BLACKWOOD’S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.


No. CCCXXXVI. OCTOBER, 1843. Vol. LIV.


CONTENTS.


[Pg 415]

MILL’S LOGIC.[1]

These are not degenerate days.
We have still strong thinkers amongst
us; men of untiring perseverance, who
flinch before no difficulties, who never
hide the knot which their readers are
only too willing that they should let
alone; men who dare write what the
ninety-nine out of every hundred will
pronounce a dry book; who pledge
themselves, not to the public, but to
their subject, and will not desert it
till their task is completed. One of
this order is Mr John Stuart Mill.
The work he has now presented to
the public, we deem to be, after its
kind, of the very highest character,
every where displaying powers of
clear, patient, indefatigable thinking.
Abstract enough it must be allowed
to be, calling for an unremitted attention,
and yielding but little, even
in the shape of illustration, of lighter
and more amusing matter; he has
taken no pains to bestow upon it any
other interest than what searching
thought and lucid views, aptly expressed,
ought of themselves to create.
His subject, indeed—the laws by
which human belief and the inquisition
of truth are to be governed and
directed—is both of that extensive
and fundamental character, that it
would be treated with success only
by one who knew how to resist the
temptations to digress, as well as how
to apply himself with vigour to the
solution of the various questions that
must rise before him.

“This book,” the author says in his
preface, “makes no pretence of giving
to the world a new theory of our intellectual
operations. Its claim to attention,
if it possess any, is grounded on
the fact, that it is an attempt not to supersede,
but to embody and systematize,
the best ideas which have been either
promulgated on its subject by speculative
writers, or conformed to by accurate
thinkers in their scientific enquiries.

“To cement together the detached
fragments of a subject, never yet treated
as a whole; to harmonize the true
portions of discordant theories, by supplying
the links of thought necessary to
connect them, and by disentangling
them from the errors with which they
are always more or less interwoven—must
necessarily require a considerable
amount of original speculation. To
other originality than this, the present
work lays no claim. In the existing
state of the cultivation of the sciences,
there would be a very strong presumption
against any one who should imagine
that he had effected a revolution in the
theory of the investigation of truth, or
added any fundamentally new process to
the practice of it. The improvement
which remains to be effected in the methods
of philosophizing, [and the author
believes that they have much need of
improvement,] can only consist in performing,
more systematically and accurately,
operations with which, at least
in their elementary form, the human intellect,
in some one or other of its employments,
is already familiar.”

[Pg 416]
Such is the manly and modest estimate
which the author makes of his
own labours, and the work fully bears
out the character here given of it.
No one capable of receiving pleasure
from the disentanglement of intricacies,
or the clear exposition of an abstruse
subject; no one seeking assistance
in the acquisition of distinct and
accurate views on the various and
difficult topics which these volumes
embrace—can fail to read them with
satisfaction and with benefit.

To give a full account—to give any
account—of a work which traverses so
wide a field of subject, would be here
a futile attempt; we should, after all
our efforts, merely produce a laboured
and imperfect synopsis, which would
in vain solicit the perusal of our readers.
What we purpose doing, is to
take up, in the order in which they
occur, some of the topics on which
Mr Mill has thrown a new light, or
which he has at least invested with a
novel interest by the view he has given
of them. And as, in this selection of
topics, we are not bound to choose
those which are most austere and
repulsive, we hope that such of our
readers as are not deterred by the
very name of logic, will follow us with
some interest through the several
points of view, and the various extracts
we shall present to them.

The Syllogism.—The logic of Induction,
as that to which attention
has been least devoted, which has
been least reduced to systematic form,
and which lies at the basis of all other
modes of reasoning, constitutes the
prominent subject of these volumes.
Nevertheless, the old topic of logic
proper, or deductive reasoning, is not
omitted, and the first passage to which
we feel bound, on many accounts, to
give our attention, is the disquisition
on the syllogism.

