress, but the
indefatigable Monsieur Buloz, ever
watchful of the interests of his review,
has already pounced upon it. It had
scarcely been printed, when he transferred
it to the pages of the Revue des
Deux Mondes. We are obliged, therefore,[672]
to content ourselves with the
second tale, no way inferior to its
fellow, but whose greater length compels
us to abridge. This we would
fain avoid, for even without such curtailment
it is impossible to render in
another language the full charm of the
original, a charm residing in delicacy
of style and touch rather than in description
or incident. We will do our
best, however, and should the attempt
meet the eye and disapproval of
Madame d’Arbouville, we wish it
may stimulate her to print her next
work by thousands instead of tens,
that all conversant with the French
tongue may have opportunities of reading
and appreciating the productions
of so pleasing a writer.
The tale in question is entitled—
UNE HISTOIRE HOLLANDAISE.
It was the hour of sunrise. Not
the gorgeous sunrise of Spain or Italy,
when the horizon’s ruddy blaze suddenly
revives all that breathes, when
golden rays mingle with the deep
azure of a southern sky, and nature
bursts into vitality and vigour, as if
light gave life. The sun rose upon
the chilly shores of Holland. The
clouds opened to give exit to a pale
light, without heat or brilliancy.
Nature passed insensibly from sleep
to waking, but continued torpid when
ceasing to slumber. No cry or joyous
song, no flight of birds, or bleating of
flocks, hail the advent of a new day.
On the summit of the dykes, the reed-hedges
bend before the breeze, and
the sea-sand, whirled over the slight
obstacle, falls upon the meadows,
covering their verdure with a moving
veil. A river, yellow with the slime
of its banks, flows peaceably and
patiently towards the expectant
ocean. Seen from afar, its waters
and its shore appear of one colour,
resembling a sandy plain; save where
a ray of light, breaking upon the surface,
reveals by silvery flashes the
passage of the stream. Ponderous
boats descend it, drawn by teams of
horses, whose large feet sink into the
sand as they advance leisurely and
without distress to the goal of their
journey. Behind them strides a
peasant, whip on shoulder; he hurries
not his cattle, he looks neither at the
stream that flows, nor the beasts that
draw, nor the boat that follows; he
plods steadily onwards, trusting to
perseverance to attain his end.
Such is a corner of the picture presented
to the traveller in Holland, the
country charged, it would seem, more
than any other, to enforce God’s
command to the waters, Thou shalt go
no farther! This silent repose of
creatures and things, this mild light,
these neutral tints and vast motionless
plains, are not without a certain
poetry of their own. Wherever space
and silence are united, poetry finds
place; she loves all things more or
less, whether smiling landscape or
dreary desert; light of wing, a trifle
will detain and support her—a blade
of grass often suffices. And Holland,
which Butler has called a large ship
always at anchor, has its beauties for
the thoughtful observer. Gradually
one learns to admire this land at war
with ocean and struggling daily for
existence; those cities which compel
the waters to flow at their ramparts’
foot, to follow the given track, and
abide in the allotted bed; then those
days of revolt, when the waves would
fain reconquer their independence,
when they overflow and inundate,
and destroy, and at last, constrained
by the hand of man, subside and again
obey.
As the sun rose, a small boat glided
rapidly down the stream. It had a single
occupant, a tall young man, lithe,
skilful, and strong, who, although
apparently in haste, kept near the
shore, following the windings of the
bank, and avoiding the centre of the
current, which would have accelerated
his progress. At that early hour the
fields were deserted; the birds alone
had risen earlier than the boatman,
whose large hat of gray felt lay beside
him, whilst his brown locks, tossed
backward by the wind, disclosed
regular features, a broad open forehead,
and eyes somewhat thoughtful,
like those of the men of the north.
His costume denoted a student from
a German university. One gathered
from his extreme youth, that his life[673]
had hitherto passed on academic
benches, and that it was still a new
and lively pleasure to him to feel the
freshness of morning bathe his brow,
the breeze play with his hair, the
stream bear along his bark. He
hastened, for there are times when
we count the hours ill; when we outstrip
and tax them with delay. Then,
if we cannot hurry the pace of time,
we prefer at least to wait at the appointed
spot. It calms impatience,
and resembles a commencement of
happiness.
When the skiff had rounded a promontory
of the bank, its speed increased,
as if the eye directing it
had gained sight of the goal. At a
short distance the landscape changed
its character. A meadow sloped
down to the stream, fringed by a thick
hedge of willows, half uprooted and
inclined over the water. The boat
reached the shadow of the trees,
and stopping there, rocked gently on
the river, secured by a chain cast
round a branch. The young man
stood up and looked anxiously through
the foliage; then he sang, in a low
tone, the burthen of a ballad, a love-plaint,
the national poetry of all countries.
His voice, at first subdued, not
to break too suddenly the surrounding
silence, gradually rose as the song
drew to a close. The clear mellow
notes escaped from the bower of
drooping leaves, and expired without
echo or reply upon the surface of the
pasture. Then he sat down and
contemplated the peaceful picture
presented to his view. The gray sky
had that melancholy look so depressing
to the joyless and hopeless; the
cold dull water rolled noiselessly onward;
to the left, the plain extended
afar without variety of surface. A
few windmills reared their gaunt arms,
waiting for the wind; and the wind,
too weak to stir them, passed on and
left them motionless. To the right,
at the extremity of the little meadow,
stood a square house of red bricks and
regular construction, isolated, silent,
and melancholy. The thick greenish
glass of the windows refused to reflect
the sunbeams; the roof supported
gilded vanes of fantastical form; the
garden was laid out in formal parterres.
A few tulips, drooping their heavy
heads, and dahlias, propped with white
sticks, were the sole flowers growing
there, and these were hemmed in and
stifled by hedges of box. Trees, stunted
and shabby, and with dust-covered
leaves, were cut into walls and into
various eccentric shapes. At the corners
of the formal alleys, whose complicated
windings were limited to a narrow
space, stood a few plaster figures.
One of these alleys led to the willow-hedge.
There nature resumed her
rights; the willows grew free and
unrestrained, stretching out from the
land and drooping into the water;
their inclined trunks forming flying-bridges,
supported but at one end.
The bank was high enough for a certain
space to intervene between the
stream and the horizontal stems. A
few branches, longer than the rest,
swept the surface of the river, and
were kept in constant motion by its
current.
Beneath this dome of verdure the
boat was moored, and there the young
man mused, gazing at the sky—melancholy
as his heart—and at the stream,
in its course uncertain as his destiny.
A few willow leaves fluttered against
his brow, one of his hands hung in the
water, a gentle breeze stirred his hair;
nameless flowerets, blooming in the
shelter of the trees, gave out a faint
perfume, detectible at intervals, at the
wind’s caprice. A bird, hidden in
the foliage, piped an amorous note,
and the student, cradled in his skiff,
awaited his love. Ungrateful that
he was! he called time a laggard, and
bid him speed; he was insensible to
the charm of the present hour. Ah!
if he grows old, how well will he
understand that fortune then lavished
on him the richest treasures of life—hope
and youth!
Suddenly the student started, stood
up, and, with outstretched neck, and
eyes riveted on the trees, he listened,
scarce daring to breathe. The foliage
opened, and the face of a young girl
was revealed to his gaze. “Christine!”
he exclaimed.
Christine stepped upon the trunk
of the lowest tree, and seated herself
with address on this pliant bench,
which her weight, slight as it was,
caused to yield and rock. One of her
arms, extended through the branches
that drooped towards the water,
reached that of her lover, who tenderly[674]
pressed her hand. Then she drew
herself up again, and the tree, less
loaded, seemed to obey her will by
imitating her movement. The young
man sat in his boat, with eyes uplifted
towards the willow on which she he
loved reposed.
Christine Van Amberg had none of
the distinguishing features of the
country of her birth. Hair black as
the raven’s wing formed a frame to a
face full of energy and expression.
Her large eyes were dark and penetrating;
her eyebrows, strongly marked
and almost straight, would perhaps
have imparted too decided a character
to her young head, if a charming expression
of candour and naïveté had
not given her the countenance of a
child, rather than of a woman. Christine
was fifteen years of age. A
slender silver circlet bound her brow
and jet-black tresses—a holiday ornament,
according to her country’s custom:
but her greatest festival was
the sight of her lover. She wore a
simple muslin dress of a pale blue
colour; a black silk mantle, intended
to envelope her figure, was placed
upon her hair, and fell back upon her
shoulders, as if the better to screen
her from the gaze of the curious.
Seated on a tree trunk, surrounded by
branches and beside the water, like
Shakspere’s Ophelia, Christine was
charming. But although young,
beautiful, and beloved, deep melancholy
was the characteristic of her
features. Her companion, too, gazed
mournfully at her, with eyes to which
the tears seemed about to start.
“Herbert,” said the young girl,
stooping towards her lover, “Herbert,
be not so sad! we are both too young
to despair of life. Herbert! better
times will come.”
“Christine! they have refused me
your hand, expelled me your dwelling,—they
would separate us entirely:
they will succeed, to-morrow perhaps!…”
“Never!” exclaimed the young girl,
with a glance like the lightning’s flash.
But, like that flash, the expression of
energy was momentary, and gave
way to one of calm melancholy.
“If you would, Christine, if you
would!… how easy were it to fly
together, to unite our destinies on a
foreign shore, and to live for each
other, happy and forgotten!… I
will lead you to those glorious lands
where the sun shines as you see it in
your dreams,—to the summit of lofty
mountains whence the eye discovers a
boundless horizon,—to noble forests
with their thousand tints of green,
where the fresh breeze shall quicken
your cheek, and sweep from your
memory these fogs, this humid clime,
these monotonous plains. Our days
shall pass happily in a country worthy
of our loves.”
As Herbert spoke, the young girl
grew animated; she seemed to see
what he described, her eager eye
sought the horizon as though she
would overleap it, her lips parted as
to inhale the mountain breeze. Then
she passed her hand hastily across her
eyes, and sighed deeply. “No!” she
exclaimed, “no, I must remain here!…
Herbert, it is my country:
why does it make me suffer? I remember
another sky, another land,—but
no, it is a dream! I was born
here, and have scarcely passed the
boundary of this meadow. My mother
sang too often beside my cradle
the ballads and boleros of her native
Seville; she told me too much of
Spain, and I love that unknown
land as one pines after an absent
friend!”
The young girl glanced at the river,
over which a dense fog was spreading.
A few rain-drops pattered amongst the
leaves; she crossed her mantle on her
breast, and her whole frame shivered
with sudden chill.
“Leave me, Christine, you suffer!
return home, and, since you reject my
roof and hearth, abide with those who
can shelter and warm you.”
A sweet smile played upon Christine’s
lips. “My beloved,” she said,
“near you I prefer the chilling rain,
this rough branch, and the biting
wind, to my seat in the house, far
from you, beside the blazing chimney.
Ah! with what joy and confidence
would I start on foot for the farthest
corner of the earth, your arm my sole
support, your love my only wealth.
But …”
“What retains you, Christine? your
father’s affection, your sisters’ tenderness,
your happy home?”
The young girl grew pale. “Herbert,
it is cruel to speak thus. Well[675]
do I know that my father loves me not,
that my sisters are often unkind to
me, that my home is unhappy; I
know it, indeed I know it, and I will
follow you … if my mother consents!”
Herbert looked at his mistress
with astonishment. “Child!” he exclaimed,
“such consent will never
leave your mother’s lips. There are
cases where strength and resolution
must be found in one’s own heart.
Your mother will never say yes.”
“Perhaps!” replied Christine,
slowly and gravely. “My mother
loves me; I resemble her in most
things, and her heart understands
mine. She knows that Scripture
says a woman shall leave her father
and mother to follow her husband;
she is aware of our attachment, and,
since our door has been closed against
you, I have not shed a tear that she
has not detected and replied to by
another. You misjudge my mother,
Herbert! Something tells me she
has suffered, and knows that a little
happiness is essential to life as the air
we breathe. Nor would it surprise
me, if one day, when embracing me,
as she does each night when we are
alone, she were to whisper: Begone,
my poor child!”
“I cannot think it, Christine. She
will bid you obey, be comforted,
forget!”
“Forget! Herbert, my mother
forgets nothing. To forget is the
resource of cowardly hearts. No,—none
will bid me forget.”
And once more a gloomy fire flashed
in Christine’s eyes, like the rapid
passage of a flame which illumines
and instantly expires. It was a revelation
of the future rather than the
expression of the present. An ardent
soul dwelt within her, but had not yet
cast off all the encumbrances of childhood.
It struggled to make its way,
and at times, succeeding for a moment,
a word or cry revealed its presence.
“No—I shall not forget,” added
Christine; “I love you, and you love
me, who am so little loved! You find
me neither foolish, nor fantastical, nor
capricious; you understand my reveries
and the thousand strange thoughts
that invade my heart. I am very
young, Herbert; and yet, here, with
my hand in yours, I answer for the
future. I shall always love you!…
and see, I do not weep. I have faith
in the happiness of our love; how?
when? I know not,—it is the secret
of my Creator, who would not have
sent me upon earth only to suffer.
Happiness will come when He deems
right, but come it will! Yes,—I am
young, full of life, I have need of air
and space; I shall not live enclosed
and smothered here. The world is
large, and I will know it; my heart
is full of love, and will love for ever.
No tears, dearest! obstacles shall be
overcome, they must give way, for
I will be happy!”
“But why delay, Christine? My
love! my wife! an opportunity lost
may never be regained. A minute
often decides the fate of a lifetime.
Perhaps, at this very moment, happiness
is near us! A leap into my
boat, a few strokes of the oar, and we
are united for ever!… Perhaps,
if you again return to land, we are
for ever separated. Christine, come!
The wind rises: beneath my feet is a
sail that will quickly swell and bear
us away rapidly as the wings of
yon bird.”
Tears flowed fast over Christine’s
burning cheeks. She shuddered,
looked at her lover, at the horizon,
thought of liberty; she hesitated,
and a violent struggle agitated her
soul. At last, hiding her face amongst
the leafage of the willow, she clasped
her arms round its stem, as if to withhold
herself from entering the boat,
and in a stifled voice muttered the
words,—”My mother!” A few seconds
afterwards, she, raised her pallid
countenance.
“If I fled,” said she gently, “to
whom would my mother speak of her
dear country? Who would weep
with her when she weeps, if I were
gone? She has other children, but
they are gay and happy, and do not
resemble her. Only my mother and
myself are sad in our house. My
mother would die of my absence. I
must receive her farewell blessing or
remain by her side, chilled like her
by this inclement climate, imprisoned
in yonder walls, ill-treated by those
who love me not. Herbert, I will
not fly, I will wait!” And she made
a movement to regain the strand.
“One instant,—yet one second,—Christine![676]
I know not what chilling
presentiment oppresses my heart.
Dearest,—if we were to meet no
more! If this little corner of earth
were our last trysting-place—these
melancholy willows the witnesses of
of our eternal separation! Is it—can
it be—the last happy hour of my life
that has just slipped by?”
He covered his face with his hands,
to conceal his tears. Christine’s heart
beat violently—but she had courage.
Letting herself drop from the tree,
she stood upon the bank, separated
from the boat, which could not come
nearer to shore.
“Adieu, Herbert!” said she, “one
day I will be your wife, faithful and
loving. It shall be, for I will have
it so. Let us both pray God to hasten
that happy day. Adieu, I love you!
Adieu, and till our next meeting, for
I love you!”
The barrier of reeds and willows
opened before the young girl. A few
small branches crackled beneath her
tread; there was a slight noise in the
grass and bushes, as when a bird takes
flight; then all was silence.
Herbert wept.
The clock in the red brick house
struck eight, and the family of Van
Amberg the merchant were mustered
in the breakfast-room. Christine was
the only absentee. Near the fire
stood the head of the family—Karl
Van Amberg—and beside him his
brother, who, older than himself,
yielded the prerogative of seniority,
and left him master of the community.
Madame Van Amberg was
working near a window, and her two
elder daughters, fair-haired, white-skinned
Dutchwomen, prepared the
breakfast.
Karl Van Amberg, the dreaded
chief of this family, was of lofty
stature; his gait was stiff; his physiognomy
passionless. His face,
whose features at first appeared insignificant,
denoted a domineering temper.
His manners were cold. He
spoke little; never to praise, but often
in terms of dry and imperious censure.
His glance preceded his
words and rendered them nearly
superfluous, so energetically could
that small sunken gray eye make
itself understood. With the sole aid
of his own patience and ambition,
Karl Van Amberg had made a large
fortune. His ships covered the seas.
Never loved, always respected, his
credit was every where excellent.
Absolute monarch in his own house,
none dreamed of opposing his will.
All were mute and awed in his presence.
At this moment, he was
leaning against the chimney-piece.
His black garments were very plain,
but not devoid of a certain austere
elegance.
William Van Amberg, Karl’s
brother, was quite of an opposite
character. He would have passed
his life in poverty, subsisting on the
scanty income left him by his parents,
had not Karl desired wealth. He
placed his modest fortune in his
brother’s hands, saying, “Act as for
yourself!” Attached to his native
nook of land, he lived in peace,
smoking and smiling, and learning
from time to time that he was a richer
man by a few hundred thousand
francs. One day, he was told that
he possessed a million; in reply, he
merely wrote, “Thanks, Karl; it
will be for your children.” Then he
forgot his riches, and changed nothing
in his manner of life, even adhering
in his dress to the coarse materials
and graceless fashion of a peasant
dreading the vicinity of cities. His
youthful studies had consisted of a
course of theology. His father, a
fervent Catholic, destined him for
the church, but it came to pass, as a
consequence of his indecision of
character, that William neither took
orders nor married, but lived quietly
in his brother’s family. The habitual
perusal of religious books sometimes
gave his language a mystical tone,
contrasting with the rustic simplicity
of his exterior. This was his only
peculiarity; otherwise he had nothing
remarkable but his warm heart and
strong good sense. He was the primitive
type of his family: his brother
was an example of the change caused
by newly acquired wealth.
Madame Van Amberg, seated at
the window, sewed in silence. Her
countenance had the remains of great
beauty, but she was weak and suffering.
A single glance sufficed to fix
her birth-place far from Holland. Her
black hair and olive tint betrayed a[677]
southern origin. Silently submissive
to her husband, his iron character had
pressed heavily upon this delicate
creature. She had never murmured;
now she was dying, but without complaint.
Her look was one of deep
melancholy. Christine, her third
daughter, resembled her. Of dark
complexion, like her mother, she contrasted
strongly with her rosy-cheeked
sisters. M. Van Amberg did not love
Christine. Rough and cold, even to
those he secretly cherished, he was
severe and cruel to those he disliked.
He had never been known to kiss
Christine. Her mother’s were the
only caresses she knew, and even
those were stealthily and tearfully bestowed.
The two poor women hid
themselves to love each other.
At intervals, Madame Van Amberg
coughed painfully. The damp climate
of Holland was slowly conducting to
her grave the daughter of Spain’s
ardent land. Her large melancholy
eyes mechanically sought the monotonous
horizon, which had bounded
her view for twenty years. Fog and
rain surrounded the house. She gazed,
shivered as if seized with deadly cold,
then resumed her work.
Eight o’clock had just struck, and
the two young Dutchwomen, who,
although rich heiresses, waited upon
their father, had just placed the tea
and smoked beef upon the table, when
Karl Van Amberg turned abruptly to
his wife.
“Where is your daughter, Madam?”
He spoke of Christine, whom the
restless gaze of Madame Van Amberg
vainly sought through the fog veiling
the garden. At her husband’s question,
the lady rose, opened the door,
and, leaning on the banister, twice
uttered her daughter’s name. There
was no reply; she grew pale and again
looked out anxiously through the fog.
“Go in, Madame,” was the surly
injunction of Gothon, the old servant
woman, who knelt on the hall flags,
which she had flooded with soap and
water, and was now vigorously scrubbing;
“Go in, madame; the damp
increases your cough, and Mademoiselle
Christine is far enough away!
The bird flew before daybreak.”
Madame Van Amberg cast a mournful
glance across the meadow, where
nothing moved, and into the parlour,
where her stern husband awaited her;
then she went in and sat down at the
table, around which the remainder of
the family had already placed themselves.
No one spoke. All could
read displeasure upon M. Van Amberg’s
countenance, and none dared
attempt to change the course of his
ideas. His wife kept her eyes fixed
upon the window, hoping her
daughter’s return. Her lips scarcely
tasted the milk that filled her cup;
visible anguish increased the paleness
of her sweet, sad countenance.
“Annunciata, my dear, take some
tea,” said her brother-in-law. “The
day is chill and damp, and you seem
to suffer.”
Annunciata smiled sadly at William.
For sole answer she raised to her lips
the tea he offered her, but the effort
was too painful, and she replaced the
cup upon the table. M. Van Amberg
looked at nobody; he ate, his eyes
fixed upon his plate.
“Sister,” resumed William, “it is
a duty to care for one’s health, and
you, who fulfil all your duties, should
not neglect that one.”
A slight flush tinged the brow of
Annunciata. Her eyes encountered
those of her husband, which he
slowly turned towards her. Trembling,
almost weeping, she ceased her
attempts to eat. And the silence was
again unbroken, as at the commencement
of the meal. At last steps were
heard in the passage, the old servant
grumbled something which did not
reach the parlour, then the door
opened, and Christine entered; her
muslin dress damp with fog, her graceful
curls disordered by the wind, her
black mantle glittering with a thousand
little rain-drops. She was crimson
with embarrassment and fear. Her
empty chair was beside her mother;
she sat down, and hung her head;
none offered aught to the truant child,
and the silence continued. Yielding
to maternal anxiety, Madame Van
Amberg took a handkerchief and
wiped the moisture from Christine’s
forehead and hair; then she took
her hands to warm them in her own.
For the second time M. Van Amberg
looked at his wife. She let
Christine’s hands fall, and remained
downcast and motionless as her
daughter. M. Van Amberg rose from[678]
table. A tear glistened on the mother’s
eyes on seeing that her daughter had
not eaten. But she said nothing,
and returning to the window, resumed
her sewing. Christine remained at
table, preserving her frightened and
abashed attitude. The two eldest
girls hastened to remove the breakfast
things.
“Do you not see what Wilhelmina
and Maria are about? Can you not
help them?”
At her father’s voice, Christine
hastily rose, seized the cups and teapot,
and hurried to and fro from parlour
to pantry.
“Gently! You will break something!”
cried M. Van Amberg.
“Begin in time, to finish without
hurry.”
Christine stood still in the middle of
the room. Her two sisters smiled as
they passed her, and one of them muttered—for
nobody spoke loud in M.
Van Amberg’s presence,—”Christine
will hardly learn housekeeping by
looking at the stars and watching the
river flow!”
“Now then, Mademoiselle, you are
spoiling every thing here!” said the
old servant, who had just come in;
“go and change that wet gown, which
ruins all my furniture.”
Christine remained where she was,
not daring to stir without the master’s
order.
“Go,” said M. Van Amberg.
The young girl darted from the
room and up the stairs, reached her
chamber, threw herself upon the bed
and burst into tears. Below, Madame
Van Amberg continued to sew, her
head bent over her work. When the
cloth was removed, Wilhelmina and
Maria placed a large jug of beer,
glasses, long pipes, and a store of
tobacco upon the mahogany table, and
pushed forward two arm-chairs, in
which Karl and William installed
themselves.
“Retire to your apartment,
Madam,” said M. Van Amberg, in
the imperious tone habitual to him
when he addressed his wife; “I have
to discuss matters which do not concern
you. Do not leave the house;
will call you bye and bye; I wish
to speak with you.”
Annunciata bowed in token of obedience,
and left the room. Wilhelmina
and Maria approached their
father, who silently kissed their pretty
cheeks. The two brothers lit their
pipes, and remained alone. William
was the first to speak.
“Brother Karl!” said he, resting
his arms upon the table, and looking
M. Van Amberg in the face, “before
proceeding to business, and at risk of
offending you, I must relieve my
heart. Here, all fear you, and counsel,
the salutary support of man, is
denied you.”
“Speak, William,” coldly replied
M. Van Amberg.
“Karl, you treat Annunciata very
harshly. God commands you to protect
her, and you allow her to suffer,
perhaps to die before your eyes, without
caring for her fate. The strong
should sustain the weak. In our
native land, we owe kindness to the
stranger who cometh from afar. The
husband owes protection to her he
has chosen for his wife. For all these
reasons, brother, I say you treat Annunciata
ill.”
“Does she complain?” said M.
Van Amberg, filling his glass.
“No, brother; only the strong resist
and complain. A tree falls with
a crash, the reed bends noiselessly to
the ground. No, she does not complain,
save by silence and suffering,
by constant and passive obedience,
like that of a soul-less automaton.
You have deprived her of life, the
poor woman! One day she will cease
to move and breathe; she has long
ceased to live!”
“Brother, there are words that
should not be inconsiderately spoken,
judgments that should not be hastily
passed, for fear of injustice.”
“Do I not know your whole life,
Karl, as well as my own, and can I
not therefore speak confidently, as
one well informed?”
M. Van Amberg inhaled the smoke
of his pipe, threw himself back in his
arm-chair, and made no reply.
“I know you as I know myself,”
resumed William gently, “although
our hearts were made to love and not
to resemble each other. When you
found our father’s humble dwelling
too small, I said nothing; you were
ambitious; when a man is born with
that misfortune or blessing, he must do
like the birds, who have wings to[679]
soar; he must strive to rise. You
departed; I pressed your hand, and
reproached you not; it is right that
each man should be happy his own
way. You gained much gold, and
gave me more than I needed. You
returned married, and I did not approve
your marriage. It is wiser to
seek a companion in the land where
one’s days are to end; it is something
to love the same places and things, and
then it is only generous to leave one’s
wife a family, friends, well-known
objects to gaze upon. It is counting
greatly on one’s self to take sole charge
of her happiness. Happiness sometimes
consists of so many things!
Often an imperceptible atom serves
as base to its vast structure: for my
part, I do not like presumptuous experiments
on the hearts of others. In
short, you married a foreigner, who
perishes with cold in this country,
and sighs, amidst our fogs, for the sun
of Spain. You committed a still
greater fault—Forgive me, brother;
I speak plainly, in order not to return
to this subject.
“I am attending to you, William;
you are my elder brother.”
“Thanks for your patience, Karl.
No longer young, you married a very
young woman. Your affairs took
you to Spain. There you met a needy
Spanish noble, to whom you rendered
a weighty service. You were always
generous, and increasing wealth did
not close your hand. This noble had
a daughter, a child of fifteen. In spite
of your apparent coldness, you were
smitten by her beauty, and you asked
her of her father. Only one thing
struck you; that she was poor and
would be enriched by the marriage.
A refusal of your offer would have
been ingratitude to a benefactor.
They gave you Annunciata, and you
took her, brother, without looking
whether joy was in her eyes, without
asking the child whether she
willingly followed you, without interrogating
her heart. In that country
the heart is precocious in its awakening
… perhaps she left behind her
some youthful dream … some
early love…. Forgive me,
Karl; the subject is difficult to
discuss.”
“Change it, William,” said M.
Van Amberg coldly.
“Be it so. You returned hither,
and when your business again took
you forth upon the ocean, you left Annunciata
to my care. She lived many
years with me in this house. Karl,
her youth was joyless and sad. Isolated
and silent, she wore out her
days without pleasure or variety.
Your two eldest daughters, now the
life of our dwelling, were then in the
cradle. They were no society to their
mother; I was a very grave companion
for that young and beautiful
creature. I have little reading and
knowledge, no imagination; I like my
quiet arm-chair, my old books, and
my pipe. I at first allowed myself to
believe—because I loved to believe
it—that Annunciata resembled me,—that
tranquillity and a comfortable
dwelling would suffice for her happiness,
as they sufficed for mine. But at last I
understood—what you, brother, I fear
have never comprehended—that she
was never intended for a Dutch housewife.
In the first place, the climate
tortured her. She constantly asked
me if finer summers would not come,—if
the winters were always so
rigorous,—the fogs so frequent. I
told her no, that the year was a bad
one; but I told her a falsehood, for
the winters were always the same.
At first she tried to sing her Sevillian
romances and boleros, but soon her
song died away and she wept, for it
reminded her too much of her own
native land. Silent and motionless
she sat, desiring, as I have read in the
Bible,—’The wings of the dove to
fly away and be at rest.’ Brother, it
was a melancholy sight. You know
not how slowly the winter evenings
passed in this parlour. It was dark at
four, and she worked by lamp-light
till bed-time. I endeavoured to converse,
but she knew nothing of the
things I knew, and I was ignorant of
those that interested her. I saw at
last that the greatest kindness was to
leave her to herself. She worked or
was idle, wept or was calm, and I
averted my eyes to give her the only
consolation in my power,—a little
liberty. But it was very sad,
brother!”
There was a moment’s silence,
broken by M. Van Amberg. “Madame
Van Amberg was in her own
dwelling,” said he, severely, “with[680]
her children, and under the protection
of a devoted friend. Her
husband toiled in foreign parts to
increase the fortune of the family;
she remained at home to keep house
and educate her daughters; all that is
very natural.” And he filled his
pipe.
“True,” replied William; “but
still she was unhappy. Was it a
crime? God will decide. Leave her
to his justice, Karl, and let us be
merciful! During your long absence,
chance conducted hither some Spaniards
whom Annunciata had known
in her childhood, and amongst them
the son of an old friend of her father’s.
Oh! with what mingled joy and
agitation did the dear child welcome
her countrymen! What tears she
shed in the midst of her joy …
for she had forgotten how to be happy,
and every emotion made her weep.
How eagerly she heard and spoke her
native tongue! She fancied herself
again in Spain; for a while she was
almost happy. You returned, brother,
and you were cruel; one day,
without explaining your motives, you
shut your door upon the strangers.
Tell me, why would you not allow
fellow-countrymen, friends, a companion
of her childhood, to speak to
your wife of her family and native
land? Why require complete isolation,
and a total rupture with old
friends? She obeyed without a
murmur, but she suffered more than
you thought. I watched her closely;
I, her old friend. Since that fresh proof
of your rigour, she is sadder than
before. A third time she became a
mother; it was in vain; her unhappiness
continued. Brother, your hand
has been too heavy on this feeble
creature.”
M. Van Amberg rose, and slowly
paced the room. “Have you finished,
William?” said he; “this conversation
is painful, let it end here; do not
abuse the license I give you.”
“No; I have yet more to say.
You are a cold and severe husband,
but that is not all; you are also an
unjust father. Christine, your third
daughter, is denied her share of your
affection, and by this partiality you
further wound the heart of Annunciata.
Christine resembles her; she
is what I can fancy her mother at
fifteen—a lively and charming Spaniard;
she has all her mother’s tastes;
like her she lives with difficulty in
our climate, and although born in it,
by a caprice of nature she suffers from
it as Annunciata suffered. Brother,
the child is not easy to manage;
independent, impassioned, violent in
all her impressions, she has a love of
movement and liberty which ill agrees
with our regular habits, but she has
also a good heart, and by appealing to
it you might perhaps have tamed her
wild spirit. For Christine you are
neither more nor less than a pitiless
judge. Her childhood was one long
grief. And thus, far from losing her
wild restlessness, she loves more than
ever to be abroad and at liberty; she
goes out at daybreak; she looks upon
the house as a cage whose bars hurt
her, and you vainly endeavour to
restrain her. Brother, if you would
have obedience, show affection. It is
a power that succeeds when all others
fail. Why prevent her marrying the
man she loves? Herbert the student
is not rich, nor is his alliance brilliant;
but they love each other!”
M. Van Amberg, who had continued
his walk, now stopped short,
and coldly replied to his brother’s
accusations; “Christine is only fifteen,
and I do my duty by curbing the
foolish passion that prematurely disturbs
her reason. As to what you
call my partiality, you have explained
it yourself by the defects of her character.
You, who reproach others as
pitiless judges, beware yourself of
judging too severely. Every man acts
according to his internal perceptions,
and all things are not good to be
spoken. Empty your glass, William,
and if you have finished your pipe, do
not begin another. The business
I had to discuss with you will keep
till another day; it is late, and I am
tired. It is not always wise to rake
up the memories of the past. I wish
to be alone a while. Leave me, and
tell Madame Van Amberg to come
to me in a quarter of an hour.”
“Why not say, ‘Tell Annunciata?’
Why, for so long a time, has that
strange sweet name never passed
your lips?”
“Tell Madame Van Amberg I
would speak with her, and leave me,
brother,” replied Karl sternly.
[681]William felt he had pushed Karl Van
Amberg’s patience to its utmost limit;
he got up and left the room. At the
foot of the stairs he hesitated a moment,
then ascended, and sought
Annunciata in Christine’s chamber.
It was a narrow cell, shining with
cleanliness, and containing a few
flowers in glasses, a wooden crucifix,
with chaplets of beads hanging on
it, and a snow-white bed; a guitar
(it was her mother’s) was suspended
on the wall. From the window was
seen the meadow, the river, and the
willows. Christine sat on the foot of
the bed, still weeping; her mother
was beside her, offering her bread and
milk, with which Christine’s tears
mingled. Annunciata kissed her
daughter’s eyes, and then furtively
wiped her own. On entering,
William stood for a few moments at
the door, mournfully contemplating
this touching picture.
“My brother, my good brother,”
cried Annunciata, “speak to my
child! She has forgotten prayer and
obedience; her heart is no longer submissive,
and her tears avail nothing,
for she murmurs and menaces. Ask
her, brother, by whom it was told her
that life is joy? that we live only to be
happy? Talk to her of duty, and
give her strength to accomplish it!”
“Your husband inquires for you,
sister. Go, I will remain with Christine.”
“I go, my brother,” replied Annunciata.
Approaching the little
mirror above the chimney-piece, she
washed the tear-stains from her eyes,
pressed her hand upon her heart to
check its throbbings, and when her
countenance had resumed its expression
of calm composure, she descended
the stairs. Gothon was seated on the
lower steps.
“You spoil her, madame,” said she
roughly to her mistress; “foolish ears
need sharp words. You spoil her.”
Gothon had been in the house before
Annunciata, and had been greatly
displeased by the arrival of her
master’s foreign lady, whose authority
she never acknowledged. But she
had served the Van Ambergs’ mother,
and therefore it was without fear of
dismissal that she oppressed, after her
own fashion, her timid and gentle
mistress.
Annunciata entered the parlour and
remained standing near the door as if
waiting an order. Her husband’s
countenance was graver and more
gloomy than ever.
“Can no one hear us, madam?
Are you sure we are alone?”
“Quite alone, sir,” replied the
astonished Annunciata.
M. Van Amberg recommenced his
walk. For some moments he said
nothing. His wife, her hand resting
on the back of an arm-chair, silently
awaited his pleasure. At last he
again spoke.
“You bring up your daughter
Christine badly; I left her to your
care and guidance, and you do not
watch over her. Do you know where
she goes and what she does?”
“From her childhood, sir,” replied
Annunciata gently, pausing between
each phrase, “Christine has loved to
live in the open air. She is delicate,
and requires sun and liberty to
strengthen her. Till now you have
allowed her to live thus; I saw no
harm in letting her follow her natural
bent. If you disapprove, sir, she
will obey your orders.”
“You bring up your daughter
badly,” coldly repeated M. Van Amberg.
“She will dishonour the name
she bears.”
“Sir!!” exclaimed Annunciata,
her cheeks suffused with the deepest
crimson; her eyes emitting a momentary
but vivid flash.
“Look to it, madam, I will have
my name respected, that you know!
You also know I am informed of whatever
passes in my house. Your
daughter secretly meets a man to
whom I refused her hand; this morning,
at six o’clock, they were together
on the river bank!”
“My daughter! my daughter!”—cried
Annunciata in disconsolate tones.
“Oh! it is impossible! She is innocent!
she shall remain so! I will
place myself between her and evil,
I will save my child! I will take
her in my arms, and close her ears to
dangerous words. My daughter, I
will say, remain innocent, remain
honoured, if you would not see me
die!”
With unmoved eye M. Van Amberg
beheld the mother’s emotion.
Beneath his frozen gaze, Annunciata[682]
felt embarrassed by her own agitation;
she made an effort to calm herself;
then, with clasped hands, and
eyes filled with tears, which she would
not allow to flow, she resumed, in a
constrained voice:
“Is this beyond doubt, sir?”
“It is,” replied M. Van Amberg:
“I never accuse without certainty.”
There was a moment’s silence. M.
Van Amberg again spoke.
“You will lock Christine in her
room, and bring me the key. She
will have time to reflect, and I trust
reflexion will be of service to her; in
a prolonged seclusion she will lose
that love of motion and liberty which
leads her into harm; the silence of
complete solitude will allay the
tumult of her thoughts. None shall
enter her room, save Gothon, who
shall take her her meals, and return
me the key. This is what I have decided
upon as proper.”
Madame Van Amberg’s lips opened
several times to speak, but her
courage failed her. At last she advanced
a pace or two.
“But I, sir, I,” said she in a stifled
voice, “I am to see my child!”
“I said no one,” replied M. Van
Amberg.
“But she will despair, if none
sustain her. I will be severe with
her; you may be assured I will! Let
me see her, if only once a-day.
She may fall ill of grief, and who will
know it? Gothon dislikes her. For
pity’s sake, let me see Christine!
For a minute only, a single minute.”
M. Van Amberg once more stood
still, and fixed upon his wife a look
that made her stagger. “Not another
word!” he said. “I allow no discussion,
madam. No one shall see
Christine; do you hear?”
“I will obey,” replied Annunciata.
“Convey my orders to your
daughter. At dinner bring me the
key of her room. Go.”
Madame Van Amberg found Christine
alone, seated on her bed, and
exhausted by long weeping. Her
beautiful face, at times so energetic,
wore an expression of profound and
touching dejection. Her long hair
fell in disorder on her shoulders, her
figure was bent, as if weighed down
by grief; her rosary had fallen from
her half-open hand; she had tried to
obey her mother and to pray, but had
been able only to weep. Her black
mantle, still damp with rain, lay upon
a table, a few willow sprays peeping
from its silken folds. Christine eyed
them with mingled love and melancholy.
She thought it a century since
she saw the sun rise on the river, on
the old trees, and on Herbert’s skiff.
Her mother slowly approached her.
“My child,” said she, “where were
you at daybreak this morning?”
Christine raised her eyes to her
mother’s face, looked at her, but did
not answer. Annunciata repeated
her question without change of word
or tone. Then Christine let herself
slide from the bed to the ground, and
kneeled before her mother.
“I was seated,” said she, “upon
the trunk of a willow that overhangs
the stream. I was near Herbert’s
boat.”
“Christine!” exclaimed Madame
Van Amberg, “can it be true? Oh,
my child, could you so infringe the
commands laid upon you! Could you
thus forget my lessons and advice!
Christine, you thought not of me when
you committed that fault!”
“Herbert said to me, ‘Come, you
shall be my wife, I will love you eternally,
you shall be free and happy;
all is ready for our marriage and our
flight; come!’ I replied, ‘I will
not leave my mother!’ Mother, you
have been my safeguard; if it be a
crime to follow Herbert, it is the
thought of you alone that prevented
my committing it. I would not leave
my mother!”
A beam of joy illumined Annunciata’s
countenance. Murmuring a
thanksgiving to God, she raised her
kneeling child and seated her by her
side.
“Speak to me, Christine,” she said,
“open your heart, and tell me all your
thoughts. Together we will regret
your faults, and seek hope for the
future. Speak, my daughter; conceal
nothing.”
Christine laid her head upon her
mother’s shoulder, put one of her
little hands in hers, sighed deeply,
as though her heart were too oppressed
for words, and spoke at last with
effort and fatigue.
“Mother,” she said, “I have[683]
nothing to confess that you do not
already know. I love Herbert. He
is but a poor student, intrusted to my
father’s care, but he has a noble heart—like
mine, somewhat sad. He knows
much, and he is gentle to those who
know nothing. Poor, he is proud as
a king: he loves, and he tells it only
to her who knows it. My mother, I
love Herbert! He asked my hand of
my father, whose reply was a smile of
scorn. Then he was kept from me,
and I tried to exist without seeing him.
I could not do it. I made many
neuvaines on the rosary you gave me.
I had seen you weep and pray, mother,
and I said to myself—Now that I
weep as she does, I must also pray
like her. But it happened once, as
day broke, that I saw a small boat
descend the stream, then go up again,
and again descend; from time to time
a white sail fluttered in the air as one
flutters a kerchief to a departing
friend. My thoughts, then as now,
were on Herbert; I ran across the
meadow—I reached the stream.—Mother,
it was he! hoping and waiting
my coming. Long and mournfully we
bewailed our separation; fervently we
vowed to love each other till death.
This morning Herbert, discouraged
and weary of waiting a change in our
position, urged me to fly with him. I
might have fled, mother, but I thought
of you and remained. I have told you
all; if I have done wrong, forgive me,
dearest mother!”
With deep emotion Madame Van
Amberg listened to her daughter,
and remained buried in reflection,
when Christina paused. She felt
that the young girl’s suffering heart
needed gentle lessons, affectionate
advice; and, instead of these, she was
the bearer of a sentence whose severity
must aggravate the evil—she was
compelled to deny her sick child the
remedies that might have saved her.
“You love him very dearly then,”
said she at last, fixing a long melancholy
look on her daughter’s countenance.
“Oh, mother!” exclaimed Christine,
“I love him with all my soul! My life
is passed in expecting, seeing, remembering
him! I could never make you
comprehend how entirely my heart is
his. Often I dream of dying for him,
not to save his life, that were too easy
and natural, but uselessly, at his
command.”
“Hush! Christine, hush! you
frighten me,” cried Annunciata, placing
both hands upon her daughter’s mouth.
By a quick movement Christine disengaged
herself from her mother’s arms.
“Ah!” she exclaimed, “you know
not what it is to love as I do! My
father could never let himself be
loved thus!”
“Be silent, my child! be silent!”
repeated Annunciata energetically.
“Oh, my daughter! how to instil
into your heart thoughts of peace and
duty! Almighty Father! bless my
weak words, that they may touch her
soul! Christine, hear me!”
Annunciata took her daughter’s
hands, and compelled her to stand
before her. “My child,” she said,
“you know nothing of life; you walk
at random, and are about to wander
from the right path. All young hearts
have been troubled as yours is now.
The noble ones have struggled and triumphed;
the others have fallen! Life
is no easy and pleasant passage; its
trials are many and painful—its
struggles severe; believe me, for us
women there is no true happiness
without the bounds of duty. And
when happiness is not our destiny,
many great things still remain to us.
Honour, the esteem of others, are not
mere empty words. Hear me, beloved
child! That God, whom from
your infancy I have taught you to love,
do you not fear offending him? Seek
Him, and you will find better consolation
than I can offer. Christine, we
love in God those from whom we are
severed on earth. He, who in his
infinite wisdom imposed so many
fetters on the heart of woman, foresaw
the sacrifices they would entail,
and surely he has kept treasures of
love for hearts that break in obedience
to duty.”
Annunciata rapidly wiped the tears
inundating her fine countenance; then
clasping, Christine’s arm—
“On your knees, my child! on our
knees both of us before the Christ I
gave you! ‘Tis nearly dark, and yet
we still discern Him—his arms seeming
to open for us. Bless and save
and console my child, oh merciful
God! Appease her heart; make it
humble and obedient!”
[684]Her prayer at an end, she rose, and
throwing her arms round Christine,
who had passively allowed herself to
be placed on her knees and lifted up
again, she embraced her tenderly,
pressed her to her heart, and bathed
her hair with tears. “My daughter,”
she murmured between her kisses,
“my daughter, speak to me! Utter
one word that I may take with me as
a hope! My child, will you not speak
to your mother?”
“Mother, I love Herbert!” was
Christine’s reply.
Annunciata looked despairingly at
her child, at the crucifix upon the
wall, at the darkening sky seen through
the open window. The dinner-bell
rang. Madame Van Amberg made a
strong effort to collect and express
her ideas.
“M. Van Amberg,” said she in
broken voice, “orders you to remain
in your room. I am to take him the
key. You are to see no one. The
hour is come, and he expects me.”
“A prisoner!” cried Christine;
“A prisoner,—alone, all day! Death
rather than that!”
“He will have it so,” repeated
Annunciata, mournfully; “I must
obey. He will have it so.” And she
approached the door, casting upon
Christine a look of such ineffable love
and grief, that the young girl, fascinated
by the gaze, let her depart
without opposition. The key turned
in the lock, and Annunciata, supporting
herself by the banister, slowly descended.
She found M. Van Amberg alone
in the parlour.
“You have been a long time up
stairs,” said he. “Have you convinced
yourself that your daughter
saw the student Herbert this morning?”
“She did,” murmured Annunciata.
“You have told her my orders?”
“I have done so.”
“Where is the key?” She gave
it him.
“Now to dinner,” said M. Van
Amberg, walking into the dining-room.
Annunciata endeavoured to follow him,
but her strength failed her, and she
sank upon a chair.
M. Van Amberg sat down alone to
his dinner.
“A prisoner!” repeated Christine
in her solitude; “apart from all!
shut up! Yon meadow was too wide
a range; the house too spacious a
prison. I must have a narrower cell,
with more visible walls—a straiter
captivity! They deprive me of the
little air I breathed—the scanty liberty
I found means to enjoy!”
She opened the window to its
full extent; leaned upon the sill, and
looked at the sky. It was very dark;
heavy clouds hid the stars; no
light fell upon the earth; different
shades of obscurity alone marked the
outlines of objects. The willows, so
beautiful when Herbert and the sun
were there, were now a black and
motionless mass; dead silence reigned
around. In view of nature thus lifeless
and lightless, hopes of happiness
could hardly enter the heart. Christine
was in a fever: she felt oppressed and
crushed by unkindly influences, by the
indifference of friends, by a tyrant’s
will, even by the cold and mournful
night. The young girl’s heart beat
quickly and rebelliously.
“Be it so!” she exclaimed aloud;
“let them have their way! They may
render me unhappy; I will not complain.
They sanctify my love by persecution.
Happy, I should perhaps
have been ashamed to love so much.
But they rob me of air and liberty; I
suffer; I weep. Ah! I feel proud
that my heart still throbs with joy in
the midst of so many evils. My
sufferings will hallow my love, will
compel the respect of those who
scoffed and slighted it. Herbert! dear
Herbert! where are you at this
moment? Do you joyfully anticipate
to-morrow’s dawn: are you busy with
your boat, preparing it for its early
cruise? Or do you sleep, dreaming of
the old willows in the meadow, hearing
the waters murmur through their
branches, and the voice of Christine
promising her return? But no; it
cannot be; our hearts are too united
for their feelings thus to differ! You
are sad, my love, and you know not
why; I am sad with knowledge of
our misfortune—’tis the sole difference
separation can establish between us.
When shall we meet again, Herbert?
Alas! I know not, but meet we assuredly
shall. If God lets me live, he
will let me love you.”
Christine shut the window and[685]
threw herself on her bed without
undressing. It was cold; she wrapped
herself in her mantle, and gradually
her head sank upon her breast. Her
hands, at first pressed against each
other, opened and fell by her sides.
She dropped asleep, like an infant, in
the midst of her tears.
The first sun-rays, feeble though
they were, awoke Christine, who
sprang hastily from her couch. “Herbert
waits for me!” she exclaimed.
At her age memory is better for joy
than for sorrow. For her the dawn
of day was still a rendezvous of love.
The next moment she awoke to the
consciousness of her captivity. She
went to the window, leaned out as
on the previous evening, and looked
mournfully around. In a corner of the
heavens was a glow of light, intercepted
by billows of cloud. The pale
foliage of the willows shivered in the
breeze, which ruffled the leaves without
bending the branches; the long
fine grass of the meadow was seen
through a veil of fog, as yet undispelled
by the sun. The sounds of awakening
nature had not yet begun, when a white
sail stood out upon the surface of the
stream, gliding lightly along like the
open wing of a graceful bird. It passed
to and fro in front of the meadow;
was lowered before the trees, and
then again displayed, bending the
boat’s gunwale to the water’s surface,
hovering continually around a point
of the bank, as though confined within
the circle of an invisible fascination.
At long intervals the wind brought a
faint and scarce perceptible sound,
like the last notes of a song; then the
little bark again manœuvred, and its
sail flapped in the air. The pale tints
of dawn gave way to the warmer
sunbeams; passengers appeared upon
the bank; trading boats ascended the
river; the windows of the red brick
house opened as if to inhale the morning
air. The boat lowered its sail,
and floated slowly away at the will of
the current. Christine looked after it
and wept.
Twice during that day, Gothon
opened the door of the young girl’s
chamber, and brought her a frugal
meal. Twice did Gothon depart
without uttering a word. The
whole day passed in silence and solitude.
Christine knew not how to get
rid of the weary hours. She knelt
before the crucifix, her alabaster
rosary in her hand, her head raised
towards the cross, and prayed. But
her prayer was for Herbert, to see
him again; she never dreamed of
praying to forget him. Then she
took down the guitar, passed round
her neck the faded blue riband, tied
on it at Seville, and which her mother
would never allow to be changed.
She struck a few chords of the songs
she best loved; but her voice was
choked, and her tears flowed more
abundantly when she tried to sing.
She collected the little sprays of willow,
and placed them in a book to
dry and preserve them. But the day
was very long; and the poor child
fluttered in her prison like a caged
bird, with an anguish that each
moment increased. Her head burned,
her bosom throbbed. At last night
came. Seated near the open window,
the cold calmed her a little. They
brought her no light, and time passed
more slowly than ever. She went to
bed, but, deprived of her accustomed
exercise, tormented by a thousand
anxieties, she could not sleep; she
got up, walked about in the darkness,
and again lay down; slumber still
avoided her. This time her eyes, red
with tears and watchfulness, beheld
the sunrise without illusion; she did
not for a moment forget her captivity,
but looked mournfully out at
the little sail which, faithful to its
rendezvous, came each morning with
the sun. Again, none but Gothon
disturbed her solitude. During another
long day, Christine, alternately
desponding and excited, walked,
wept, lamented, and prayed. Night
came again. Nothing broke the
silence; the lights in the red house
were extinguished one after the other.
Profound darkness covered the earth.
Christine remained at her window,
insensible to cold. Suddenly she
started: she heard her name pronounced
in low tones at the foot of
the wall. She listened.
“Christine, my daughter!” repeated
the voice.
“Mother,” exclaimed Christine,
“you out in this dreadful weather!
I conjure you to go in!”
“I have been two days in bed, my
child; I have been unwell; to-night[686]
I am better; I felt it impossible to
remain longer without seeing you,
who are my life, my strength, my
health! Oh! you were right not to
leave me; it would have killed me.
How are you, dear Christine? Have
you all you require? How do you
live, deprived of my caresses?”
“Dearest mother, for heaven’s
sake, go in! The night is damp and
cold; it will be your death!”
“Your voice warms me; it is far
from you that I feel chill and faint.
Dearest child, my heart sends you a
thousand kisses.”
“I receive them on my knees,
mother, my arms extended towards
you. But, when shall I see you
again?”
“When you submit, and promise
to obey; when you no longer seek
him you are forbidden to see, and
whom you must forget. My daughter,
it is your duty.”
“Oh mother, I thought your heart
could better understand what it never
felt. I thought you respected the
true sentiments of the soul, and that
your lips knew not how to utter the
word ‘forget.’ If I forgot, I should
be a mere silly child, capricious,
unruly, unworthy your tenderness.
If my malady is without remedy, I
am a steadfast woman, suffering and
self-sacrificing. Good God! How is
it you do not understand that?”
“I understand,” murmured Annunciata,
but in so low a tone, that
she was sure her daughter could not
hear her.
“Mother,” resumed Christine, “go
to my father! summon up that
courage which fails you when you
alone are concerned; speak boldly
to him, tell him what I have told you;
demand my liberty, my happiness.”
“I!” exclaimed Annunciata in
terror, “I brave M. Van Amberg, and
oppose his will!”
“Not oppose, but supplicate! compel
his heart to understand what
mine experiences; force him to see
and hear and feel that my life may
cease, but not my love. Who can do
it, if you cannot? I am a captive.
My sisters know not love, my uncle
William has never known it. It
needs a woman’s voice to express a
woman’s feelings.”
“Christine, you know not what
you ask. The effort is above my
strength.”
“I ask a proof of my mother’s
love; I am sure she will give it me.”
“I shall die in so doing. M. Van
Amberg can kill me by a word.”
Christine started and trembled.
“Do not go then, dearest mother.
Forgive my egotism; I thought only
of myself. If my father has such
terrible power, avoid his anger. I
will wait, and entreat none but
God.”
There was a brief pause. “Christine,”
said Madame Van Amberg,
“since I am your only hope, your
sole reliance, and you have called me
to your aid, I will speak to him.
Our fate is in the hands of heaven.”
Annunciata interrupted herself by
a cry of terror; a hand rudely grasped
her arm; M. Van Amberg, without
uttering a word, dragged her to the
house door, compelled her to enter,
took out the key, and made her pass
before him into the parlour. A lamp
burned dimly upon the table, its oil
nearly exhausted; at times it emitted
a bright flash, and then suddenly became
nearly extinguished. The corners
of the room were in darkness,
the doors and windows closed, perfect
silence reigned; the only object on
which a strong light fell, was the
countenance of M. Van Amberg. It
was calm, cold, motionless. His
great height, the piercing look of his
pale gray eyes, the austere regularity
of his features, combined to give him
the aspect of an implacable judge.
“You would speak with me,
madam,” said he to Annunciata, “I
am here, speak!”
On entering the parlour, Annunciata
let herself fall into a chair. Her clothes
streamed with water; her hair, heavy
with rain, fell upon her shoulders,
her extreme paleness gave her the
appearance of a corpse rather than of
a living creature. Terror obliterated
memory, even of what had just
occurred, her mind was confused,
she felt only that she suffered horribly.
Her husband’s voice and
words restored the chain of her ideas;
the poor woman thought of her child,
made a violent effort, rallied her
strength, and rose to her feet.
“Now then,” she murmured,
“since it must be so!”
[687]M. Van Amberg waited in silence,
his arms crossed upon his breast, his
eyes fixed upon his wife; he stood
like a statue, assisting neither by
word nor gesture the poor creature
who trembled before him. Annunciata
looked long at him before speaking;
she hoped that at sight of her
tears and sufferings, M. Van Amberg
would remember he had loved her.
She threw her whole soul into her
eyes, but not a muscle of her husband’s
countenance moved. He
waited for her to break silence.
“I need your indulgence,” she at
last said; “it costs me a fearful
effort to address you. In general I
do but answer; I am unaccustomed to
speak first, and I am afraid. I dread
your anger; have compassion on a
trembling woman, who would fain be
silent, and who must speak. Christine’s
happiness is in your hands.
The poor child implores me to soften
your rigour…. Did I refuse,
not a creature upon earth would intercede
for her. This is why I venture
to petition you, sir.”
M. Van Amberg continued silent.
Annunciata wiped the tears from her
cheeks, and resumed with more
courage.
“The poor child is much to be
pitied; she has inherited the faults
you blame in me. Believe me, sir,
I have laboured hard to check them
in the bud. I have striven, exhorted,
punished, have spared neither
advice nor prayers, but all
in vain. God has not been pleased
to spare me this new grief. Her
nature is unchangeable; she is to
blame, but she is also much to
be pitied. Christine loves with all
her soul. Women die of such love
as hers, and when they do not die,
they suffer frightfully. For pity’s
sake, sir, let her marry him she
loves!”
Annunciata covered her face with
her hands, and awaited in an agony
of anxiety her husband’s reply.
“Your daughter,” said M. Van
Amberg, “is still a child; she has
inherited, as you say, a character
that needs restraint. I will not
yield to the first caprice that traverses
her silly head. Herbert is
only two-and-twenty; we know
nothing of his character. Your daughter
requires a protector, and a judicious
guide. Herbert has neither
family, fortune, nor position. He
shall never be the husband of a
woman who bears the name of
Mademoiselle Van Amberg!”
“Sir!” cried Annunciata, clasping
her hands and breathless with emotion,
“Sir! the best guidance for a
woman’s life is a union with the man
she loves! It is her best safeguard,
it strengthens her against the cares of
the world. I entreat you, Karl!”
exclaimed Madame Van Amberg, falling
upon her knees, “have compassion
on my daughter! Do not render
duty a torture; do not exact from her
too much courage! We are weak creatures:
we have need both of love and
virtue. Place her not in the terrible
necessity of choosing between them.
Pity, Karl, pity!”
“Madam,” cried M. Van Amberg,
and this time his frame was agitated
by a slight nervous trembling, “Madam,
you are very bold to speak to
me thus! You! you! to dare to hold
such language to me! Silence! and
teach your daughter not to hesitate
in her choice between good and evil.
Do that, instead of weeping uselessly
at my feet.”
“Yes, it is bold of me, sir, thus to
address you; but I have found courage
in suffering. I am ill,—in pain,—my
life is worthless, save as a sacrifice—let
my child take it, I will speak for
her! Her fate is in your hands, do
not crush her by a cruel decision! An
absolute judge and master should be
guarded in word and deed, for a
reckoning will be asked of him! Be
merciful to my child!”
M. Van Amberg approached his
wife, took her arm, placed his other
hand on her mouth, and said:—
“Silence! I command you; no such
scenes in my house, no noise and
whimpering. Your daughters sleep
within a few yards of you, do not
disturb their repose. Your servants
are above, do not awaken them.
Silence! You had no business to
speak; I was wrong to listen to you.
Never dare again to discuss my orders;
it is I whom your children must obey,
I whom you must obey yourself. Retire
to your apartment, and to-morrow
let me find you what you yesterday
were.”
[688]M. Van Amberg had regained his
usual calmness. He walked slowly
from the room.
“Oh, my daughter!” exclaimed
Annunciata, despairingly, “nothing
have I been able to do for you! Merciful
Father! what will become of me,
placed between him and her, both inflexible
in their resolves!”
The lamp which feebly illuminated
this scene of sorrow, now suddenly
went out and left the unhappy mother
in profound darkness. The rain
beat against the windows,—the wind
howled,—the house clock struck four.
Christine had seen M. Van Amberg
seize Annunciata’s arm, and lead her
away with him; afterwards, she had
distinguished, through the slight partitions
of the house, a faint echo as of
mingled sobs, entreaties, and reproaches.
She understood that her
fate was deciding,—that her poor
mother had devoted herself for her,
and was face to face with the stern
ruler whose look alone she usually
dared not brave. Christine passed
the night in terrible anxiety, abandoning
herself alternately to discouragement
and to joyful hopes. At her
age it is not easy to despair. Fear,
however, predominated over every
other emotion, and she would have
given years of existence to learn what
had passed. But the day went by like
the previous one. She saw none but
Gothon. Her she ventured to question,
but the old servant had orders
not to answer.
Another day elapsed. Christine’s
solitude was still unbroken, no
friendly voice reached her ear, no
kind hand lifted the veil shrouding
her future. The poor girl was exhausted,
she had not even the energy of
grief. She wept without complaint,
almost without a murmur. Night
came, and she fell asleep, exhausted
by her sorrow. She had scarcely slept
an hour when she was awakened by
the opening of the door, and Gothon,
lamp in hand, approached her bed.
“Get up, Mademoiselle,” said the
servant, “and follow me.”
Christine dressed herself as in a
dream, and hastily followed Gothon,
who conducted her to her mother’s
room, opened the door and drew
back to let her pass. A sad spectacle
met the young girl’s eyes. Annunciata,
pale and almost inanimate, lay
in the agonies of death. Her presentiment
had not deceived her; suffering
and agitation had snapped the slender
strings that bound her to the earth.
The light of the lamp fell full upon
her features, whose gentle beauty pain
was impotent to deface. Resignation
and courage were upon her countenance,
over which came a gleam of
joy when Christine appeared. Wilhelmina
and Maria knelt and wept
at the foot of their mother’s bed.
William stood a little apart, holding
a prayer-book, but his eyes had left
the page to look at Annunciata, and
two large tears trembled on their lids.
M. Van Amberg, seated beside his
wife’s pillow, had his face shaded by
his hand, so that none could see its
expression.
With a piercing cry, Christine
rushed to Madame Van Amberg,
who received her in her arms.
“Mother!” she cried, her cheek
against Annunciata’s, “it is I who
have killed you! For love of me
you have exceeded your strength.”
“No, my beloved child, no,” replied
Annunciata, kissing her daughter between
each word, “I die of an old
and incurable malady. But I die
happy, since I once more clasp you in
my arms.”
“And they did not let me
nurse you!” cried Christine, indignantly
raising her head; “they concealed
your illness! They let me
weep for other sorrows than yours,
my mother!”
“Dearest child,” replied Annunciata
gently, “this crisis has been very
sudden; two hours ago they knew not
my danger, and I wished to fulfil my
religious duties before seeing you. I
wished to think only of God. Now I
can abandon myself to the embraces
of my children.” And she clasped
her weeping daughters to her heart.
“Dear children,” said she, “God is
full of mercy to the dying, and sanctifies
a mother’s benediction. I bless
you, my daughters; remember and
pray for me.”
The three young girls bowed their
heads upon their mother’s hand, and
replied by tears alone to this solemn
farewell.
“My good brother,” resumed Annunciata
to William, “My good[689]
brother, we have long lived together,
and to me you have ever been a devoted
friend, indulgent and gentle. I
thank you, brother!”
William averted his head to conceal
his tears, but a deep sob escaped him,
and he turned his venerable face towards
Annunciata.
“Do not thank me, sister,” he said,
“I have done little for you. I loved
you, that is certain, but I could not
enliven your solitude. My sister, you
will still live for the happiness of us
all.”
Annunciata gently shook her head.
Her glance sought her husband as
if she would fain have addressed her
last words to him. But they expired
on her lips. She looked at him timidly,
sadly, and then closed her eyes, to
check the starting tears. She grew
visibly weaker, and as death approached,
a painful anxiety took possession of
her. Resigned, she was not calm. It
was ordained her soul should suffer
and be troubled to the end. The
destiny of one of her daughters disturbed
her last moments; she dared
not pronounce the name of Christine,
she dared not ask compassion for her;
a thousand conflicting doubts and
fears agitated her poor heart. She
died as she had lived, repressing her
tears, concealing her thoughts. From
time to time she turned to her husband,
but his head continued sunk upon his
hand; not one look of encouragement
could she obtain. At last came the
spasm that was to break this frail existence.
“Adieu! Adieu!” she murmured
in unintelligible accents. Her
eyes no longer obeyed her, and none
could tell whom they sought. William
approached his brother, and placed
his hand upon his shoulder. “Karl!”
he whispered in tones audible but to
him he addressed, “she is dying! Have
you nothing to say to a poor creature
who has so long lived with you and
suffered by you? Living, you loved
her not; do not let her die thus!
Fear you not, Karl, lest this woman,
oppressed and slighted by you, should
expire with a leaven of resentment in
her heart? Crave her pardon before she
departs.”
For an instant all was silent. M.
Van Amberg stirred not. Annunciata,
her head thrown back, seemed
to have already ceased to exist.
On a sudden, she moved, raised
herself with difficulty, leaned over
towards M. Van Amberg, and groped
for his hand as though she had
been blind. When she found it,
she bowed her face upon it, kissed
it twice, and expired in that last
kiss.
“On your knees!” cried William,
“on your knees, she is in heaven! let
us implore her intercession!” And all
knelt down.
Of all the prayers addressed to God
by man during his life of trial, not
one is more solemn than that which
escapes the desolate heart, when a beloved
soul flies from earth to heaven,
to stand, for the first time, in the
presence of its Creator.
M. Van Amberg rose from his
knees.
“Leave the room!” said he to his
brother and daughters, “I would be
alone with my wife.”
Alone, beside the bed of his dead
wife, Karl Van Amberg gazed upon
the pale countenance, to which death
had restored all the beauty of youth.
A tear, left there by human suffering,
a tear which none other was to follow,
glittered upon the clay-cold cheek;
one arm still hung out of bed, as
when it held his hand; the head
was in the position in which it
had kissed his fingers. He gazed
at her, and the icy envelope that
bound his heart was at last broken.
“Annunciata!” he exclaimed, “Annunciata!”
For fifteen years that name had not
passed his lips. Throwing himself on
his wife’s corpse, he clasped her in
his arms and kissed her forehead.
“Annunciata!” he cried, “can you
not feel this kiss of peace and love!
Annunciata, we have both suffered
terribly! God did not grant us happiness.
I loved you from the first day
that I saw you, a joyous child in
Spain, till this sad moment that I press
you dead upon my heart. Oh Annunciata,
how great have been our
sufferings!”
Karl Van Amberg wept.
“Repose in peace, poor woman!”
he murmured, “may you find in
heaven the repose denied you upon
earth!” And with trembling hand
he closed Annunciata’s eyes. Then
he knelt down beside her.
[690]“Almighty God!” he said, “I have
been severe. Be thou merciful!”
When, at break of day, M. Van
Amberg left the chamber of death,
his face had resumed its habitual expression;
his inflexible soul, for a
moment bowed, had regained its usual
level. To Annunciata had been given
the last word of love, the last tear of
that heart of adamant. To the eyes
of all he reappeared as the stern
master and father, the man on whose
brow no sorrow left a trace. His
daughters bowed themselves upon his
passage, William spoke not to him,
order and regularity returned to the
house. Annunciata was buried without
pomp or procession. She left, to
revisit it no more, the melancholy
abode where her suffering soul had
worn out its mortal envelope; she
ceased to live, as a sound ceases to be
heard, as a cloud passes, as a flower
fades; nothing stopped or altered
because she went. If any mourned
her, they mourned in silence; if they
thought of her, they proclaimed not
their thoughts; her name was no
more heard; only the interior of the
little red house was rather more
silent, and M. Van Amberg’s countenance
appeared to all more rigid
than before. During the day, Christine’s
profound grief obeyed the iron
will that weighed on each member of
the family. The poor child was silent,
worked, sat at table, lived on as if
her heart had not been crushed; but
at night, when she was alone in the
little room where her mother had so
often wept with her, she gave free
course to grief; she invoked her
mother, spoke to her, extended her
arms to her, and would fain have
left the earth to be with her in heaven.
“Take me to you, dear mother!”
she would exclaim. “Deprived of
you, apart from him, I cannot live!
Since I saw you die, I no longer
fear death.”
Since the death of Annunciata,
Christine was allowed her liberty,
M. Van Amberg doubtless thinking,
and with reason, that she would make
no use of it during her first grief.
Or, perhaps, with his wife’s corpse
scarcely cold, he hesitated to recur to
the severity that had caused her so
many tears. Whatever his motive,
Christine was free, at least to all
appearance. The three sisters, in
deep mourning, never passed the
threshold; they sat all day at work
near the low window of the parlour,
supped with their uncle and father,
then retired to bed. During the long
hours of their silent work, Christine
often thought of her lover. She dared
not attempt to see him; she would have
expected to hear her mother’s voice
murmur in her ear,—”My daughter,
it is too soon to be happy! Mourn me
yet a little, alone and without consolation.”
One morning, after a night of tears,
Christine fell into a tardy slumber,
broken by dreams. Now it was
her mother, who took her in her arms,
and flew with her towards heaven.
“I will not let you live,” said Annunciata,
“for life is sorrow. I have
prayed of God to let you die young,
that you may not weep as I have
wept!”
The next instant she beheld herself
clothed in white, and crowned with
flowers. Herbert was there, love
sparkling in his eyes. “Come, my
betrothed!” he said, “life is joy! My
love shall guard you from all evil;
come, we will be happy!”
She started up, awakened by a sudden
noise in her chamber. The window
was open, and on the floor lay a
pebble with a letter attached. Her
first impulse was to fly to the window;
a bush stirred in the direction of the
river, but she saw no one. She
snatched up the letter, she guessed it
was Herbert’s writing. It seems as if
one never saw for the first time the
writing of him one loves; the heart
recognises as if the eyes had already
seen it. Christine was alone, a beam
of the rising sun tinted the summits of
the willows, and hope and love revived
in the young girl’s heart, as she read
what follows:
“Christine, I can write but a few
lines; a long letter, difficult to conceal,
might never reach you. Hear me with
your heart, and guess what I am unable
to write. As you know, dearest,
my family intrusted me to your father
and gave him all authority over me.
He can employ me at his will, and according
to the convenience of his commercial[691]
establishments. Christine, I
have just received orders to embark in
one of his ships, sailing for Batavia.”
A cry escaped Christine’s lips, and
her eyes, suffused with tears, devoured
the subsequent lines.
“Your father places the immensity
of ocean between us; he separates
us for ever. We are to meet no more!
Christine, has your heart, since I last
saw you, learned to comprehend those
words? No, my adored Christine, we
must live or die together! Your poor
mother is no more; your presence is
no longer essential to the happiness of
any one. Your family is pitiless and
without affection for you. Your future
is gloom and unhappiness. Come,
then, let us fly together. In the Helder
are numerous ships; they will bear
us far from the scene of our sufferings.
All is foreseen and arranged.
Christine, my life depends on your
decision. For ever separated!…
subscribe to that barbarous decree,
and I terminate an existence which
henceforward would be all bitterness!
And you, Christine! will you love
another, or live without love? Oh!
come, I have suffered so much without
you! I summon you, I await you,
Christine! my bride! At midnight—on
the river-bank—I will be there!
and a world of happiness is before
us. Come, dear Christine, come!”
As Christine read, her tears fell fast
on Herbert’s letter. She experienced
a moment of agonising indecision. She
loved passionately, but she was young
and innocent, and love had not yet
imparted to her pure soul the audacity
that braves all things. The wise
counsels heard in her father’s house,
uncle William’s pious exhortations,
the holy prayers she had learned
from her infancy upwards, resounded
in her ears; the Christ upon her
wooden crucifix seemed to look at her;
the beads of her rosary were still
warm with the pressure of her fingers.
“Oh! my dream! my dream!” she exclaimed:
“Herbert who calls his bride!
my mother claiming her daughter!
With him, life and love! With her,
death and heaven!…” And Christine
sobbed aloud. For an instant she
tried calmly to contemplate an existence
in that melancholy house, weeping
for Herbert, growing old without
him, without love, within those gloomy
walls, where no heart sympathised
with hers. The picture was too terrible;
she felt that such a future was
unendurable. She wept bitterly,
kissed her rosary, her prayer book, as
if bidding adieu to all that had witnessed
the innocence of her early
years. Then her heart beat violently.
The fire of her glance dried her tears.
She looked out at the river, at the
white sail which seemed to remind her
of her vows of love; she gave one
last sob, as if breaking irrevocably the
links between her past and future.
The image of her mother was no longer
before her. Christine, abandoned to
herself, followed the impulse of her
passionate nature; she wept, trembled,
hesitated, and at last exclaimed,—
“At midnight, I will be there!”
Then she wiped her tears, and remained
quite still for a few moments,
to calm her violent agitation. A vast
future unrolled itself before her; liberty
would be hers; a new world was revealed
to her eyes; a new life began
for her.
At last night came. A lamp replaced
the fading day-light. The
window was deserted for the table.
William and Karl Van Amberg came
in. The former took a book; his
brother busied himself with commercial
calculations. The lamp gave a
dull light; all was silent, sad, and
monotonous in the apartment. The
clock slowly told the succeeding hours.
When its hammer struck ten, there
was a movement round the table;
books were shut, work was folded.
Karl Van Amberg rose; his two
eldest daughters approached him, and
he kissed their foreheads in silence.
Christine no longer a captive, but
still in disgrace, bowed herself before
her father. Uncle William, grown
drowsy over his book, put up his
spectacles, muttering a “good-night.”
The family left the parlour, and the
three sisters ascended the wooden
staircase. At her chamber door,
Christine felt a tightness at her heart.
She turned and looked after her
sisters. “Good-night, Wilhelmina!
good-night, Maria!”
The sisters turned their heads.
By the faint light of their tapers
Christine saw them smile and kiss
their hands to her. Then they
entered their rooms without speaking.[692]
Christine found herself alone. She
opened her window; the night was
calm; at intervals clouds flitted
across the moon, veiling its brightness.
Christine made no preparations for
departure; she only took her mother’s
rosary, and the blue ribbon so long
attached to the guitar; then she
wrapped herself in her black mantle
and sat down by the window. Her
heart beat quick, but no distinct
thought agitated her mind. She trembled
without terror; her eyes were
tearful, but she felt no regret. For
her, the hour was rather solemn than
sad; the struggle was over, and she
was irrevocably decided.
At last midnight came; each stroke
of the clock thrilled Christine’s heart;
for an instant she stood still, summoning
strength and courage; then,
turning towards the interior of the
room,—
“Adieu, my mother!” she whispered.
Many living creatures dwelt
under that roof. It seemed to Christine
as if she left her only who was
no longer there. “Adieu, my mother!”
she repeated.
Then she stepped out of the window:
a trellis, twined with creepers,
covered the wall. With light foot
and steady hand, Christine descended,
aiding herself by the branches, and
pausing when they cracked under her
tread or grasp. The stillness was so
complete that the slightest sound assumed
importance. Christine’s heart
beat violently; at last she reached
the ground, raised her head, and
looked at the house. Her father’s
window was still lighted. Again she
shuddered with apprehension; then,
feeling more courage for a minute’s
daring than for half an hour’s precautions,
she darted across the meadow
and arrived breathless at the clump
of willows. Before plunging into it,
she again looked round. All was
quiet and deserted; she breathed more
freely and disappeared amongst the
branches. Leaning upon the old tree,
the witness of her former rendezvous,
she whispered, so softly that none but
a lover could hear, “Herbert, are you
there?”
A cautious oar skimmed the water;
a well known voice replied. The boat
approached the willow; the young
student stood up and held out his
arms to Christine, who leaped lightly
into the skiff. In an instant, they were
out of the willow-shaded inlet; in
another, the sail—the signal of their
loves—was hoisted to the breeze;
the bark sped swiftly over the water,
and Herbert, scarce daring to believe
his happiness, was seated at Christine’s
feet. His hand sought hers; he heard
her weep, and he wept for sympathy.
Both were silent, agitated, uneasy,
and happy.
But the night was fine, the moon
shed its softest light, the ripple of the
stream had a harmony of its own, the
light breeze cooled their cheeks, the
sail bent over them like the wing of
an invisible being; they were young,
they loved, it was impossible that joy
should not revive in their hearts.
“Thanks, Christine, thanks!” exclaimed
Herbert, “thanks a thousand
times for so much devotedness, for
such confidence and love! Oh how
beautiful will life now appear! We
are united for ever!”
“For ever!” repeated Christine,
her tears flowing afresh. For the
first time she felt that great happiness,
like great grief, expresses itself
by tears. Her hand in Herbert’s, her
eyes raised to heaven, she gazed upon
bright stars and fleecy clouds, sole
and silent witnesses of her happiness.
Presently she was roused from this
sweet reverie.
“See there, Herbert!” she exclaimed;
“the sail droops along the
mast, the wind has fallen, we do not
advance.”
Herbert took the oars, and the boat
cut rapidly through the water.
Wrapped in her mantle, Christine
sat opposite, and smiled upon him.
Onwards flew the boat, a track of
foam in its wake. Day-light was
still distant; all things favoured the
fugitives. Again Christine broke
silence.
“Herbert, dear Herbert, do you
hear nothing?”
Herbert ceased to row, and listened.
“I hear nothing,” he said,
“save the plash of the river against
its banks.” He resumed the oars;
again the boat moved rapidly forward.
Christine was pale; half risen from her
seat, her head turned back, she strove
to see, but the darkness was too great.
“Be tranquil, best beloved,” said[693]
Herbert with a smile. “Fear creates
sounds. All is still.”
“Herbert,” cried Christine, this
time starting up in the boat, “I am
not mistaken! I hear oars behind
us … pause not to listen …
row, for Heaven’s love, row!”
Her terror was so great, she seemed
so sure of what she said, that Herbert
obeyed in silence, and a sensation of
alarm chilled his heart. Christine
seated herself at his feet.
“We are pursued!” she said; “the
noise of your own oars alone prevented
your hearing. A boat follows us.”
“If it be so,” Herbert cried, “what
matter! That boat does not bear
Christine, is not guided by a man who
defends his life, his happiness, his
love. My arm will weary his, his
bark will not overtake mine.” And
Herbert redoubled his efforts. The
veins of his arms swelled to bursting;
his forehead was covered with
sweat-drops. The skiff clove the
waters as though impelled by wings.
Christine remained crouched at the
young man’s feet, pressing herself
against him, as to seek refuge.
Other oars, wielded by stalwart
arms, now struck the water not far
from Herbert’s boat. The young
student heard the sound; he bent
over his oars and made desperate
efforts. But he felt his strength failing;
as he rowed he looked with
agony at Christine; no one spoke,
only the noise of the two boats interrupted
the silence. Around, all was
calm and serene as when the fugitives
set out. But the soul of the young
girl had passed from life to death; her
eyes, gleaming with a wild fire, followed
with increasing terror each
movement of Herbert’s; she saw by
the suffering expression of his countenance,
that little hope of escape remained.
Still he rowed with the
energy of despair; but the fatal bark
drew nearer, its shadow was seen
upon the water, it followed hard in
the foamy track of Herbert’s boat.
Christine stood up and looked back;
just then the moon shone out, casting
its light full upon the pale, passionless
features of M. Van Amberg.
Christine uttered a piercing cry.
“My father!” she cried, “Herbert,
’tis my father!”
Herbert also had recognised his
pursuer. The youth had lived too
long in Karl Van Amberg’s house,
not to have experienced the strange
kind of fascination which that man
exercised over all around him. Darkness
had passed away to reveal to the
fugitives the father, master, and
judge!
“Stop, Herbert!” cried Christine,
“we are lost, escape is impossible!
Do you not see my father?”
“Let me row!” replied Herbert,
disengaging himself from Christine,
who had seized his arm. He gave so
violent a pull with the oars, that the
little boat bounded out of the water and
seemed to gain a little on its pursuer.
“Herbert,” cried Christine, “I tell
you we are lost! ‘Tis my father,
and resistance is useless! God will
not work a miracle in our favour!
Herbert, I will not return to my
father’s house! Let us die together,
dear Herbert!”
And Christine, threw herself into
her lover’s arms. The oars fell from
the young man’s hands; with a cry
of anguish he pressed Christine convulsively
on his heart. For a single
instant he thought of obeying her,
and of plunging with her into the
dark tide beneath; but Herbert had
a noble heart, and he repelled the
temptation of despair. The next
moment a violent shock made the
boat quiver, and M. Van Amberg
stepped into it. Instinctively, Herbert
clasped Christine more tightly,
and retreated; as if his strength could
withhold her from her father; as if,
in that little boat, he could retreat
far enough not to be overtaken. With
a vigorous arm, M. Van Amberg
seized Christine, whose slender form
bent like a reed over his shoulder.
“Have mercy on her!” cried the
despairing Herbert; “I alone am
guilty! Punish her not, and I promise
to depart, to renounce her!
Pity, sir, pity for Christine!”
He spoke to a deaf and silent statue.
Wresting Christine’s hand from the
student’s grasp, M. Van Amberg
stepped back into his boat and pushed
Herbert’s violently with his foot.
Yielding to the impulse, the boats
separated; one was pulled swiftly
up the river, whilst the other, abandoned
to itself, was swept by the
current in a contrary direction. Erect[694]
on the prow of his bark, his head thrown
back, his arms folded on his breast,
M. Van Amberg fixed a terrible look
upon Herbert and then disappeared
in the darkness. All was over. The
father had taken his daughter, and no
human power could henceforward
tear her from his arms.
Within eight days from this fatal
night, the gates of a convent closed
upon Christine Van Amberg.
On the frontier of Belgium, on the
summit of a hill, stands a large white
building of irregular architecture, a
confused mass of walls, roofs, angles,
and platforms. At the foot of the
hill is a village, whose inhabitants
behold with a feeling of respect the
edifice towering above their humble
dwellings. For there is seen the
belfry of a church, and thence is
heard unceasingly the sound of pious
bells, proclaiming afar that on the
mountain’s summit a few devout
souls pray to God for all men. The
building is a convent; the poor and
the sick well know the path leading
to the hospitable threshold of the
Sisters of the Visitation.
To this convent was Christine sent.
To this austere dwelling, the abode of
silence and self-denial, was she, the
young, the beautiful, the loving, pitilessly
consigned. It was as though
a gravestone had suddenly closed over
her head. With her, the superior of the
convent received the following letter:
“Madame la Superieure,—I
send you your niece, Christine Van
Amberg, and beg you to oblige me
by keeping her with you. I intend
her to embrace a religious life; employ
the influence of your wise counsels
to predispose her to it. Her
misconduct compels me to exclude
her my house; she requires restraint
and watching, such as are only to be
found in a convent. Be pleased, dear
and respected kinswoman, to receive
her under your roof; the best wish
that can be formed for her is that
she may make up her mind to
remain there for ever. Should she
inquire concerning a young man
named Herbert, you may inform her
that he has sailed to Batavia, whence
he will proceed to our most remote
establishments.
“I am with respect, Madame la
Supérieure, your kinsman and friend,
“Karl Van Amberg.”
Five years had elapsed since the
date of this letter, when one day the
convent-gate opened to admit a
stranger, who craved to speak with
the superior. The stranger was an old
man; a staff sustained his feeble
steps. Whilst waiting in the parlour,
he looked about him with surprise
and emotion, and several times he
passed his hand across his eyes as if
to brush away a tear. “Poor, poor
child!” he muttered. When the
superior appeared behind the grating,
he advanced quickly towards her.
“I am William Van Amberg,” he
said, “the brother of Karl Van Amberg.
I come, madam, to fetch Christine,
his daughter and my niece.”
“You come very late!” replied the
superior; “sister Martha-Mary is
on the eve of pronouncing her vows.”
“Martha-Mary!—I do not know
the name!”—said William Van Amberg;
“I seek Christine—my niece
Christine.”
“Christine Van Amberg, now sister
Martha-Mary, is about to take the veil.”
“Christine a nun! Oh, impossible!
Madam, they have broken the child’s
heart; from despair only would she
take the veil; they have been cruel,
they have tortured her; but I bring
her liberty and the certainty of
happiness,—permission to marry him
she loves. Let me speak to her, and
she will quickly follow.”
“Speak to her then; and let her
depart if such be her will.”
“Thanks, madam,—a thousand
thanks! Send me my child, send me
my Christine—with joy and impatience
I await her.”
The superior retired. Left alone,
William again contemplated the
melancholy abode in which he found
himself, and the more he gazed, the
sadder his heart became. He would
fain have taken Christine in his arms,
as he did when she was little, and
have fled with her from those chilly
walls and dismal gratings.
“Poor child!” he repeated, “what
a retreat for the bright years of your
youth!… How you must have
suffered! But console thyself, dearest
child, I am here to rescue thee!”
[695]He remembered Christine as a
wild young girl, delighting in liberty,
air, and motion; then as an impassioned
woman, full of love and independence.
And a smile crossed the
old man’s lips as he thought of her
burst of joy, when he should say to
her,—”You are free, and Herbert
waits to lead you to the altar!” His
heart beat as it had never beaten in
the best days of his youth; he counted
the minutes and kept his eyes fixed
upon the little door through which
Christine was to come. He could not
fold her in his arms, the grating prevented
it, but at least he should see
and hear her. Suddenly all his blood
rushed to his heart, for the hinges
creaked and the door opened. A
novice, clothed in white, slowly advanced;
he looked at her, started
back, hesitated, and exclaimed: “Oh
God! is that Christine?”
William had cherished in his heart
the memory of a bright-eyed, sunburnt
girl, alert and lively, quick
and decided in her movements, running
more often than she walked,
like the graceful roe that loves the
mountain steeps. He beheld a tall
young woman, white and colourless
as the robes that shrouded her; her
hair concealed under a thick linen
band, her slender form scarcely to be
distinguished beneath the heavy folds
of her woollen vestments. Her movements
were slow, her black eyes
veiled by an indescribable languor;
a profound calm was the characteristic
of her whole being—a calm so great,
that it resembled absence of life.
One might have thought her eyes
looked without seeing, that her lips
could not open to speak, that her
ears listened without hearing. Sister
Martha-Mary was beautiful, but her
beauty was not of the earth—it was
the beauty of infinite repose,—of a
calm that nothing could disturb.
The old man was touched to the
bottom of his soul; the words expired
on his lips, and he extended
his hands towards Christine. On
beholding her uncle, Martha-Mary
endeavoured to smile, but moved not,
and said nothing.
“Oh my child!” cried William at
last, “how you must suffer here!”
Martha-Mary gently shook her
head, and the tranquil look she fixed
upon her uncle, protested against his
supposition.
“Is it possible that five years have
thus changed my Christine! My
heart recognises you, my child, not
my eyes! They have compelled you
to great austerities, severe privations?”
“No.”
“A cruel bondage has weighed
heavily upon you?
“No.”
“You have been ill then?”
“No.”
“Your poor heart has suffered too
much, and has broken. You have
shed many tears?”
“I remember them no longer.”
“Christine, Christine, do you
live? or has the shade of Annunciata
risen from the grave? Oh my child!
in seeing, you, I seem to see her
corpse, extended on the bed of
death!”
Martha-Mary raised her large eyes
to heaven; she joined her hands, and
murmured, “My mother!”
“Christine, speak to me! weep
with me! you frighten me by your
calm and silence…. Ah! in my
trouble and emotion, I have as yet explained
nothing…. Listen: my
brother Karl, by the failure of a partner,
suddenly found his whole fortune
compromised. To avoid total ruin he
was obliged to embark immediately
for the colonies. He set sail expecting
to return in a few years; but his
affairs prolong his absence, and his
return is indefinitely postponed. His
two eldest daughters are with him.