Fortunately for us it is not necessary,
in order to convey the point of
our author’s observations upon this
head, to afflict our readers with any
dissertation upon mode or figure, or
other logical technicalities. The first
form or figure of the syllogism (to
which those who have not utterly
forgotten their scholastic discipline will
remember that all others may be reduced)
is familiar to every one, and to this
alone we shall have occasion to refer.

“All men are mortal.
A king is a man;
Therefore a king is mortal.”

Who has not met—what young lady
even, though but in her teens, has not
encountered some such charming triplet
as this, which looks so like verse
at a distance, but, like some other
compositions, approximates nothing
the more on this account to poetry?
Who has not learnt from such examples
what is a major, what a middle
term
, and what the minor or conclusion?

As no one, in the present day, advises
the adoption, in our controversies,
of the syllogistic forms of reasoning,
it is evident that the value of the
syllogism must consist, not in its
practical use, but in the accurate type
which it affords of the process of reasoning,
and in the analysis of that process
which a full understanding of it
renders necessary. Such an analysis
supplies, it is said, an excellent discipline
to the mind, whilst an occasional
reference to the form of the syllogism,
as a type or model of reasoning,
insures a steadiness and pertinency of
argument. But is the syllogism, it
has been asked, this veritable type of
our reasoning? Has the analysis which
would explain it to be such, been accurately
conducted?

Several of our northern metaphysicians,
it is well known—as, for example,
Dr Campbell and Dugald Stewart—have
laid rude hands upon the
syllogism. They have pronounced it
to be a vain invention. They have
argued that no addition of knowledge,
no advancement in the acquisition of
truth, no new conviction, can possibly
be obtained through its means, inasmuch
as no syllogism can contain any
thing in the conclusion which was not
admitted, at the outset, in the first or
major proposition. The syllogism
always, say they, involves a petitio
principii
. Admit the major, and the
business is palpably at an end; the rest
is a mere circle, in which one cannot
advance, but may get giddy by the
revolution. According to the exposition
of logicians themselves, we simply
obtain by our syllogism, the privilege
of saying that, in the minor, of
some individual of a class, which we
had said, in the major, already of the
whole class.

Archbishop Whately, our most distinguished
expositor and defender of
the Aristotelian logic, meets these antagonists
with the resolute assertion,
that their objection to the syllogism is
equally valid against all reasoning
[Pg 417]
whatever
. He does not deny, but, on
the contrary, in common with every
logician, distinctly states, that whatever
is concluded in the minor, must
have been previously admitted in the
major, for in this lies the very force
and compulsion of the argument; but
he maintains that the syllogism is the
true type of all our reasoning, and
that therefore to all our reasoning,
the very same vice, the very same
petitio principii, may be imputed. The
syllogism, he contends, (and apparently
with complete success,) is but a statement
in full of what takes place mentally
even in the most rapid acts of
reasoning. We often suppress the
major for the sake of brevity, but it
is understood though not expressed;
just as in the same manner as we
sometimes content ourselves with
merely implying the conclusion itself,
because it is sufficiently evident without
further words. If any one should
so far depart from common sense as to
question the mortality of some great
king, we should think it sufficient to
say for all argument—the king is a
man!—virtually implying the whole
triplet above mentioned:—

“All men are mortal.
The king is a man;
Therefore the king is mortal.”

“In pursuing the supposed investigation,
(into the operation of reasoning,)”
says Archbishop Whately,
“it will be found that every conclusion
is deduced, in reality, from two
other propositions, (thence called
Premisses😉 for though one of these
may be and commonly is suppressed,
it must nevertheless be understood as
admitted, as may easily be made evident
by supposing the denial of the
suppressed premiss, which will at
once invalidate the argument; e.g.
if any one, from perceiving that ‘the
world exhibits marks of design,’ infers
that ‘it must have had an intelligent
author,’ though he may not be
aware in his own mind of the existence
of any other premiss, he will
readily understand, if it be denied that
‘whatever exhibits marks of design
must have had an intelligent author,’
that the affirmative of that proposition
is necessary to the solidity of the argument.
An argument thus stated
regularly and at full length, is called
a syllogism; which, therefore, is evidently
not a peculiar kind of argument,
but only a peculiar form of expression,
in which every argument may be
stated.”—Whately’s Logic, p. 27.