To me, who am too old to follow him,
too old to remain alone, he has given
Christine. I would not accept the
precious charge, my child, without
the possibility of rendering you happy.
I implored permission to marry you
to Herbert. You are no longer a
rich heiress: your father gone, you
need protection, and that of an old
man cannot long avail you. In
short, your father has agreed to all I
asked; he sends you, as a farewell
gift, your liberty and his consent to
your marriage…. Christine! you
are free, and Herbert awaits his
bride!”
The long drapery of the novice was
slightly agitated, as if the limbs it
covered trembled; she remained some[696]
seconds without speaking, and then
replied, “It is too late! I am the
affianced of the Lord!”
William uttered a cry of grief, and
looked with alarm at the pale calm
girl, who stood immoveable before him.
“Christine!” he cried, “You no
longer love Herbert?”
“I am the affianced of the Lord!”
repeated the novice, her hands crossed
upon her breast, her eyes raised to
heaven.
“Oh my God! my God!” cried
William, weeping bitterly, “my
brother has killed his child! Her
soul has been sad even unto death!
Poor victim of our severity, tell me,
Christine, tell me, what has passed
within you, since your abode here?”
“I saw others pray, and I prayed
also. There was a great stillness,
and I was silent; none wept, and I
dried my tears; a something, at first
cold, then soothing, enveloped my
soul. The voice of God made itself
heard to me, and I listened; I loved
the Lord, and gave myself to him.”
Then, as if fatigued with speaking
so much, Martha-Mary relapsed into
silence, and into that absorbing meditation
which rendered her insensible
to surrounding things. Just then
a bell tolled. The novice started, and
her eyes sparkled.
“God calls me!” she said, “I go
to pray!”
“Christine! my daughter, will you
leave me thus?”
“Hear you not the bell? It is the
hour of prayer.”
“But, Christine, dearest child, I
came to take you hence.”
“I shall never leave these walls!”
said Martha-Mary, gliding slowly
away. As she opened the parlour
door, she turned towards William; her
eyes fixed upon him with a sad and
sweet expression; her lips moved, as
if to send him a kiss; then she disappeared.
William made no attempt
to detain her; his head was pressed
against the grating, and big tears
chased each other down his cheeks.
How long he remained thus plunged
in mournful reflection, he noted not.
He was roused by the voice of the
superior, who seated herself, wrapped
in her black robes, on the other side
of the grating.
“I foresaw your grief,” she said.
“Our sister Martha-Mary refuses to
follow you.”
With a despairing look, William
answered the nun.
“Alas! alas!” he said, “the
child I so dearly loved met me
without joy, and left me without
regret.”
“Listen, my son,” resumed the
superior; “listen to me.—Five years
ago, there came to this convent a
young girl overwhelmed with grief
and sunk in terrible despair; her
entrance here was to her a descent
into the tomb. During one entire
year, none saw her but with tears on
her face. Only God knows how many
tears the eyes must shed, before a
broken spirit regains calm and resignation;
man cannot count them. This
young girl suffered much; in vain we
implored pardon for her, in vain we
summoned her family to her relief.
She might say, as is written in the
psalm,—’I am weary with my groaning:
mine eye is consumed because of grief.‘
What could we do, save pray for
her, since none would receive her
back!…”
“Alas!” cried William, “your
letters never reached us. My brother
was beyond sea; and I, having
then no hope of changing his determination,—I
had quitted his empty
and melancholy house.”
“Man abandoned her,” continued
the superior, “but God looked upon
his servant, and comforted her soul.
If He does not see fit to restore
strength to her body, exhausted by
suffering—His will be done! Perhaps
it would now be wise and generous to
leave her to that love of God which
she has attained after so many tears;
perhaps it would be prudent to spare
her fresh shocks.”
“No! no!” interrupted William, “I
cannot give up, even to God, this last
relic of my family, the sole prop of my
old age. I will try every means to
bring back her heart to its early sentiments.
Give me Christine for a few
days only! Let me conduct her to the
place of her birth, to the scenes where
she loved. She is deaf to my entreaties,
but she will obey an order from you;
bid her return for a while beneath her
father’s roof! Should she still wish
it, after this last attempt, I will restore
her hither.”
[697]“Take her with you, my son,”
replied the superior, “I will bid her
follow. If God has indeed spoken to
her soul, no worldly voice will move
her. If it be otherwise, may she return
no more to the cloister, but be
blessed wherever she goes! Adieu,
my son; the peace of the Lord be with
you!”
Hope revived in the heart of William
Van Amberg; it seemed to him as if—the
convent threshold once passed—Christine
would revert to her former
character, her youth and love. He
believed he was about to remove his beloved
child for ever from these gloomy
walls, and with painful impatience he
awaited her coming. Soon a light
step was heard in the corridor; William
threw open the door, Christine
was there, and no grating now separated
her from her uncle.
“My beloved Christine!” exclaimed
William, “at last, then, you are restored
to me; at last I can press
you to my heart! Come, we will
return to our own country, and
revisit the house where we all dwelt
together.”
Sister Martha-Mary was still paler
than at her first interview with William.
If any expression was discernible
upon that calm countenance, it
was one of sadness. She allowed herself
to be taken by the hand and conducted
to the convent gate; but when
the gate was opened, and, passing
into the open air, she encountered the
broad daylight and the fresh breeze,
she tottered and leaned for support
against the wall. Just then the sun
rent the clouds, and threw its golden
beams on plain and mountain; the
air was clear and transparent, and the
flat and monotonous horizon acquired
beauty from the burst of light.
“See, my daughter!” said William,
“see how lovely the earth
looks! How soft is the air we breathe!
How good it is to be free, and to move
towards that immense horizon!”
“Oh, my dear uncle!” replied the
novice, “how beautiful are the
heavens! See how the sun shines
above our heads! It is in heaven
that his glory should be admired!
His rays are already dim and feeble
when they touch the earth!”
William led Christine to a carriage;
they got in, and the horses set off.
Long did the gaze of the novice remain
fixed on her convent’s walls; when
these were hidden from her by the
windings of the road, she closed her
eyes and seemed to sleep. During
the journey, William endeavoured in
vain to make her converse; she had
forgotten how to express her thoughts.
When compelled to reply, fatigue overwhelmed
her; her whole existence
was concentrated in her soul, and detached
entirely from the external
world. At intervals, she would say to
herself: “How long the morning is!
Nothing marks the hours; I have not
heard a single bell to-day!”
At last they reached the red house,
and the carriage drove into the court,
where the grass grow between the
stones. Gothon came out to receive
them, and Martha-Mary, leaning on
her uncle’s arm, entered the parlour
where the family of Van Amberg had
so often assembled. The room was
deserted and cold; no books or work
gave it the look of habitation; abandoned
by its last occupants, it awaited
new ones. Christine slowly traversed
this well-known apartment, and sat
down upon a chair near the window.
It was there her mother had sat for
twenty years; there had her childhood
passed at the knees of Annunciata.
William opened the window, showed
her the meadow, the willows, and the
river. Christine looked at them in
silence, her head resting on her hand,
her eyes fixed on the horizon. For
a long while William stood beside her,
then he placed his hand on her
shoulder and pronounced her name.
She rose and followed him. They
ascended the stairs, traversed the
gallery, and William opened a door.
“Your mother’s room,” said he to
Christine. The novice entered and
stood still in the middle of the
chamber; tears flowed from her eyes,
she clasped her hands and prayed.
“My daughter,” said William, “she
ardently desired your happiness.”
“She has obtained it!” replied the
novice.
The old man felt a profound sadness
come over him. It was like
pressing to his heart a corpse to which
his love restored neither breath nor
warmth. Martha-Mary approached
her mother’s bed, knelt down, and[698]
kissed the pillow that had supported
the dying head of Annunciata.
“Mother!” she murmured, “soon
we shall meet again.”
William shuddered. He took
Christine’s hand, and led her to the
room she had formerly occupied. The
little white-curtained bed was still
there, the guitar hung against the
wall, Christine’s favourite volumes
filled the shelves of her modest bookcase;
through the open window were
seen the willows and the river.
Martha-Mary noticed none of these
things: the wooden crucifix was
still upon the wall; she rapidly approached
it, knelt, bowed her head
upon the feet of Christ, closed her
eyes and breathed deeply, like one
finding repose after long fatigue.
Like the exile returning to his native
land, like the storm-tossed mariner regaining
the port, she remained with her
brow resting upon her Saviour’s feet.
Standing by her side, William
looked on in tearful silence. Farther
off, Gothon wiped her eyes with her
apron. Several hours elapsed. The
house-clock struck, the birds sang in
the garden; the wind rustled among
the trees; in the lofty pigeon-house
the doves cooed; the cock crowed in
the poultry-yard. None of these
loved and familiar sounds could divert
Martha-Mary from her devout meditation.
Sick at heart, her uncle descended
to the parlour. He remained
there long, plunged in gloomy reflections.
Suddenly hasty steps were
heard; a young man rushed into the
room and into William’s arms.
“Christine! Christine!” cried Herbert;
“where is Christine? Is it not a
dream? M. Van Amberg gives me
Christine!… Once more in
my native land, and Christine
mine!”
“Karl Van Amberg gives, but God
refuses her to you!” replied William,
mournfully. Then he told Herbert
what had passed at the convent, and
since their arrival at the house: he
gave a thousand details,—he repeated
them a thousand times, but without
convincing Herbert of the melancholy
truth.
“It is impossible!” cried the young
man; “if Christine is alive, if Christine
is here, to the first word uttered by
her lover, Christine will reply.”
“God grant it!” exclaimed William,
“my last hope is in you.”
Herbert sprang up the stairs, his
heart too full of love to have room for
fear. Christine free, was for him
Christine ready to become his wife.
He hastily opened her chamber door;
but then he paused, as if petrified,
upon the threshold. The day was
closing in, and its fading light fell upon
Martha-Mary, whose form stood out
like a white shadow from the gloom
of the room. She was still on her knees,
her head resting on the feet of Christ,
her fragile person lost in the multiplied
folds of her conventual robes. She
heard not the opening of the door, and
Herbert stood gazing at her, till a flood
of tears burst from his eyes. William
took his hand and silently pressed it.
“I am frightened!” said Herbert,
in a low tone. “That is not my
Christine! A phantom risen from
the earth, or an angel descended from
Heaven, has taken her place!”
“No, she is no longer Christine!”
replied William, sadly.
For a few moments more Herbert
stood in mournful contemplation. Then
he exclaimed:—”Christine, dear
Christine!”
At the sound of his voice the novice
started, rose to her feet, and pronounced
his name. As in former days,
when her lover called “Christine!”
Martha-Mary had replied, “Herbert!”
The young man’s heart beat violently;
he stood beside the novice, he
took her hands. “It is I, it is Herbert!”
he said, kneeling down before her.
The novice fixed her large black eyes
upon him with a long inquiring gaze;
a slight flush passed across her brow;
then she became pale as before, and
said gently to Herbert:—”I thought
not to see you again upon earth.”
“Dear Christine! tears and suffering
have long been our portion; but happy
days at last dawn upon us! My love!
my bride! we will never part again!”
Martha-Mary extricated her hands
from those of Herbert, and retreated
towards the image of Christ.
“I am the bride of the Lord” she
said in trembling accents. “He expects
me.”
Herbert uttered a cry of grief.
“Christine! dear Christine! remember
our oft-repeated pledges, our loves,
our tears, our hopes. You left me[699]
vowing to love me always. Christine,
if you would not have me die of
despair, remember the past!”
Martha-Mary’s eyes continued riveted
on the crucifix; her hands, convulsively
clasped, were extended towards
it.
“Gracious Lord!” she prayed,
“speak to his heart as you have spoken
to mine! It is a noble heart, worthy
to love you. Stronger than I, Herbert
may survive, even after much weeping!
Console him, oh Lord!”
“Christine! my first and only love!
sole hope and joy of my life! do
you thus abandon me? That heart,
once entirely mine, is it closed to me
for ever?”
Her gaze upon the crucifix, her
hands still joined, the novice, as if able
to speak only to her God, gently replied:—”Lord!
he suffers as I suffered!
shed upon him the balm wherewith
you healed my wounds! Leaving him
life, take his soul as you have taken
mine. Give him that ineffable peace
which descends upon those thou
lovest!”
“Oh Christine! my beloved!”
cried Herbert, once more taking her
hand, “do but look at me! turn your
eyes upon me and behold my tears!
Dearest treasure of my heart! you
seem to slumber! Awake! Have you
forgotten our tender meetings? the
willows bending over the stream, the
boat in which we sailed a whole night,
dreaming the joy of eternal union?
See! the moon rises as it rose that
night. We were near each other as
now; but then they tore us asunder,
and now we are free to be together!
Christine, have you ceased to love?
Is all forgotten?”
William took her other hand. “Dear
child,” he said, “we entreat you not
to leave us! To you we look for happiness;
remain with us, Christine.”
One hand in the hands of Herbert,
the other in those of William, the
novice slowly and solemnly replied:
“The corpse that reposes in the
tomb does not lift the stone to re-enter
the world. The soul that has seen
Heaven, does not leave it to return
to earth. The creature to whom
God has said, ‘Be thou the spouse of
Christ,’ does not quit Christ to unite
herself to a man; and she who is about
to die should turn her affections from
mortal things!”
“Herbert!” cried William, “be
silent! Not another word! I can
scarcely feel the throbbing of her
pulse! She is paler even than when
I first saw her behind the convent
grating. We give her pain. Enough,
Herbert, enough! Better yield her
to God upon earth, than send her to
him in Heaven!”
The old man placed the almost inanimate
head of Martha-Mary upon
his shoulder, and pressed her to his
heart as a mother embraces her child.
“Recover yourself, my daughter,” he
said; “I will restore you to the house
of God.”
Martha-Mary turned her sad and
gentle gaze upon her uncle, and her
hand feebly pressed his. Then addressing
herself to Herbert:
“You, Herbert,” she said, in a
scarcely audible voice, “you, who
will live, do not abandon him!”
“Christine!” cried Herbert, on his
knees before his betrothed. “Christine!
do we part for ever?”
The novice raised her eyes to heaven.
“Not for ever!” she replied.
Some days afterwards the convent
gates opened to receive sister Martha-Mary.
They closed upon her for the
last time. With feeble and unsteady
step the novice traversed the cloisters
to prostrate herself on the altar-steps.
The superior came to her.
“Oh my mother!” exclaimed
Christine, the fountain of whose tears
was opened, and who wept as in the
days of her childhood, “I have seen
him and left him! To thee I return,
oh Lord! faithful to my vows, I
await the crown that shall consecrate
me thy spouse. Thy voice alone
shall henceforward reach my ears; I
come to sing thy praises, to pray and
serve thee until the end of my life!—Holy
mother, prepare the robe of
serge, the white crown, the silver
cross; I am ready!”
“My daughter,” replied the superior,
“you are very ill, much exhausted
by so many shocks; will you
not delay the ceremony of profession?”
“No, holy mother! no; delay it
not! I would die the bride of the
Lord!… And I have little
time!” replied sister Martha-Mary.
THE WIDOW OF GLENCOE.
The Massacre of Glencoe is an event which neither can nor ought to be
forgotten. It was one of the earliest fruits of the so-called glorious Revolution
Settlement, and exhibits in their foulest perfidy the true characters of its
authors.
After the battle of Killiecrankie the cause of the Scottish royalists declined,
rather from the want of a competent leader than from any disinclination on
the part of the people to vindicate the right of King James. No person of
adequate talents or authority was found to supply the place of the great and
gallant Lord Dundee, of whom it was truly written,—
Accepitque novos, te moriente, deos.”
General Cannon, who succeeded in command, was not only deficient in military
skill, but did not possess the confidence, nor understand the character
of the Highland chiefs, who, with their clansmen, constituted by far the most
important section of the army. Accordingly no enterprise of any importance
was attempted, and the disastrous issue of the battle of the Boyne led to a
negotiation which terminated in the entire disbanding of the royal forces.
By this treaty, which was expressly sanctioned by William of Orange, a full
and unreserved indemnity and pardon was granted to all of the Highlanders
who had taken arms, with a proviso that they should first subscribe the oath
of allegiance to William and Mary, before the 1st of January 1692, in presence
of the Lords of the Scottish Council, “or of the sheriffs or their deputies
of the respective shires wherein they lived.” The letter of William addressed
to the Privy Council, and ordering proclamation to be made to the above
effect, contained also the following significant passage:—”That ye communicate
our pleasure to the Governor of Inverlochy and other commanders
that they be exact and diligent in their several posts; but that they show no
more zeal against the Highlanders after their submission, than they have ever
done formerly when these were in open rebellion.”
This enigmatical sentence, which in reality was intended, as the sequel
will show, to be interpreted in the most cruel manner, appears to have
caused some perplexity in the Council, as that body deemed it necessary to
apply for more distinct and specific instructions, which, however, were not
then issued. It had been especially stipulated by the chiefs as an indispensable
preliminary to their treaty, that they should have leave to communicate
with King James, then residing at St Germains, for the purpose of obtaining
his permission and warrant previous to submitting themselves to the existing
government. That article had been sanctioned by William before the proclamation
was issued, and a special messenger was despatched to France for
that purpose.
In the mean time, troops were gradually and cautiously advanced to the
confines of the Highlands, and, in some instances, actually quartered on the
inhabitants. The condition of the country was perfectly tranquil. No disturbances
whatever occurred in the north or west of Scotland; Lochiel and
the other chiefs were awaiting the communication from St. Germains, and
held themselves bound in honour to remain inactive; whilst the remainder of
the royalist forces (for whom separate terms had been made) were left unmolested
at Dunkeld.
But rumours, which are too clearly traceable to the emissaries of the new
government, asserting the preparation made for an immediate landing of King
James at the head of a large body of the French, were industriously circulated,
and by many were implicitly believed. The infamous policy which
dictated such a course is now apparent. The term of the amnesty or truce[701]
granted by the proclamation expired with the year 1691, and all who had
not taken the oath of allegiance before that term were to be proceeded against
with the utmost severity. The proclamation was issued upon the 29th of
August, consequently, only four months were allowed for the complete submission
of the Highlands.
Not one of the chiefs subscribed until the mandate from King James
arrived. That document, which is dated from St Germains on the 12th of
December 1691, reached Dunkeld eleven days afterwards, and, consequently,
but a very short time before the indemnity expired. The bearer, Major
Menzies, was so fatigued that he could proceed no farther on his journey, but
forwarded the mandate by an express to the commander of the royal forces,
who was then at Glengarry. It was therefore impossible that the document
could be circulated through the Highlands within the prescribed period.
Lochiel, says Drummond of Balhaldy, did not receive his copy till about
thirty hours before the time was out, and appeared before the sheriff at
Inverara, where he took the oaths upon the very day on which the indemnity
expired.
That a general massacre throughout the Highlands was contemplated by
the Whig government, is a fact established by overwhelming evidence. In
the course of the subsequent investigations before the Scots Parliament,
letters were produced from Sir John Dalrymple, then Master of Stair, one of
the secretaries of state in attendance upon the court, which too clearly indicate
the intentions of William. In one of these, dated 1st December 1691,—a
month, be it observed, before the amnesty expired—and addressed to
Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, there are the following words:—”The winter
is the only season in which we are sure the Highlanders cannot escape us, nor
carry their wives, bairns, and cattle to the mountains.” And in another letter,
written only two days afterwards, he says,—”It is the only time that they
cannot escape you, for human constitution cannot endure to be long out of
houses. This is the proper season to maule them in the cold long nights.”
And in January thereafter, he informed Sir Thomas Livingston that the design
was “to destroy entirely the country of Lochaber, Lochiel’s lands, Keppoch’s,
Glengarry’s, Appin, and Glencoe. I assure you,” he continues, “your power
shall be full enough, and I hope the soldiers will not trouble the Government
with prisoners.”
Lochiel was more fortunate than others of his friends and neighbours.
According to Drummond,—”Major Menzies, who, upon his arrival, had
observed the whole forces of the kingdom ready to invade the Highlands, as
he wrote to General Buchan, foreseeing the unhappy consequences, not only
begged that general to send expresses to all parts with orders immediately to
submit, but also wrote to Sir Thomas Livingston, praying him to supplicate
the Council for a prorogation of the time, in regard that he was so excessively
fatigued, that he was obliged to stop some days to repose a little; and that
though he should send expresses, yet it was impossible they could reach the
distant parts in such time as to allow the several persons concerned the benefit
of the indemnity within the space limited; besides, that some persons having
put the Highlanders in a bad temper, he was confident to persuade them to
submit, if a further time were allowed. Sir Thomas presented this letter to
the Council on the 5th of January 1692, but they refused to give any answer,
and ordered him to transmit the same to court.”
The reply of William of Orange was a letter, countersigned by Dalrymple, in
which, upon the recital that “several of the chieftains and many of their clans
have not taken the benefit of our gracious indemnity,” he gave orders for a
general massacre. “To that end, we have given Sir Thomas Livingston
orders to employ our troops (which we have already conveniently posted,) to
cut off these obstinate rebels by all manner of hostility; and we do require you
to give him your assistance and concurrence in all other things that may
conduce to that service; and because these rebels, to avoid our forces, may
draw themselves, their families, goods, or cattle, to lurk or be concealed[702]
among their neighbours: therefore, we require and authorise you to emit a
proclamation to be published at the market-crosses of these or the adjacent
shires where the rebels reside, discharging upon the highest penalties the law
allows, any reset, correspondence, or intercommuning with these rebels.”
This monstrous mandate, which was in fact the death-warrant of many
thousand innocent people, no distinction being made of age or sex, would, in
all human probability, have been put into execution, but for the remonstrance
of one high-minded nobleman. Lord Carmarthen, afterwards Duke of
Leeds, accidentally became aware of the purposed massacre, and personally
remonstrated with the monarch against a measure which he denounced as
at once cruel and impolitic. After much discussion, William, influenced
rather by an apprehension that so savage and sweeping an act might prove
fatal to his new authority, than by any compunction or impulse of humanity,
agreed to recall the general order, and to limit himself, in the first instance,
to a single deed of butchery, by way of testing the temper of the nation. Some
difficulty seems to have arisen in the selection of the fittest victim. Both
Keppoch and Glencoe were named, but the personal rancour of Secretary
Dalrymple decided the doom of the latter. The Secretary wrote thus:—”Argyle
tells me that Glencoe hath not taken the oath, at which I rejoice. It is a
great work of charity to be exact in rooting out that damnable set.” The
final instructions regarding Glencoe, which were issued on 16th January
1692, are as follows:—
“William R.—As for M’Ian of Glencoe and that tribe, if they can be well
distinguished from the rest of the Highlanders, it will be proper for public justice
to extirpate that set of thieves.”“W. R.”
This letter is remarkable as being signed and countersigned by William
alone, contrary to the usual practice. The secretary was no doubt desirous to
screen himself from after responsibility, and was further aware that the royal
signature would ensure a rigorous execution of the sentence.
Macdonald, or as he was more commonly designed, M’Ian of Glencoe, was
the head of a considerable sept or branch of the great Clan-Coila, and was
lineally descended from the ancient Lords of the Isles, and from the royal family
of Scotland, the common ancestor of the Macdonalds having espoused a daughter
of Robert II. He was, according to a contemporary testimony, “a person of
great integrity, honour, good nature, and courage, and his loyalty to his old
master, King James, was such, that he continued in arms from Dundee’s
first appearing in the Highlands, till the fatal treaty that brought on his
ruin.” In common with the other chiefs, he had omitted taking the benefit of
the indemnity until he received the sanction of King James; but the copy of
that document which was forwarded to him, unfortunately arrived too late.
The weather was so excessively stormy at the time that there was no possibility
of penetrating from Glencoe to Inverara, the place where the sheriff
resided, before the expiry of the stated period; and M’Ian accordingly
adopted the only practicable mode of signifying his submission, by making
his way with great difficulty to Fort-William, then called Inverlochy, and
tendering his signature to the military governor there. That officer was not
authorised to receive it, but at the earnest entreaty of the chief, he gave him
a certificate of his appearance and tender, and on New-year’s day, 1692,
M’Ian reached Inverara, where he produced that paper as evidence of his intentions,
and prevailed upon the sheriff, Sir James Campbell of Ardkinglass,
to administer the oaths required. After that ceremony, which was immediately
intimated to the Privy Council, had been performed, the unfortunate
gentleman returned home, in the full conviction that he had thereby made
peace with government for himself and for his clan. But his doom was
already sealed.
A company of the Earl of Argyle’s regiment had been previously quartered
in Glencoe. These men, though Campbells, and hereditarily obnoxious to[703]
the Macdonalds, Camerons, and other of the loyal clans, were yet countrymen,
and were kindly and hospitably received. Their captain, Robert Campbell
of Glenlyon, was connected with the family of Glencoe through the
marriage of a niece, and was resident under the roof of the chief. And yet this
was the very troop selected for the horrid service.
Special instructions were sent to the major of the regiment, one Duncanson,
then quartered at Ballachulish, a morose, brutal, and savage man, who
accordingly wrote to Campbell of Glenlyon in the following terms:—
“Ballacholis, 12 February, 1692.
“Sir,—You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, the M’Donalds of
Glencoe, and putt all to the sword under seventy. You are to have special
care that the old fox and his sons doe upon no account escape your hands.
You are to secure all the avenues that no man escape. This you are to put
in execution att five o’clock in the morning precisely, and by that time or
very shortly after it I’ll strive to be att you with a stronger party. If I doe
not come to you at five, you are not to tarry for me but to fall on. This is
by the king’s speciall command, for the good and safety of the country, that
these miscreants be cutt off root and branch. See that this be putt in execution
without feud or favour, else you may expect to be treated as not true to
the king’s government, nor a man fitt to carry a commission in the king’s
service. Expecting you will not faill in the fulfilling hereof as you love yourself,
I subscrive these with my hand.“Robert Duncanson.
“For their Majesty’s service. To Captain
Robert Campbell of Glenlyon.”
This order was too literally obeyed. At the appointed hour, when the
whole inhabitants of the glen were asleep, the work of murder began. M’Ian
was one of the first who fell. Drummond’s narrative fills up the remainder
of the dreadful story.
“They then served all within the family in the same manner, without distinction
of age or person. In a word, for the horror of that execrable
butchery must give pain to the reader, they left none alive but a young child,
who being frighted with the noise of the guns, and the dismal shrieks and
cries of its dying parents, whom they were a-murdering, got hold of Captain
Campbell’s knees and wrapt itself within his cloak; by which, chancing to
move compassion, the captain inclined to have saved it, but one Drummond,
an officer, arriving about the break of day with more troops, commanded it to
be shot by a file of musqueteers. Nothing could be more shocking and horrible
than the prospect of these houses bestrewed with mangled bodies of the
dead, covered with blood, and resounding with the groans of wretches in the
last agonies of life.
“Two sons of Glencoe’s were the only persons that escaped in that quarter
of the country; for, growing jealous of some ill designs from the behaviour
of the soldiers, they stole from their beds a few minutes before the tragedy
began, and chancing to overhear two of them discoursing plainly of the
matter, they endeavoured to have advertised their father, but finding that
impracticable, they ran to the other end of the country and alarmed the inhabitants.
There was another accident that contributed much to their safety;
for the night was so excessively stormy and tempestuous, that four hundred
soldiers, who were appointed to murder these people, were stopped in their
march from Inverlochy, and could not get up till they had time to save themselves.
To cover the deformity of so dreadful a sight, the soldiers burned all
the houses to the ground, after having rifled them, carried away nine hundred
cows, two hundred horses, numberless herds of sheep and goats, and
every thing else that belonged to these miserable people. Lamentable was
the case of the women and children that escaped the butchery. The mountains[704]
were covered with a deep snow, the rivers impassable, storm and tempest
filled the air, and added to the horrors and darkness of the night, and
there were no houses to shelter them within many miles.”[2]
Such was the awful massacre of Glencoe, an event which has left an indelible
and execrable stain upon the memory of William of Orange. The records of
Indian warfare can hardly afford a parallel instance of atrocity; and this deed,
coupled with his deliberate treachery in the Darien business, whereby Scotland
was for a time absolutely ruined, is sufficient to account for the little
estimation in which the name of the “great Whig deliverer” is still regarded
in the valleys of the North.
Leave him lying where he fell—
Better bier ye cannot fashion:
None beseems him half so well,
As the bare and broken heather,
And the hard and trampled sod,
Whence his angry soul ascended
To the judgment seat of God!
Winding-sheet we cannot give him—
Seek no mantle for the dead,
Save the cold and spotless covering,
Showered from heaven upon his head.
Leave his broadsword, as we found it,
Bent and broken with the blow,
That, before he died, avenged him
On the foremost of the foe.
Leave the blood upon his bosom—
Wash not off that sacred stain:
Let it stiffen on the tartan,
Let his wounds unclosed remain,
Till the day when he shall show them
At the throne of God on high,
When the murderer and the murdered
Meet before their Judge’s eye!
Leave it to the faint and weak;
Sobs are but a woman’s weapon—
Tears befit a maiden’s cheek.
Weep not, children of Macdonald!
Weep not thou, his orphan heir—
Not in shame, but stainless honour,
Lies thy slaughtered father there.
Weep not—but when years are over,
And thine arm is strong and sure,
And thy foot is swift and steady
On the mountain and the muir—
Let thy heart be hard as iron,
And thy wrath as fierce as fire,
Till the hour when vengeance cometh
For the race that slew thy sire!
Till in deep and dark Glenlyon
Rise a louder shriek of wo,
Than at midnight, from their eyrie,
Scared the eagles of Glencoe.
[705]Louder than the screams that mingled
With the howling of the blast,
When the murderer’s steel was clashing,
And the fires were rising fast.
When thy noble father bounded
To the rescue of his men,
And the slogan of our kindred
Pealed throughout the startled glen.
When the herd of frantic women
Stumbled through the midnight snow,
With their fathers’ houses blazing,
And their dearest dead below!
Oh, the horror of the tempest,
As the flashing drift was blown,
Crimsoned with the conflagration,
And the roofs went thundering down!
Oh, the prayers—the prayers and curses
That together winged their flight
From the maddened hearts of many
Through that long and woful night!
Till the fires began to dwindle,
And the shots grew faint and few,
And we heard the foeman’s challenge,
Only in a far halloo.
Till the silence once more settled
O’er the gorges of the glen,
Broken only by the Cona
Plunging through its naked den.
Slowly from the mountain summit
Was the drifting veil withdrawn,
And the ghastly valley glimmered
In the gray December dawn.
Better had the morning never
Dawned upon our dark despair!
Black amidst the common whiteness
Rose the spectral ruins there:
But the sight of these was nothing,
More than wrings the wild dove’s breast,
When she searches for her offspring
Round the relics of her nest.
For, in many a spot, the tartan
Peered above the wintry heap,
Marking where a dead Macdonald
Lay within his frozen sleep.
Tremblingly we scooped the covering
From each kindred victim’s head,
And the living lips were burning
On the cold ones of the dead.
And I left them with their dearest—
Dearest charge had every one—
Left the maiden with her lover,
Left the mother with her son.
I alone of all was mateless,
Far more wretched I than they,
For the snow would not discover
Where my lord and husband lay.
But I wandered up the valley,
Till I found him lying low,
[706]With the gash upon his bosom
And the frown upon his brow—
Till I found him lying murdered,
Where he wooed me long ago!
Why should I have tears to shed?
Could I rain them down like water,
O my hero, on thy head—
Could the cry of lamentation
Wake thee from thy silent sleep,
Could it set thy heart a throbbing,
It were mine to wail and weep!
But I will not waste my sorrow,
Lest the Campbell women say,
That the daughters of Clanranald
Are as weak and frail as they.
I had wept thee, hadst thou fallen,
Like our fathers, on thy shield,
When a host of English foemen
Camped upon a Scottish field—
I had mourned thee, hadst thou perished
With the foremost of his name,
When the valiant and the noble
Died around the dauntless Græme!
But I will not wrong thee, husband,
With my unavailing cries,
Whilst thy cold and mangled body,
Stricken by the traitor, lies;
Whilst he counts the gold and glory
That this hideous night has won,
And his heart is big with triumph
At the murder he has done.
Other eyes than mine shall glisten,
Other hearts be rent in twain,
Ere the heathbells on thy hillock
Wither in the autumn rain.
Then I’ll seek thee where thou sleepest,
And I’ll veil my weary head,
Praying for a place beside thee,
Dearer than my bridal bed.
And I’ll give thee tears, my husband,
If the tears remain to me,
When the widows of the foemen,
Cry the coronach for thee!
THE PYRENEES.
Baron Vaerst’s animated account
of his Pyrenean wanderings and observations,
forms one of the pleasantest
books of its class we for some
time have met with. As the issue of
a German pen, one so agreeable was
scarcely to be expected. Whatever
be thought of the present condition of
German literature—and our opinion
of it is far from favourable—all must
admit that the department of voyages
and travels has of late been execrably
provided. Since Tschudi’s Peru, now
eighteen months old, nothing of mark—scarcely
any thing worth a passing
notice—has been produced by
German travellers. There have appeared
a few books of eastern travel,
others of stale description and oft-repeated
criticism from Italy. Prince
Waldemar’s physician gave us a dull
narrative of his journey to and through
India, where he was so injudicious as
to get shot just as his observations
became of interest. It was time something
better should turn up. Germans,
hardy and adventurous travelers
and shrewd observers, are but
moderately successful in describing
what they see. Of course, there are
brilliant exceptions. Tschudi is one
of the most recent, Vaerst, allowing
for the comparative staleness of
his subject, really does not come far
behind him as a lively and expert
writer. Most German tourists either
drivel or dogmatise; are awfully wise,
and ponderous, and somniferous, or
mere trivial verbose gossips, writing
against time and paper, with a torrent
of words and a drought of
ideas, like Kohl, the substance of
any four of whose volumes might,
with perfect ease and great advantage,
be compressed into one. The best
travels, now-a-days, are written by
Englishmen, and our large and daily-increasing
store of admirable books
of that class does honour to the
country. The French are vastly amusing,
but they are too fond of romancing,
and do so artfully and unscrupulously
mix up what they invent at
home with what they see abroad,
that they mislead and impose upon
the simple and unwary. Without
taking for example such an extreme
case as Alexander Dumas—notorious
as a hardened delinquent,
writing travels in countries whose
frontier he has never crossed, and
chuckling when the same is imputed to
him—we find abundance of more
modest offenders, serving up their
actual experiences with a humorous
sauce, in whose composition and distribution
they display much skill and
wit. For instance,—one might
suppose the vast number of books
about Syria, Egypt, Turkey, and
so forth, that have appeared within
the last few years in England,
France, and Germany, would have left
little of interest to tell about those
oriental regions, and that whatever
was at present written would be a
mere rechauffé, without spice or flavour,—an
unpalatable dishing-up of
yesterday’s baked-meats. In his
“Anti-Liban, Scènes de la Vie Orientale,”
M. Gerard de Nerval practically
demonstrates the fallacy of
such an opinion, and shows how
talent and humour will give fresh
zest to a subject already handled
by a host of artists. Of course, we
do not accept all his romantic scenes
and contes dialoguées as literal facts,—they
are the gilding of the pill, the
seductive embellishments of a hackneyed
subject; but an attentive reader
will sift character and information
from them. And after all, when a
whole library of gravity has been
written about a country, it is surely,
allowable, in an age when fun is so
rampant that even history is strained
into burlesque, to write of it gaily,
and place a setting of amusement
round facts that would otherwise
hardly obtain perusal. And we do not
smile the less at M. de Nerval’s facetious[708]
stories about Javanese slaves,
Greek captains and Druse festivals,
at his proposals of marriage to Scheiks’
daughters, recounted by him with
commendable assurance, and at the
smart French repartees he puts into
the mouths of solemn Egyptian
pachas, because we trace without
difficulty the operation of his lively
imagination and decorative pen. On
the other hand, there are French
books of travel as dull and sententious
as those of any Teuton who ever
twaddled. As a specimen, we refer
our readers to the long-winded periods
and inflated emptiness of that wearisome
personage, Monsieur X. Marmier.
Less convenient of access, the Pyrenees
are far less visited than the Alps.
It is on that account, perhaps, that
they are more written about. People
now can go to Switzerland without
rushing madly into print—indeed it
would be ridiculous to write a descriptive
tour in a country thoroughly
well known to nine out of ten of
the probable readers. But it seems
very difficult for any one versed in
orthography, and able to hold a pen,
to approach the Pyrenees without
flying to the ink-bottle. And it is
astounding to behold the confidence
with which, on the strength of a
week or two at Pau, a few pints of
water imbibed at Barèges, or a distant
view of the Maladetta, they
discourse of three hundred miles of
mountain, containing infinite variety
of scenery, and richer perhaps than
any other mountain range in the
world in associations historical, poetical,
and romantic. On no such slender
experience does Baron Vaerst
found his claims as chronicler of this
most splendid of natural partition-walls.
“Thrice,” he tells us, “and
under very various circumstances,
have I visited the Pyrenees, passing
over and through them in all directions,
both on the French and Spanish
side; so that from the Garonne to the
Ebro I am well acquainted with the
country, to which an old predilection
repeatedly drew me. It is now twenty
years since I undertook my first
journey, at the close of a long residence
in France. At leisure, and
with all possible convenience I saw
the different Pyrenean watering-places,
remaining six months amongst
them. I was a sturdy pedestrian and
good climber, and I passed nearly the
whole summer in wandering over the
mountains, accompanied by able
guides, bending my stops whithersoever
accident or the humour of the
moment impelled me, and pausing in
those spots that especially pleased me.
The snug and secret valleys of the
Pyrenees are world-renowned. I know
no region which oftener suggests the
thought,—Here it is good to dwell—here
let us build our house!”
Ten years later the Baron re-visited
his well-beloved vales and mountains;
this time in the suite and confidence
of the pretender to the Spanish
crown. Thence he forwarded occasional
details of the civil war to various
English, French, and German
newspapers, and had the reputation
with many of being a secret agent of
the northern powers, intrusted with
a sort of half-official mission, and
authorised on behalf of his employers
to prepare the recognition of Don
Carlos as king of Spain, which was
to follow—so it was then believed—immediately
on the capture of Saragossa,
Bilboa, or any other important
fortress. The favour shown him by
the pretender accredited the report,
which in some respects was disagreeable
to the Baron, whilst in others he
found it useful, as giving him facilities
for seeing and getting knowledge
of the country. In all security
and with due military escort, he took
his rambles, accompanied by Viscount
de Barrés, a French officer in the
Carlist service, who had been Zumalacarregui’s
aide-de-camp, and who
conducted him over the early battle-fields
of the civil war, in the valleys
of Echalar and Bastan; to the sea-coast,
to the sources of the Ebro, and
over the high mountains of Guipuzcoa.
Barrés spoke Spanish and Basque;
he was familiar with the country and
its usages, and able to give his companion
an immense store of valuable
information, the essence of which is
concentrated in the book before us.
“My first journey in the Pyrenees
was made on foot; the second entirely
on horseback. Although the Carlist
army in the Basque provinces was
then thirty thousand strong, not a
single carriage or cart followed it;
even the royal baggage was carried on[709]
mules. Finally, just one year ago,
I started on my third Pyrenean expedition,
this time in a comfortable
travelling carriage. I undertook the
journey not for amusement, but in
obedience to medical injunctions.
Lame and ill, I could neither ride nor
walk, and was unable closely to approach
my beloved mountains. I hovered
around them, like a shy lover round
his mistress, going as near as the
carriage-roads would take me. How
often, in the golden radiance of the
sun, in its glorious rising and setting,
in the soft moon-light, and through
the driving storm, have I gazed with
absorbing admiration at those mountain
peaks, and forgotten myself,
my sufferings, and the world!”
Cheerless and discouraging were
the circumstances under which, in
the autumn of 1844, Baron Vaerst
started upon his third journey southwards.
He was sick, dispirited, and
in pain, the weather was abominable,
and he felt uneasy lest the Breslau
theatre, whose manager he for some
years had been, should suffer from
his absence. A strong love of sunshine
and the south, however, consoled
him in some measure for these
disagreeables, and good news of the
progress of his theatrical speculation
contributed to raise his spirits. His
plans were very vague. He would go
south, and chance should fix him. At
the “Roman Emperor,” at Frankfort,
he fell in with the hereditary prince
of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt and Baron
Rheinbaben. They agreed to travel
together to Marseilles, and thence
take ship for Madeira. Baron Vaerst
had set his mind upon wintering in
the Canaries. He had been reading
Leopold Von Buch’s fascinating description
of their beauties, and had
decided that the valley of Lavanda
alone would repay the voyage. In
imagination he already inhaled the
perfumed air, spiced with odours of
orange and pomegranate; already he
sauntered beneath bowers of vines
and through almond groves peopled
with myriads of canary-birds. His
friends took the contagion of his enthusiasm,
and Funchal was the goal
of all their desires. From Frankfort
their second day’s journey brought
them to Mannheim. Here a gross
attempt at imposition awaited them.
“Having not a moment to lose, in
order to catch the Mühlhausen railway,
we called out somewhat impatiently
from the steamer’s deck for four
horses to convey us to the station.
A man made his appearance with
two, and insisted upon harnessing one
to each of our heavy travelling carriages,
maintaining that he would
drive us as fast as any body else could
with four. Of course we accepted
his offer, but on our way we were
stopped by another coachman, who
demanded payment for a second pair
of horses, ordered, although not used,
by us, and which he alleged were
provided. We saw no signs of them,
and refused payment. The man
screamed and stormed, called heaven
to witness our injustice, and appealed
to the passers by to protect him
against it. At last the spectators took
our part, and it turned out that the
fellow was owner of the two horses
we used, which were all he possessed.
The second pair existed but in his
imagination. I had travelled over all
Europe, and was accustomed to all
kinds of cheating,—which I do not,
like Herr Nicolai in his Italian tour,
allow to disturb my good humour,—but
I confess that such a magnificent
piece of impudence was entirely new
to me, and as such I deem it worthy
of record.”
After descending the Saone from
Chalons to Lyons, cooped by hail and
rain in the narrow cabin of the
steamer, with a couple of hundred
very miscellaneous companions, the
three Germans posted forward to
Marseilles, but were pulled up at
Avignon by lack of post-horses, all
engaged for the Prince of Joinville
and Duke of Aumale, then on their
way to Naples to celebrate the marriage
of the latter with the Princess
of Salerno. So they had time to examine
the city which a partial chronicler
has styled noble by antiquity,
agreeable by situation, stately by its
castle and battlements, smiling by the
fertility of its fields, loveable for the
gentle manners of its inhabitants,
beautiful by its wide streets, wonderful
for the architecture of its bridge,
rich through its commerce, and renowned
all the world over! This
pompous description, always an exaggeration,
is now little better than a[710]
series of untruths. The walls are in
ruins, the streets narrow, angular, and
uneven, the old castle of the Popes
looks more like a prison than a palace,
commerce there is none, and the murder
of Marshal Brune, in 1814, by a
furious mob, belies the gentleness of
the population. In Avignon, seven
Popes reigned for seven times ten
years; it had seven hospitals, seven
fraternities of penitents, seven convents
of monks and as many of nuns,
seven parishes, and seven cemeteries.
At Marseilles disappointment awaited
the pilgrims. They had planned to
proceed to Lisbon, and thence by an
English packet to Madeira; but they
were now informed that no steam-boats
went either from Cadiz or the
Portuguese capital to the Canaries,
and that the sailing vessels were of an
uncomfortable and inferior description.
By these, at that season of the year,
they did not deem it advisable to proceed;
so the trip to Madeira seemed
unlikely to be accomplished. They
consoled themselves as well as they
could by inspecting all worthy of visit
in the pleasant capital of Provence, and
by enjoying the luxurious table-d’hôte
dinners of the Hotel de l’Orient. At
this excellent inn, as chance would
have it, Prince Albert of Prussia, travelling
incognito, a short time previously
had for some days put up. The
arms upon the carriage of Prince
Schwarzburg included an imperial
eagle, borne by the counts and princes
of his house since the time of Günther,
emperor of Germany and count of
Schwarzburg. The prince travelled
under the assumed name of Baron
Leutenberg, but the double-headed
eagle on his shield convinced the
hotel keeper he was some imperial
prince, and on learning this from the
valet de place, he and his friends
thought it advisable to come to an
understanding about prices, the more
so as they occupied the same rooms
inhabited some time previously by
Queen Christina of Spain, whose bill,
in three weeks, amounted to eight-and-twenty
thousand francs. The apartments
were sumptuously fitted up,
with mirrors that would have done
honour to a palace, and in the centre
of the hotel was a large court, after
the Spanish fashion, enclosed on all
sides with high arcades. In the centre
of this patio a fountain threw up its
waters, and around were planted
evergreen bushes and creepers. In the
burning climate of Marseilles, one of
the most shadeless, and often—for two
or three months of the year—one of the
hottest places in Europe, such a cool
and still retreat is especially delightful.
During Baron Vaerst’s stay at
Marseilles, the fine French war-steamer,
Montezuma, arrived from
Africa, bringing the hero of Isly,
Marshal Bugeaud, and a numerous
suite. The evening of his arrival, the
conqueror of the infidel visited the
theatre, where Katinka Heinefetter
sang in the “Favorite.” To give
greater brilliancy to his triumphal
progress through France, Bugeaud
had brought over a number of Bedouin
chiefs, who now accompanied
him to the playhouse. Amongst them
were the Aga of Constantine, Scheik
El Garoubi, several learned Arabs
proceeding to Paris to study Arabian
manuscripts in the Royal Library, and,
most remarkable of all, the son of the
famous El Arrack, a stanch ally of
France, who, after a victory over a
hostile tribe, forwarded to the Marshal
five hundred pair of salted ears,
shorn from the heads of his prisoners.
These Arabs, in their rich oriental
garb, studded with gold and precious
stones, and scenting the air with musk
for a hundred yards around, interested
the public far more than the opera.
With characteristic gravity and indifference
they listened to the music, and
to the noise and exclamations of the
restless southern audience. But the
curtain rose on the ballet, and the first
entrechat electrified them. They rose
from their seats, leaned over the front
of the box, and were as excited and
alive to what went on as any vivacious
passionate Provençal of them
all. The next day, crowds assembled
before the hotel, upon whose balcony
the Bedouins complaisantly took their
station, and sat and smoked their
pipes in view of the people.
Future writers of travels would do
well to take example from Baron
Vaerst in the choice and arrangement
of their materials. He sustains
attention by a judicious alternation
of lively and serious matter. After
detailing his progress through a district,
or observations in a town, he[711]
usually devotes a chapter to a brief
but lucid historical sketch of the place
or province. For the filling of his
volumes he does not rely solely on
what he sees and orally gathers, but
has studied numerous works relating
to the history, traditions, and prospects
of the interesting country he
writes of, and makes good use of the
knowledge thus acquired. A list of
his authorities is prefixed to his book,
and if some few of them are of no great
value, the majority are trustworthy
and of high standing. Caution, however,
is necessary in our reception of the
Baron’s own opinions and inferences.
He protests his wish to tell truth, to
show no favour to friends, and render
ample justice to enemies. But he is a
rabid Carlist, a supporter of erroneous
doctrines on more than one point
relating to Spain, and at times his
predilections clash with the desire to
be impartial, by which we doubt not
he is really animated.
Marseilles, the most flourishing of
French seaports, is also one of the
gayest and most agreeable of French
provincial towns. Its inhabitants,
active and industrious, have been
noted from time immemorial as a
hot-headed and turbulent race.
Amongst them the peaceful pursuits
of agriculture never found encouragement;
they were always rough seamen
and adventurous traders, bold,
enterprising, and warlike. Both in
ancient and modern times, they, like
all commercial tribes, have ever
shown an ardent love of freedom and
independence. If they exhibited
royalist tendencies, in 1814 and 1815,
it was far less from love to the
Bourbons than from hatred to Napoleon.
The emperor’s continental
system had totally ruined the trade
of Marseilles, and in his downfall the
Marseillese foresaw a recommencement
of their prosperity. During the
blockade a paltry coasting trade was
all they retained. At the present
day, Marseilles, evidently intended
by nature to be the greatest of
French trading towns, has far outstripped
its former rivals, Nantes,
Bordeaux, and Havre. The port is
the rendezvous of all the nations of
the earth, a perpetual scene of
bustle and excitement, resembling a
great fair, or an Italian carnival.
All varieties of oriental garb, Greek
and Armenian, Egyptian and Turkish,
are there to be seen; parrots and
other exotic birds chatter and scream,
apes and monkeys grimace in the
rigging of the ships, and huge heaps
of stockfish, spread or packed upon
the quay, emit an unbearable stench.
The water in the harbour is thick and
filthy, but the natives proclaim this
quality an advantage, as tending
to preserve the shipping. The
greatest faults to be found with
Marseilles, are the want of cleanliness
and abominable smells occasioned by
want of proper sewerage. Otherwise,
as a residence, few in France
are more desirable. The streets are
well paved, and consequently dry
rapidly after rain: the climate is
glorious, and although the immediate
environs are barren and sandy, and
the roads out of the town ankle-deep
in dust, shade and verdure may be
found within the compass of a
moderate drive. Baron Vaerst
stands up as a champion of Provence,
which he maintains, with truth, has
received less than justice at the
hands of those who have written of
it as a naked and melancholy desert,
a patch of Africa transported to the
northern shore of the Mediterranean.
In the very barrenness of portions of
it he finds a certain charm. “Even
the environs of Marseilles,” he says,
“almost treeless and fountainless
though they be, have a striking and
majestic aspect. The clear deep
blue of the heavens, the blinding sun,
reflected in a blaze of fire from glittering
waves to white chalk hillocks,
half-hidden amongst which Marseilles
coquettishly peeps forth; the
scanty vegetation, of strange and
exotic aspect to the wanderer from
the north; the elegant country-houses,
with their solitary pine trees, whose
dark green crowns contrast with the
pale foliage of the olive, compose a
beautiful and characteristic picture.
The chief colours are white and gold;
green, more pleasant to the eye,
shows itself but here and there, and
at times entirely disappears. Those
who speak of Provence as one broad
barren tract, can know little beyond
the naked cliffs of Toulon; are strangers
assuredly to the Hesperides-gardens
of Hyères, to Nice with its palm trees[712]
and never-varying climate, and above
all to Grasse. I do not mean the
Grasse between Perpignan and Carcassone,
but Grasse near Draguignan.
The appearance and perfume of this
garden defies description. In Grasse
the best French pomatums are manufactured,
and thence are forwarded
to all parts of the world. Vast fields
of roses, mignionette, pinks, violets,
and hyacinths, swarming with bees,
and hovered over by thousands upon
thousands of bright-hued butterflies,
and plantations of orange trees, covered
at once with fruit and blossom, enchant
the eye, and fill the air for
leagues around with a balmy and
exquisite fragrance. But even as
the most venomous snakes dwell by
preference under the stateliest palms,
so is the whole of Provence too often
swept by the terrible mistral. This
pestilential wind, called by Strabo
the black death, withers tree and
flower, tears roofs from houses, raises
clouds of dust and pebbles, and penetrates
to the very marrow of man and
beast. To me it was so painful, that
it poisoned all my enjoyment of the
beauty of the country. I can easily
imagine that under the influence
of so rough and rude a scourge, men
may acquire the like qualities, and
may justify the truth of Arago’s reproach,
that “the manners of the
people of Toulon are brutal as the
mistral which ravages their vineyards.”
Upon inquiry it appeared that an
English steamer would leave Lisbon
for Madeira on the 1st of December.
But the only possible way to reach
Lisbon in time was by means of a Spanish
boat, then lying in the harbour of
Marseilles, and the Baron had little
taste for that mode of conveyance.
Only a few days previously, the
boiler of the Secundo Gaditano, belonging
to the same company, had
burst far out at sea, when several
persons were dangerously hurt, and
the vessel was compelled to return to
Marseilles, instead of prosecuting its
voyage to Barcelona. Its successor,
the Primer Gaditano, had good English
engines, and seemed well appointed,
and at last the three travellers
engaged berths. The vessel was
warranted to sail on the 23d November;
but in spite of this promise, and
of passengers’ remonstrances, the faithless
consignees detained her till the
morning of the 27th. Of course there
was no chance of getting to Lisbon in
time for the packet, but there was a possibility
of meeting it at Cadiz, where
it was expected to touch; and the
Baron and his companions, having
paid for their places, took their
chance. To their surprise and
annoyance, when the overladen
boat groaned and puffed its way
out of the harbour, its prow was
turned, not towards Spain, but towards
Toulon and Italy. This
strange circumstance was soon explained
by one of those extraordinary
laws peculiar to Spanish legislators,
intended, we presume, to encourage
the shipping interest of Spain, but
which, to any but its framers, certainly
appears wonderfully ill adapted
to the end proposed. Spanish vessels,
arriving from foreign ports, at a certain
distance from the Spanish frontier,
pay much lighter dues than
those whose point of departure is
nearer home. Marseilles is within
the high duty limit, and accordingly
the Gaditano wasted a day in sailing
to the little port of Ciotat, to have her
papers countersigned there, and obtain
the benefit of the low rate. A
pretty specimen of what are commonly
called cosas de España. “This,”
exclaims M. Vaerst, with righteous
indignation, “is what Spaniards call
encouraging their trade and shipping.
A compilation of the various contradictory
commercial edicts and regulations
propounded in Spain during the
last few centuries, would add an instructive
chapter to the history of the
misgovernment of that unhappy
country.” And he cites a few glaring
examples of blind and stupid legislation.
If one sovereign gave wise
decrees, and did not himself revoke
and nullify them, his successor was
sure to repair the omission. Thus we
find Ferdinand the Catholic forbidding
the importation of raw silk from
Italy, in order to encourage the
native silk-grower. Fifty years later,
under Charles the Fifth, a law was
published prohibiting the export of
silk goods, and allowing the import
of the raw material. By such absurd
enactments, directly opposed to the
true interests of the country, the[713]
rapid decline of Spanish prosperity
was prepared and precipitated. Many
of the acts of Ferdinand and Isabella
were directed to the encouragement
of commerce. They improved roads,
cut canals, built bridges, quays, and
light-houses. Under the judicious
rule, Spain grew in wealth and
strength; her merchant fleets covered
the seas, her navy was the first in
Europe, her enterprising mariners
discovered and conquered a new
world. Now, how are the mighty
fallen! Impoverished and indebted,
without a fleet, almost without
colonies, her commerce in the dust,
her people, in misery, her rulers ignorant
and corrupt, not a vestige of her
former splendour remains: And
foreign fishermen, intruding unopposed
into Spanish waters, cast their
nets in full view of that Cantabrian
coast, whose hardy inhabitants
were the first to chase the whale in
his distant ocean haunts. A more
melancholy picture it were difficult to
find, and it is the more painful to
contemplate, when we remember that
no natural causes can be assigned for
such a decline, which must be attributed
to the influence of evil governors,
worse counsellors, and a crafty
and bigotted priesthood.
Although the weather was fine, and
wind favourable, most of the passengers
by the Primer Gaditano were
grievously sick. Two Spanish prebendaries
especially distinguished
themselves by extremity of suffering,
and at one of them the Baron, albeit
an excellent seaman, feared to look,
lest he should vomit for sympathy.
The unfortunate clerigo had tucked the
corner of a napkin under his huge
black shovel-hat, and the cloth hung
down over his shoulder and breast,
contrasting with the cadaverous yellow
of his complexion. He was the
very incarnation of sea-sickness. At
night, although the weather was cool,
the berths were hot, and most of the
passengers lay upon sofas in the
cabin, where, when the wind rose, the
state of affairs was neither comfortable
nor savoury. The Spaniards would
fain have smoked, but, fortunately for
their companions, the prohibition
affixed to the cabin-wall was rigidly
enforced by the captain. The dinner
was hardly of a nature to soothe
squeamish stomachs. It was cooked
Spanish fashion, with a liberal allowance
of rancid oil and garlic-flavoured
sausage. At last, on the evening of
the second day, the steamer ran into
the harbour of Barcelona. It was
only half-past six o’clock, but the lazy
quarantine and custom-house officials
deemed it too late to perform their
duty, and not till the next morning
were the Baron and his friends allowed
to land and take up their quarters in
the Locanda de las Cuatro Naciones,
which a Spanish colonel had assured
them, with more patriotism than
veracity, was equal to the first Parisian
hotels. Although the best in
Barcelona, it by no means justified
such a comparison, but still it was
excellent when contrasted with the
majority of Spanish inns; and, moreover,
it looked out upon the Rambla,
a magnificent promenade, answering
to the Boulevards of Paris and the
Linden of Berlin. The edibles, too,
were capital; the game and poultry
and roasted pig’s feet delicious, the
dates fresh, the American preserves
of exquisite flavour, the red Catalan
wines objectionable only from their
strength. And all these good things
were supplied in an abundance astonishing
to men accustomed to the
scanty delicacies and make-believe
desserts of most German table-d’hôtes,
where dainties appear only when the
guests have properly gorged themselves
with bouilli and gherkins.
Such sumptuous fare consoled the invalid
Baron in some measure for insufficiency
of furniture and absence of
bed-curtains; and after dinner he
strolled out upon the Rambla, which
he found thronged with cloaked Dons,
yellow-jacketed soldiers, and those
pretty Catalan women, whose eyes,
according to M. de Balzac, are composed
of velvet and fire, and who
paced to and fro, shrouded in the elegant
mantilla, and going through the
various divisions of the fan-exercise.
The theatre in the evening, and a
visit to the strong fortress of Moujuich,
consumed the short stay the
travellers were allowed to make in
Barcelona, and they returned on board
the steamer, which sailed for Valencia.
They had got as far as
Tarragona, when the engines suddenly
stopped. All attempts to set them[714]
going were in vain; they were
completely out of order, and the unlucky
Primer Gaditano lay tossing at
the mercy of the waves, in imminent
danger of going ashore, until an English
ship hove in sight and towed her
back to Barcelona. Here the Baron
and his companions, heartily sick of
Spanish steamers and captains, finally
abandoned their Madeiran project,
and resolved to cross the Pyrenees
and winter at Pau. Notwithstanding
the many alarming reports of ferocious
highwaymen and recent robberies—reports
of which every traveller
in Spain is sure to hear an
abundance—the German consul assured
them they might proceed with
perfect safety by the route of Gerona
and Figueras. The diligences on
that road had not been attacked for a
whole year, and a terrible brigand,
guilty of one hundred and seventeen
murders, and known by the nickname
of Pardon, because he never pardoned
or spared any one who fell into
his hands, had recently been captured.
Having received a dangerous wound,
he had betaken himself, with vast
assurance, and under an assumed
name, to a public hospital, and whilst
there, an accomplice betrayed him.
Baron Vaerst gives some curious statistical
details concerning the number
of murders annually occurring in
Spain, with a list of the most remarkable
persons slain in cold
blood since the commencement of
the civil war, and various particulars
of the different styles of thieving
practised in Spain. Some of his notions
concerning the addictions and
habits of highwaymen are rather
poetical than practical. “It is
strange,” he says, “but not the less
a fact, that brigands always abound
most in beautiful countries. They
require a bright sky, romantic cliffs,
picturesque valleys, smiling plains,
umbrageous palm-trees, and fragrant
orange groves, and an olive-cheeked
mistress, fanciful and fascinating,
with raven-locks, and bright-glancing
eyes. Thus we find them most
numerous in the fair regions of Italy;
and in that Spanish land so richly
endowed by nature, that after all its
wars and revolutions it still shows
more signs of wealth than of desolation.
Frederick the Great is said to
have once asked which was the richest
country in the world. Some guessed
Peru, others Chili, but lie replied that
Spain was the richest, since its rulers
had for three centuries done their utmost
to ruin it, and had not yet succeeded.”
It might have occurred to
the worthy Baron, and we wonder it
did not, that the very wars and revolutions
he speaks of, added to gross
misgovernment and absurd prohibitory
tariffs (affording encouragement
to the smuggler, who is the
father of the highwayman) have
much more to do with the multiplication
of robberies, than the
picturesque scenery and orange
trees; more even than gazelle-eyed
she-banditti, his idea of whom is evidently
derived from the green-room
of the Breslau theatre. From an
old campaigner, who served under
Marshal Vorwaerts, came up at La
Belle Alliance to decide the fight, and
has since rolled about the world in
various capacities and occupations
likely to quench romance, such fanciful
notions were hardly to be expected.
But the Baron takes a strong interest
in the predatory portion of Spain’s
population, and has collected amusing
stories of notable outlaws, amongst
others of the celebrated Navarro,
whose memory still lives amongst the
people, perpetuated by hundreds of
popular songs, and by numerous
sainetes played at half the theatres in
Spain. He was quite the gentleman,
possessed considerable talents and
some education, despised the vulgar
luxury and ostentation of his subordinates,
and rode the best horses in
Andalusia. He would walk at noon-day
into the country-house of some
rich proprietor, order the poultry-yard
to be stripped to supply dinner
for his followers, and the fattest fowl
of the flock to be stuffed for himself,
not with truffles, but with gold quadruples.
If he found the stuffing not
sufficiently rich, he demanded a second
bird, and left the house only when
his appetite was fully satisfied, and his
pocket well filled. He once stopped
a jeweller on his way from a fair, took
from him a sum of four thousand
francs, and then inquired if he had no
jewels about him. The man at once
admitted that he had, and that he
had sewn them into his clothes, not,[715]
however, to preserve them from gallant
cavaliers of the road, but from
the vile rateros—an inferior class of
thieves, operating on a small scale,
who prowl in quest of isolated and defenceless
travellers. He produced his
treasure, and then, without waiting
orders, took from off his mules
a richly wrought silver service, at
which Navarro was greatly pleased,
and swore that in future he and his
soldiers (he assumed at all times the
style of a military chief) would in
future dine off the elegant workmanship
of the Castilian Cellini. Finally,
having stripped him of every thing
else, the robbers made the unlucky
jeweller give them wine from his bota.
It was very bad. “You are a miser,”
cried Navarro angrily, “and do not
deserve your riches. With treasures
of gold and silver in your coffers, you
drink wretched country wine, like the
meanest peasant!” “Alas! noble
sir,” replied the man of metal, “I am
very poor, and live hardly and sparingly;
I have eight children, no
money, but some credit, and nothing
of what you found on me belongs to
me.” “Sergeant,” cried Navarro, “a
glass of our best Malaga to the gentleman.”
The order was obeyed, and
whilst his men finished the bottle, the
captain again addressed the goldsmith.
“See here,” he said, showing him a
list of the concealed jewels, “my last
courier brought me this. Had you
kept back a single stone, it would
have fared ill with you. But I take
nothing from honest men and skilful
artists. Pack up your things, take
this pass, give your wife and children
a kiss for Navarro, and if you are
robbed upon the road, come and tell
me.” Without wishing to calumniate
the philanthropical M. Navarro in
particular, or his fraternity in general,
we will remark, that such stories
as these may be picked up by the
score in Spain by any one curious of
their collection. As, in Italy, industrious
rogues, with aid of file and verdigris,
manufacture modern antiques
for the benefit of English greenhorns,
so, in Spain, a regular fabrication of
robber-tales takes place; the same,
when properly constructed and polished,
being put into speedy circulation
in diligences and coffee-houses, on
the public promenades, and at the
table-d’hôtes, for the delectation of
foreign ramblers, and especially of the
French, who gulp down the most
astounding narratives with a facility
of swallow beautiful to contemplate.
For the Frenchman, cynic and unbeliever
though he be, entertains extravagant
ideas on the subject of Spain.
It is rare that he has been in the
country, unless his residence be within
a very few leagues of its frontier,
and he pictures to himself an infinity
of perils and horrors, to be found
neither in Spain nor any where else,
save in his imagination. “Since the
war of Independence,” says Baron
Vaerst, “the French nourish strong
prejudices against the Spaniards; and
old soldiers, especially, who fought in
that war, are apt to consider a large
majority of the nation as habitual
murderers and poisoners. For certainly
at that time, murder and poison
were proclaimed from every pulpit as
means approved by Heaven for the
extermination of the arch-foe. The
exiled Spaniards whom, one finds
scattered over France, especially over
its southern provinces, are more apt
to confirm than to contradict such
stories. Discontented with their own
country, they represent its condition as
worse even than it really is, and, like
most unfortunate persons, add blacker
shades to what is already black
enough.” In Spain, the land of idlers,
not a town but has its gossip-market,
an imitation more or less humble of
that celebrated Gate of the Sun, where
the newsmongers of the Spanish capital
daily meet to repeat and improve
the latest lie, much to their own
pastime, and greatly to the consolation
and advantage of the credulous
correspondents of leading London
journals. In provincial towns, whither
palace-chronicles and metropolitan
gossip come but in an abridged form,
the report of a diligence stopped or a
horseman fired at affords all agreeable
variety, and is eagerly caught, magnified,
and multiplied by the old women
in cloaks and breeches, who hold their
morning and evening confabulations
in the sunshine of the Alameda, or
beneath the plaza’s snug arcades.
Of course, the itinerant gavacho, the
Parisian tourist on the look out for
the picaresque and picturesque wherewith
to swell future feuilletons, gets[716]
the full benefit of such reports, expanded
and embellished into romantic
feats and instances of generosity,
worthy of a Chafandin or a José Maria.
The tourist, in his turn, superadds
a coat of varnish to give glitter to
the painting, which is subsequently
retailed in daily shreds to the thirty
thousand abonnès of the Presse or
Débats. In his capacity of an old
soldier, who has run real dangers, and
despises the terrors (mostly imaginary)
of gaping blunderbusses and double-edged
knives, Baron Vaerst does not
condescend to make himself the hero
of an encounter or escape, although
his last journey in the Peninsula led him
through districts of evil repute and
small security. In Arragon, where
there had been no political disturbances
for some short time before his visit,
“the roads were so much the more
dangerous, and could be considered
safe only for muleteers, who have generally
a pretty good understanding
with the knights of the highway. I
met several thousand mules going
from France to Huesca, where a great
cattle fair was held; this made the
road lively. Muleteers, suspicious-visaged
gentry, many of them doubtless
smugglers or robbers, were there
in numbers. The country people fear
the robbers too much to betray or
prosecute them; the authorities are
feeble and inefficient; the rich proprietors
pay black mail as protection
against serious damage. And if robbers
are captured, they at once become
objects of general sympathy.
There are places where the jailer
lets them out for a few days on
parole, and sends them to work unguarded
in town or country, distinguished
only by an iron ring upon
the ankle. The true gentleman-highwayman,
however, keeps his word of
honour, even as he is gallant to the
fair sex: he leaves the plundered traveller
the long knife, without which the
Spaniard rarely travels, and which is
necessary, as he naively expresses it,
to cut his tobacco. He leaves him
also his cigarette, and often as much
cash as will procure a night’s lodging.
If, favoured by fortune, he rises to
be leader of a band of smugglers, be
comes to a friendly understanding
with the authorities, and agrees to
pay a price—usually, it is said, a
quadruple or sixteen dollars—for
the unimpeded passage of each laden
mule. For this premium the contraband
goods are often escorted to
their destination by soldiers. When
the smuggler is unsuccessful, and
finds himself with nothing but his
tromblon and knife, he turns robber,
the ultimate resource of this original
class of men.” There is here some
exaggeration, especially as regards
the military escort of the smuggled
lace and cottons; but there is also
much truth in this broadly pencilled
sketch of how they manage matters in
the Peninsula.
On his way from Barcelona, Baron
Vaerst met his brother-baron, De Meer,
then captain-general of Catalonia,
who swayed the province with an
iron rule that made him alike dreaded
and detested. Such severity was
necessary, for the Catalans are a
troublesome and mutinous race, and
Barcelona especially is the headquarters
of sedition and discontent.
Baron de Meer had a strong garrison
at his orders, the city lies under the
guns of Monjuich, and the breadth of
the long handsome streets and open
squares facilitate the suppression of
insurrection. Nevertheless, it had
been thought advisable to fortify and
garrison several of the large buildings,
and, in spite of the opposition of the
magistrates and inhabitants, to break
through various streets, so as to form
long avenues, that might be swept in
case of need by artillery. These
extreme measures were imperatively
called for by the numerous outbreaks
in Catalonia, a province which gives
more trouble to the government than
all the rest of Spain. Barcelona has
had a bad reputation for some hundred
years past. It is a resort of
Italian carbonari, German republicans,
and discontented restless
spirits from various countries; also the
headquarters of sundry revolutionary
committees, and of the secret society
known as the Vengeurs d’Alibaud, to
which that helpless and imbecile
Bourbon, Don Francisco de Paula,
was said, a short time since, to be
affiliated. Alibaud himself lived in
Barcelona, and only left it to go to
Paris and make his attempt on the
life of the King of the French. In one
month (January 1845) sixty-two persons[717]
died a violent death in Barcelona,
of whom fifty-one were murdered
and five executed, whilst six committed
suicide. As regards popular
commotions and revolts, so frequent
of late years, Baron Vaerst, who has
difficulty in admitting that any thing
can go on well under a “so-called
liberal system,” maintains that the
Barcelonese have strong cause and
excuse for rebellion in the injury done
to their manufactures by the close
alliance between Spain and England.
He apparently imagines the Spanish
tariff to be highly favourable to English
fabrics, and sighs over the misfortunes
of the hardly-used manufacturers,
whose smoking chimneys he
complacently contemplated from the
lofty battlements of Monjuich. In
short, he indulges in a good deal of
argument and assertion, which sound
well, but, being based on false premises,
are worth exactly nothing.
When he talks of the Catalonian
manufactures as important and flourishing,
he is evidently ignorant that
they are chiefly supplied with foreign
goods, smuggled in and stamped with
the mark of the Barcelona factories!
This fact is notorious, and susceptible
of easy proof. The amount of raw
cotton imported into Spain would
make, as the returns show, but a very
small part of the goods issued from
Spanish manufactories. Were the
contraband system exchanged for
legitimate commerce, at moderate
duties, a few cotton-spinners, alias
smugglers, might suffer in pocket,
but the increased trade of Catalonia
would employ far more hands than
would be thrown out of work by
putting down a few badly managed
spinning-jennies. The bigoted and
brutal Catalan populace, beyond
comparison the worst race in the
Peninsula, cannot comprehend this
fact; and the cunning few who do
comprehend it find their interest in
suppressing the truth. The French,
too, who well know that in a fair
market English cottons would beat
their’s out of the field, take care, by
means of such emissaries as Mr Lesseps,
to keep up the cheat. So,
whenever there is a talk of reducing
the present absurd tariff of Spain, the
Barcelonese fly to arms, throw up barricades,
bluster about English influence,
and, whilst thinking to defend
their own interests, serve as blind
instruments to a disreputable foreign
potentate. The Spaniards are a very
jealous and a very suspicious people,
and have been ill-treated and imposed
upon until they have acquired the habit
of seeking selfish motives for the actions
of all men. Such over-wariness defeats
its object. A section—by no means a
majority—of the Spanish nation look
upon England as having only her own
interests in view when she seeks a
commercial treaty with Spain, arranged
on fair and reasonable bases.
Nothing can be more erroneous and
delusive. England would gain very
little by such a treaty; the great
advantage would be derived by Spain,
who now receives duty on one-eighth
of the British goods annually imported.
We need not say how the
other seven-eighths enter. Spain has
seven hundred and ten leagues of
coast and frontier. Gibraltar and
Portugal are convenient depôts, and
there are one hundred and twenty
thousand professional smugglers in
Spain, the flower of the population,
fine, active, stalwart fellows, imbued
with hearty contempt for revenue
officers, and whom we would back,
after a month’s organisation, against
the entire Spanish army, now amounting,
we believe, under the benign
system of Christina, Narvaez, and
Company, to something like a hundred
and eighty thousand men. In short,
it is notorious that Spain is inundated
with English and French goods. “In
this state of things,” says an able and
enlightened writer,[4] “I put the following
dilemma to Spanish manufacturers:—Your
manufactures are either
prosperous, or the contrary. In the
former case, conceding that the contraband
trade knows no other limits
to its criminal traffic than those of the
possible consumption, the competition
from which you suffer is as great as it
can be. What does it signify to you,
then, whether the goods enter through
the custom-house, on payment of a
protective duty, or are introduced by[718]
smugglers at a certain rate of commission?
And if your manufactures are
not prosperous, what need you care
whether foreign goods enter by the
legal road or by illicit trade?” It
were impossible to state the case more
clearly and conclusively. The smugglers
charge fixed per-centages, according
to the nature of the goods and the
place they are to be conveyed to.
These rates are as easily ascertained
as a premium at Lloyd’s or the
price of rentes on the Paris Bourse.
Let the duties of foreign manufactures
be regulated by them, and
smuggling, one of the prominent causes
of the demoralisation and misery of
Spain, is at once knocked upon the
head. At the same cost, or even at
a slight advance, every importer will
prefer having his goods through the
legitimate channel, instead of receiving
them crushed into small packages,
and often more or less damaged by
their clandestine transit. And the
money now paid to the smuggling
insurers would flow, under the new
order of things, into the Spanish treasury,
a change devoutly to be desired
by Spanish creditors of all classes and
denominations.
Between Barcelona and Gerona the
Baron was much amused by the energetic
proceedings of a zagal, or Spanish
postilion, who jumped up and
down from his seat, with the horses at
full gallop, to the great peril of his
neck, and sang never-ending songs in
praise of Queen Christina and of the
joyous life of a smuggler, only interrupting
his melody to shout an oft-repeated
tiro! tiro! (pull! pull!) and
to swear Saracenic oaths at his steaming
mules. “By the holy bones of
Mahomet!”[5] he would exclaim, “I
will make thee dance, lazy Valerosa!
(the valorous;) rebaptize thee with a
cudgel, and then hang thee. Holy St
Anthony of Padua never had a lazier
jackass!” “And then he ran himself
breathless by the side of poor Valerosa,
and screamed himself hoarse,
and flogged and flattered; and the
oddest thing was, that the beasts
seemed to understand him, and showed
fear or joy as he blamed or praised
them. Each mule had a name of its
own, pricked up its long ears when
addressed by it, and testified, by more
rapid movements, that it well knew
what laziness would entail. Manuela,
Luna, Justa, Generala, Valerosa,
Casilda, and Pilar, the zagal loved
them all, and preferred caressing to
punishing them. If horses are generally
bad in France, it is assuredly in
great measure because no nation in
the world are more unfeeling to their
beasts, especially to horses, than the
French. A large proportion of the
cart-horses are blind from cuts of the
whip in the eyes; the postilions cannot
harness their cattle without giving
them violent kicks in the side; and
one sees the poor brutes tremble at the
approach of their tyrants. Abuse,
oaths, and blows are the order of the
day. The Arab makes much of his
noble steed, and even the rude Cossack
looks to his horse’s comfort before
providing for his own.”
The town of Gerona, well fortified,
and possessing a strong citadel, is
celebrated for its noble defence
against the French, related, in interesting
detail, by Toreno, in his
“History of the War of Independence.”
Its brave governor, Don
Mariano Alvarez, having few provisions,
and a large garrison, economised
the former, and was prodigal
of the latter. In repeated sorties
he inflicted severe loss on the besiegers.
One officer, ordered on a
very perilous expedition, inquired,
with some anxiety, what point he was
to fall back upon. “Upon the churchyard,”
was the consolatory reply of
Alvarez. When things came to the
pass that five reals were paid for a
mouse, and thirty for a cat, and somebody
talked of capitulating, Alvarez[719]
swore he would have the offender
slaughtered and salted, and would do
the same by all who hinted at surrender.
After nine months’ continual
fighting, all provisions being
exhausted, the fortress was
given up. The garrison had dwindled
from fifteen thousand to four thousand
men, and only a small portion of these
were capable of bearing arms. The
protracted and glorious defence was
to be attributed—so some of the
Spaniards thought—to the especial
protection of the holy St Narcissa.
That respectable lady is the patroness
of Gerona, where her ashes repose;
during the siege, a cocked and
feathered hat was put upon her
statue, and she received the title
of generalissima. Figueras, the last
town of any note before reaching the
French frontier, is also a fortified
place. Taken by the French in the
Peninsular war, it was recaptured
by the Spaniards, who entered in the
night through a subterraneous passage.
Its citadel of San Fernando is
one of the strongest in Spain, and
can accommodate fifteen thousand
men. The town itself is insignificant,
and only celebrated for the scale
and solidity of its fortifications,
which remain as a monument
of former Spanish grandeur. But
they lack completion, and are ill situated,
which caused some connoisseur
in the art to say that the mason
should have been decorated, and the
engineer flogged.
Pau, the favourite resort of English
sojourners in southern France, was
selected by the Baron and his companions
for their winter-quarters; and
although, upon their arrival there, the
severe cold and heavy snow induced
them to doubt the truth of the praises
they had heard of its mild and beautiful
climate, they soon became convinced
the encomium was well
merited. The meadows remained
green the whole winter through, and
once only, in the month of March,
came a fall of snow, which disappeared,
however, in forty-eight hours. From
their windows, they commanded a
magnificent view southwards, bounded
in the distance by the lofty summits
of the Pyrenees, supreme amongst
which rises the snow-covered dome
of the Pic du Midi,—”a magnificent
amphitheatre, whose aspect is most
sublime at night, in the full moon-light.
Morning and evening, at the rising
and setting of the sun, the snowy
points of the Pic resemble great spires
of flame, blazing through the gloom.
With incredible suddenness darkness
covers the lowlands, whilst the tall
peaks, clothed in ice, still remain
illuminated, gleaming far and wide
above the broad panorama of mountains,
like isolated lighthouses on the
shores of the mighty ocean.” Many
of the Pyrenean mountains are known
as the Pic du Midi; there is a
Pic du Midi d’Ossau, another of
Bigorre, a third of Valentine, &c.; but
the Pic du Midi de Pau is the highest,
and rises fifteen hundred and
thirty-one toises (nearly ten thousand
English feet) above the level of the sea.
In like manner many rivers bear the
name of Gave, a Celtic word, equivalent
to mountain stream; but the
Gave de Pau is the greatest and most
celebrated of the family. The Pic du
Midi, from certain peculiarities of
position, was long thought the highest
of the Pyrenees, till it was
ascertained that the Monperdu, the
Vignemale, and the Maladetta, are in
certain parts more than a thousand
feet higher.
Concerning the English residents at
Pau, M. Vaerst says little or nothing,
except that he and his companions,
although unprovided with introductions,
received visits and invitations
from them, attentions for which they
probably had their titles to thank. The
Baron seems to have taken more pleasure
in the society of the friendly
French prefect, M. Azevedo, with
whom he had strenuous discussions on
the everlasting subject of the Rhine
frontier. The Frenchman, like many of
his countrymen, insisted that the far-famed
German stream is the natural
boundary of France, a proposition
which M. Vaerst could by no means
allow to pass unrefuted. Indeed, the
excellent Baron seems particularly
sensitive on this subject, for in various
parts of his book we find him in hot
dispute with presumptuous Gauls who
hinted a wish to see the tricolor once
more waving on the banks of that
river, which Mr Becker has so confidently
affirmed they shall never again
possess. The Baron considers a hankering
after the Rhine to be ineradicably
fixed, in every Frenchman’s[720]
breast, and now and then shows a
little uneasiness with regard to the
strife and bloodshed which this unreasonable
longing may sooner or later
engender. We do not learn how he
fared in his discussions at Pau and
elsewhere, but in his book he advances
eloquent and learned arguments
against French encroachment.
In the very midst of them he is unfortunately
interrupted by a severe
attack of illness, against which he
bears up with much philosophy and
fortitude. “If pain purifies and improves,
as I have often been told, I
ought assuredly to be one of the best
and purest of men. But although I
have never yet lost courage under
physical or any other suffering, and
have ever remained cheerful as in the
joyous days of my youth, I have yet
no wish to continue thus the darling
of the gods, who, as it is said, chastise
those they best love.” His patience,
proof against pain, gave way at last,
under a less acute but more teasing
infliction, and he breaks out into a
humorous anathema of the well-meaning
tormentors who pestered him
with prescriptions. Every body who
came within ten paces of him had
some sovereign panacea and unfailing
remedy to recommend. He began by
taking a note of all these good counsels,
with no intention to follow them,
but out of malicious curiosity to see
how far the persecution would extend.
At the end of a week he abandoned
the practice, finding it too troublesome.
In that short time, he had
been strongly enjoined to consult
twenty different physicians, and to
make trial of fourteen mineral baths.
One kind friend insisted on bringing
him a mesmeriser, another a shepherd,
a third an old woman, all of
whom had already wrought marvellous
cures. One recommended swan’s
down, another a cat’s skin, another
talismanic rings and a necklace of wild
chestnuts. He was enjoined to sew
nutmegs in his clothes, to wear a certain
sort of red ribbon round his
throat, to cram himself with sourkraut.
And each of his advisers
thought him disgustingly obstinate
because he turned a deaf ear to their
advice, and discredited the virtues of
their medicaments, preferring those of
his doctor. “I should long since have
been a millionaire,” he says, “if every
good counsel had brought me in a
louis-d’or. And truly I uphold the
old Spanish proverb against advice-givers:
Da me dinero, y no consejos—Give
me money, and not advice.”
Chained to the chimney corner by
the unsatisfactory state of his health,
the Baron devoted himself to study
and literary occupation, pored over
Froissart, acquired the old French,
and revelled in the gallant pages of
Queen Margaret of Navarre. At
Pau, indeed, his third Pyrenean expedition
concludes, but not so his book,
for which he finds abundant materials
in the reminiscences of his two previous
journeys. His account of the
Basques is especially interesting, containing
much that could only have been
gleaned by long residence in the
country, and great familiarity with the
usages of that singular people. Few
in number, these dwellers amongst
the western Pyrenees are formidable
by their courage and energy; and
from the remotest periods of their
history, have made themselves respected
and even feared. Hannibal
treated them with consideration, and
was known to alter his proposed line
of march to avoid the fierce attacks
of this handful of mountaineers. The
Roman proconsuls sought their alliance.
Cæsar, against whom, and under
Pompey’s banners, they arrayed
themselves, was unable to subdue
them. After the fall of Rome, the
men of the Pyrenees were attacked in
turn by Vandals, Goths, and Franks;
their houses were destroyed, their
lands laid waste, but they themselves,
unattainable in their mountains, continued
free. A deluge of barbarians
overflowed Gaul and Spain; conquerors
and conquered amalgamated,
and divided the territory amongst
them; still the Pyreneans continued
unmixed in race, and undisturbed in
their fastnesses. The vanquished
Goth retreated before the warlike and
encroaching Saracen, and the crescent
standard fluttered amongst the mountains
of northern Spain. It found no
firm footing, and soon its bearers retraced
their bloody path, strewing it
with the bones of their best and
bravest, and pursued by the victorious
warriors of Charles Martel. But
of all the historical fights that have
taken place in the Pyrenees, there is
not one whose tradition has been so[721]
well preserved as the great defeat of
Charlemagne. The fame of Roland
still resounds in popular melody, and
echoes amongst the wild ravines and
perilous passes, whose names, in numerous
instances, connect them with
his exploits.
The Basques are brave, intelligent,
and proud,—simple but high-minded.
They have ever shown a strong repugnance
to foreign influence and habits;
and have clung to old customs and
to their singular language. It is curious
to behold half a million of men—whose
narrow territory is formed of
a corner of France and another of
Spain, closely hemmed in, and daily
traversed, by hosts of Frenchmen and
Spaniards—preserving a language
which, from its difficulty and want of
resemblance to any other known
tongue, very few foreigners ever acquire.
They have their own musical instruments—not
the most harmonious
in the world; their own music, of
peculiar originality and wildness;
their own dances and games, dress
and national colours, all more or
less different from those of the rest
of Spain. There is no doubt of their
being first-rate fighting men, but the
habit of contending with superior
numbers has given them peculiar notions
on the subject of military success
and glory. They attach no shame to
a retreat or even to a flight; but those
antagonists who suppose that because
they run away they are beaten, sooner
or later find themselves egregiously
mistaken. Flight is a part of their
tactics; to fatigue the enemy, and inflict
heavy loss at little to themselves,
is upon all occasions their aim. They
care nothing for the empty honour of
sleeping on the bloody battle-field
over which they have all day fought.
They could hardly be made to understand
the merit of such a proceeding;
they take much greater credit when
they thin the enemy’s ranks without
suffering themselves. And if they
often run away, they are ever ready
to return to the fray. They are born
with a natural aptitude for the only
species of fighting for which their
mountainous land is adapted. We
have been greatly amused and interested,
when rambling in their country,
by watching a favourite game frequently
played upon Sundays and
other holidays. The boys of two
villages meet at an appointed spot
and engage in a regular skirmish;
turf and clods of earth, often stones,
being substituted for bullets. The
spirit and skill with which the lads
carry on the mock-encounter, the wild
yells called forth by each fluctuation
of the fight, the fierceness of their
juvenile faces, when, after a well-directed
volley, one side rushes forward
to the charge, armed with the
thick bamboo-like stems of the
Indian corn, their white teeth firmly
set, and a barbarous Basque oath upon
their lips, strongly recall the more
earnest and bloody encounters in which
their fathers have so often distinguished
themselves. These contests,
which sometimes become rather serious
from the passionate character of the
Basques, and often terminate in a
few broken heads, are encouraged by
the elder people, and compose the
sole military education of a race, who
do not fight the worse because they
are unacquainted with the drill-sergeant,
and with the very rudiments
of scientific warfare. The tenacity
with which these mountaineers adhere
to the usages of their ancestors, even
when they are unfitted to the century,
and disadvantageous to themselves,
is very remarkable. The Basque is
said to be so stubborn, that he knocks
a nail into the wall with his head;
but the Arragonese is said to surpass
the Basque, inasmuch as he puts the
head of the nail against the wall, and
tries to drive it in by striking his
skull against the point. When, in
the ninth century, the French Kings
conquered for a short time a part of
the Basque provinces, they prudently
abstained from interference with the
privileges and customs of the inhabitants,
and when the whole of Spain
was finally united into one kingdom
under Ferdinand the Catholic, the
Basques retained their republican
forms. Every Basque is more or less
noble. The genealogical pride, proverbially
attributed to Spaniards, is
out-heroded by that of these mountaineers,
amongst whom a charcoal-burner
or a muleteer will hold himself
as good and ancient a gentleman as
the best duke in the land. “In the
valley of the Bastan,” says the Baron,
“all the peasants’ houses are decorated
with coats of arms, hewn in
stone, and generally placed over the[722]
house door; the owner of the smallest
cottage is rarely without a parchment
patent of nobility. A peasant of
that valley once told me his family
dated from the time of Queen Maricastana.