“It will be found,” he continues,
“that all valid arguments whatever
may be easily reduced to such a form
as that of the foregoing syllogisms;
and that consequently the principle on
which they are constructed is the
Universal Principle of reasoning.
So elliptical, indeed, is the ordinary
mode of expression, even of those who
are considered as prolix writers,—i.e.
so much is implied and left to be understood
in the course of argument,
in comparison of what is actually stated,
(most men being impatient, even to
excess, of any appearance of unnecessary
and tedious formality of statement,)
that a single sentence will often
be found, though perhaps considered
as a single argument, to contain, compressed
into a short compass, a chain
of several distinct arguments. But if
each of these be fully developed, and
the whole of what the author intended
to imply be stated expressly, it will
be found that all the steps, even of the
longest and most complex train of
reasoning, may be reduced into the
above form.”—P. 32.

That it is not the office of the syllogism
to discover new truths, our logician
fully admits, and takes some pains
to establish. This is the office of
“other operations of mind,” not unaccompanied,
however, with acts of
reasoning. Reasoning, argument, inference,
(words which he uses as synonymous,)
have not for their object
our advancement in knowledge, or the
acquisition of new truths.

“Much has been said,” says Archbishop
Whately, in another portion
of his work, “by some writers, of the
superiority of the inductive to the syllogistic
methods of seeking truth, as
if the two stood opposed to each other;
and of the advantage of substituting
the Organon of Bacon for that of Aristotle,
&c. &c., which indicates a total
misconception of the nature of both.
There is, however, the more excuse
for the confusion of thought which
prevails on this subject, because eminent
logical writers have treated, or
at least have appeared to treat, of induction
as a kind of argument distinct
from the syllogism; which, if it were,
it certainly might be contrasted with
the syllogism: or rather the whole
syllogistic theory would fall to the
ground, since one of the very first
[Pg 418]
principles it establishes, is that all
reasoning, on whatever subject, is one
and the same process, which may be
clearly exhibited in the form of syllogisms.

“This inaccuracy seems chiefly to
have arisen from a vagueness in the
use of the word induction; which is
sometimes employed to designate the
process of investigation and of collecting
facts, sometimes the deducing an
inference from those facts. The former
of these processes (viz. that of
observation and experiment) is undoubtedly
distinct from that which
takes place in the syllogism; but then
it is not a process of argumentation:
the latter again is an argumentative
process; but then it is, like all other
arguments, capable of being syllogistically
expressed.”—P. 263.

“To prove, then, this point demonstratively,
(namely, that it is not by a
process of reasoning that new truths
are brought to light,) becomes on these
data perfectly easy; for since all reasoning
(in the sense above defined) may
be resolved into syllogisms; and since
even the objectors to logic make it a
subject of complaint, that in a syllogism
the premises do virtually assert
the conclusion, it follows at once that
no new truth (as above defined) can
be elicited by any process of reasoning.

“It is on this ground, indeed, that
the justly celebrated author of the
Philosophy of Rhetoric objects to the
syllogism altogether, as necessarily involving
a petitio principii; an objection
which, of course, he would not
have been disposed to bring forward,
had he perceived that, whether well or
ill founded, it lies against all arguments
whatever
. Had he been aware that
the syllogism is no distinct kind of
argument otherwise than in form, but
is, in fact, any argument whatever
stated regularly and at full length, he
would have obtained a more correct
view of the object of all reasoning;
which is merely to expand and unfold the
assertions wrapt up, as it were, and implied
in those with which we set out
, and
to bring a person to perceive and acknowledge
the full force of that which
he has admitted; to contemplate it
in various points of view; to admit in
one shape what he has already admitted
in another
, and to give up and disallow
whatever is inconsistent with it.”—P.
273.