El tiempo de la reyna Maricastana,
is a proverb implying, ‘from
time immemorial.'” Certainly there
is no country where such equality
exists amongst all classes; an equality,
however, rather pleasing than disagreeable
in its results. The demeanour
of the less fortunate of the
people towards those whom wealth
and education place above them, is
as remote from insolence and brutality,
as it is from cringing servility.
The poorest peasant, tilling his patch
of maize, answers the question of the
rich proprietor, who drives his carriage
past his cottage, with the same
frank courtesy and manly assurance,
with which he would acknowledge
the greeting or interrogatory of a
fellow-labourer.
Baron Vaerst indulges in some
curious speculations as to the origin
of this flourishing and unmixed race
of mountaineers. “Some say they are
an aboriginal tribe, and that their
language was spoken by Adam(!);
others set them down as an old
Phœnician colony, whilst others again
vaguely guess them to be the descendants
of a wandering horde from the
north or east. The language is like
no other, and those who speak it know
nothing of its history. Except before
God, these people have never bent
the knee in homage, and have never
paid taxes, but only a voluntary
tribute, collected amongst themselves.
“Proud of the independence they
have so well defended, they for the
most part, in order to preserve their
nationality, have married amongst
themselves. The Basque tongue has
one thing in common with those of
Spaniard Gascony, namely, the indiscriminate
use of the B. and the V.
They say indifferently Biscaya or
Viscaya, Balmaseda or Valmaseda.
The story is a well-known one, of the
Spaniard who maintained French to
be a miserable language, because in
speaking it no distinction was
made between a widow and an ox,—veuve
and bœuf receiving from him
pretty nearly the same pronunciation.
I have still a letter from the well-known
Echeverria, addressed to me
as Baron Baerst. Scaliger, when
speaking of the Gascons and of their
custom of confounding the v and b,
says; felicitas populi quibus bibere est
vivere.” Many troubadours have written and
sung in the Gascon dialect; the
memory of one of the most ancient of
them is preserved in popular legends
on account of his tragical fate. Beloved
by an illustrious lady, the wife
of Baron Castel Roussillon, he was
enticed into an ambuscade and murdered
by the jealous husband, who
then tore out his heart, and had it
dressed for the Countess’s dinner. The
meal concluded, he produced the
severed head of her lover, told her
what she had eaten, and inquired if
the flavour was good. “Si bon et si savoureux,”
she replied, “que jamais autre
manger ne m’en ôtera le gout.”
And she threw herself headlong from
her balcony. The nobles of the land,
the King of Arragon at their head,
held the conduct of the husband so
unworthy that they threw him into
prison, confiscated his estates, and
united in one grave the mortal remains
of the unfortunate lovers.
Whilst the Basques and Bearnese
enjoyed a long series of tranquil and
happy years, Roussillon was a prey
to bloody wars and to the ravages of
ruthless conquerors. Goths and Saracens,
Normans, Arragonese, and
French, fought for centuries about
its possession. This state of perpetual
warfare naturally had great
influence on the character of the people,
who continued wild and savage
much longer than their neighbours.
The passes of the Pyrenees were a
constant motive for fresh hostilities,
and pretext for lawless aggression.
The rich committed every sort of
crime, without being made personally
answerable. One of the old laws of
Roussillon, significant of the state of
the country, fixes the rate of payment
at which crimes might be committed.
Five sous were the fine for inflicting
a wound; if a bone was broken, it was
ten times as dear; a box on the ear
cost five sous, the tearing out of an
eye a hundred; a common murder three
hundred sous, that of a monk four
hundred, and of a priest nine hundred.
Other luxuries in proportion. From
which curious statement, a priest in
those days appears to have been worth
three laymen, and a gouged eye to[723]
have been estimated at twice the
value of a broken bone. Flesh-wounds
and punches on the head were decidedly
cheap and within the reach of
persons of very moderate means.
For the delightful state of comfort
and prosperity, indicated by this
tariff of mutilation and manslaughter,
the men of Roussillon had to thank
their last Count, who, in the year
1173, bequeathed his dominions to
Alphonso II. of Arragon. Thence
eternal strife with the French, who
did not choose to see the key to their
country in the hands of a Spanish
prince; and Roussillon, the bone of
contention, was also the battle
ground. Nearly five centuries elapsed
before the treaty of the Pyrenees put
an end to these dissensions.
The sea, the Ebro, and the Pyrenees,
form the natural boundaries and
bulwarks of the Spanish Basque provinces.
Favoured by these defences,
the three provinces were the natural
and safe refuge of the Iberians, when
hunted by various conquerors from the
plains of southern and middle Spain.
Of Navarre, only the mountainous
portion afforded similar safety; the
levels, and especially the rich banks
of the Ebro, were occupied by the
victors. Biscay, Alava, and Guipuzcoa
were never under the dominion
of the Moors, who obtained quiet
possession of Navarre as far as Pampeluna,
but only held it about twelve
years. Each of the three provinces
has its own constitution and rights,
peculiar to itself, some of the privileges
and laws being of a very original
character. In Alava, the general
procurator, or chief of the provincial
government, swears every year upon an
old knife—the Machete Vitoriano—to
uphold the privileges of the province.
“I desire,” he says, “that my throat
may be cut with this knife if I fail
to maintain and defend the fueros
of the land.” The Biscayan coasts
breed excellent sailors; as already
mentioned, they were the first to undertake
the distant fisheries of the
whale and cod. They are probably better
calculated for enterprising merchant-seamen
than for men-of-war’s
men, the inveterate independence
and stiff-neckedness of the race being
obnoxious to regular military discipline.
“Quisiera mucho mas ser
leonero que tener carga de Biscaynos,”[6]
was a saying of Gonsalvo de
Cordova. The naval squadrons of
Biscay, however, are to be read of
in history. It seems strange enough
to Englishmen, to whom these petty
provinces are known but as obscure
nooks of the Peninsula, to read in Baron
Vaerst’s pages that “the fleet of Guipuzcoa,
united with that of Biscay,
completely annihilated, in a bloody
naval action, fought on the 29th
August 1350, the English fleet of King
Edward the Third, and thereby procured
Spain an advantageous treaty
of commerce with England.” There is
small probability, we presume, of
Lord Auckland’s sending half-a-dozen
frigates to revenge this old insult
by fetching the present Spanish fleet
into an English port, and there retaining
them until the wise men of
Madrid reduce their suicidal duties on
foreign manufactures. We have stated
our firm conviction that England
would gain little by such reduction.
Little, that is to say, in the way in
which Messieurs Louis-Philippe and
Guizot and their organs are pleased
to assume that she expects to be
benefited. “England,” says a writer,
already quoted, “has never asked
any thing for which she did not offer
a generous reciprocity. If the Spanish
government, blind to its true
interests, has constantly refused, in
consequence of chimerical fears and
false views, to renounce a prohibitive
system, rendered illusory by smuggling,
itself alone has suffered. For
England it is a mere question of morality.
The contraband trade compensates
her for the ignorance of
Spanish rulers…. But the
government of a commercial country
must grieve to see commercial transactions
resting on the basis of smuggling—on
a violation of law and of
public morality. England, where
every thing reposes on credit and
good faith, submits with strong repugnance
to stipulations so organised
that smuggling is the rule, and legal
traffic the exception.”[7]
JUDAISM IN THE LEGISLATURE.
It has been frequently observed,
that the chief events of the English
history, during the last three centuries,
have turned on religion.
Until the Reformation, our history
scarcely deserved the name. The
government an iron despotism, the
people serfs, the barons tyrants, and
the religion Popery, England possessed
neither equal law, nor popular
knowledge, nor security of property.
And she suffered the natural evils of
a condition of moral disorder; all her
nobler qualities only aggravated the
national misfortune, her bravery
only wasted her blood in foreign
fields. Her fidelity to her lords only
strewed the soil with corpses; her
devotional spirit only bound her to
the observances of a pedantic superstition.
While every kingdom of
the Continent was advancing in the
march of power, or knowledge, or the
arts; while Germany in her mail
gathered round her the chivalry of
Europe; while Italy began that glittering
pageant of the arts which has
left such brilliant remnants behind,
even in her dilapidated archives and
tottering palaces; while Portugal
was spreading her sails for the subjugation
of the ocean, and Spain was
sending Columbus to the west for a
prouder conquest than was ever won
by consul or emperor,—England remained
like a barbarian gazer on this
passing pomp of kings.
The Reformation changed all,—gave
her a new sense of existence, a
new knowledge of her own faculties,
new views of her destination; and
brought her, like the wanderers in the
parable, from the highways and
hedges, to that marriage feast of
power and fame, from which so many
of the original guests were to be rejected.
The change was remarkable, even
from its rapidity. It had none of the
slow growth by which the infancy of
nations ascends into manhood. She
assumed the vigour of a leading member
of the European commonwealth
with the life of a generation. Actually
expelled from the Continent in
the middle of the sixteenth century,
she held the balance of European
power in its hand before its close.
But the effect of the Reformation in
England was of a superior order to
its effect on the Continent. We shall
not say that it lived and died in Germany
with Luther; or in France with
Calvin; but there can be no doubt,
that its purer and loftier portion
perished with those great reformers.
The schools of the prophets remained;
but when the Elijah had been swept
upwards on the chariot and horses of
fire, they uttered the prophetic voice
more feebly, and their harps no longer
resounded through Israel. But, in
England, the double portion of the
spirit had been given; the Reformation
had become national; and there
is scarcely a national act, from that
period, which has not held some connexion
with Protestantism; been
modified by its influence, or required
by its necessities, originated
in its principles, or governed by its
power.
And it is not the less remarkable,
that this continued operation has
existed in England alone.
The gift of the Reformation was,
like the gift of Christianity, a universal
offer. It came, as the rising
of the sun comes, to all Europe at
once. The preaching of Luther and his
contemporaries was heard in every
country of the civilised world, and by
a large portion of that world is retained,
in all its substantial doctrines,
to the present hour. Within the
lapse of a few years, it had made a
progress scarcely less rapid and triumphant
than the career of the
apostolic mission; but in a period
incomparably more intellectual, and
among nations more active, intelligent,
and vigorous, than the dwellers
among the languor of Asia Minor,
the dissolute populace of ancient
Italy, or the rugged barbarians of
Thrace and Arabia.
Before the close of the century in
which it was born, the Reformation
had founded churches far beyond the
German frontier, in the most active
portion of France, in the British
Isles, in the north of Europe; it had[725]
even forced its way through the sullen
prejudices and fierce persecutions of
Spain; by a still more singular success,
it had given a temporary impulse to
Italy itself; made converts in the
natural land of the monk, built
churches under the shadow of the
convent; and redeemed at least one
generation from the profligate supineness
of their fathers. But this gush
of the living breeze into the cloister
was soon overpowered by the habitual
heaviness of the atmosphere of
cells and censers. The light, which
had shot in through the chinks of the
dungeon, was soon shut out, and all
within was dark as ever. The multitude,
at first exulting in their freedom,
no sooner found that they must
march through the wilderness, than
they longed for the fatness and the
flesh of Egypt, and returned to their
house of bondage. The name of
Protestantism still existed on the
Continent, but its power was no
more. Statesmen, in their political
projects, passed it by; philosophers,
in their calculations of human progress,
left it out of their elements.
The popular feelings were no longer
roused or abused at its command.
The teacher remained, but the gift of
miracles was gone.
But, in England, it was a political
creator. The manners, the feelings,
the laws in a great degree, and the
political movements almost wholly,
were impressed with this one image
and superscription. Since her first
emergence from feudalism, when, like
the traveller struggling through defiles
and forests to the brow of the mountains
which shows him the plain and
the ocean before him, she saw the
first boundless sweep of national power
and moral renown before her, Protestantism,
in all the casualties of its
course, in its purity, or its profanation,
in the vindication of its rights, or in
the sufferance of its wrongs, in the
national zeal for its advance, or in
the national zeal for its retrenchment
and spoil, has been the great object
of contemplation and interest to every
leader of the councils of England. It
has been the voice which has never
died in the statesman’s ear, the shape
which has met him at every step, the
star which, whether clouded or
serene, has never set in his horizon.
The whole line of British sovereignty
seemed scarcely more than royal
administrators of the concerns of
Religion.
Even the striking variety of royal
character, during this long and stirring
period, made but slight difference in
their general connexion with the public
belief. The brutish self-will of
Henry, the savage bloodthirstiness of
Mary, the proud supremacy of Elizabeth,
the chivalry of Charles, the republicanism
of Cromwell, the languid
decline of the Stuarts, the energy of
William, and the law-loving quietude
of the Brunswicks, all bore the impress
of the same principle.
During the last three hundred years,
the world had been singularly active,
and England perhaps its most active
portion; but what relics of its political
questions are left to posterity?
The passions and the power of the
great parties even of the last century
have sunk into their graves.
Even their names, which were supposed
to have made an imperishable
fixture in the political strifes of the
country, and under which it was presumed
that ministers and opposition
would be marshalled for ever, have
gone like the rest, and the difficulty
would now be, to give a name to the
political principles of any party in the
state. But the religious questions of
our ancestry are still not merely existing,
but absorbing all others at this
moment; instead of clearing up, they
are darkening by time; instead of
giving way to the thousand questions
which year by year press on public
deliberation, they still exalt their
frowning front above them all. Ireland
and Rome are as powerful objects
of anxiety as in the days of
Pius V. and Elizabeth; and Protestantism
is forced to be as vigilant as in
the days when the Bible was first read
at Paul’s Cross, or the Long Parliament
drove the bishops out of the
pale of the constitution.
In this language we are claiming
no peculiar merit for the character of
England; we are not arrogating for her
any religious superiority; we are not
pronouncing on her especial sensitiveness
to conscience; we are simply
giving facts; and those urge us to
one conclusion alone, that by the determinate
and original dispensation of[726]
Providence, our country has been
selected as the especial arena for great
religious inquiries, and the establishment
of great religious principles.
On this subject we speak with the
utmost sincerity. There is nothing
in historical experience to forbid the
idea, that peculiar nations may have
been appointed to separate purposes,
and that they may be even divinely
placed under the discipline most suitable
to those purposes. If to ancient
Greece was almost exclusively given
the intellectual advancement of the
world; if to ancient Rome was as
exclusively given the preparative discipline
for its government; there can
be no doubt that to Judea was assigned
the guardianship of religion.
The process may be diversified in
later times; but the principle may
remain. The rapidity with which the
derelictions of duty in Judah were followed
by punishments declaredly divine,
finds a memorable counterpart in
the annals of England, even down to
the present hour. But we shall limit
ourselves to the evidence in Ireland;
and on this point we shall be as brief
as possible.
In the latter part of the seventeenth
century, Popery, hitherto kept down,
became suddenly triumphant in Ireland,
and began its habitual system of
severity to the heretic. Confiscation
and exile swept away the rights of
Protestantism. The result was the
national punishment by the scourge
of civil war, a renewal of conquest,
the expatriation of the Romish army,
and the decay of all the sources of
national prosperity.
Another era came. Under the government
of Protestantism the country
had recovered, privileges were successively
awarded, and it enjoyed the
peace and gradual opulence which
belong to English government. But
a parliamentary faction at length
allied itself with Popery; parliament
was subdued by clamour, or seduced
by popularity, and the Popish population
obtained the elective franchise.
The elections instantly became scenes
of national iniquity. Perjury was
scarcely less than a profession, and
that notoriously ruinous system of
“sub-letting,” which has covered Ireland
with pauperism, became general,
for the sole object of multiplying
votes. This was followed by the
foundation of Maynooth, a college expressly
formed for the training of a
Popish priesthood, whose tenets,
every man who voted for this foundation,
had sworn to be “superstitious
and idolatrous.” But when did faction
care what it swore? The cup
was now full. The priesthood of Maynooth
had scarcely begun to learn
their trade, when vengeance fell upon
both Popery and the Parliament.
Instead of the promise of popular
gratitude, which had been so ostentatiously
given by the Popish associations,
and so ostentatiously echoed by
parliamentary Liberalism, the first
act of the Popish peasantry was to
take up arms; a rebellion of the
most treacherous and bloody nature
broke out, in which the murder of
Protestants was perpetrated in cold
blood, and with the most horrid
atrocity. Ireland was convulsed
and impoverished, the rebellion was extinguished
and punished by the sword,
and at the cost of ten thousand peasant
lives. The next blow was on the
feeble and factious Parliament. The
Irish Legislature was extinguished at
a blow; and its fall was as ignominious
as it was judicial. Its national
pride and acknowledged talent
gave way without a struggle, and
with scarcely a remonstrance. It had
already lost the respect of the nation.
The mind of Ireland disdained the
deliberations which had suffered the
dictation of a mob. Parliament,
existing without national honour,
perished without national sympathy.
Its own principle was retaliated on
itself. The Papist sold it, the
Borough-monger sold it, the Protestant
sold it, not for the baser bribe
of the populace, but for the prospect
of peace; it was given over to execution,
with the calm acquiescence of
a sense of justice, and tossed on the
funeral pile amid a population which
danced round the blaze.
Popery now talks of its restoration.
It is impossible. The very
idea is absurd. As well might the
ashes of the dead be gathered and reshaped
into the living man. As well
might the vapours of the swamp be
purified by filling it with the firedamp.
Every hour, since that time,
has made the country still more unfit[727]
for legislation, more furious and inflammable.
As well might the nakedness
of the people be covered by rags,
reeking with the pestilence.
We rejoice to escape from the subject.
It can be no gratification to us
to trace the progress of disease
through the political frame which it
first enfeebles, and then makes a
source of contagion. We have no
love for the history of an hospital, or
those frightful displays of a “surgeons’
hall,” where every skeleton is
connected with public crime, and
where science is demonstrated from
the remnants of the scaffold. But
it is notorious that the morals even of
the Irish peasant have been degraded
in the exact proportion of his rise in
political power.
Every favour of the English parliament,
from the beginning of the
century until the fatal year 1829, only
furnished him with an additional
weapon, to be used with a more seditious
violence. In that year, the
British Legislature was thrown open to
him, and he entered it in a barbarian
triumph.
From that moment, England and Ireland
were sufferers alike. In England,
Irish faction was an insolent mercenary,
which openly and alternately
hired its services to both sides alike.
In Ireland it was a ferocious rebel,
which, as the notorious preparative
for broader hostilities, exercised
its arms in midnight murder.
At length the final endowment of
Maynooth came; and an establishment,
solely for the Romish priesthood,
without any admixture of
laity, and allowing the means of
an increase in the number of those
pupils of Rome, and propagators of
Romish doctrines, from about five
hundred to double the number, was
fixed on the empire for ever, taken
wholly out of the further deliberation
of the Legislature, and conferred, to
three times the amount of its former
grant, on a religion which professes
the worship of a Creature, the Virgin
Mary; which bows down to images;
which assigns thrones in heaven to
dead men, promoted by itself to
nominal saintship; which offers
weekly absolution for all crimes;
which apportions the judgments of
the eternal tribunal in a purgatory,
and releases the supposed criminal
on payment of money for masses; and
which offers the most solemn adoration
to a composition of flour and
water, manufactured by a baker,
distributed by the hands of a priest,
and which it actually declares to be
the Eternal God, whom “the heaven
and the heaven of heavens cannot
contain.”
These are doctrines utterly abhorrent
to the feelings of all sincere
Protestants; and unquestionably the
encouragement of their teachers, and
the virtual propagation of a belief
which they pronounce desperate
defiances of the truth, startled many
wise and religious men with fear of
the consequences. We leave the connexion
of this most unhappy act with
the subsequent events to the various
contemplation of our countrymen.
The subject is too solemn for the
mingling of human conjectures with
its awful reality. But whether in the
shape of retribution or warning, the
singular force of the blow which has
fallen on both—the Irish criminal and
the English abettor of the crime—may
well humble us before the Power which
holds the prosperity of nations in its
hand. Yet even now, while the two
countries are still lying struck down
by the same irresistible flash, and
while the cloud which discharged it is
still overhanging the horizon—while
the only voice which ought to issue
from the national lips would be the
supplication for help and the hope of
forgiveness, they are meditating an
act more hazardous and daring than
ever.
We disclaim all exclusiveness in the
exercise of the common rights of man;
we denounce all bigotry as a folly,
and abhor all persecution as a crime;
but we cannot venture an acquiescence
in an attempt which we consider as an
abandonment of the first dictates of
Christianity; we cannot be silent
when the intention is avowed to bring
into a Christian legislature a sect
which pronounces Christianity to be
utterly a falsehood, its founder to be
an impostor, (we shudder at the
words,) and our whole hope of immortality,
dependent on his sacrifice and
merits, to be wicked and blasphemous
delusion. And this attempt, from no
additional discovery of the truth of[728]
Judaism or the failings of Christianity,
but simply from a sense of political
convenience, (a most short-sighted
sense, as we conceive;) a feeling of
liberalism, (a most childish and uncalled
for feeling, as we are perfectly
convinced;) and the establishment of
the general principle that, in the political
system or government of nations,
religion has no business whatever to
interfere, to be regarded, or to be
protected in any shape whatever, (an
assumption which we believe to be
contrary to all the experience of mankind.)
Our remarks, of course, are not
made with reference to the individual,
of whom we know nothing but the
name; we speak only of the principle.
But before we inquire into its good
or ill, we shall give a glance at the
past condition of the European Jews,
and the privileges to which they have
been admitted by the generosity of the
British legislature.
With Charlemagne the political
history of modern Europe begins, and
with it we shall begin our sketch of
the Jews. The soldiership of Charlemagne
made him comparatively
regardless of ecclesiastical jealousies,
and at the same time made him require
the services of agents, negotiators,
and traffickers of all kinds. In
all the wildest barbarism of the past
ages, the sons of Israel had continued
to sustain their connexion throughout
Europe, and the emperor felt all their
importance to his polity. But war
always impoverishes, and the Jews
were the only masters of European
wealth. Thus they were essential in
all points to the great warrior, who
had spent thirty years of his life in
the camp; to the great monarch, who
ruled three-fourths of Europe; and to
the great statesman, who legislated
for Christendom, but who could not
write his own name. Charlemagne,
therefore, protected the Jews, as he
did all whom he made useful to himself;
and as disregard of opportunities
has been at no time their failing, it
is probable that the chief currency of
Europe passed through Jewish
hands.
The successors of the emperor retained
his habits, without inheriting
his abilities, and the Jews still stood
high in the favour of the throne.
It is probable, too, that they profited
enormously; for where they had
no laws but their own, and no penalties
to dread but those in the hand of
the sovereign, the possession of the
royal ear, and the replenishing of the
royal purse, gave them chances which
must have proved highly productive
to the Rabbinical exchequer.
But their prosperity was soon to
have its winter. Enormous wealth
was hazardous in baronial times.
The descendants of the Gaulish, the
German, and the Norman conquerors—bold
soldiers, but bad financiers; fond
of magnificence, but narrow in rental;
valorous in war, but pauperised in
peace—saw with lordly indignation
the crouching Israelite able to purchase
principalities, while they were
often obliged to levy the daily meal of
their retainers on the high road.
The result was, a general robbery
of the Jews. But as there is no robbery
so sweeping as that which is performed
under cover of law, the unfortunate
Jews were charged with the
most improbable crimes against popes
and princes. They sometimes escaped
the dungeon and the sword by large
bribes to the judge and the king; but
confiscation was too gainful to cease
while there was a Jew to be drained.
And at length, within the last years of
the twelfth century, all the Jews of
France were exiled by a stroke of the
pen; their whole property was seized,
and all their debts were decreed to be
irrecoverable!
Still they were too useful to be
entirely dispensed with; and the
following Jewish generation, which
had forgotten the sufferings of their
fathers, once more sought admission
into France. They there grew opulent
again, were there fleeced again,
and there were alternately fattened
and fleeced, until a general rage
against their existence seemed to
seize all Europe. Then, with an injustice
which scandalises the name of
Europe, and with a cruelty which
still more scandalises the name of
Popery, they were persecuted, plundered,
and hunted into the gentler
and honester regions of the Mahometan
and the idolator.
The history of the Jews in England
commenced about the middle of the
eighth century, and was a similar succession[729]
of persecutions of the purse.
Their persons were generally spared,
for the piety of the Saxon monarchs
was less provoked than their poverty.
The Jews were a never-failing spring;
and the Egberts and Ethelberts drank
of it in all the emergencies of their
dynasty, without ever cooling their
royal thirst. Still the Jews clung to a
land where they had probably become
masters of the whole current coin;
and though they complained furiously
of the royal pressure, they bore it for
the sake of the inordinate rent which
they levied on peasant and priest, on
baron bold, and perhaps on the monarch
himself.
But William the Norman came,
and the days of the Israelite brightened.
William knew the value
of having the synagogue for his
bank; and though a descendant of
those heroic pirates who had exhibited
robbery on the largest scale
in history, and plundered every
sea-coast of Europe every year of
their lives, he yet felt all the necessity
of paying his fellow-freebooters,
and regarded the Jews, next to his
men-at-arms, as the main prop of his
throne.
But it is a curious feature in the
annals of Jewish wealth, that it has
never lasted long; three generations,
at the most, are sure to see its end.
The gourd of Jonah is its emblem to
this hour; the surprising growth of a
night followed by the equally surprising
decay of a morning.
The Jews were desperately mulcted
by Stephen, a usurper, who felt
that he had but little time to lose,
and, of course, plundered accordingly.
But these were glorious times
for what is called “change of property;”
the brave earls of the Norman
had already run through their
estates. Money was not to be found.
The times were turbulent, and the
barons were forced to build castles
for themselves and their cattle. They
kept retainers to rob and fight, and
led the life of gallant captains of
banditti. Italy, the native land of
romance and robbery, (its principal
talents to this hour,) never exhibited
more elaborate specimens of both, than
England did in the days of Stephen.
But the royal and baronial necessities
were not to be fully supplied by the
high road, and the unfortunate Jew
was made the paymaster of all.
At last the Romish priesthood attacked
them. This was fatal. Isaac
evaded the fighting baron and the
fleecing king by his habitual adroitness,
and by those small sacrifices
which he well knew how to compensate.
But the monks, friars, and
bishops were a body with which all
his acuteness was unable to contend.
What the Jew gained was obviously
lost to the monk; and the counter
was forced to yield to the cloister.
The thirteenth century is still recorded
among the Israelites as a kind of
secondary overthrow of their nation,
and Edward I. as their English Titus.
The act of royal and ecclesiastical
atrocity banished nearly twenty thousand
Jews to seek existence in some
less savage region than the “land of
chivalry.”
From this period they are nearly
lost sight of in our English records,
until the reign of Charles II. The
York and Lancastrian wars certainly
offered but slight temptation to the
man of traffic; he must have also
remembered the penalty of his former
sojourn in England, and he wisely
left the Plantagenets, at last, to fight
it out by themselves. The reign of
Cromwell gave them some hope. It
is astonishing how the English spirit
of that one man raised the character
of England throughout Europe. The
world had never seen such a brewer
before; whatever he did, or wherever
he went, he carried with him the
homeliness, the heartiness, and the
strength of his trade. He kept the
insolence of France in order, soundly
punished the pride of Spain, and
frightened the Teutonic ferocity of
Germany into quiet. If he had
lived a thousand years, so long would
he have kept the Stuarts in banishment.
His game was harder at home,
but he played his cards with equal
success. He crushed at once the king
and the parliament; he crushed the
Presbyterians, who had crushed the
church; he bridled the Independents,
who had bridled the Presbyterians;
he tamed the army, who had conquered
the constitution; and, highest triumph
of all, he tamed Ireland. The difficulty
of the Wellingtons, the Peels, and the
Greys,—the grand problem of Whig[730]
and Tory, was no problem to him;
he suffered resistance neither moral
nor physical; he would have hanged
the orators and the gatherers of the
“rent,” on the same tree. His
remedy was simple. He led his battalions
at once into Ireland; stormed
the rebel garrisons, hanged the rebel
leaders; sent the rebel priests in
droves to the West Indies; and in
six months he made Ireland a place
in which it was possible for an honest
man to live; and this was while
Ireland was still shouting for joy
at Protestant massacre—while she
was in the full riot of 1641—while
legates, and prelates, and Jesuits
were crowding the soil, and while
tens of thousands of Protestants
were weltering in bloody graves.
The bold brewer of Huntingdon settled
the country at once, and Ireland
was obedient for a century to
come.
It is not certain whether Cromwell
had made overtures to the Jews, or the
Jews to him; but the shortness of his
reign precluded any actual measures
in their favour. However, it is evident
that they had received some
impression that they would be protected;
for immediately on the Restoration,
and apparently without any
further permission, they began to
flock into England, where they have
since remained under the general
protection of the law.
The original condition of the Jew
in England, was that of a man under
the direct protection of the king,—a
perilous protection, which gave his
majesty the right of the liege lord
over his bondsman, the right over
property, and even over person. But
the Jew was not long permitted to
hold land. Of this right they were
deprived in the reign of the third Henry,
though they were suffered to retain
the freehold of houses in towns.
Successive acts deprived them even
of this poor privilege, and no Jew
was suffered to dispose of his house
without the leave of the king. But,
by a curious anomaly, they were
again allowed to purchase houses and
lands, provided they were held of the
king, and even take farms for ten
years. Though it seems probable
that those alternations of favour and
severity were but so many applications
of the legal torture to the purses
of the Jews.
On the Continent, the condition of
the Jews was always opulent, and
always comfortless. But, in general,
they escaped with the simple penalty
of popular contempt. There is money
to be made in every country by parsimony,
and a steady determination
to do nothing but make money. The
Jews thus escaped into the wild
regions of the Goth and Vandal, and
got rich among the Poles and the
Russians. They were sometimes
dreadfully fleeced; but the men of
frost and snow were not men of
massacre, and the Jews got rich
again. Even now, with all the competition
of all the beggars of Germany,
they are the masters of all the
shop-dealing and inn-keeping, and
money-changing, and all the countless
kinds of ingenuity that the
smallest of traffics can practise upon a
people who divide the farthing into a
dozen fractions.
The Jew lives, fattens, and plays
the financier in Morocco, as he plays
the slop-seller, the quack, and the
furrier in the north. He is the
banker of his Highness Abderrhaman,
and supplies Abd-el-Kader with sequins,
Naples’ soap, horses, and intelligence.
The Jews in Turkey always lived
in tremendous insecurity;
but there too, they grew rich, they
shared the favour of the sultans, (and
the certainty of being occasionally
plundered,) along with the Armenians,
a sort of Epicene religionists,
or link between the Christian and
the Jew; the profession of both being
money in every shape, from the
hawking of pipes, and the selling of
slippers, up to the court bankers; the
last being notoriously a perilous
distinction, for on the first necessity
of the seraglio, the banker’s
confiscation was reckoned among
the ways and means of the state.
The banker’s stock of bullion was
“sent for,” and his head generally
accompanied it. His will was drawn
up already by the Grand Cadi of
Constantinople, and the Emperor of
the Faithful was regularly declared
“his heir.”
The Jew in Algiers was, like the
Jew every where, rich and wretched;
reaping all the coin of the country,[731]
and stripped of it at every caprice of
the government. The French invasion
threw all the Algerine Hebrews
into rapture for a while; but they
have continued wringing their hands,
and hanging their heads, ever since.
The Frenchman is as keen as the Jew
in saying, though the Jew altogether
distances in gain a man who would
spend his last sou on a ball, a theatre,
or a billiard-table. The Jew
eschews all games of chance; the
opera costs a franc in Algiers, when
they have one; and the Jew would
not spend a franc upon the music of
the spheres. He laments hourly the
Algerian revolution, gnashes his teeth
at the name of Charles X., cautiously
anathematises Louis Philippe, (whom
he regards as the rival of his reputation,)
and when out of the hearing
of a French sentinel, vents the reverse
of a panegyric on the green excellences
of his royal highness the Duc d’Aumale.
The burden of his political
song, is “the Turks were fine fellows;
they cut off our heads, but then they
spent money. The French do not cut
off our heads, but then they spend no
money!” The Jew evidently preferred
the chance of losing his head to the
certainty of making nothing out of
the shabbiness of his new masters.
Thus Algiers no longer offers a harvest
for the Israelite.
But the Jew had his reign of terror,—and
Spain was the scene.
Throughout the world,—for where was
the Jew not to be found?—he was
simply an object of personal scorn
and of public plunder; and, fully
acknowledging the popular crime in
both, it must equally be acknowledged
that his life naturally deprived him of
public sympathy. The Jew was a
being who took no share in advancing
the good of the country; he promoted
no national object, he assisted in
no national advancement, he promoted
none of the fine arts, he encouraged
neither the painter, nor the poet, nor
the student; he speeded neither the
plough, nor the ship, nor the pen.
He made money, and that was the
sole object of his existence. And he
made that money in the most obnoxious
way,—by enormous interest
ground out of enormous distress.
Thus voluntarily depriving himself
of all the defences which society
throws round the promoters of its
purposes; without any claims on
the respect, the gratitude, or even on
the self-interest of mankind; often,
doubtless, a desperate extortioner, and
always keen on the scent of gain, the
Jew, in the best of times, was only
endured, in hard times was hated;
and when national necessity rose to
severe pressure, was the first to be
rifled of his hoards, in the midst of a
race of rapine, which seemed to take
the shape of justice, and of revenge,
which seemed a vindication of human
nature. There were doubtless, in the
lapse of ages, instances of Jewish
scholarship, and perhaps instances of
Jewish generosity. But the character
of the race was coldness, craft, and
avarice. The European Jew was the
counterpart of the ancient Ishmaelite,
“his hand against every man,” but
without the free spirit, the bold courage,
or the wild hospitality of the
Ishmaelite. He was seen by mankind
at once in the contradictory character
of the reckless robber and the crouching
slave: suffered in society only for
his unwilling uses; and endured, like
the jackal or the hyena, for its swallowing
the refuse rejected by all the
nobler feeders on the common of mankind.
But the bloody bigotry of Spain
taught them that in “the lowest depth”
there was a still lower depth. Spain,
which, with the climate of Mauritania,
appears to inherit all the fury of the
Moor, in the first cessation from her
war of eight hundred years, began a
general persecution of all who would
not acknowledge the Virgin Mary for
a God, and St Dominic, for her prophet.
The Inquisition, the prime
instrument of Rome, was let loose
against the unfortunate Jews; many
of them apostatised under the terror
of the sword. Some of the apostates
more honourably repented of their
cowardice, and returned to their ancient
faith. On the relapsed the
Inquisition fell with the fury of a
wild beast. But even the fury of a
wild beast is satiated by being gorged.
The Inquisition had the insatiable
love of human misery which belongs
to the Demon. The wretched people
were slain and burned—the rack and
the pile were in constant action. At
length, after a long period of agony,[732]
the sweeping decree was issued in
1492, which banished the whole race
from the kingdom. Their number was
calculated at half a million! With
some pretence of humanity, in allowing
them to sell their scanty furniture,
they were robbed of every thing.
Naked and ruined, branded and
bruised, they were driven away as if
by a whirlwind, and their wrecks long
covered the shores of Africa and
Europe.
The present condition of the Jewish
people in England is more favourable
than, perhaps, in any other country,
or in any other age of the world,
since their national ruin. The principles
of Protestantism abhor persecution;
and although Protestant persecutors
have existed, their crime has
been always in open contradiction to
their principle, always has been disavowed
by Protestants, and always
has fallen into disuse with the progress
of Protestantism. But the
right of persecution having been
always avowed by Rome, being still
in the statutes of Rome, and being
still claimed as one of the national
privileges of infallibility, the Jews
are still under ban in Rome, and in
every country where power is retained
by Rome.
In England the Jews are protected
by the Toleration Act of William
and Mary. They may hold real
estates, may be high sheriffs, and,
in fact, may hold every privilege of
British subjects, but admission to
corporate offices and parliament.
From those they are excluded by the
9th George IV., the oath being, “On
the faith of a Christian,” and the true
objection being, not the desire of depressing
the Jew, but the fear of injuring
the Christian. Because those
corporate offices are generally magistracies,
which, implying the decision
of causes on the oath of parties, as
Christians, it might be hazardous to
put the power of deciding into hands
which disregarded Christian oaths
altogether. But, as a sufficient answer
to the charge of invidiousness, two
Jews have, within these few years,
been elected sheriffs of London.
On the Continent, the progress of
the eighteenth century produced a
general amelioration in the state of
the Jews. Some part of this fortunate
change was due to themselves;
they had begun to enter into general
commerce, and take some national interest
in public and municipal affairs.
A larger part was due to the increased
intelligence of the age.
The emperor Joseph, the great
“reformer” of every thing, right or
wrong, gave them the general protection
of the Christian laws. Frederick
the Great, always boasting of liberality,
and actually indifferent to all
religion, gave them the benefit of his
neglect. But, as war was his employment,
he resolved that they should
have no exception from his belligerency.
After several bitter disputes
with their Rabbis on the subject of
Jewish soldiership, he contrived to
raise a regiment of cavalry among
them, which, in his sarcastic sport,
he called Israelousky! But to make
the Israelites warriors against their
will was beyond the skill even of
Frederick.
He first intended to make them
lancers, but they entirely disapproved
of the weapon; he then tried them
with the sabre, but they had no taste
for the sword; and, finally, he was
forced to disband them. We shall
not pledge ourselves for the exactness
of this detail, but the story was long
the amusement of Germany.
In France, Napoleon, shortly after
his accession to the throne, and while
preparing for the conquest of the Continent,
called the chief Jews together,
and formed what he entitled a Sanhedrin.
As it is impossible to give his
subtle and unscrupulous mind credit
for any religious motive, his purpose
was, probably, to use their influence
in his designs on the North, where
they were numerous, and, by their
close mixture with the lower population,
influential. Twelve questions
were proposed to them, nominally to
ascertain the general compatibility
of Jewish opinions with French
law.
But war suddenly absorbed the
imperial attention; battles were more
congenial to his taste than theology,
councils than Sanhedrins, and conquest
by the sword than successes by
conspiracy. He dissolved the Sanhedrin,
and left the Jews to the general
protection of the French laws.
In England, the exclusion of the[733]
Jews from Parliament depends on
the Abjuration Act, George I. and
III., and on the 9th George IV.; the
latter act being intended to relieve
the necessity of taking the sacrament,
on appointment to places under government,
a custom originally introduced
to prevent disguised Papists
from becoming members of the Protestant
government, or holding offices
under it,—it being supposed that the
taking of the sacrament was the only
test which the Papist was not permitted
to evade; but it was a custom
which frequently gave room for
irreverence, and which thus produced
public offence. For this test, a simple
declaration was substituted, in which
the person appointed pledged himself
to the various requisitions “on the
faith of a Christian,” a form which
of course excluded the Jew. By the
combination of the two statutes, the
Jew is still distinctly, and, as we
think, with most sufficient reason,
excluded from a Christian legislature.
In this country, Parliament, in the
shape of its three estates, rules every
thing. In making any man a member
of Parliament, we, in a certain
degree, make him our master—we
give him the power of sharing, at
least, in the making of those laws
which are our masters; and although
the individual may be but little, yet
he may, if he have talent, or the
industry or skill to form a party,
or the skill to direct one, do infinite
evil to any interest which he determines
to destroy. Opening the doors
of Parliament to the Jew, is actually
opening the doors of power, and of
a power which, if he have a conscientious
adherence to his own belief,
he must use against ours. The question,
then, is not of mere municipal
regulation, but of the very life of our
religion. Religion is the highest concern
of human existence, and the
source not only of our immortal
hopes, but of freedom and Protestantism
in their purest form; and to
possess it in its freedom, to preserve,
it with its rights, and to transmit it
unmutilated to posterity, has been
the great struggle of ages, and has
been well worth the struggle. It is
unnecessary to detail here the especial
doctrines of Christianity; but the Jew
rejects them all, charges them all
with falsehood, and affirms, that it
would be our duty to both God and
man, to cast them all under our feet.
Therefore, we cannot expect any assistance
from the Jew in defending
our religion, or our religious rights,
or the national support of that religion.
But in the legislature there is already
a powerful party openly
hostile to Protestantism, with many
individuals who may be willing to aid
that party, though not of their belief.
On which side would the Parliamentary
Jew vote? There can
be no doubt that, if at all conscientious,
he would vote for the extinction
of Protestantism. Can we then be
justified to ourselves, or our country,
in giving the additional strength of a
new, opulent, and influential party to
the antagonists of Protestantism?
It is true, that any direct attempt
to destroy our religion in England is
not likely to occur, at least for a
considerable time; but are there not a
multitude of minor ways, of insidious
approaches, of dangerous artifices,
and malignant tamperings, which,
without open violence, would have all
the effect of active hostility? And
in these, would the Jew be for or
against us?
But there is a still more solemn consideration.
God punishes those who
abuse his gifts, or neglect his trusts.
Protestantism is both a gift and a trust,
and of the most invaluable order.
Must there not be a public and personal
crime in disregarding the interests
of both; and disregarding them
for a thing so worldly, contingent,
and paltry, as political convenience?
The Jew outside the legislature, however
he may hate our religion, is
powerless to injure it; but once inside
the legislature, he may conspire
to its ruin. If we put a weapon
into the hand of an enemy, whom but
ourselves can we blame for the consequences.
If we do an act which
cannot be undone, what sympathy
shall our wailings deserve, when we
feel that we have actually recruited
for a hostile faction.
But having disposed of the cant of
Liberalism, let, us now turn to the
more dangerous cant of Security.
“What reason is there to apprehend[734]
public evil from a single Jew, or from
half a dozen at most in Parliament?”
We remember that exactly the same
language was used for the admission
of the Papists. “What harm can be
done by letting in one or two Papists?
they can never amount to above half-a-dozen,
let them do what they will
at the hustings.” Yet their votes
and partisans now amount to at least
fifty; they carry every object which
they determine to carry; and they
have crumbled down cabinets like
the discharge from a battery.
In the instance of the Jew, the
answer is clear. They have the means
among them of coming to the hustings
with irresistible force. On this topic
we say no more; but every body
knows the nature of a popular election
under the Reform Bill.
But then we are to “trust to character;”
the individual in question is
unambitious, or immersed in his own
affairs, or afraid of the sound of his
own voice, or is a parliament phantom.
He may be all this, or quite the contrary,
for any contrary knowledge of ours;
but once in Parliament, with his whole
sharp and craving community at his
heels, he must make an effort—or he
will be soon driven back to his counting-house.
Or if he were at once
as fixed and silent as a rock, who
shall answer for his successors? In
no instance of party violence is the
first man the true representative. He
comes full dressed into the levee,
bows as he enters the presence,
and offers his petition with the air
pleasing to the souls of lords in waiting.
His successor comes; the sans
culotte roars at the head of his rabble
in the streets, and storms the palace,
stairs. The Jew in parliament will
be no longer the emblem of sly submissiveness
that traverses Houndsditch.
History tells us well the fierceness
of his day of authority; the
daring zealotry, the bitterness of his
national anger, and the mortal venom
of his personal vindictiveness. If
those outbursts have seldom occurred
in our days, the loss of political position
may be justly taken for the cause;
with every thing to risk and nothing
to gain, we can easily account for
quietude. But, give him that position,
make him the leader, the treasurer,
or the recruiting officer of a party,—give
him the hope of seizing place,—make
his voice the key-note of doubtful
debate,—make his party the prop
of a tottering ministry, or the champions
of an aspiring opposition,—give
him the power of carrying fifty votes,
or half the number, across the House,
the utterers of the words of life or
death to a cabinet standing in the
Dock,—and what measure of revenge
or spoliation, of insolent triumph or
irremediable evil, might they not demand,
and might they, not obtain?
We solemnly declare, that much as
we deprecate Papist influence, we
think that all its hostility is not to be
dreaded the hundredth part so much
as political power in Jewish hands.
There would be no lazy braggadocio,
no loose riot of success, none of the
vulgar intoxication that goes to sleep
after the victory,—we should have
the steady, sullen, cool antagonism,
whose subtlety never slumbers.
But there are other and important
considerations. The British empire extends
over a variety of creeds. If
the Christian legislature admits one
sect known as the open antagonist of
Christianity, why not admit the neutrals?
Why not the Mahometan?
Why not the Hindoo? Are they half
as much opposed to Christianity as
the Jew? We have conquered a
Chinese island,—why not have a parliamentary
believer in the god Foh,
and in his prophet Confutzee? Ceylon
is ours,—why reject the votary of
Boodh? We have the Cape, and we
shall soon have the land of the Caffre,—why
not admit the worshipper of the
Serpent, or the man who trembles
before the mystery of the Fetish? The
Dyak of Borneo, and the Malay of
Singapore are already basking under
the beams of the British crown;
neither will trouble us with controversies,—why
not compile them all into
one imperial representation? They
are fully as honest as the Jew, not
much more ignorant, and much less
likely to quarrel with us.
In the largeness of this subject we
are forced to pass by a multitude of
pressing considerations; but there is
one, to which we cannot avoid making
some slight reference—the actual state
of the Jewish religion. Many, who
have not attended to this subject, evidently
feel all interest in the Jew, as[735]
the “descendant of the original receivers
of the law, a mistaken and
stiff-necked generation, perhaps, but
still clinging to the law of Sinai.”
On this subject we speak with perfect
reverence, but also with perfect truth,
when we say, that it is scarcely possible
to discover the religion of Sinai in
the Jewish ritual of the present day;
their religion is Rabbinism, precisely
the same, (except for its additional
excesses and inventions) that it was
when the most sacred of all authorities
pronounced to the Sadducee, and
the Pharisee, and the nation, that they
had made the law of Moses of “none
effect by their traditions.” The
“oral law,” wholly traditionary, is
now the law of all the Jews, (the
Karaites, a small sect, excepted.)
Their liturgy is wholly formed from
the oral law, and some of its comments,
among an abundance of trivialities,
are dangerous. The “deniers
of the law are cut off for ever, and
perish through their wickedness, and
have no part in the world to come.”
Among those thus condemned for
ever are the Christians and Mahometans.
But some of the passages in
the Talmud show the personal peril
into which the oral law may condemn
the recusants of any kind.
“It is lawful,” says the Rabbi
Eleazar, “to split open the nostrils of
an unlearned man on the day of
atonement, which falls on the Sabbath.
And his disciples said, Rabbi, say
rather that it is lawful to slaughter
him. The Rabbi replied, That would
require a benediction, but now no
benediction is needful.”
But we must leave the subject to
be treated by others who have more
time; assuring the reader that Rabbinism
is a compilation very much in
the following style:—
“Rabbi Judah said, Every thing
that God created in the world he
created male and female. And thus
he did with Leviathan the piercing
serpent, and Leviathan the crooked
serpent, he created them male and
female. But if they had been united,
they would have desolated the entire
world. What then did the Holy One?
He took away the strength of the
male Leviathan, and slew the female,
and salted her for the righteous for the
time to come.”
And of this kind is the Scriptural(!)
knowledge of the modern Jew. We
really do not speak of these things in
levity, but in deference for the truth,
and to show how distinct the follower
of Rabbinism is from the follower
of Moses.
We now close the subject, disavowing
all hostility to the Jew, but distinctly
expressing our conviction, that
his admission into a Christian parliament
is wholly inconsistent with
common right, common duty, or common
sense. How can we offer the
homage of either heart or lip to our
Lord Christ, when we give the highest
boon within our power to a sect who
pronounce him all impostor? How
can we respect his religion, when we
regard it as a matter of total indifference
whether we support its friends
or encourage its enemies? or how can
we deserve to retain the inestimable
privileges, alike spiritual and temporal,
which we have received from
Christianity, when we negligently, or
for some personal object, lay them at
the mercy of the unbeliever?
What ought England to do at this
moment? It ought to teem with
petitions. Its clergy ought to meet,
and give their most solemn pledge to
resist this most fatal innovation. Its
bishops ought each to take the lead in
those meetings, and, instead of waiting
to make a useless speech in the
House of Lords, come forth and do
their duty like men.
PÆANS OF THE ATHENIAN NAVY.—NO. I.
PHORMIO’S VICTORY IN THE CORINTHIAN GULF—WITH SOME INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
ON THE ATHENIAN SEA-SERVICE.
The maritime glory of ancient
Athens has scarcely been regarded
by Englishmen with the attention
and sympathy which our own national
interest and pride in the rule of
the waves might be expected to create.
Our boast of trusting to our wooden
walls is a literal translation of the
Athenian statesman’s maxim, which
inspired his country’s successful resistance
to her Persian invader.
Athens, like England, made herself,
by her fleets, felt and feared in every
region of the then known world. Like
England, she won herself, beyond sea,
an empire far disproportioned to the
scanty extent of her domestic territory;
and she held that empire,
and defied all the assaults of combined
enemies by land, so long as,
and no longer than, she maintained
her ascendency on the ocean.
In the palmy days of Athens
every Athenian was a seaman. A
state, indeed, whose members, of an
age fit for service, at no time exceeded
thirty thousand, and whose
territorial extent did not equal half
Sussex, could only have acquired
such a naval dominion as Athens
once held, by devoting, and zealously
training, all its sons to service in its
fleets.[8] The resident aliens, and some
of the slaves, were also compelled
to row in the Athenian galleys;
foreign mariners were sometimes
hired; but the staple of the crews
consisted of free citizens of Athens,
members of the sovereign republic,
which they served with hearts and
hands in the cause of her aggrandisement;
zealously executing the decrees
Which they themselves had
voted, and each of them (as Herodotus
remarked) feeling that what he
wrought he wrought for himself, and
striving to do the work thoroughly.[9]
We look back with just national
pride on the energy which our country
displayed, and the resources which
she called into action during the fearful
struggles of the last war. We dwell
with honest complacency on the narrative
that tells us how, when, after the
rupture of the peace of Amiens, our
Great Enemy menaced invasion, England,
besides her preparations by land,
put forth her might “on the element she
calls her own. She covered the ocean
with five hundred and seventy ships
of war of various descriptions. Divisions
of her fleet blocked up every
French port in the Channel; and the
army destined to invade our shores
might see the British flag flying in
every direction on the horizon, waiting
for their issuing from the harbour,
as birds of prey may be seen
hovering in the air above the animal
which they design to pounce upon:”[10]
while, at the same time, along Indian
seas, and by the shores of continents
of whose existence the Ancients
dreamed not, our squadrons commanded
every coast that could supply
an enemy’s ship to chase, or an enemy’s
colony to capture. Yet, if we take
into consideration the comparative
populations and territories of the two
states, we shall find instances in
Greek history of Athens making exertions
to secure her independence,
and naval supremacy, which surpass
even those which are the just
boast of Britain. We may pass over
the day of Salamis, when all Athens
was on ship-board; nor need we, for
this purpose, do more than glance at
her armaments at the fatal siege of
Syracuse, and in the other death-struggles
of the Peloponnesian war.
There is an original inscription still
preserved in the Louvre, which attests
the energies of Athens at another[737]
crisis of her career, not, indeed, more
intense or exciting than those which
we have alluded to, but more interesting
to Englishmen, from the variety
of the, scenes of operation, on which
Athens then, like England in modern
wars, at once sought conquests
abroad, and repelled enemies at home.
At the period we now advert to (B. C.
457) an Athenian armament of two
hundred galleys was engaged in a
bold though unsuccessful expedition
against Egypt. The Athenian crews
had landed, had won a battle; they
had then re-embarked and sailed up the
Nile, and were busily besieging the
Persian garrison in Memphis. As
the complement of a trireme galley
was at least two hundred men, we
cannot estimate the forces then employed
by Athens against Egypt at
less than forty thousand men. At the
same time she kept squadrons on the
coasts of Phœnicia and Cyprus, and
yet maintained a home-fleet that
enabled her to defeat her Peloponesian
enemies at Cecryphalea and
Ægina, capturing in the last engagement
seventy galleys. This last fact
may give us some idea of the strength
of the Athenian home-fleet that gained
the victory: and by adopting the same
ratio of multiplying whatever number
of galleys we suppose to have been
employed, by two hundred, so as to
gain the aggregate number of the
crews, we may form some estimate of
the forces which this little Greek state
then kept on foot. Between sixty
and seventy thousand men must have
served in her fleets during that year.
Her tenacity of purpose was equal to
her boldness of enterprise. Sooner
than yield or withdraw from any of their
expeditions, the Athenians at this
very time, when Corinth sent an army
to attack their garrison at Megara, did
not recall a single crew or a single
soldier from Ægina or from abroad;
but the lads and old men, who had
been left to guard the city, fought
and won a battle against these new
assailants. The inscription which we
have referred to, is graven on a votive
tablet to the memory of the dead,
erected in that year by the Erechthean
tribe, one of the ten into which the
Athenians were divided. It shows,
as Thirlwall has remarked,[11] “that the
Athenians were conscious of the
greatness of their own efforts;” and
in it this little civic community of the
ancient world still “records to us
with emphatic simplicity, that its
slain fell in Cyprus, in Egypt, in
Phœnicia, at Haliæ, in Ægina, and
in Megara, in the same year.”
Of course, in order to man and
keep afoot such armaments as these,
Athens employed large numbers of
her subject-allies, of hired mariners,
and also of slaves. But, as has been
marked before, her own citizens
formed the staple of her forces. In
the periods, indeed, of her deepest
distress, towards the close of the
Peloponnesian war, when her dreadful
defeats in Sicily must have diminished
the serviceable part of her free
population, and swept off the flower
of her youth, “as if the spring-time
were taken out of the year,” she was
compelled to fill her fleets with a far
larger proportion of slaves and hired
foreigners. And then her enemies,
by the offer of higher pay, could half
unman the Athenian ships, and improve
their own complements on the
very eve of decisive operations.[12]
Themistocles was the great founder
of the Athenian navy. He first
taught Athens to disregard the land,
and to look on the sea as her national
element of empire. His enemies
said of him that he took the
spear out of his countrymen’s grasp,
and replaced it with the oar.[13] But
the contemporary historian explicitly
attests[14] that the salvation of Greece
from Persia arose from the Athenians
having become a sea-faring people:
and it was Themistocles who made
them so.
He persuaded his fellow-countrymen
to devote the produce of their silver
mines to building a fleet, instead of
dividing it among themselves. This
fleet, well exercised in contests with
Ægina, was the nucleus of the navy
of Athens, that taught the Greeks how
to fight and conquer at Artemisium
and Salamis. These victories, and
the equally successful sea-fights in
which Cimon afterwards led the[738]
Greeks against the remnants of the
Persian navy on the Asiatic coasts,
raised the zeal of the Athenians for
their sea service to the highest pitch.
And when they had acquired the
supremacy over the Greek islanders
and cities of the coasts of the Ægean,
they gained and sedulously employed
fresh resources for augmenting the
number of their galleys, and improving
their own skill as mariners. For no
nation was ever more thoroughly
aware than the Athenians of the importance
of assiduous training and
perfect discipline in naval warfare.
Their great orator, Pericles, mainly
encouraged them to resist the combined
powers of Lacedæmon and her allies,
by reminding them of their long practice
in seamanship compared with that
of their enemies, who were more numerous,
and might be equally brave, but
never could equal their skill. He
truly told them that seamanship is an
art not to be acquired off-hand by
landsmen, or to be picked up as a mere
minor accomplishment, but that it
requires long practice, uninterrupted
by other occupations. “Athens had
devoted herself to this since the invasion
of the Medes; she had not,
indeed, perfected herself; but the
reward of her superior training was
the rule of the sea—a mighty dominion,
for it gave her the rule of much
fair land beyond its waves, safe from
the idle ravages with which the Lacedæmonians
might harass Attica, but
never could subdue Athens.”[15]
An ancient Athenian trireme would
make a poor figure beside a modern
line-of-battle ship, the most majestic
product of human skill and daring.
Still, as we have seen, the number of
men employed on board a naval armament
in the old times far exceeded the
united complements of a modern fleet.
The slaughter in action was far greater,
and, from the nature of the conflict,
more depended upon discipline and
seamanship, comparatively with mere
animal courage, than is the case even
in the sea-fights of the present time.
The ancients contended in long light
galleys, the prows of which were
armed with sharp strong beaks, for the
purpose of staying in an adversary’s
timbers, and more effectually running
her down. Inexperienced crews
sought only to grapple with an enemy,
and to decide the affair by boarding. But
the more highly-disciplined mariners
avoided this unscientific mode of
closing, in which numbers and brute
force were sure to prevail, and sought
by skill and speed, by manœuvring
round their antagonists, by wheeling,
halting, backing, and charging exactly
at the right moment, to avoid the
shocks intended for themselves, and
to run an opponent down by taking
her amidships or on the quarter, or to
dash away and shatter part of her
oars.
If we can picture to ourselves two
hostile squadrons of modern steam-boats,
without artillery, seeking to
destroy each other principally by running
down, we shall gain an idea in
many respects analogous to the idea of
a sea-fight of antiquity. But we must
remember that the motive power of
the old war-galleys, when contending,
came entirely from oars, sails not being
used in action: so that the efficiency
of the manœuvres depended on the
skill and nerve of the whole crew, and
not merely on the excellence of
machinery and the dexterity of one
or two officers. Of the two hundred
men who made the usual complement
of a Greek trireme, at least four-fifths
pulled at the oar; the proportion of
mariners being continually diminished
in the best navies, as they trusted
more and more to swiftness and tactics,
and less to hand-to-hand fighting.
They pulled in three tiers, ranged one
above another, the lowest having, of
course, the shortest oars and lightest
work; better men being required for
the middle tier, and the most powerful
and skilled rowers being alone fit to
work the long oars of the upper rank.
The probable mode of arranging the
tiers of oars, so that the higher should
sufficiently overstretch the lower, so
as not to interfere in stroke with them,
is excellently explained by Mitford
in an appendix to the eighth chapter
of his second volume. Adopting the
views of General Melville, and illustrating
them by a description of war-galleys
actually in use among the[739]
islanders of the Pacific, Mitford says:—”Along
the waist of the galley,
from a little above the water’s edge, a
gallery projected at an angle of about
forty-five degrees. In this the upper
rowers were disposed, checkered with
the lower. Space for them being thus
gained, partly by elevation, partly by
lateral projection, those of the highest
tier were not too much above the
water to work their oars with effect.”
The system, too, of rowing with
outriggers, which has lately been
adopted in the boat-races on the Tyne,
and thence in those of the Thames and
Cam, suggests another mode by which
sufficient sweep and space might have
been gained for the oars of the upper
tier, to keep them from clashing with
those below them.
A galley thus manned, and built
exclusively for speed, (for the war-ships
seldom or never pushed across
the open sea, but coasted along from
point to point, landing their crews for
meals and sleep,) must have moved
with immense velocity and power.
The boat-races at Cambridge, in which
six or seven-and-twenty eight-oared
boats may be seen contending close together,
can give some faint idea of the
speed with which a squadron of the old
triremes must have rushed through the
sea, and of the noise and wave which
must have been raised in the water, by
the displacing transit of such large and
rapid bodies, and by the simultaneous
lashing of so many thousand oars. One
can understand the alarm with which
their charge must have been watched
by unpractised antagonists, and the
shrinking back frequently caused,
φοβω ῥοθιου και νεων δεινοτητος
.[16]
Steady bravery and alertness were
therefore, essential qualities in the
whole crew. For, if but a few of the
oarsmen got frightened, and consequently
pulled out of time, or if they
failed to back water, to ease off, or to
give all the way they could, exactly at
the word of command, the calculated
speed, or curve, or check, on the faith
of which a manœuvre was attempted
by the captain and steerer, would not
be supplied; the manœuvre would fail;
and the galley, instead of taking an
antagonist at advantage, would herself
lie at the mercy of some other of
the enemy’s ships that might be near
enough to seize the moment of her
confusion. Accordingly, besides assiduouslyο
training their men to the use of
the oar in rough as well as smooth water,
the Athenian admirals inculcated as
a seaman’s prime duties order and
silence in action, (Εν τω εργω κοσμον και
σιγην περι πλειστου
ἡγεισθε.)[17]
To be steady and patient in the
presence of the enemy until the signal
for engaging was given; to listen
attentively for the word of command
as passed on by the boatswains (κελευϛαι)
to the various banks of oars; to,
obey each command instantly, unhesitatingly,
and quietly; to keep time,
to back promptly, and, in charging, to
throw the utmost amount of physical
power into each stroke of the oar, were
the qualities that distinguished the
able Athenian seaman. Impatience,
clamour, clumsy and uneven rowing,
slowness and confusion in catching
and obeying signals, and flurried unsteadiness
in the heat of battle,
betrayed the inexperience of the crews
with which the Peloponnesians manned
their fleets in the early years of their
great war with Athens; though probably
each Dorian among them was
constitutionally as brave as any Athenian,
and might have excelled him in
an encounter with spear and shield on
land.
However skilfully the triremes
might be manœuvred, it was impossible
to prevent their sometimes getting
foul of their adversaries. And,
for the hand-to-hand fighting which
this involved, a small body of fully
armed soldiers (Επιβαται), or Marines,
according to our modern term) served
on board each galley. There were also
a few bowmen or slingers for galling
the enemy as opportunity offered. And
although the oarsmen must, of course,
have been unencumbered with armour,
each seems to have been furnished
with some light weapons, a cutlass
probably and javelin, to play his part
with in the exigencies which continually
occurred during an action at
sea. For we must bear in mind that,
when we read of the ancient galleys
running each other down in action, we[740]
are not to suppose that the struck
galley was instantly sunk by the
shock. On the contrary, almost every
account in the classics of a sea-fight
proves that this was seldom or never
the case. From the peculiarly light
build of the triremes, and probably
also from the effect of the lateral galleries
in which the upper rowers were
disposed, one of these vessels would
be a long time before it foundered,
even after receiving such a shock as
to water-log it, and to leave it shattered
and perfectly unmanageable.
While the wreck thus kept above
water, the crew clung to it in the
hope of being rescued by successful
friends. Sometimes, even after thus
being run down, the crew would make
a desperate effort, and carry their
apparently triumphant opponent by
boarding. A memorable instance of
this is recorded by Herodotus as
having occurred at the battle of Salamis,
where a Samothracian galley in
the Persian service was charged and
run down by an Æginetan; “but the
Samothracians, being javelin-men,
sent a shower of darts at the marines
who assailed them from the ship which
had run them down, cleared her deck,
and boarded and took possession of
her.”[18]
A mere successful charge, therefore,
against an enemy’s galley did not
necessarily determine the fate of her
crew; a flight or two of javelins and
arrows were probably thrown in, especially
if any resistance was shown, and
then the victorious vessel generally
moved of in search of fresh opponents
until the event of the day was finally
decided. The conquerors then had the
easy task of rowing up and down
among the half-swamped prizes, killing
or taking off the men as prisoners,
and towing the wrecks away in triumph,
to be patched up or not for service,
according to the extent of their respective
damages.
The ascendancy is obvious, which
skill and discipline must have exercised
in such contests over equal
courage and superior numbers. Often
as this was displayed, the first victory
of Phormio in the Corinthian gulf in
the third year of the Peloponnesian
war, as narrated by Thucydides, is
one of the most splendid instances
of it that history supplies. The Corinthians
and other confederates of
Sparta had prepared an armament of
forty-seven galleys and a large number
of transports on the Achaian side
of the gulf, for the purpose of effecting
a descent on the opposite coast of
Acarnania, a country then in alliance
with Athens. Phormio, the Athenian
admiral who commanded in those
seas, had only twenty galleys, with
which he watched their movements
from Chalcis and the river Evenus on
the Ætolian coast. The Peloponnesians,
notwithstanding their superiority
in numbers, sought to avoid an
action, and endeavoured to push
across the gulf in the night. But the
Athenians were too vigilant, and
came up with them in the middle of
the passage just about day-break.
The gulf is of considerable width in
the part where the rival fleets encountered,
though immediately to the
eastward it narrows into a mere
strait between the two opposite
capes, each of which the Greeks called
the Promontory of Rhion. Thus intercepted,
and forced to fight, the
Peloponnesian commanders drew up
their fleet in a way which they hoped
would neutralise the superior skill and
swiftness of the Athenian galleys. The
great object in a sea-fight was to
charge an opponent amidships, or
on the stern, or on some defenceless
part. Of course, as long as the enemy
kept their line with the bows opposed
to all their assailants, this was impossible.
The favourite manœuvre then
was cutting the line, (Διεκπλους.) The
assailing galley dashed rapidly between
two of her adversaries; and then,
smartly wheeling round, sought to
charge one of them in rear, or on
the quarter while turning. To prevent
this, various tactics were adopted.
Sometimes, for instance, the
assailed fleet was drawn up in two or
more lines of squadrons placed
checker-wise behind each other. On
the present occasion, the Peloponnesians
formed in a circle, placing the
transports and a picked squadron of
five of their best war-ships in the
middle, and with the rest of their galleys
ranged outside, with their sterns
toward the centre, so as to present
all round a front of armed beaks to[741]
the enemy, and make a flank or rear
attack impossible. But as our Nelson
dealt with Villeneuve, so Phormio
dealt with them. A novel mode of
defence was overpowered by a novel
mode of attack. The Athenian admiral
formed his line-of-battle ahead, and
rowed round them, continually threatening
to charge, and cooping them into
a narrower and narrower space, but
having strictly enjoined his captains not
to begin the engagement till he gave the
signal. For he reckoned on the Peloponnesian
galleys soon getting unsteady
in their stations, and running
foul of each other, so as to give, a
favourable opportunity for charging
them. And he also waited for the
springing up of the east wind, which
commonly blew out of the straits
about sunrise; feeling sure that the
enemy would never keep their array
perfect in rough water. Even as he
had anticipated, so fared it with the
Peloponnesians. The wind came
down upon them, and caught them
(το πνευμα κατηει.) Their ships, already
closely packed, fell foul of each other.
The crews had to fend off, and mutual
abuse and shouting confused the fleet,
and drowned the officers’ commands.
The unpractised rowers also, as the
water grew rougher, when they gave
a stroke, could not clear their oars
from the waves; (τας κωπας
αδυνατοι οντες εν
κλυδωνιω
αναφερειν,) a difficulty
which any one will appreciate,
who learned to row on a river, and
who remembers how many crabs he
caught, when he afterwards first tried
to pull a sea-oar in a fresh breeze.
The helmsmen thus had no sufficient
steerage-way on their ships; and any
attempt at manœuvring became hopeless.
When they were completely
disordered, Phormio gave the signal
to his captains, and the Athenian
galleys, dashing forward, gained an
easy victory, capturing twelve ships,
one of which they dedicated to Poseidon.
This battle is the subject of the following
lines, which are intended to
be taken as composed by one of the
Athenians who served on board Phormio’s
galley. The metre is the splendid
measure invented by Mr Mitchell
for the rendering of the Aristophanic
Tetrameter Anapest.
PHORMIO’S VICTORY IN THE CORINTHIAN GULF.
Where Evenus with ocean is blended,
To watch the Dorian host, that ‘gainst Acarnania’s coast
At the mandate of Sparta descended.
Stretched the squadrons of proud Lacedæmon;
Our prows were but a score, yet we cooped them to the shore,
Oh they shrank from the clash with our seamen!
Came over the boasting invaders;
But like thieves they sought to glide, to their booty o’er the tide,
With darkness and silence for aiders.
The veil of the night earth was wearing;
But the stars had pined away; and the streaks of eastern gray
Told the morn was her chariot preparing.
On our sentinel’s ear faintly sounded;
Our watch was keen, and true, we were Phormio’s chosen crew;
To his oar at the signal each bounded.
Oh little they deem what will meet them;
Right soon equipped are we, and we push at once to sea,
On the mid-wave to baffle and beat them.
A dark mass on the dark water rises;—
‘Tis a galley;—’tis their fleet—how our joyous bosoms beat,
As the dawning revealed us our prizes!
There was sea-room and space for the meeting;
Yet they moved not to attack, but in troubled ring hung back
From the strife, whence was now no retreating.
Still threat’ning the charge, still delaying:
For Phormio curbed our zeal, till the roughened main should feel
The breath of the east o’er it playing.
On high while the Day-god is soaring?
Come forth, and bid the Deep from the level slumber leap,
Its billows in majesty pouring.
The laugh and the toss of the ocean;
Long time the gale and we have been comrades o’er the sea;
‘Tis our helpmate in battle’s commotion.
The ripples are glittering brightly;
Soon the purple billows grow, and their crests of foam they show,
As the freshening blast curls them lightly.
Their oars in the vexed surges drooping;
While our circling galleys halt, and veer round for the assault,
For the death-stroke each mariner stooping.
Trembling over the edge of the water,
With breathless gaze we watch from our captain’s lip to catch
The word for the charge and the slaughter.
Glides off—the waves hiss in twain riven—
The trumpet clamours high; and our short sharp battle-cry,
As we strain every nerve, rings to heaven.
Lithe and light through the white froth it flashes;
And pulsating with life, savage, active for the strife,
At her quarry the war-galley dashes.
Of the homes and the loves that we cherish;
For we know, from rush like this, as our prow may strike or miss,
Ourselves or the foemen must perish.
Where their quarter lies helpless before us;
And the thrilling, jarring crash, and the music of the smash
Tell our rowers that fortune smiles o’er us.
How they reel in their armour along it:
While our bow-men ply each string; and each javelin’s on the wing,
Wafting death mid the braggarts that throng it.
Shattered oars, mangled oars-men are lying:
The rent and started side sucks in the swamping tide,
And the surge drowns the groans of the dying.
It shall stream yet in richer libations:
We’ll repeat the lesson stern—Lacedæmon well shall learn
That the sea mocks her rule o’er the nations.
Give your helmsman free scope and dominion”—
We recoil for fresh attack, as a hawk may hover back,
Ere it swoop in the pride of its pinion.
‘Tis Athenè herself that is guiding.
As, huddled in a flock, deer shrink back from the shock
Of the hunters that round them are riding,
Their fleet crowds together in ruin;
While our galleys dashing in, with a loud and joyous din,
Their mission of death are pursuing.
Rises up from their admiral-galley;
They come forth—’tis not to fight—they only push for flight—
One has burst through our line in the sally.
Let not Dorians for speed triumph o’er us—
Our nearest consort views her,—the[19]Paralus pursues her—
Pull on—none must strike her before us.
Carry Phormio first in his glory”—
Each nerved him as he spoke, and we dash with stouter stroke
Through the waves carcase-cumbered and gory.
Oh! blithe was the contest that tried us,
When we saw our comrades true, their country’s favoured crew,
In rivalry rowing beside us.
Like a proud steed let loose from the bridle;
And we knew by the red streak on her bent and battered beak,
In the fray that she had not been idle.
In the emulous chase to the leading;
As two hounds pursue the hare, and each strives for amplest share
Of the conquest to which they are speeding.
‘Gainst its point ill her helmsman is shielded:
And the Paralus’s sway breaks her starboard oars away.
Clear her deck!—No—they crouch—they have yielded.
There she long shall crown the headland, never stemming billow more:
To the gracious God of Ocean votive offering shall she stand,
Telling of the deeds of Phormio and his bold Athenian band.
Sagest of his country’s seamen, bravest captain of the brave;—
Every coast shall hear his glory, far as Athens rules the wave.
Choral lay shall long record him. Long our battle-cry shall be,
Cheering on our charging squadrons, “Phormio and Victory.”
OUR CURRENCY, OUR TRADE, AND OUR TARIFF.
It is no matter of congratulation to
us, that the remarks which we hazarded
in July last, regarding the depressed
and declining state of the internal
trade of the country, and the miserable
prospects which were in store for us
in consequence of the mischievous
operation of our restrictive monetary
laws, have since been tested by experience,
and have been fulfilled to
the utmost letter. We then stated,
that Great Britain was upon the very
verge of a crisis more dangerous than
any to which she had hitherto been
exposed—that the evil was clearly
traceable to the senseless machinery
of the Banking Acts, introduced by
Sir Robert Peel, and adopted by his
Whig successors—and we warned the
latter, that “if, during the recess, and
before a new parliament shall meet, the
present lamentable state of matters is
to continue, no British ministry ever
exposed themselves to such a frightful
load of responsibility.” Our sentiments
with regard to the monetary
laws were neither singular nor unsupported.
They were in unison with
those of an overwhelming majority of
the press, of the heads of mercantile
houses, and more especially of the
bankers, who in vain had pointed out
to Sir Robert Peel the imminent danger
of his persevering with egotistic obstinacy
in his foolish and pragmatical
scheme. But our forebodings as to
the future, and further depreciation of
property down to the present miserable
point, were, we are quite aware,
considered by many as too gloomy to
be by possibility realised. That month,
however, which may hereafter be
memorable in our history as the Black
October, has, we hope, dispelled the
delusion even of the few who still
regarded Sir Robert Peel as the infallible
minister of finance. His
great juggle is now exposed; his currency
engine has gone to pieces—but
not before it has fulfilled its predestined
task of crushing and annihilating
credit.
It was, we are now free to acknowledge,
a vain expectation to hope
that any remedial measure could be
carried in the last Parliament. That
body was rapidly going down to its
corporate grave, with little glory, and
with no regret. It, too, was an
engine, working, most unfortunately
for us all, according to the will of one
man, whose thoughts and ways were
as secret and noiseless as the pestilence.
It was pledged to support
agriculture, which it abandoned; to
foster native industry, which it gave
up to foreign competition; to lighten
the burdens of the people, which it
augmented; to maintain the balance of
power, which it permitted to be shifted
and destroyed. Whether he was in
office or not, that parliament was the
plaything of Peel. At each successive
move, he was the Mephistophiles who
drew the string. He contrived to adjust
parties with such infinite address, that
what in reality was the weaker section
became apparently the stronger
one, and “government influence” was
lavishly used to tempt the frailer
brethren from their old profession.
True, he lost office in consequence,
but he did not on that account surrender
one iota of power. The new
ministry felt that they were in his
hands, and that his fiat might determine
at any moment the period of
their political existence. There have
been statesmen, even of the Whig
school, who would not willingly have
submitted to so poor and degrading a
bondage. There have been those
who would not have consented to
hold office even for an hour, on the
condition of their adopting implicitly
the measures and the schemes of
their antagonist; but we live in
altered times, and free will is no
longer a doctrine of the Whigs.
Accordingly, the same lessons of
financial wisdom, the same doctrines
of political economy, which flowed
from the lips of the converted Sir
Robert Peel, were now pompously
enunciated, though far worse expressed,
by Sir Charles Wood, whom
the malignant star of Britain has
converted into a Chancellor of the
Exchequer. The cries of the country,
the warnings of the press, the representations
of the merchants and
bankers, were passed over with an[745]
assurance of general prosperity, and
Parliament was dissolved at the moment
when the active interference of
the legislature was most imperatively
required.
At the elections the currency
was made a prominent but not a
vital question. This we regret exceedingly,
for there never was a time
when men of strong understanding,
concentrated experience, and practical
knowledge, were more needed in
the House of Commons; and although
there have been some accessions
which we regard with hope, still we
could have wished that more men of
decided mercantile ability had been
returned. The new Parliament has
very great, important, and difficult
functions to perform. It has to pronounce
upon the fate of a monetary
system which dear-bought and late
experience has proved to be radically
bad; and it must provide a
substitute on which the nation may
in future more confidently rely. It
has further to decide, whether we
are to persevere in a mercantile
policy, which, so far as it has gone,
appears most baneful to home production,
and to the prosperity of our
native artisans: and it will be forced
in some measure to recast and remodel
the system of our national taxation.
All these are matters of infinite
and pressing importance: they must
be handled boldly, but not rashly, and
discussed with temper and forbearance.
Party strife must be forgotten when
the great interests of the nation are
so strangely and fearfully involved.
We have arrived, through experiment-making
and quackery, at such
a point, that the best man, be his
general politics what they may, must
lead us on. But we must have no
more experiments, lest a worse thing
should happen to befall us. In our
present position it would be madness
to look for aid either from the flashy
declaimer and rhetorician, or from the
off-hand fabricator of systems, which
are based upon no solid or intelligible
foundation. What we want is solidity,
prudence, and, above all, principle.
It will not do merely to extricate
the nation from its immediate
dilemma, for which task we observe
there is already a sufficient number
of volunteers; but we must absolutely
see our way before us, a little more
clearly than our political guides have
hitherto been in the habit of permitting.
We cannot suffer them to
remain as solitary sentinels on the
peaks of an imaginary Pisgah. The
promised land, which they have discerned
in the distance, has turned
out, when we reached it, to be a
mere mirage of the desert—a phantom
which has disappeared, and left us
in the arid sand. We are, as far as
ever—nay, even farther—from our inheritance;
and assuredly it would be
a desirable thing for us if we could
discover the true road by which we
are to walk in future. We have
deserted, unnecessarily and foolishly,
as experience has shown us, the
beaten track which we had hitherto
pursued: if we cannot regain it, let
us at least be diligent in our endeavours
to find, but wary in our selection
of a new one. It is in this
temper that we venture to make a
few observations upon our present
position and prospects.
First, then, let us see how the
Banking Act of 1844 has worked. All
the world knows that by that preposterous
measure, the free circulation
of the paper money of the Bank of
England was limited to £14,000,000
beyond the amount of bullion which
was stored in the coffers of that establishment—that
no loophole or device
for expansion was given—and that
the Scottish, Irish, and provincial
banks were put into similar fetters,
and compelled to provide and retain
gold for every pound note which they
might issue beyond the amount of
their average circulation as taken at
that period. We were told by the
individual who was then kind enough
to act as our Lycurgus, that this restriction
was necessary for the safety
of the trading community—that, in
other words, it was intended to prevent
the customer from being defrauded
by his banker, and to keep the circulation
of the country within proper
bounds. Also, that it was intended to
discourage undue and unwholesome
speculation, which, according to the
modern theory, is at the root of every
evil. We believed him—that is, some
of us did—and the measure was
passed into a law.
Subsequent experience has shown[746]
us, that this very measure has become
an engine of destruction to the trading
community—that it has not defended
the customer from loss by the failure
of his banker—and that it has not
discouraged speculation, whether that
be unwholesome or not. It has certainly
kept the circulation of the
country within such bounds, that
money is at a minimum rate of eight
and a half per cent; and the measure
is itself suspended and virtually abrogated
by the Whig ministry, who, with
an inconsistency and stupidity which
appear absolutely miraculous, pin their
faith, in the very document which removed
it, to the soundness and integrity
of its principle!
Now, it is here proper to remark,
that the principle to which the ministry
have so needlessly committed themselves
is not, strictly speaking, that of
the convertibility of paper into gold
at a fixed rate, but that of permanent
restriction of the issues. The bullion
principle may or may not be justly
assailable upon other grounds, but it
does not necessarily enter as an ingredient
into the question of the present
difficulty, and we are anxious, therefore,
to keep it separate. The great
alteration which the Act of 1844
effected in the monetary system of
England, was the positive limitation
of the unrepresented paper issues of
the government to fourteen millions,
and the contraction of the currency of
the provincial banks. It thus left the
directors of the Bank of England no
option or power to move to the assistance
of the public in time of emergency,
and besides restricting them,
it made the provincial banks in England
wholly dependent upon the leading
establishment in London. The
Acts of 1845 which were applicable to
Scotland and Ireland, were in many
respects a much greater innovation.
The amount of paper circulation in
these countries was calculated on the
average of the preceding year, and the
issue restricted accordingly. It was
provided that every note which might
be put out beyond that amount,
should be represented by bullion, and
we shall immediately show that this
measure has proved in its operation
most injurious to the interests of the
English public, by causing a large
drain of bullion to countries where it
is neither asked for, nor employed as
a circulating medium at all. We,
therefore, drop for the present the
convertibility question, and Sir
Robert’s reiterated disquisitions as to
the nature and character of a pound;
and shall apply ourselves solely to the
point of restriction, which we hold to
be the leading cause of the present
monetary distress.
A vast change has taken place in
our social condition since the year
1844. This alteration has been produced
by both natural and artificial
causes. In the first place, we have
had a famine and a failure of the potato
crop, which has borne very
heavily upon the population of the
British islands, and has caused a large
export of bullion for the necessary
supply of food. In the second place,
we have had a multiplicity of gigantic
works going on at home, which, while
they have afforded high wages to an
important section of the community,
and so tended in a great measure to
ward off and counteract the more disastrous
effects of the famine, have
nevertheless undeniably caused an
unusual absorption of capital, which
must remain unproductive until those
works are completed. In the third
place, we have altered altogether our
relation to the foreigner, and have
admitted him to competition with our
own producers in the home market,
without securing that reciprocity without
which free trade is a phantom and
a delusion. The first and the third of
these causes have led to a steady
drain of bullion from the country;
and although the famine may now be
considered as over, and that drain
stopped for the present, the other
still continues and must continue in
full operation, and the adverse rate of
exchange as against Britain can only
be overcome by a general decline of
prices, in consequence of which men
of every class, but especially the manufacturer
and the artisan, must be
serious and permanent losers. But
the railway system on the whole has
effected the most important change
upon our position, and it is now indisputably
necessary to find out in what
way it has acted upon the money
market.
In 1844, the restriction year, the
railway system was, so to speak, in[747]
its infancy. No doubt many works
had been constructed and much surplus
capital embarked, but the tide of
enterprise or of speculation, if you so
choose to term it, had not at that time
set in nearly so vigorously as it did
afterwards in the new channel. Still
there were distinct indications of what
was to come. Notice had been given
of a multiplicity of works that were
to be undertaken, involving in the
aggregate an enormous expenditure
of capital; and Parliament had pointedly
constituted itself the censor and
approver of these projects. It was
not a period of private unguided
speculation. Parties were not left as
in former years to throw their capital
rashly and without guarantee into
American mining and canal adventures,
for the purposes of foreign improvement
and the employment of an
alien population. Each railway bill
was first considered by a ministerial
body expressly constituted for that
function: it then underwent the scrutiny
of committees of both Houses of
Parliament; and finally, when transformed
into an act by receiving the
royal assent, it bore within its preamble
an express acknowledgment
that it was a work of great advantage
and benefit to the country at large.
Nay more, by a notable act, authorising
the government, whenever a railway
should exhibit a certain amount
of remunerative traffic, to purchase it
at a statutory rate for the profit of the
nation, the ministry were as deeply
pledged as they could be to the maintenance,
of the system; and if there
has been in fact any excess in the
number of works undertaken, the private
promoters of these are far less
chargeable with the blame than the
ministry, who, with their eyes open,
and the amount of pledged capital
declared, yet suffered the system to go
so far without interposing a decided and
unsurmountable barrier to its progress.
Be that as it may—and we shall
have a few words to say upon the
point hereafter—it is impossible to
suppose that Sir Robert Peel, or any
other competent minister, can have
failed to form the conclusion that
altered circumstances must per force
hereafter effect a vast change on the
surface of our monetary transactions.
Indeed Sir Robert now takes full credit
for such prescience. He tells us
that he foresaw what was about to
happen, and that he framed his banking
measures with a direct view to
that result. A more humiliating confession,
in our opinion, was never
uttered by any man laying claim to
the character of a statesman. It is
in fact tantamount to an acknowledgment
that he was then legislating
for the prospective benefit of the
moneyed interest exclusively, and not
for that of the nation. For we hold it
to be perfectly clear, upon every principle
of honour and justice, that
government, having allowed these
railway bills to pass, and so far
sanctioned their commencement,
were bound to interpose no artificial
impediment to their completion. Nay
more—they were bound, before introducing
any act for the future regulation
of the currency, to take into consideration
the changes which so vast
an expenditure of capital at home was
likely to cause in the adjustment of
the different national interests, and
the facilities which ought to be granted
to each in the development of their several
industry. But the Banking Acts
of which we complain were framed
upon a totally different principle.
Sir Robert Peel, in 1844, was, as
it were, standing upon an elevation
from which he could look backward
upon the past condition of the country,
and forward to the new state of
things which was now certain to
occur, and which he did not intend to
prevent. On the one hand, he saw
that, for a certain average of years,
not distinguished by any great enterprise,
nor shaken by any great convulsion,
a certain quantity of currency had
sufficed for the wants of the nation.
This currency consisted of two things,
gold and paper, for we drop the smaller
change. The gold was principally, if
not altogether, confined to England,
where it circulated from hand to hand;
and, issuing from the fountain of the
Mint at a fixed rate of price, it was
accessible to all parties, and always
exchangeable for paper. Being exportable
at fluctuating values abroad,
the amount of gold at any time in the
country could not be accurately ascertained,
but it was acknowledged as
the nominal basis of the circulation.
In Scotland and Ireland the system[748]
was different. Both of these were
poorer countries than England, and
had been unable either to dispense
with the smaller one-pound note circulation,
or to provide gold, the most
expensive and cumbrous representative
of property. The currency of
these countries, therefore, was paper,
based directly upon property; and,
in Scotland at least, secured by an
admirably-devised system of interchange
amongst the native banks,
which effectually prevented the possibility
of any over-issue. In consequence
the circulation was extremely
regular and steady, save at the two
great terms of the year, being settling
days, when a large expansion of the
currency was required, to be, however,
again withdrawn on the succeeding
week.
On the other hand lay the more
dubious prospect for the future. Parliament
had already recognised the
railway system, and numerous projects
were waiting for the imperial sanction.
These necessarily and avowedly
involved an enormous expenditure
of capital, and the active and
lucrative employment for several
years to come of a large class of persons
throughout the three kingdoms.
The railway system might indeed be
said to have created a new class,
whose necessary share in the currency
would fall to be calculated in any
future monetary measure. Add to
this, that the population of the empire
was rapidly and steadily increasing.
It was in this position, and with
these prospects, that Sir Robert Peel
fabricated his restrictive acts, which
have since wrought a total change on
the financial dispositions of the
country. We do not think, and nothing
has been brought forward to
prove, that there was any call whatever
for a change at that particular
juncture. Certain it is, that the
change was generally unpalatable, but
was yet peremptorily forced on and
effected in spite of the ominous looks
of those whose experience entitled
them to a hearing. And no wonder
that the veterans of commerce should
have received these measures with
disapprobation. For, according to
all rules of reasoning, an increased
trade, an increased demand, a new
population, and a new channel of
industry, were so many additions to
our former state which required additional
facilities. The same amount of
currency which had sufficed in former
years to carry on our domestic arrangements,
could not surely be expected
to exercise a double function, and to
meet the demand occasioned by the
novel element of accretion. The
money that, in prosperous times,
barely answered the calls of manufacture
and commerce, could not be converted
from those streams to flow into
another, without occasioning, at the
same time, the greatest pinching and
inconvenience. Yet, strange to say,
Sir Robert Peel, instead of basing his
calculations upon the future imperative
demand, legislated as if no new
element at all had appeared in our
social position. And he further committed,
what we maintain to be a great
and inexcusable error, even had the
railways not then been in actual progress,
by utterly destroying all possible
expansion of the currency, so as to
bar us from the power of obviating any
temporary difficulty or accident to
which commerce is constantly exposed.
Thirty-two millions, therefore, of
paper, whereof fourteen was apportioned
to the Bank of England, was
the bountiful allowance counted out
for the daily augmenting wants of the
first commercial nation of the world.
All paper issue beyond that had to be
represented by unfructifying bullion,
stored up in bank vaults and cellars,
as far away from profitable employment
as if it had been buried beneath
the ruins of Nineveh, with some tutelary
demon as its guard. And it is a
fact, which we do not remember to
have seen stated elsewhere, but which,
nevertheless, is notorious to all commercial
people, that a vast deal of gold
is constantly forced into the Bank to
represent and occupy the place of
paper which is absent from the country.
In the Continent and in America,
Bank of England notes are an
extremely common tender, and are
often actually at a premium; and
each of these so circulating withdraws,
under Peel’s system, an equivalent
amount of gold from the national
use.
We do not mean to assert, for the[749]
point is immaterial to our argument,
that this thirty-two millions, plus
the gold, might not at one time have
sufficed for the country, and it may be
that it shall again suffice. When we
speak of expansion, we also give
credit to the counter-state of contraction;
and our experience of Scottish
banking has gone far to prove, that
a low rate of circulation is by no
means incompatible with a healthy
state of trade. But then, experience
equally teaches us, that the low rate
must be left to adjust itself. Expansion
is not, as is commonly supposed,
an inevitable sign of prosperity. On
the contrary, it is too commonly a
token of want of commercial confidence,
and all indisposition to receive
that far larger but uncalculated species
of currency, by means of which the
great transactions of the country are
carried on, and to which the whole
coinage and bank paper of the realm
bears a mere fractional proportion—we
mean the commercial bills of
exchange. The ordinary currency of
the country, the bank paper and all
the gold which could possibly be imported,
even were it all thrown into
circulation, would be utterly insufficient
to supply the place of that commercial
paper which has for its basis
nothing more than mutual confidence
and credit; but then that paper must
be realisable as it becomes due, and it
is for that purpose that a large proportion
of the ordinary currency is required.
Whenever a want of confidence is
generated in the country, the merchant
and manufacturer are immediately
compelled to have recourse to the
bank in order to have their bills discounted.
The facility of these discounts,
of course, depends upon the
amount of money in circulation, and
also very much upon the rapidity of
its return in the shape of deposits or
otherwise. A banker cannot, any
more than a private person, discount
without having money, and where no
money is procurable, the ultimate
result must be a stoppage. And so it
is, as we know full well from the
experience of the last two months,
during which we have witnessed the
unparalleled spectacle of houses suspending
payment, and exhibiting at
the same time a large excess of assets
beyond all their liabilities. Want of
confidence, therefore, however brought
about, is the great evil against which,
in this country, we ought especially
to guard, since it seems almost apparent
that, when it occurs, human
ingenuity is not equal to provide a
remedy.
Let us, however, look a little more
closely into the present posture of
affairs, and endeavour to ascertain
whether the want of confidence which
at present undoubtedly exists is the
result of external and uncontrollable
causes, or whether it is not in some
way connected with, and occasioned
by these restriction acts, which are
just now affording so plentiful a harvest
to the cautious and wary capitalist.
The monetary embarrassment may
be said to have commenced with the
famine of last year. That event not
only caused an extra expenditure of
public money at home, in the shape
of subsidies to Ireland, but it occasioned
a considerable drain of bullion
to America. It so happened, that at
that time America was in need of
coin for her expenses in the Mexican
war, and required less manufactures
than we were usually in the habit of
exporting. At least such was the
statement commonly current in the
commercial circles at the time; but
we cannot, whilst calmly and dispassionately
reviewing events, conceal
our conviction, that the Americans
were playing a deeper and more profitable
game. A drain of gold from
England must always, under our
present laws, prove an enormous advantage
to the foreigner, because,
by retaining bullion for a time, and
refusing manufactures in exchange,
he can bring down prices in Britain
in proportion to the scarcity of money.
It was therefore clearly not the interest
of the Transatlantic dealer
to take commodities in exchange
for his corn, until the depression
had reached its lowest point. Be
that as it may, the balance being
decidedly against us, was liquidated
in gold,—a mode of payment
which this country can never refuse,
since it has recognised the bullion
principle, and laid down a fixed or
inflexible standard. As the result of
this, ten millions disappeared from the
general circulation—that is, the bank,
in order to maintain its full issues, was[750]
compelled to find gold from some other
source, and the exchanges being
palpably against us, by reason of the
famine, and from another cause to
which we shall afterwards allude,
this could only be done by an increase
of the rates of interest, in other words,
by turning the screw, which had this
immediate effect of causing a fall or
depreciation of property. Consequently
the funds began to decline,
but after a little, some temporary
relief was afforded by the appearance
of a new and unexpected customer in
the stock-exchange.
The Russian system of banking is
rather remarkable. That country,
which has lately become one of
the greatest gold producers of the
world, employs for its own internal
use a paper circulation, but
the basis upon which that circulation
rests, is commonly reported to
be a sum of from thirty to forty
millions in gold, lodged in the hands
and at the disposal of the Emperor.
This large amount of bullion had
hitherto remained unemployed, but
Nicholas, observing that the French
funds had, like our own, very much
declined, and that bullion was the
great desideratum in both countries,
determined, with much apparent
generosity, to step forward to their
rescue. No one save the Czar had
any control over the keys which could
open this hidden hoard, and with a
discernment which does credit to his
abilities, he set at liberty “the imprisoned
angels,” and in return for
his unprofitable gold, purchased at
most advantageous rates, a deep interest
in the national securities of England
and of France. The immediate
result of that measure is a large accretion
of revenue to the Emperor, who
is now one of our chief creditors, for
whom the manufacturer is bound to
toil: the ultimate tendency is yet in
the womb of time, but no thinking
man will contemplate without alarm
the power, which so gigantic and
ambitious a state as Russia has
thereby gained within the very fortress
of our strength.
If we continue in a blind and obstinate
adherence to the system of the
bullionist party, we shall give the
Russian government such opportunities
of enriching itself at our expense,
as no foreign potentate has
ever possessed before. It is quite
well known that large purchases of
national stock have already been
made with the gold of the Muscovite;
and therein the autocrat has acted
wisely for himself—far more wisely
than our enlightened rulers have
thought proper to act for us—for he
has put out the money to usury, and
the basis of the Russian circulation,
instead of being profitless gold, is
now composed of British and French
securities, bought in when the market
was at its lowest ebb, and yielding a
large return. If our monetary laws
should still remain unaltered, and
trade should notwithstanding revive,
it will be the interest of the Russian,
so soon as the funds have reached
their culminating point, to sell out
largely, and by forcing the gold from
the Bank of England, create an artificial
scarcity of the precious metal,
which, followed as it must be by an immediate
contraction of our paper currency,
would cause a second panic, and
a second prostration of the funds. By
buying cheap and selling high—the
favourite maxim of the free-traders—he
would thus realise an exorbitant
profit, and be enabled, should
he choose it, to replace the bullion
basis of the Russian circulation.
But this, as a matter of course, he
would not do. The low state of the
funds would again offer an irresistible
temptation. Fresh purchases
of stock, this time made with our
own money, would revive public
confidence in Britain, and so things
would go on, alternately rising and
falling without any obvious external
cause, but in reality according to the
will of a huge foreign fundholder, who,
with each successive movement, must
be the gainer, whilst we deny ourselves
the means of securing the
equilibrium of our own monetary
transactions at home. Under our
present system, the sale or purchase
of national securities to the extent of
a few millions, has a wonderful effect
upon the market. Add the further
elements of gold exportation and paper
contraction, or the reverse, and
the effect becomes prodigious. The
purchases already made on the Emperor’s
account, are reported to have
been most heavy, and the process, at
the moment when we write, is being
again repeated.
[751]This is, in reality, a subject of the
gravest nature, and it should not be
passed over by the legislature without
remark. The Whigs, in all probability,
hail such successive importation
of Russian bullion, as so many pledges
of returning prosperity, not seeing nor
understanding the frightful price
which we may hereafter be called
upon to pay, nor the perils of that
artificial fluctuation to which we may
be exposed. We have put ourselves,
as the experience of the last few
months has shown, at the mercy of
gold, and consequently at the mercy of
any foreign power who can supply us
with that coveted commodity; and
so we must remain, if the plain sense
of the nation does not rouse itself to
sweep away the formula of our currency
practitioners.
Our advantage from the Russian transaction
was only temporary. Again
the bullion decreased, and again the
screw was tightened. Money was the
universal demand, but money became
scarcer every day, and the rates of
interest increased. Hopeful people,
notwithstanding, still adhered to the
belief that the pressure was only temporary.
The corn-law abolitionist
pointed to the luxuriant harvest
which was waving plentifully on the
fields, and forgetting, with characteristic
selfishness, the dogmas which he
had so lately enunciated, prophesied a
return of manufacturing prosperity
from the well-being of that class,
which, two years ago, he would ruthlessly
have consigned to ruin. But
when the plentiful harvest was
gathered in, and all fear of another
famine, and further bullion drain on
that account, was removed, it appeared,
to the disappointment of every one,
that matters were not likely to mend.
The screw was still revolving in the
wrong way—prices went down, like
the mercury in the barometer before
a storm—the man who was rich even
in April found himself worse than
nothing in October—bills became
stationary—the banks were besieged
until they closed their doors in despair—and
then came the Gazette,
with its daily record of disaster.
In truth, we do not envy the situation
of ministers during that period;
and yet, we hardly know how to pity
them. They alone, while the nation was
writhing, around them, maintained an
attitude of calm complacency. At
first, Sir Charles Wood, the most
singular optimist of his day, received
the different deputations of pallid
merchants with assurances that every
thing was right. “There is not the
slightest occasion for alarm,” was the
language of this sapient Solon.
“Money never was more plentiful in
the country—accommodation will
readily be granted to every one who
has property to show for it—the currency-machine
is working remarkably
well,”—and the Cabinet went placidly
to sleep.
But the cries of distress from without
became so loud, and the storm of
indignation so vehement, that the
ministry were at last compelled to
exhibit some symptoms of action and
vitality. Cabinet councils were
summoned—new deputations received—the
tale of sorrow was again heard,
and this then with decreased disdain.
But the perplexity of our
rulers was such, or their dissension so
great, that they could not devise a
plan, whereby even temporary ease
might be afforded; and as there is
safety in a multitude of councillors,
they eagerly inquired into the remedy
which each successive sufferer could
suggest. These of course were varied
and conflicting, but in one point all were
agreed—that the restriction act should
be suspended. Even then, nothing
would force conviction upon the impotent
Whigs. They clung to restriction
as if it had been the palladium of
British credit, nor would they relax
their hold of it until they were threatened
with force. The crisis was so
imminent, that the London bankers
were compelled to exhibit the power
which they undoubtedly possessed,
and to threaten its immediate enforcement.
The deposits which they held
were immeasurably greater in amount
than the quantity of bullion which the
Bank of England could give out; and
the Lombard Street deputation accordingly
intimated that, if government
would not suspend the operation of
the Act of 1844, they would exercise
their statutory right of demanding
payment in specie, and expose the
whole fallacy of our monetary laws by
rendering the Bank insolvent. That
threat had more effect than any
amount of argument. At the eleventh
hour the Whigs yielded, not to[752]
remorse, but to necessity, and the
Act was accordingly suspended, clogged,
however, with a condition, which,
instead of relieving the pressure, was
infallibly calculated to increase it. The
Bank of England alone—for both Peel
and the Whigs contend for the monopoly
of that establishment—was permitted
to over-issue, but with a recommendation,
which was in fact an order,
that the minimum rate of interest on
short bills should be eight per cent, a
rate which no merchant or manufacturer
can afford to pay. Surely the
Bank of England might have been left
in this crisis to use its own discretion.
But there was another object in view.
As the revenue had palpably fallen
under the operation of the tariffs,
which constitute the measure of free
trade already dealt to us, the Whigs
were desirous, even in extremis, to
make a profit out of the national
misery, and it was intimated that
the additional gain was not to be
appropriated by the Bank, who undertook
the risk, but to be handed
over hereafter to the government, who
undertook the responsibility of suspending
the operation of the Act.
Under such circumstances, it is clear
that real accommodation was almost
as difficult to be obtained as before.
The suspension, for which Ministry
are entitled to no credit whatever,
did little actual good, owing to this
preposterous condition, beyond relieving
the public mind from the
apprehension of the frightful nightmare.
In fact, the Bank of England
did not avail itself of the liberty so
granted. It merely raised the rate of
discount, and therefore no indemnity
is required. The only wise thing which
the Cabinet has done, was the summoning
together of Parliament at an
early day, for assuredly there is need
of wiser heads than those possessed
either by Lord John Russell or by
Chancellor Wood to help us out of
the present dilemma.
But where, all this while, is the
money? That is the question which
every one is asking, and to which
very few will venture to give a distinct
reply. It is, however, a question
which ought to be answered, and
we think that there is no great mystery
in the matter. The greater
part of the money is still in the
country, but it is not passing from
hand to hand with its usual rapidity,
nor in its ordinary equitable proportion.
The portion of it which the
banks do hold, is, of course, profitless
in itself, but yet so far useful that
it serves as a basis for paper; the portion
which the public hold is fearfully
checked in its circulation. This
anomaly proceeds from the following
causes: We have been forced to make
that amount of money, which in ordinary
times of unshaken credit was
barely necessary to liquidate or balance
the ordinary transactions of the
community, embrace also the new
operations rendered indispensable by
the introduction and development of
the railway system. We have called
forth and created a new source of
industry within ourselves, but we have
omitted to provide the means by
which that kind of industry can be
maintained, without trenching upon
and abstracting from the supply
applicable, as formerly, to our other
wants. This is not a question (and
herein lies the fallacy of those who
are waging such determined war
against the railways) of absorption of
capital, but of want of the circulating
medium. We have been trying, under
Peel’s guidance, to make that amount
of money which barely served eight
persons before, suffice now for the
extended wants of twelve; and we
are perplexed at any scarcity, totally
forgetting that we have advanced in
the close of the year 1847, to a
widely different position from that
which we occupied at the commencement
of 1844. Gold has become
scarcer, altogether independent of the
exportation, because there are more
persons who require money; and when
gold cannot be had, Sir Robert Peel
forbids us to trade in paper. There is
a minimum supply of money representing
that portion of produce
which is passing to consumption,
without which no country can hope to
prosper, and we have already passed
that minimum. Hence, the sovereign,
though it remains by statute of
a fixed value, is of no use as a standard
at all, because you cannot measure
property by it. You cannot buy
coin, except with coin, at any thing
like a parity of exchange; and therefore,
if the sovereign does not nominally
rise, the same effect is produced
by the depreciation of property,[753]
which, and not bullion or notes, constitutes
the real capital of the country.
It is a frightful consideration, but
nevertheless it is true, that the whole
property of this vast country, estimated
at something like five thousand
millions, is, to all intents and purposes,
paralysed for the want of some
few millions of extra circulation to
supply the extra work we have engaged
in, and the extra population
we have employed. And it is still
more startling to think, that for the
want of that circulation, the value of
this property is merely nominal and
relative, and has been, and is, declining
at the rate of many millions
a day. In fact, we have at this moment
no standard of property, and
with such a prodigious decline it may
very soon become a serious question,
how the revenue of the country is to
be raised.
In ordinary times the circulation is
extremely rapid. Coin and notes shift
from hand to hand without delay, and
alternate between the public and the
banks; and instances of hoarding are
rare. This is well known to be the
case both in manufactures and commerce,
the business of which is transacted
in towns where savings’ banks
afford the labourer a ready means of
depositing his earnings, and so contributing
to the passage of the currency.
But the railway workman,
who is now an important personage
in the state, possesses no such facilities.
He is essentially a wandering
character, shifting his ground and
place of abode to accommodate himself
to the scene of his labour, and
he either does not understand, or he
will not avail himself of, the ordinary
channels of deposit. Many of this
class have undoubtedly saved money
out of their ample and remunerative
wages, but these savings are just so
many hoards which in the aggregate
have an injurious effect upon so contracted
a currency as ours. So far
from the immense expenditure of
capital upon the railways being a
necessary drain upon the currency,
it would in truth, if the wages of
labour were rapidly exchanged for
produce, have greatly facilitated the
circulation; but the wages being
hoarded, and the gold and notes kept
out for an absolutely indefinite time,
a new element of confusion has been
introduced. It is not merely difficult
but absolutely impossible to calculate
how much of the circulating medium
has been in this way withdrawn. We
are inclined, from the testimony of
persons engaged in the construction
of railways, and intimately acquainted
with the habits of the workmen, to
place it at a large figure. And when
we recollect that the wages of nearly
600,000 men so employed have been
for more than three years greatly
higher than those of the common
agriculturist, we might be justified in
making an assumption which assuredly
would startle the reader. The
hoarding of small sums, when that
practice becomes general, has a most
extraordinary effect upon the currency,
as every one who looks at the
amount of surplus wages invested in
the savings’ banks must acknowledge:
and as we cannot force any portion of
our population to deposit, we are
bound to take care that their ignorance,
or erroneous ideas of security,
shall not be allowed to operate banefully
upon so important a matter as
the circulation. The money thus
hoarded is not lost, but it is temporarily
suspended, and its hoarding
becomes an evil of no common magnitude,
which pleads strongly for an
augmented issue.
The Scottish and Irish banking acts
of 1845, which were introduced, and
in spite of all national remonstrance,
forcibly carried through by Sir Robert
Peel, ostensibly for the sake of uniformity,
have very much deranged
the currency of England, by locking
up a large portion of the coin. We
need not repeat here, for the fact is
notorious, that sovereigns, except to a
merely fractional extent, are not current
in Scotland, and are received with
absolute distrust. Nobody wants them;
and the note of a joint-stock bank is
at all times a more acceptable tender.
But the acts which forced the banks
to retain an amount of bullion for all
paper issued beyond their average
circulation, were based upon a false
principle, which, three years ago,
when the first aggressive step was
taken, we urged upon the consideration
of government, but unfortunately
without success. The average circulation
of the banks over the year was
not a fair calculation. Twice a-year,
as we have already remarked, all of[754]
the banks in Scotland required to
augment their issues in order to
meet the term payments, and notwithstanding
Sir Robert Peel’s enactments,
the same necessity exists.
This will be better understood by
comparing the amount of notes delivered
and received by the Bank of
Scotland in exchange with other banks
on the term-days, with the like exchange
during other periods of the
same months.
| Notes | Notes | ||
| 1840. | Delivered. | Received. | |
| May 1, | £51,000 | £43,000 | |
| 19, | (Term) | 132,000 | 173,000 |
| 26, | 38,000 | 33,000 | |
| Nov. 3, | 38,000 | 32,000 | |
| 13, | (Term) | 99,000 | 138,000 |
| 27, | 66,000 | 42,000 |
There is also, we ought to remark,
a considerable rise of the issue during
the weeks which immediately precede
and follow these terms. Now the
same fluctuation occurs in every one
of our banks, which about term-time
are called upon to furnish accommodation
to an extent of nearly three
times their ordinary issue. No allowance
was made in the act of 1845 for
this inevitable expansion, and consequently
the Scottish banker is forced
to do one of two things. Either he
must permanently hold during the
whole year a much larger amount of
gold than is necessary to satisfy the
legal requirement for his ordinary
over issue, or he must provide gold
from London twice a-year, in boxes,
which arrive sealed at his place of
business, to be returned within a
fortnight with the seals unbroken!
Such is part of the absurd and ridiculous
machinery, which it has been
the study of Sir Robert Peel during
half a lifetime to elaborate; and the
practical result is, that nearly the
whole of the gold required to balance
the transactions of Scotland for the
term weeks, is withdrawn from the
ordinary circulation. Indeed, gold to
the extent of the whole term payments
would be required, save for the proviso
in the act which allows the circulation
to be calculated at the end of
every week; but, as we have said
already, the rise is gradual, not being
limited to the term days, and for two
weeks at least, the circulation, that is,
the amount of the notes issued, is
much larger than the ordinary average
of the year. It thus follows that the
bullion to represent the term issues,
must either lie in the coffers of the
Scottish banks, or in the hands of
their correspondents in London, ready
to be sent down whenever the appointed
seasons shall arrive!
Here then is another drain, or rather
suspension of a large proportion
of our circulating medium,
which has been most unnecessary.
The Scottish public suffers from
the want of accommodation; the
Scottish banker suffers from the enormous
expense which this juggle entails
upon him; and the Englishman
suffers by the gold which was formerly
his currency, being kept in pawn at
the period when he requires it most.
Besides, it is well worthy of remark,
and known to every banker here, that
the circulation of Scotland during the
year when the average was taken,
had been reduced to its very lowest
possible ebb. The frugality of the
country, the extension of the branch
banks, the efficient mode of interchange,
and, above all, the interest
allowed upon all deposits, were the
causes which had led to this; and
it seems now to be universally admitted
by all writers on currency, that a
more admirable and perfect system
could not have been invented by the
ingenuity of man. All this, however,
has been overturned by Sir Robert
Peel, to the great injury of Scotland,
and the positive detriment of England;
and had he succeeded in pushing
his bullion theories further, and
replaced the one pound note circulation
in this country by the sovereign,
a double amount of calamity would
have been inflicted at the present moment.
We entreat the attention of
the English currency-reformers to
this; for they may rely upon it, that
the abolition and total repeal of the
Scottish and Irish banking acts of
1845, without any new legislative
enactment at all, would be an inestimable
boon, not only to these countries,
but to England, which is now
compelled to furnish gold, which is
neither used nor required, and so to
cripple and impede materially her own
circulation.
The hoarding, therefore, by the
railway labourer, and the reserves
nominally kept for the use of
Scotland and Ireland, will account[755]
for the disappearance of a large proportion
of the coinage from the circle.
These are only primary causes of the
scarcity, yet they are material elements
in inducing that want of confidence,
which, as we have already said, is the
mighty evil that is now oppressing
and bearing us to the ground. Whenever
want of confidence is manifested,
the circulation must farther contract.
Joint-stock and private bankers, for
their own security, maintain a large
reserve of Bank of England paper and
bullion, and there are always terrified
persons enough to occasion a partial run
for gold. We do not charge the bankers
with impolicy in thus abetting the
general contraction. Situated as they
are, it becomes a matter of necessity
to look to their own interests in preference
to the accommodation of the
public; but it is right that the public
should be made aware of the mischief
which is caused thereby. The results
are surely patent to the apprehension
of all. In proportion as circulation
contracts, interest rises; and the wary
capitalist, foreseeing the advent of the
dark hour, realises while he can, in the
knowledge that his money hereafter,
when things are at the worst, will
enable him to drive the most exorbitant
and usurious bargains. This is
the class of men for whom Peel has
uniformly legislated, and it is they
who, under our present miserable
monetary system, must ultimately
absorb the hard-won earnings of
thousands of their fellow-creatures.
They are not enemies of speculation—on
the contrary, they fatten upon it.
They strive for a time to stimulate
industry to its utmost, and then use
every exertion to depreciate the industrial
result. Hard times are their
harvest, and prosperous years their
seed-time; and never, so long as they
can hold it, will they relax their pressure
of the screw.
The sacrifices of good solid property
which have been made during the
last few months, and which were
occasioned solely by the baneful contraction
of the currency, have been
positively enormous. It is common
to hear the capitalists remark with a
sneer, that such is the inevitable
result of over-trade and over-speculation.
It needs no prophet to tell us,
that the man who has not a farthing
in the world can neither buy nor
sell; and we admit that, in the present
monetary convulsion, as in every
other, much ripe fruit has fallen to the
ground. But we deny that present
prices have been the result of over-speculation.
We maintain that, sooner
or later, the country must have been
brought to this unhappy condition,
simply by the operation of these currency
restriction laws; and if we are
insane enough to allow them to continue,
we shall inevitably be plunged
into the same abyss, even though
temporary measures should effect a
temporary rally. It is calculated,
and with great appearance of probability,
that the depreciation which has
already taken place, is larger than
the whole amount of our national
debt!
It is necessary that we should
grapple boldly with the proposition,
that over-speculation in our home
works, that is, the expenditure upon
the railways in progress, is the cause
of our present embarrassment. In
order to do this, we must have recourse
to statistics, and we shall now lay
before our readers tables exhibiting
the state of our revenue and population,
for two periods of five years each.
| Year. | Population. | Taxation. | Year. | Population. | Taxation. |
| 1811 | 18,547,720 | £64,342,741 | 1841 | 26,895,518 | £47,650,809 |
| 1812 | 18,812,294 | 63,179,164 | 1842 | 27,181,955 | 45,978,391 |
| 1813 | 19,076,868 | 67,189,287 | 1843 | 27,468,392 | 50,894,129 |
| 1814 | 19,331,441 | 70,103,344 | 1844 | 27,754,829 | 53,069,245 |
| 1815 | 19,606,015 | 71,372,515 | 1845 | 28,041,266 | 51,496,534 |
| Total, | 95,374,338 | 336,187,051 | 137,341,960 | 249,069,108 | |
| Average, | 19,074,867 | 67,237,410 | 27,468,392 | 49,917,821 |
[756]But, in addition to the taxes which were levied during the years 1811-15,
there were loans contracted as follows:
| Year. | Loan. | Year. | Loan. |
| 1811 | £19,143,953 | 1841 | Nil. |
| 1812 | 24,790,697 | 1842 | … |
| 1813 | 39,649,282 | 1843 | … |
| 1814 | 34,563,603 | 1844 | … |
| 1815 | 20,241,807 | 1845 | … |
| Total, | £138,389,342 | … | |
| Average, | 27,277,868 |
We thus arrive at the following
results. About thirty years ago, with
a population of nineteen millions, we
were able to raise an annual sum of
ninety-four and a half millions of
pounds, whereof more than one-half
was expended abroad in subsidies and
the maintenance of an army, and little
or none of it was returned in the shape
of capital to this country.
At present, with a population of
twenty-seven millions and a half, we
are said to be unable to lay out thirty-five
millions annually in the construction
of our railways, in addition, to
a taxation of fifty millions,—in other
words, we cannot raise eighty-five
millions a-year without approaching
to the verge of bankruptcy!
This, if true, is a very humiliating
position, and shows symptoms of a
decadence so marked, that we question
whether any parallel case can be
extracted from history. A population
augmented by one-third, say the
economists, cannot afford to expend
a sum less by ten millions than that
which was raised without inconvenience
towards the end of the great
continental war; and this sum, far
from being swallowed up abroad, is
usefully employed at home, and is
daily assuming the shape of realised
capital, yielding a profitable return!
It would follow, then, as a matter
of necessity, that we must be infinitely
poorer now than we were thirty years
ago. Let us see how that matter
stands. The net rental of the real
property, in England alone, as we find
from the assessment tables for the
poor-rates, had risen from £51,898,423
in 1815, to £62,540,030, in 1841, and
may be estimated at the present
moment as augmented by fully one-fourth
all over the united kingdom.
The personal property, according to
Mr Porter, whose accuracy will be
unquestioned by free-traders, was
estimated at twelve hundred millions
in 1814, at two thousand millions
in 1841, and has since continued
to augment, so that we may
fairly assume, that within thirty years,
that species of property has been
doubled.
Here, then, are grounds for a panic
such as that which is now shaking
the empire! Here are reasons for
leaving the inchoate railways unfinished,
dismissing the workmen, and
closing our accounts in terror of a
national bankruptcy! Really, with
such facts before us, we cannot avoid
coming to the conclusion that men
who use such language as has been
too commonly prevalent of late, are
either shamefully ignorant, or have a
motive for promulgating error.
The expenditure from 1811 to
1815 was, as we have already seen,
wholly profitless, and yet it in no way
whatever deranged the economy of
the country. The vast outlay of
capital, which took place at subsequent
speculative periods, was a thorough
drain upon the country, because it
was consumed abroad without return,
and gave no employment or stimulus
to the home producer. But the railways
are investments of a very different
description. They do not
affect the currency farther than we
have noted above, and the remedy
for that is simple. By their means
the pressure of the famine has been[757]
lightened to the poorer classes, and
they are not only remunerative to
their owners, but of immense benefit
to the districts through which they
pass. Of three thousand one hundred
miles of railway now open, the gross
receipts may be taken, in round numbers,
as at nine millions annually. Passengers
are carried at one half the cost
of the old conveyances—so are goods,
and time is prodigiously economised.
There is, therefore, a positive saving
of other nine millions to the inhabitants
of the country; and the completion
of the works now in progress,
will add immensely to, and more than
double this. The cheapening of fuel,
the transport of manure, and of
building materials, and the opening
up of mineral fields, hitherto unused
and unprofitable, are vast boons to
agriculture and trade, and there can
be no doubt that the country is
deeply interested in their progress.
If it be asked whether the public
are able to spare the capital requisite
for the completion of those lines without
danger or embarrassment to other
branches of industry, we think the
calculations which we have already
given will afford a satisfactory reply.
There is no want of capital in Britain,
and railway companies will always
be able to obtain it at a certain rate
of interest. But a currency contracted
like ours, and totally incapable of expansion,
must inevitably, upon the
occurrence of any external accident,
derange every branch of our social
economy; and as interest rises, so,
as a matter of course, will the value
of realised property be depreciated.
Money is at present the scarcest
thing in the market: the capitalist
may demand his own price of usance
for it; and were this state of things
to continue, the results would be far
more ruinous than any one has yet
anticipated. People are prepared to
suffer almost any sacrifice for the
maintenance of that credit which is
the idol of the Englishman; but the
sacrifice must be temporary, not prolonged,
else a stoppage becomes inevitable.
Neither the merchant nor
the manufacturer, nor any other
class of men, can afford to conduct
their operations at a remunerative
rate, while money is exorbitantly
high; and all questions even of convertibility
shrink into absolute insignificance
before the fact, that were
money to continue long at eight per
cent., the mills and manufactories
throughout the country must be shut
up, and the public works discontinued.
In other words, we would be plunged
into a state of anarchy, the ultimate
issue of which it would be very difficult
to conceive.
No doubt, the railways have had their
share in absorbing capital, but what we
maintain is, that the capital is abundant
and could not have been better employed.
The mania of 1845,—for most
assuredly enterprise at that time had
assumed that extravagant form—was
checked by the intervention of Parliament,
and a host of crude and unnecessary
schemes were at once consigned
to oblivion. Should it be said
that Parliament did not exercise with
sufficient energy its undoubted controlling
power, then we shall merely
ask who the gentlemen were that,
down to the end of the above year,
lent their countenance to railway extension?
On the 13th of November
1845, we find Sir Robert Peel
near Tamworth, with electro-silver
plated spade, and mahogany barrow,
wheeling away the first sod raised on
the line of the Trent Valley railway,
and expatiating broadly upon the
advantage of “a more direct
and immediate communication between
the metropolis on the one
hand, and Dublin and a great part
of Ireland on the other; between
the metropolis and the west of
Scotland; between the metropolis
and that great commercial and
manufacturing district of which
Liverpool and Manchester are the
capitals.” Not a word of warning
or reproach, or of indication of coming
scarcity of money, fell then from the
lips of the great author of the Restriction
Acts,—measures which were still
lying in abeyance to awake for the
benefit of the capitalist, and the depression
of every other class, long before
the sod, so ostentatiously turned over,
could be replaced by the permanent
rail. What wonder, then, if Parliament,
with such examples before
their eyes, and such notable testimony
in favour of the development
of the railway system, should have
been slow in foreseeing the danger[758]
of too hasty an internal development?
It is also self-evident that during
the last few months the frequent and
heavy railway calls have added
much to our pecuniary embarrassment.
In some instances these calls have
been by far too recklessly urged; in
others it is difficult to see what other
course could have been adopted. For
whilst, on the one hand, the extreme
dearness of money, the utter stoppage
of credit, and the impossibility
of disposing of property at any thing
like its real value, were elements
which the directors were bound to
consider before using their statutory
power; yet, on the other, they were
not entitled to overlook the influence
which a discontinuance of these
works would exercise over the value
of the capital already expended, and
the great amount of individual
and aggregate suffering which would
result from the arbitrary dismissal of
their labourers. It was the duty of
government, while it was yet time,
to have stepped in with some precautionary
measure. They might
have compelled the directors to summon
a general meeting of the shareholders
previous to the announcement
of a call, and have allowed the latter
a veto if their interests should have
required it; but although proposals
to that effect were laid before
the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
nothing whatever was done,
and the increasing panic was
heightened by the prospect of peremptory
demands.
So much for the railways; by far
the most useful class of works which
the country has ever undertaken—useful,
because, however they may appear
to suffer by temporary depreciation,
they will, we firmly believe, in the
long run, prove amply remunerative;
because, in a year of famine, they
have given ample employment and
adequate wages to a class of men
who must otherwise have suffered
unexampled deprivation; and because
they have opened, and are opening up
new elements of wealth, economising
time, and facilitating our trade and
our commerce. If, under the influence
of monetary laws, for which
their undertakers were in no wise responsible,
they have tended in some
degree to increase the common difficulty,
let us recollect that the same
power which sanctioned them is
answerable for the restrictive measures.
We have already shown that
this new class of works required an
increase of the internal currency
which was not vouchsafed to it, and
the authors of the Banking Act of
1844 are the parties chargeable with
that neglect.
In short, to use the words of one of
the Rothschilds, who surely is a competent
judge, the prosperity of Britain
depends, to a great degree, upon the
amount of its circulating medium. It
is our interest to have money plentiful
and to keep it so; and we ought to
interpose as few checks as possible to
the fair operation of credit. With
plenty of money we may command the
markets of the world; with a restricted
and contracting issue like the present
we are comparatively powerless. The
great fault of Sir Robert Peel and his
coadjutors is, that they seek to confine
credit within absolutely intolerable
bounds. We may ask, with perfect
propriety, whether the colossal fortunes,
either of the right honourable
Baronet or of his adviser Mr Jones
Loyd, could, by any possibility, have
been erected without this important
element of credit, which they have now
combined to prostrate? We apprehend
not; and yet in a certain, though
not very creditable sense of the phrase,
both gentlemen have been true to
their order. The new capitalist has
the smallest possible degree of sympathy
for those who are struggling
upwards.
But a fettered currency is not the
only evil for which the country demands
a remedy. Far more perilous
influences have been at work—influences
which must be thoroughly
probed and exposed at whatever cost
of mortification to the dupes, or loss
of credit to the schemer. We are
willing, even in this age of free trade,
when new principles are applauded
to the echo and adopted with unseemly
precipitation, to incur the
odium of maintaining that protection
to native industry is the foundation
of the prosperity of Great Britain,
and that in departing from it we have
adopted a wrong course, which, if wise,
we shall speedily abandon. Fortunately[759]
there is yet time; for the
measures to which we allude have
been so rapidly productive of their
effects, that very little demonstration
is required to open the eyes of all men
to their baneful nature. Glad indeed
shall we be if experience can
work conviction.
To prevent all misconception, we
beg leave to premise, that we do not
enter now into any discussion upon
the subject of the repeal of the corn-laws.
Our sentiments with regard to
that measure have been stated in
another place; and although we have
seen no cause to alter them, they are
unnecessary for our present argument.
We have always maintained that the
success or failure of that measure
in so far as the interest of our agricultural
population, no unimportant section
of the community, was concerned,
could not be immediately tested—that
its effects would necessarily be
slow, but not on that account the less
insidious. Agriculture cannot decline
in one day like commerce, and even
were it otherwise, extraneous circumstances
have since occurred to delay
the period of trial. The operation of
the tariffs introduced by Sir Robert
Peel, with the full sanction of the free-trade
party are far more open to comment,
and, as we shall presently
show, all classes have an interest in
the national wager. It is, therefore,
the nearer and more engrossing topic
of free trade, as affecting commerce and
the legitimate wages of the workman,
with which we now propose to deal.
Burthened as he is with taxes, poor-rates,
and every species of local impost,
it would naturally be supposed,
that the British manufacturer could
hardly be able to compete with the
foreigner even in an alien market.
But we unquestionably possess great
counterbalancing advantages in the
abundance of our coal and iron, the
skill and energy of our people, and
above all, in our accumulated riches.
These, if properly managed, are sufficient
to enable us to maintain our old
supremacy undiminished.
The whole manufactured produce of
Great Britain may be estimated in
round numbers, and on an average at
two hundred millions yearly, whereof
three-fourths are consumed at home,
and about fifty-one millions or one-fourth
of the whole are destined for exportation.
The home market, therefore,
being by far the most important, is
the first province of the manufacturer:
the foreign and lesser market, however,
is to a certain extent the index
of the nation’s wealth, because we
have a direct interest to see that our
exports are larger than our imports,
in other words, that we are not annually
paying away a greater value than
we receive. The home market is certain,
or at all events we can render it
so if we choose, and the field is constantly
increasing. The foreign market,
on the contrary, is fluctuating,
and over it we have little control.
Without an entire change in our colonial
system, which, to say the least,
would be attended with much difficulty
and danger, we must continue to
compete with the foreigner abroad on
no other vantage ground than that of
offering an article equal to or better
than his at a smaller price and profit.
It has always been the policy of
England, to enlarge this latter field as
much as possible, and unquestionably
the policy is sound. We give and
take with foreign nations as freely as
may be, sending out articles which we
have produced, and bringing home
cargoes for our own consumption.
The balance of the two operations
must be taken as the estimate of our
increasing wealth.
We have paid in manufactures for
the specie which constitutes great part
of our currency, and which is no product
of our own, certainly not less
than forty millions. When any portion
of that coinage is withdrawn
from the country we become so much
the poorer, because we are forced to
replace the deficit by another exchange
of manufactures and that at a diminished
price.
The doctrines of the free-trade
party may shortly be stated as follows:
Sweep away, they say, all
restrictions, and do every thing you
can to encourage imports, that is, to
swell the amount of consumption of
foreign produce at home. The inevitable
result of this policy will be an
increased demand from abroad for the
staple commodities which we produce,
and an enlarged field for our operations.
Therefore reduce the duties levied at
the custom-house as much as possible,[760]
and let the revenue be raised either
directly by income tax, or in some
other mode which may not interfere
with the progress of trade.
Sir Robert Peel, who has adopted
these doctrines, has acted upon them
to a certain extent, and the history of
his financial proceedings since he last
assumed the reins of office is curious
and characteristic of the man. He
commenced by laying on an income
tax, which we were assured was not to
last beyond the period of three years,
and he promised the public not only
to relieve them from the load at the
expiry of that time, but to exhibit the
national revenue in a more flourishing
condition than ever. Proposals so
confidently made were cheerfully and
even gratefully accepted, for no one
could have supposed that there lurked
a deception concealed beneath so
plausible a scheme.
To the amazement of many, the
adoption of an income tax was shortly
followed by a reduction of revenue
duties, an experiment which has since
been repeated. The effect of those reductions
was as follows:—the ordinary
revenue of the country, at the time
when Sir Robert Peel came into power,
was within a fraction of forty-eight millions.
Ten millions and a half were derived
from certain articles, which were
subsequently dealt with on free trade
principles. These articles under the reduced
duty now yield only six millions,
whilst the other sources, that have
not been tampered with, contribute,
as is shown by late returns, forty-one
and a half, instead of thirty-seven and
a half millions to the revenue. The
gain therefore to the country on those
items which were left under the operation
of our former system was four
millions,—the loss upon the articles
reduced by Peel was four millions and
a half, whereof the greater part has
gone into the pocket of the foreigner;
and, as Lord George Bentinck well
remarked, it is material, with such facts
before us, to consider “what would
have been the situation of the country
if Sir Robert Peel had tried his experimentary
hand upon the whole of what
are called the ordinary sources of revenue
to the country?” There must then
have been a huge mistake somewhere.
If Sir Robert really believed that in
three years he would be enabled to
dispense with the income tax, he must
have calculated that the reduction of
the duties would have the effect of
increasing the consumption of imports
to such a degree that the revenue
would be largely augmented—a result
which, we are sorry to say, has by no
means arrived. On the contrary, the
revenue has fallen off, and the income
tax, far from being removed, will, in
all human probability, be extended.
The avowed object of these reductions,
which have curtailed our
revenue, and saddled us permanently
with a war tax, was to increase the
amount of our exportations in exchange.
If this effect has not been
produced, or if there is no likelihood
of its being produced within a reasonable
period of time, then we are entitled
to conclude, from the arguments
of the free-traders themselves, that
the experiment has been a total failure.
We must never lose sight of the fact,
that the sure test of free-trade, for
which object we have sacrificed our
revenue, is augmented export. Let us
see how far this branch of the scheme
has succeeded. We shall take the
exports and imports for the years
1845 and 1846, which will afford
a sufficient indication of the manner
in which the new tariff is likely to
work.
| Exports 1845, | L.53,298,026 | |
| Ditto 1846, | 51,279,735 | |
| __________ | ||
| Decrease | L.2,018,291 | |
| __________ | ||
| Duties on Imports, 1845, | L.21,860,353 | |
| Ditto 1846, | 22,498,827 | |
| __________ | ||
| Increase | L.638,474 | |
| __________ |
Thus, while the exports are decreasing,
the imports are augmenting;
we are selling less and buying more,
and the foreigner is reaping the
profit.
We are fortunately enabled, from
the last official tables, issued after the
greater part of this article was sent to
press, to show what the results of free
trade have been since 1846. Several
of our friends, who hold ultra liberal
commercial opinions, are, as we full
well know, slow to conviction, and
will be apt to maintain that our experience
of the new system up to that
period, has not been large enough to[761]
justify our condemnation of its failure.
Let us then see what testimony 1847
can bear in favour of free trade.
These tables, according to the
Economist, a free trade organ of undoubted
ability, “continue to show
an enormous comparative importation
and consumption of all the chief
articles which contribute to the daily
sustenance of the people, and a marked
falling off of those which form the
basis of our manufacturing industry,
and consequently of our future trade.”
In other words, whilst we are buying,
and buying largely, our articles of provision
and immediate consumpt from
the foreigner, the supply of the raw
material which we can reproduce in
the shape of manufactures is falling
off. The foreigner has the benefit of
underselling us in the home market,
and we are losing the power of competition
in the markets abroad. The
increase of our consumption is most
remarkable, and the agriculturist will
probably derive but little comfort from
the following comparative statements,
which show the amount of certain
articles of import during nine months
of the last three years.
Agricultural Produce Imported Jan. 5 to Oct. 10.
| 1845. | 1846. | 1847. | |
| Provisions, beef, pork, &c. cwts. | 109,550 | 206,455 | 403,877 |
| Butter, cwts. | 189,056 | 177,165 | 243,140 |
| Cheese, do. | 183,891 | 216,191 | 243,601 |
| Grain of all kinds, qrs. | 1,336,739 | 2,635,218 | 7,905,419 |
| Flour and Meal, cwts. | 394,908 | 2,631,341 | 7,900,880 |
These, we think, are somewhat
startling figures. All this has to be
paid for by native industry, doubly
taxed at present, in order to get back
that gold which Sir Robert Peel has
practically declared to be the life-blood
of the community, and which
cannot, under our monetary system,
be expended abroad, without depressing
credit and prostrating enterprise
at home. Let us now see what
kind of provision we have laid in for
future manufactures—what amount
of raw material we have on hand,
which, when converted into goods,
shall enable us to liquidate this heavy
balance, and provide for the future
payment of a constantly increasing
supply of articles of daily consumpt.
We were to be fed by the
foreigner, and to work for him, he
finding us both the food and materials.
Such, we understood, were the terms
of the contract, which the free-traders
wished the nations of the world to
accept. It has been acted upon in
so far as regards the food for which
we have paid; not so as to the
means of payment.
Raw Material Imported Jan. 5. to Oct. 10.
| 1845. | 1846. | 1847. | |
| Flax, cwt., | 1,048,390 | 744,861 | 732,034 |
| Hemp, | 624,866 | 588,034 | 465,220 |
| Silk, raw, lbs., | 2,865,605 | 3,429,260 | 3,051,015 |
| Do., thrown, | 311,413 | 293,402 | 200,719 |
| Do., waste, cwt., | 11,238 | 6,173 | 7,279 |
| Cotton wool, | 5,495,799 | 3,866,089 | 3,423,061 |
| Sheep’s wool, lbs., | 57,308,477 | 51,058,209 | 43,348,336 |
The above table affords us the
means of estimating our immediate
manufacturing prospects, and we
need hardly say that these are any
thing but cheering. In no one particular
have the prophecies of the
free traders been fulfilled. They
were wrong in their revenue calculations
with respect to the tariff;
wrong in their anticipations regarding[762]
the import of raw materials;
and deplorably wrong in their promises
of increased exportation. We
hope that Sir Robert Peel will shortly
favour the House of Commons, and
the country with his explanation of
the following mercantile phenomena.
It will be listened to with more
curiosity than his arguments upon
the nature of a pound.
Declared Value of Exports of Home Produce and Manufactures for
Nine Months. Jan. 5 to October 10.
| 1845. | 1846. | 1847. |
| £41,732,143. | £40,008,874. | £39,975,207. |
The general decrease is apparent,
but it is necessary to go a little more
minutely to work, and inquire into
the respective items. It is only by
doing so that we can fully understand
the true operation of free trade, and
the manner in which it is calculated
to undermine and ultimately to overthrow
the strongholds of our domestic
industry. We entreat the earnest
attention of our readers to the great
decline, which is exhibited in the following
staples of export.
| 1845. | 1846. | 1847. | |
| Cotton Manufactures, | £14,761,236 | £13,632,880 | £13,682,095 |
| Ditto Yarn, | 5,379,400 | 6,112,918 | 4,601,180 |
| Linen Manufactures, | 2,353,879 | 2,110,666 | 2,273,427 |
| Ditto Yarn, | 807,418 | 639,245 | 504,727 |
| Wool, | 456,170 | 228,645 | 214,756 |
| Woollen Yarn, | 835,370 | 685,712 | 778,725 |
| Woollen Manufactures, | 6,224,981 | 5,146,699 | 5,616,536 |
| __________ | |||
| £30,818,454 | £28,556,765 | £27,671,445 |
The decline upon these staple commodities
of export is so obvious as to
need no remark. There is also a falling
off, as between 1845 and 1847, in
the following exported articles:—Butter,
candles, coals, earthenware,
glass, leather, copper and brass, lead,
tin-plates, soap, and refined sugar.
The rise, on the contrary, is upon
cheese, fish, hardwares, machinery,
iron and steel, unwrought tin, salt, and
silk manufactures; of which two items
certainly important.
| 1845. | 1846. | 1847. | |
| Machinery, | £644,839 | £897,442 | £942,533 |
| Iron and steel, | 2,854,048 | 8,374,335 | 4,096,367 |
| __________ | __________ | __________ | |
| £3,498,887 | £4,271,777 | £5,038,900 |
This shows the pace at which manufactures
are advancing abroad, and
explains but too clearly the reason of
the decrease in our staple exports.
The product of British industry is
declining; and we can only partially
redeem the deficit by sending abroad
the sinews of our national prosperity.
We are in the condition of the artisan
whose expenditure exceeds his wages,
and who is driven to part with his
tools. We are fitting up foreign mills
with our choicest machinery, furnishing
our opponents with weapons, and
yet the free traders tell us that on such
terms we can afford to cope with, and
to vanquish them!
The truth is, so long as we proclaim
ourselves the gold-bankers of
the world, and make perpetual boast
of the hoards which we have from
time to time accumulated, we shall[763]
never be safe against a money drain
from England. We cannot force
foreigners to take our British manufactures;
the demand, as we said
before, is precarious, and we cannot
go on making calicoes and cottons for
ever at a loss. In exchange for extended
imports, two things may be
taken, goods or specie, and with the
prospect of lower prices to come, the
foreigner will always choose the latter.
Hence, in a great measure, arose the
drain of bullion, which was sent to
America. We were at that time in
want not only of corn, but of cotton,
and a supply of the latter material
was indispensably necessary to keep
the factories open. In ordinary times,
no doubt, the American would have
taken goods in exchange, but in the
then posture of affairs, he saw the
subsequent advantage which he must
derive by carrying away her bullion
from England, without decreasing
her stock, for, as a natural consequence,
that stock must sorely depreciate
in value. And it is not until
we can get rid of our ready manufactured
stores, at whatever sacrifice,
that we shall again recover that precious
basis of our currency, which we
cling to with the most doting affection,
and for the sake of which we
are content every few years to undergo
a national convulsion.
Such being the state of our exports
under the operation of free trade, let
us now look a little to the other side
of the balance sheet. The duties
levied at the custom-houses constitute,
as every one knows, the largest
portion of our revenue, and therefore
cannot be made the subject of
experiment, without extreme risk of
defalcation. We have already shown
that, although, upon the whole, our
imports have risen, the gain has exclusively
proceeded from that portion
of imports upon which the duty has
not been reduced, and that wherever
we have lost any thing, it has been
through the attempt to approximate
to free trade. The experiment, however,
has already been made upon a
large scale; it has cost us many
millions, and the odious income tax
remains as a tangible proof of its
failure. It was, according to Sir
Robert Peel, the sure method of commanding
reciprocity from the foreigner,
and of extending our exports
largely. Neither result has followed;
we are as far from reciprocity as
ever, and the exports have seriously
decreased.
It is necessary also that we should
remark what kind of articles have
been selected for the late experiment,
because some, although not all, of our
import duties are framed with a view
to protection as well as for revenue
purposes. For example, no one will
dispute that we have a great interest
in procuring such raw materials as
cotton and silk for our manufactures
as cheap as possible, because we cannot
produce those articles at home,
and our success depends upon their
reproduction in the shape of fabrics.
Here then there is no question of competition,
apart from colonial interests,
and we do right to throw no obstacle
in the way of their introduction. But
the admission of manufactured articles,
either of silk or of cotton, at so
low a rate of duty as to encourage the
foreigner to compete with us in the
home market, is a totally different
matter. It is a blow to native industry
of the worst and most insidious
description, and cannot be justified
even on the ground that the cheapness
thereby induced is a recompense to
the agricultural portion of the community
for the sweeping measures which
abrogated not only the grain duties,
but those which were formerly imposed
upon all kinds of foreign provisions.
The agriculturists of Britain,
from the landlord to the peasant, desire
no such recompense. They do
not wish that in addition to the hardships
which they themselves have
sustained, other classes of the community
should be doomed to suffer;
they do not wish that the wages of
the manufacturing operative should
be reduced in order that French silks
and velvets and millinery may be
brought in to inundate the market; and
they will be no parties to any scheme
for the depression of our national
labour. It may suit Sir Robert Peel
and the Whigs to hold up cheapness
as the great desideratum of commercial
legislation, but our creed, is otherwise:
we protest against the tariff of
1846, as injurious to the revenue, as
hostile to home industry, and as an
engine of destruction to the already[764]
over-taxed and over-burdened artisan.
Let us extract from the tariffs of the
last two years some instances of this
unnatural policy:—
| Duty levied on | 1845. | 1846. | ||||
| L. | S. | D. | L. | S. | D. | |
| Cotton manufactures, | ||||||
| per L.100 value, | 10 | 0 | 0 | Free | ||
| Gauze of thread, | 15 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| French lawns, per | ||||||
| piece, | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 6 |
| Other lawns, per L.100 | ||||||
| value, | 15 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| Linen manufactures, | ||||||
| plain, | 15 | 0 | 0 | Free | ||
| Woollen manufactures, | ||||||
| plain, | 15 | 0 | 0 | Free | ||
| Ditto, made up, | 20 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| Silk manufactures, | 25 | 0 | 0 | 15 | 0 | 0 |
| Brocaded ditto, | 30 | 0 | 0 | 15 | 0 | 0 |
| Silk dresses, | 40 | 0 | 0 | 15 | 0 | 0 |
| Clocks, | 20 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| Copper manufactures, | 15 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| Boots, per dozen, | 1 | 8 | 0 | 0 | 14 | 0 |
| Shoes, per ditto, | 0 | 14 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 0 |
| Paper, printed or | ||||||
| stained, per yard, | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 |
| Lace thread, | 12 | 10 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| Platting of straw, per | ||||||
| lb., | 0 | 7 | 6 | 0 | 5 | 0 |
and so on, ad infinitum.
What is this, we ask, but a direct
invitation to the foreigner to step in
and undersell us in our market? We
are told, and we believe it to be true,
that the revenue has been augmented
in several of the above instances by
the reduction of the duty; if so,
the announcement should be received
with any thing but feelings of exultation.
There is the bread taken from
the mouths of very many thousands of
our industrial classes, in order that we
may indulge to our heart’s content in
foreign finery and gewgaws! Not one
article of reduction in the above list,
but has been made at the expense of
the life-blood of our fellow-subjects:
not one duty removed without a permanent
addition to the workhouse.
We shall give but one instance to
show how such alterations work even
in the smallest cases.
The manufacture of straw-plait is,
and has been for many years, one of
the principal branches of industry
practised in the Orkney islands. During
the long winter nights in that
stormy region, when almost every
other occupation is suspended, the
women are occupied with this work,
from which they have hitherto derived
a small but a certain profit. Sir Robert
Peel, sitting at his ease in Whitehall,
esteems straw-plait an article of
no consideration; and in revising his
tariff, with a view to temporary popularity,
he strikes off one-third of the
existing import duty, being half-a-crown
per pound, and the peasantry
of Normandy and Baden come in to
supplant the unfortunate Orcadians!
The youngest of us must recollect the
distress which has frequently prevailed
amongst the silk-weavers of
Spitalfields, even under a protecting
tariff, and the attempts which have
repeatedly been made by Royalty
itself, and by good Queen Adelaide in
particular, to set the fashion and
revive the taste for home manufactures.
Was this attempt a wrong
one? It would seem so, for the soul
of Sir Robert Peel is set upon French
brocades. The millinery of Paris is in
the ascendant, and there is no longer
any need for searching female smugglers
at the custom-house. We are
invited to wear French cravats, waistcoats,
hats, handkerchiefs, boots, and
gloves, all procurable at a cheaper
rate than they can possibly be manufactured
at home, and very few of us
have sufficient patriotism to decline
the advantage. Our ladies have their
dresses sent ready-made from the
capital of France, or if they still adhere
to the native milliner, or the
artiste who is a naturalised French-woman,
the materials, fresh from
Lyons or Marseilles, are invariably
purchased at these huge emporiums
in Regent Street and Bond Street,
which you may search in vain for a
specimen of British industry. The
walls of our houses are covered with
French fancy papers, brought down to
a nominal price, with which the home
producer cannot compete. Or molu
clocks, and ornaments of French, German,
and Bohemian glass are on every
chimney-piece and table. Some articles
of foreign cutlery are sold in Birmingham
and Sheffield for about one-half of
the price at which they can be manufactured
in those towns; and the woollen
productions of Saxony are competing
with the staple of Yorkshire. These
are the blessings of what is called free
trade, though free trade, in the full
sense of the word, is a manifest delusion
and impossibility. We, the inhabitants
of the highest-taxed country[765]
of the world, have essayed the adventure
of opening our ports to the products
of other nations—if not altogether,
at least in such a degree as
to invite and stimulate competition;
we have done so without asking reciprocity,
and without finding it, in the
mere vague hope that our exports
might be doubled in return; and the
result is, that our own labourers and
artisans are swamped in the home
market, and that our exports are
lamentably decreased.
And, in the mean time, what is to
become of our people, whom free
trade is reducing to pauperism? The
political economist, whose heart is as
hard as the machinery he drives, will
scarcely pause for a moment to answer
so trivial a question. His ultimatum
is, the factory, the workhouse, or
emigration. But unfortunately the
factory doors are not wide enough to
admit all comers. Even now the mills
of Lanarkshire and of Lancashire are
on short time, and we cannot predict
the quarter from which an augmented
demand is to arise. Apart altogether
from humanity, the workhouse is an
expensive establishment for those who
must maintain it, and the blessing of
the Almighty will not rest with the
nation which has so little regard for
its poor. There remains then only emigration,
whereof we have already some
specimen. Whilst we are writing, the
subjoined paragraph is going the round
of the public press:—
“French Manufacturers and Scotch
Manufacturers.—The following paragraph,
from the Paris Moniteur, is not
without some significance at the present
time:—‘The steamer Finisterre landed, a few
days ago, at Morlaix, thirty-eight Scotchwomen,
who are to be employed in the
spinning-mill of Landernau, which is to
commence operations at the close of the
month. The Morlaisien is to convey a
similar number at her next trip. These
women, who are intended to form the
nucleus of the Flax-Spinning Company of
Finisterre, will be lodged and fed together
in a building constructed for that special
purpose. Most of them are young, very
neatly dressed, and all wear bonnets after
the English fashion. Their countenances
exhibited the satisfaction they experienced
at having arrived in a country
where they were certain to find employment
and means of existence.'”
Alas! it is but too true. Let free
trade continue to progress, and it is
only amidst aliens, and far from their
native soil, that the children of our
poor can hope to find a refuge. What
a tale of shattered hopes, of breaking
hearts, and of domestic misery may
be read in these few simple, sentences!
Can Britain hope to be prosperous
whilst such is the condition of her
daughters?
From the position so imprudently
occupied we must perforce recede,
but we hope that the reasons for,
and manner of doing so, will be distinctly
marked in Parliament by some
clear and unequivocal resolutions.
We have tried free trade, and it has
failed. The specious promises of Sir
Robert Peel have proved utterly delusive,
and his disciples cannot point to
one instance in which his anticipations
have been realised. The question at
present is, are we to try the experiment
further? If we are to do so, it must
be at the cost of a prolonged period
of misery, with very little prospect
and no certainty of an ultimate escape.
The revenue has fallen off: that at
least is certain and beyond cavil, and
we presume that a sweeping property
and income tax is the only remedy
which Lord John Russell or his Chancellor
of the Exchequer will propose.
The imports of daily consumpt have
prodigiously increased, in consequence
of our altered tariffs, and must be paid
for; whilst, on the other hand, the
exports, which are the means of payment,
are decreasing in a corresponding
ratio. And should we be told
that this decrease is merely temporary,
and that a large demand for our manufactures
must infallibly arise from
abroad, we shall merely ask our opponents
in what way that demand is to
be supplied? The table of the imports
of raw material which we have
given above, speaks volumes as to
the state of our industry. Cotton,
wool, flax, hemp—all the products
which kept the mills, not of one district,
but of all the districts of this
mighty empire, in motion, have, since
the introduction of free trade, arrived
in alarmingly diminished quantities,
and extended export is an impossibility,
because we have not got the
material to keep our home machinery
in motion.
These are not speculations, but
facts: and it is very much to be[766]
hoped that honest men of the free
trade party will lay them earnestly
to heart, and endeavour to retrieve
the error into which they have been
led by an over-sanguine estimate of
our own powers, and a far too generous
view of the commercial policy
which influences the other nations of
the world. The decline of our commerce
is also inseparably connected
with our mischievous currency laws.
That an immediate reform of the latter
is absolutely necessary, is quite
clear from the monetary history of
the last few months. We must adopt
some system which shall maintain legitimate
credit, and allow property at
all times to command its commercial
representative emblem at a fair rate,
without subjecting the person who
requires it to a worse than Israelitish
rate of usury. Which of us is there
in the country, one class alone excepted,
who has not felt the pressure
of the times? Is it a light
matter, either to the landowner or
the manufacturer or the merchant,
that money should be driven up to
its present exorbitant rate, and so
maintained simply that the capitalist
may step in, and reap an undue profit
from the artificial and not the
real necessities of the others? This
is the motive which lies at the bottom
of all the views of the bullionists.
They know very well that
perfect convertibility is a dream, but
they try to keep up the semblance of
it so far as they can, and the absurd
and complicated machinery of the
Bank of England was constructed for
no other purpose. The public have
been gulled by specious declamation
about security, and when the crisis
arrives, they find that they have got
no security at all.
This state of things cannot be allowed
to continue. If our exports
are ever to revive—nay, if they are
merely to continue at their present
ebb without further declension—money
must be made procurable at
something like an easy rate. We
cannot, and we will not permit
the resources of the whole nation
to fall a sacrifice to the insatiable
avarice of the capitalist. We must
not starve our population to allow
him an exorbitant bargain. In
the opinion of many we have already
weathered the worst of the storm, and
may prepare for a new career, though
necessarily on a contracted scale.
Certainly, if any thing could give us
confidence, it is the knowledge of the
fact that the mischievous monetary
law is in abeyance, and we hardly
think that, with the sight of the recent
wreck which it has caused before our
eyes, there is any chance of its
remaining longer on the statute-book
unrepealed. The very lowness
of the ebb to which prices
have been brought is a sort of
guarantee of their revival; and although
we have much to do, and
perchance not a little to suffer, before
we can regain the position which we
once occupied, there is, at all events,
some prospect of an advance. That,
however, can only be gradual, and
must depend upon our abandonment
of theories, our renunciation of false
guides, and our return to honest, humane,
and intelligible principles. In
the event of any temporary prosperity,
it will be well to recollect
that we owe the amendment
neither to Sir Robert Peel nor to
the Whigs. The former brought us
into our difficulties; the latter did
their best to keep us there, and
yielded at the last moment with undeniably
bad grace when matters
were at the verge of desperation, and
when no man could trust his neighbour.
Warned by experience, it will
be the duty of parliament, if it is
wise, to apply itself diligently to the
task, not of rash reform, but of wise
remodelment. On many matters of
the utmost financial importance there
is little difference of opinion between
the leaders of the country party and
the representatives of large manufacturing
constituencies. Peel and his
few supporters, backed by the present
ministry, stand isolated in their adherence
to positions—it would be absurd
to call them principles—which
have been tried and found wanting
in the balance. Except these, and
unhappy Mr Jones Loyd, who stands
forth in the midst of the group as the
great hierophant of Mammon, there
are few hardy enough to raise their
voices in defence of arbitrary Bank
restriction. It is clear to every thinking
man, that extended operations
require an extended currency; and
that, as we cannot force gold into
the country—for, after all, the supply[767]
of that commodity is by no means
limitless—except at a ruinous loss, we
must adopt the principle already sufficiently
recognised and tested, and
make good the deficiency with paper.
This might be done either by the resumption
of a one pound note circulation
in England, or by an issue of
national paper to the amount of our
ordinary taxation; or, better still, by
setting banking free, and permitting
the joint-stock companies to issue
notes in proportion to the amount of
national securities lodged by them in
the hands of government Commissioners.
At any rate, we do hope
that so far as Scotland and Ireland
are concerned, they may be allowed
once more to resume the control of
their own monetary matters, and be
relieved from those golden chains
which are not only cumbersome to
them, but, as we have shown, are seriously
detrimental to England, by locking
up in time of need a large portion
of her established currency. With
regard to the public works now in
progress, we deprecate rash interference.
It is not likely, nor is it at all
desirable that for some time to come,
any new schemes of magnitude will
be proposed: let us then apply ourselves
seriously to finish what we have
begun, and without calling new
labour into existence, let us husband
our employment for the old. A
new element of danger and distress
has been introduced by the dismissal
of many thousands of the workmen
from unfinished lines, owing to the
tightness of the money market, and
the impossibility of procuring loans.
This must be looked to immediately.
These men have a right to their employment,
for they have been called
forth from their other avocations by
the sanction of Parliament, and neither
good faith nor public policy will
admit of their abandonment at present.
Above all, let us look to the tariff, and,
dismissing from our minds the delusions
of free trade and the dreams of future
reciprocity, let us stand forth manfully
in defence of the rights of labour, and
of that native industry which is the
true source of our country’s greatness
and renown. It will not do for the
rich to go flaunting in foreign manufacture
and apparel, while the operative
is starving at home with the doors
of the factories closed. We must not
fill our palaces and our homes with
articles of continental manufacture,
whilst British skill is left to languish
unpatronised and unemployed. If
we must have those things, let us
pay for them at a rate which will
leave to our own workmen the ordinary
chances of competition, and we have no
fear whatever of the result. If we
make a national profit by the depression
of industry at home, we are buying
it with the tears, and the misery,
and the curses of thousands of the
poor; if, on the contrary, we make no
profit by the sacrifice, we are wantonly
betraying ourselves. Let us then
be wise in time. We have tried the
effects of quack experiments upon
our monetary and commercial systems,
and both of them have given
way. Let us have no more such;
but let men of all parties, who
are true and honest in their opinions,
unite together in putting an
end to the disorders in our social
economy. The new Parliament ere
these pages can issue from the press
will be convened, and the prosperity
of the country rests in a great measure
in their hands. We shall await
the issue of their deliberations upon
these momentous matters with much
anxiety, some apprehension, but
withal a large admixture of hope. For
although parties at first sight appear to
be more than commonly disorganised,
the late discussions which have arisen
in consequence of our unfortunate embarrassments
have effected a mighty
change in the sentiments and language
of many. Men who were formerly
held to represent opinions of conflicting
tendency, have been forced into
juxtaposition, and have discovered
that their differences were far more
nominal than otherwise; and we cannot
but hope that all such will work
together cordially and conscientiously,
and apart from faction, in placing both
our systems, monetary and commercial,
upon a firm and permanent basis.
Be this as it may, we are at least
assured that the members of the
country party, undismayed by defeat
or by desertion, will be, as ever, at
their posts, and will justify, by their
maintenance and advocacy of sound
national principles, the confidence
which has been unhesitatingly accorded
to them by an important section,
of the people.
INDEX TO VOL. LXII.
Adventures on West Coast of South America, by John Coulter, review of, 323.
Agrippa, 413.
Albani Villa, the, 626.
Alfred, fleets of, 88.
Alison, Dr on the Famine of 1846-7, review of, 634.
Almagro, one of Pizarro’s companions, 5
death of, 19.
Altenburg, foundation of abbey of, 351.
Alvarado, Pedro de, 18.
Alvarez, Mariano, defence of Gerona by, 718.
Amelia, the Princess, 442.
America, Maga in, 422.
American Copyright, letter on, 534.
American Library, the, 574.
American Literature, general features of, 643.
Anabaptists, sketches of the, 355.
Andersen, Hans Christian, review of works of, 387.
Anglo Saxons, early fleets of the, 89.
Antipodes, navigation of the, 515.
Antomarchi, physician to Napoleon, 191.
Arbouville, Countess d’, Tale by, 671.
Art in the Early Christian Ages, 446.
Atahuallpa, Inca of Peru, 12, 14
his seizure, 15
his death, 16, 17.
Athenian Navy, Pæans of the, No. I.—Phormio’s victory in the Athenian Gulf, with some introductory remarks on the Athenian Sea Service, 736.
Athens, state of, during the era of Solon, 143.
Australia, interest of, 517.
Australia, research and adventure in, 602.
Avignon, city of, 709.
Avon, loch, 157, 158, 160.
Banking Act, Peel’s, on, 113.
Barcelona, city of, 716.
Basque provinces and their population, the, 721.
Beethoven, 419.
Benalcazar, conquest of Quito by, 18.
Ben Nevis and Ben Muich Dhui, 149.
Bertrand, Count, at St Helena, 185.
Borghese villa, the, 622.
Borneo, island of, 528.
Braemar, scenery of, 153.
Brae Riach, Mount, 156, 157, 163.
Bruce, Travels of, 515.
Buckingham, Katherine Duchess of, 441.
Buckingham Bay, attack on the Fly, at, 521.
Burnet, Bishop, and his family, 443.
Byways of History, 347.
Cadet, Annetta, sketches of, 293.
Cæsar, 235.
Cagliostro, the vision of, 408
Tiberius, 411
Agrippa, 413
Milton, 415
Mirabeau, 417
Beethoven, 419.
Cairngorm, scenery of, 155, 156.
Cairn Toul, Mount, 163.
Campbell, Captain, of Glenlyon, 703.
Candia, Pedro de, 6.
Canvass for Painting, on, 307.
Capri, capture of Island of, from the British, 182.
Capricorn Islands, the, 519.
Captivity of Napoleon at St Helena, Montholon’s narrative of, reviewed, 178.
Caroline, Queen of George II., character of, 437, 438.
Carteret, Lady, 441.
Catalans, character of the, 716.
Cennino Cennini, Mrs Merrifield’s translation of, 309.
Centralisation, effects of, on Edinburgh, 75.
Charles V. interview of, with Pizarro, 9.
Charlotte, the Princess, Napoleon on the death of, 181.
Chien d’ Alcibiade, Le, 102.
Children, Crusade of the, 285.
China, British voyages to, 516.
Christian Art, early character, &c. of, 446.
Cipriani, Napoleon’s Maître d’ hôtel, 182.
Clach Dhian, the, 160.
Clayton, Mrs, review of Memoirs of, 431.
Cochrane, Lord, gallant exploit of, 84.
Colouring of Rubens, on the, 564.
Common Sense, Philosophy of, 239.
Conquest of Peru, sketches of the, 1.
Constantinople, Napoleon’s views on, 189.
Copyright between Great Britain and America, on, 534.
Coral Island, description of a, 518.
Coulter’s Cruise, 323.
Cromwell, administration of Ireland by, 730.
Crossing the Desert, 21
continuation of, 334.
Crusade of the Children, the, 285.
Currency question, on the, 113, 744.
Cuzco, capture of, by Pizarro, 18.
Dalhousie Dinner, song for the, 493.
Danish Fleets, the Early, 88, 89.
Dee, Linn of, 153.
Dee, sources of the, 162, 164.
[769]Delta, poems by, viz., a Requiem, 358
Song for the Dalhousie Dinner, 493
A November’s Morning Reverie, 618.
Demasis, anecdote of, in connexion with Napoleon, 188.
Derrie, Glen, scenery of, 155.
Desert, crossing the, 21
continuation of, 334.
Dog of Alcibiades, the, 102.
Dreepdaily Burghs, how I stood for the, Chap. I. 259
Chap. II. 264
Chap. III. 269
Chap. IV. 275
Chap. V. 279.
Drummer of Nicklashausen, the, 353.
Duncanson, Major, 703.
Early Christian Art, 446.
Eastlake’s Materials for a history of Oil Painting, review of, 301.
Edinburgh, effects of centralisation on, 75.
Edwards, Jonathan, 643.
Emerald Studs, the, a reminiscence of the Circuit—Chap. I. 214
Chap. II. 218
Chap. III. 223
Chap. IV. 227
Chap. V. 231.
Emerson, R. Waldo, 643.
Emperor’s New Clothes, the, 406.
England, History of the Navy of, 82.
England, Effects of the Reformation in, 724.
English Kennel at Rome, the, 485.
English Voyagers, recent achievements of, 515.
Epimenides, Legend of, 144.
Evenings at Sea: Introduction, 96
Evening the first, the Miner, 97
No. II. Henry Meynell, 547.
Famine of 1846-47, Alison on, reviewed, 634.
Figueras, town of, 719.
First Patient, the, 317.
Fitton, Lieutenant, gallant exploits of, 85.
Fly surveying ship, Narrative of the, reviewed, 515.
Fouché, anecdote of, 315.
France, History of the Jew in, 728.
Franklin, Benjamin, 644.
Free Trade, on, in connexion with the commercial depression, 759.
Fuller, S. M., Papers on Literature and Art by, reviewed, 575, 580.
Gambling, anecdotes of, 315.
Gamo, capture of the, by Lord Cochrane, 84.
Garchary Burn, the, 164.
Gautier, M.—Theophile, a tale, by, 197.
Gaza, three months at, 334.
George II., Times of, 431.
German Travels, character of, 707.
Gerona, town of, and its siege, 718.
Giacomo da Valencia; or, the Student of Bologna: Chap. I. 359.
Chap. II. 361.
Chap. III. 366.
Conclusion, 369.
Glencoe, the Widow of, 700.
Glen Derri, 155.
Glen Lui, scenery of, 154.
Gogol: the Portrait, a tale by, translated, Chap. I. 457
Chap. II. 475.
Gourgaud, General, 181.
Greece, Grote’s History of, reviewed, 129.
Greek Fire, the, 92.
Grote’s History of Greece, review of, 129.
Hamilton’s (Sir William) edition of Reid’s Works, review of, 239.
Hawthorne’s Mosses from an Old Manse, review of, 587.
Henry IV. of France, 371.
Henry Meynell, 547.
Highland Destitution, 630.
Histoire Hollandaise, Une, 672.
History, Byways of, 347.
Homer, on the Authenticity of, 137.
Hounds and Horses at Rome—the English Kennel, 485
the Steeple-chase, 487
Roman Dogs, 489.
How I came to be a Sloven, 658.
How I stood for the Dreepdaily Burghs, Chap. I. 259
Chap. II. 264
Chap. III. 269
Chap. IV. 275
Chap. V. 279.
Iliad, authenticity of the, 138.
Improvisatore, Hans Andersen’s, reviewed, 398.
India, Probable effects of the Railway on, 517.
Infernal, the, a fire-ship, 93.
James’s Life of Henry IV., review of, 371.
Java, sketches of, 524.
Conquest of by the English, and its restoration, 527.
Jew, sketch of the history of the, 728.
Juancho the Bull-fighter, 197.
Judaism in the Legislature, 724.
Judgment of Paris, Rubens’, 571.
Jukes, J. B., his Narrative of the Voyage of the Fly reviewed, 515.
Kinkel’s History of Early Christian Art, review of, 446.
Lander, Richard, 516.
Larig Water, 164.
Law of Wreck, the, 93.
Legislature, Judaism in the, 724.
Leichhardt’s researches in Australia, review of, 602.
Le Premier Pas, 312.
Letter from a Railway Witness in London, 68.
Letters on the Truths contained in Popular Superstitions. No. VII.—Objects to be gained by the artificial induction of trance, 166.
Life of Jean Paul Frederick Richter, review of, 33.
Lima, boundary of, 17.
London, Letter from a Railway Witness in, 68.
Lowe, Sir Hudson, 180.
Lui Water, 154.
Luque, Father, one of Pizarro’s comrades, 5.
Maga in America, 422.
Magus Muir, 614.
[770]Manco, Inca of Peru, 17.
Mar Forest, the, 154.
Marie Louise, Letter from Gourgaud to, 181.
Marseilles, town of, 711.
Masorcha Club at Buenos Ayres, a tale of the, Chap. I. 47
Chap. II. 48
Chap. III. 50
Chap. IV. 55
Chap. V. 62.
Massacre of Glencoe, the, 700.
Materials for a History of Oil Painting, Eastlake’s, review of, 301.
Mayenne, Theodore de, work by, on Painting, 304.
Memoirs of Viscountess Sundon, review of, 431.
Merrifield, Mrs, translation of Cennino Cennini, by, 309.
Mexico, Conquest of, by Spain, 1.
Meynell, Henry, a tale, 547.
Miltiades, investigation of history of, 145.
Milton, 415.
Miner, the, a tale, 97.
Mirabeau, 417.
Mitford’s Greece, character of, 129.
Montholon’s Napoleon at St Helena, review of, 178.
Mosses from an Old Manse, review of, 587.
Muich Dhui, ascent and scenery of, 153.
Munzer, the anabaptist, 385.
My Friend the Dutchman, 494.
Napoleon at St Helena, Montholon’s History of, reviewed, 178.
Napoleon, Death scene of, 194;
his character, 195.
Navarro the Bandit, 714.
Navigation of the Antipodes, the, 515.
Navy, Nicolas’ History of the, reviewed, 82.
Navy of Athens, Pæans of the, No. I. 736.
Nevis, Ben, ascent and scenery of, 149.
New Guinea, 332.
New Ireland, character of inhabitants of, 331.
Ney, Marshal, Napoleon’s statement regarding the last acts of, 187.
Nicolas’ History of the Navy, review of, 82.
November Morning’s Reverie, a, by Delta, 618.
Oil Painting, Eastlake’s History of, reviewed, 301.
O’Meara, connexion of, with Napoleon, 180.
Only a Fiddler, Andersen’s, reviewed, 403.
O. T., Andersen’s, reviewed, 405.
Our Currency, our Trade, and our Tariff, 744.
Pacific, Islands of the, 327.
Pæans of the Athenian Navy, No. I.;
Phormio’s Victory in the Corinthian Gulf, 736.
Park, Mungo, 515.
Pau, Sketches of, 719.
Pauperism, management of, 630.
Peel, Sir Robert, and the Currency, 113, 744.
Peru, Sketches of conquest of, 1.
Phormio, Naval Victory of, in the Corinthian Gulf, 736.
Pizarro, Conqueror of Peru, Sketches of, 1.
Pizarro, Pedro, brother of the conqueror, 3.
Poe’s Sketches and Tales, review of, 582.
Poetry—Cæsar, 235;
a Requiem, by Delta, 358;
Song for the Dalhousie Dinner, 493;
Magus Muir, 614;
a November Morning’s Reverie, 618;
the Widow of Glencoe, 700;
Pæans of the Athenian Navy, No. 1, 741.
Pomfret, Lady, 441.
Popular Superstitions, Letters on the Truths contained in, Letter VII.;
objects to be gained by the Artificial Induction of Trance, 166.
Portrait, the, a tale abridged from the Russian of Gogol, by T. B. Shaw;
Chap. I. 457
Chap. II. 475.
Premier Pas, Le, 312.
Prescott’s History of the Conquest of Peru, review of, 1.
Protestantism, Effects of, in England, 724.
Puna, Conquest of island of, by Pizarro, 11.
Pyrenees, the, 707.
Raffles, Sir Stamford, 526.
Railway, Probable Effects of, on India, 517.
Railway Witness, Letters from a, in London, 68.
Railways, the, in connexion with the financial depression, 777.
Reformation, Effects of the, in England, 724.
Reid and the Philosophy of Common Sense, 239.
Requiem, for the music of Mozart, by Delta, 358.
Research and Adventure in Australia, 602.
Richard Cœur de Lion, fleet of, 90, 91.
Richter, Jean Paul, Life of, 33.
Roman Dogs, 489.
Rome, Hounds and Horses at: the English Kennel, 485
the Steeple Chase, 487
Roman Dogs, 489.
Rome, Taxidermy in, 292.
Rome, Valedictory Visits at, 622
the Villa Borghese, ib.
the Villa Albani, 626.
Roussillon, province of, 722.
Rubens—was he a Colourist? 564.
Ruiz, Bartholomew, one of Pizarro’s comrades, 6.
St Helena, Napoleon at, 178.
Sea, Evenings at—See Evenings.
Sharp, Archbishop, murder of, 615.
Shaw, T. B., translation by, of the Portrait, a tale;
Chap. I. 457
Chap. II. 475.
Sieyes, Anecdotes of, 190, 191.
[771]Sims’ Wigwam, &c., review of, 575.
Sinnett’s Byways of History, review of, 347.
Sir Robert Peel and the Currency, 113.
Smuggling in Spain, 717.
Solon, era of, in Greece, 143.
Song for the Dalhousie Dinner, 493.
Solo, Hernando de, 12.
Sourabaya, city of, 525.
South America, Adventures on coast of, 323.
South America, Spanish conquest in, 1.
Spain, conquests of, in South America, 1.
Spain, sketches of, 707.
Spain, History of the Jew in, 730.
Speedy, capture of the Gamo by the, 84.
Stair, Master of, and the Massacre of Glencoe, 700-1.
Steeple chase at Rome, the, 487.
Stone of Shelter, the, 158, 160.
Story of my Life, Andersen’s, review of, 393.
Student of Bologna, the; Chap. I. 359
Chap. II. 361
Chap. III. 365
Conclusion, 369.
Suffolk, Lady, 439, 440.
Sumatra, island of, 528.
Tacamez, defeat of Pizarro at, 7.
Tale of the Masorcha Club at Buenos Ayres, a;
Chap. I. 47
Chap. II. 48
Chap. III. 50
Chap. IV. 55
Chap. V. 62.
Tariff, the new, in connexion with the commercial depression, 759.
Tales from Denmark, Andersen’s, reviewed, 406.
Taxidermy in Rome, 292.
Tettenborn, General, rise of, 312.
Theophilus, work on Varnishes, &c., by, 303.
Thirlwall’s Greece, character of, 129
on the siege of Troy, Homer, &c., 137, 138.
Thompson’s Memoirs of Viscountess Sundon, review of, 431.
Three Months at Gaza, 334.
Tiberius, 411.
Times of George II., the, 431.
Torres Straits, surveying voyage through, 518.
Tournachou, M., tale from, 317.
Trance, objects to be gained by artificial induction of, 166.
Travels, modern, general character of, 707.
Troy, authenticity of the siege of, 136, 137.
Turkey, Napoleon’s views on, 189.
Unpublished French novel, an, 671.
Units: Tens: Hundreds: Thousands:
Chap. I. 593
Chap. II. ib.
Chap. III. 595
Chap. IV. 596
Chap. V. 599
Chap. VI. 601.
Vaerst, Baron, Die Pyrenaën, review of, 707.
Valbezene, M., 102.
Valedictory Visits at Rome, 622
the Villa Borghese, ib.
the Villa Albani, 626.
Van Eyck, Eastlake on the invention of, 302.
Views and Reviews of American Literature, review of, 575.
Villa Borghese, the, 622; Albani, 626.
Vision of Cagliostro, the, 408;
Tiberius, 411;
Agrippa, 413;
Milton, 415;
Mirabeau, 417;
Beethoven, 419.
Voltaire, residence of, in England, 444.
W. E. A., Magus Muir, by, 614;
Widow of Glencoe, 700.
Waleska, Madame, anecdote of, 191.
Widow of Glencoe, the, 700.
William the Conqueror, landing of, 90.
William III. and the Massacre of Glencoe, 700.
Wolfian theory of the Iliad, the, 140.
Works of Hans Christian Andersen, the, 387.
Wreck, law of, 93.
END OF VOL. LXII.
Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Essays. By Ralph Waldo Emerson. Nature, an Essay, and Orations. By the same.
[2] Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel.
[3] Die Pyrenäen. Von Eugen Baron Vaerst. Zwei Bände: Breslau, 1847.
[4] Marliani, Histoire Politique de l’Espagne Moderne, ii. 440.
[5] El santo zancarron, (literally, the holy dry bone,) an expression handed down
from the Moors, and very dangerous to be used for some time after their expulsion,
when an oath “by Mahomet” sufficed to make the utterer suspected by the Inquisition
of addiction to the forbidden faith. It was to escape all suspicion of such
addiction that the Spaniards became great consumers of pig’s flesh, still a standard
dish, in one form or other, at every Spanish dinner. Probably it was the excellent
quality of Spanish pork, as much as the fear of the Inquisition, that perpetuated this
custom.
[6] “I would much rather be a keeper of lions than have charge of Biscayans.”
[7] Marliani, ii. 317.
[8] See Thucyd. i. 143, and Xenoph. de Repub. Ath. i. 19.
[9] See the remarkable passage in Herodotus (Terpsichore, 78) where he describes
the change in the spirit of the Athenians after they had got rid of the yoke of the
Pisistratidæ, and felt the full vigour of the free institutions which Cleisthenes had
perfected for them.
[10] Scott’s Life of Napoleon.
[11] History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 26, n.
[12] Plutarch in Vitâ Lysandri.
[13] Plutarch in Vitâ.
[14] Herodotus Polyhymnia, 144.
[15] See the speech of Pericles at the end of the first book of Thucydides, and also
the great speech in the second book.
[16] Thucyd., iv. 10.
[17] Speech of Phormio to his crews before the second battle in the Gulf.—Thucyd. ii. 89.
[18] Herod., Urania, 90.
[19] The Paralus was the name of one of the two sacred galleys, which the Athenians
employed for the conveyance of despatches, and state missions; and which
were always equipped and manned with the greatest care. It is not specified in
Thucydides that the Paralus was one of Phormio’s galleys; but from the brilliant
exploits of his squadron in this and a subsequent battle, we may fairly suppose it to
have been composed of the Elite of the Athenian navy.
Transcriber’s note:
Archaic spelling and variations in spelling and hyphenation have been
retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.
Anchors to footnotes 1 and 2 have been supplied by the transcriber.
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