Now, what the Archbishop here advances
appears convincing; his position
looks impregnable. The syllogism
is not a peculiar mode of reasoning,
(how could it be?)—if any thing
at all, it must be a general formula
for expressing the ordinary act of
reasoning—and he shows that the objections
made by those who would
impugn it, may be levelled with equal
justice against all ratiocination whatever.
But then this method of defending
the syllogism, (to those of us
who have stood beside, in the character
of modest enquirers, watching the
encounter of keen wits,) does but aggravate
the difficulty. Is it true, then,
that in every act of reasoning, we do
but conclude in one form, what, the
moment before, we had stated in another?
Are we to understand that such
is the final result of the debate? If so,
this act of reasoning appears very little
deserving of that estimation in
which it has been generally held. The
great prerogative of intelligent beings
(as it has been deemed,) grants them
this only—to “admit in one shape
what they had already admitted in
another.”

From the dilemma in which we are
here placed, the Archbishop by no
means releases, or attempts to release
us: he seems (something too much
after the manner and disposition generally
attributed to masters in logic-fence,)
to have rested satisfied with
foiling his opponents in their attack
upon the exact position he had bound
himself to defend. He saves the syllogism;
what becomes, in the controversy,
of poor human reason itself, is
not his especial concern—it is as much
their business as his. You do not,
more than I, he virtually says to his
opponents, intend to resign all reasoning
whatever as a mere inanity; I
prove, for my part, that all reasoning
is capable of being put into a syllogistic
form, and that your objection, if
valid against the syllogism, is equally
valid against all ratiocination. You
must therefore either withdraw your
objection altogether, or advance it at
your peril; the difficulty is of your
making, you must solve it as you can.
Gentlemen, you must muzzle your
own dog.

In this posture of affairs the author
of the present work comes to the rescue.
He shall speak in his own words.
But we must premise, that although
we do not intend to stint him in our
[Pg 419]
quotation—though we wish to give
him all the sea-room possible; yet, for
a full development of his views, we
must refer the reader to his volumes
themselves. There are some disquisitions
which precede the part we are
about to quote from, which, in order to
do complete justice to the subject, ought
to find a place here, as well as in the
author’s work—but it is impossible.

“It is universally allowed, that a
syllogism is vicious, if there be any thing
more in the conclusion than was assumed
in the premisses. But this is, in fact,
to say, that nothing ever was, or can be,
proved by syllogism, which was not
known, or assumed to be known, before.
Is ratiocination, then, not a process of inference?
And is the syllogism, to which
the word reasoning has so often been
represented to be exclusively appropriate,
not really entitled to be called
reasoning at all? This seems an inevitable
consequence of the doctrine, admitted
by all writers on the subject,
that a syllogism can prove no more than
is involved in the premisses. Yet the
acknowledgment so explicitly made, has
not prevented one set of writers from
continuing to represent the syllogism
as the correct analysis of what the mind
actually performs in discovering and
proving the larger half of the truths,
whether of science or of daily life, which
we believe; while those who have avoided
this inconsistency, and followed out
the general theorem respecting the logical
value of the syllogism to its legitimate
corollary, have been led to impute
uselessness and frivolity to the
syllogistic theory itself, on the ground
of the petitio principii which they allege
to be inherent in every syllogism. As
I believe both these opinions to be fundamentally
erroneous, I must request the
attention of the reader to certain considerations,
without which any just
appreciation of the true character of the
syllogism, and the functions it performs
in philosophy, appears to me impossible;
but which seem to me to have been
overlooked or insufficiently adverted to,
both by the defenders of the syllogistic
theory, and by its assailants.

“It must be granted, that in every
syllogism, considered as an argument to
prove the conclusion, there is a petitio
principii
. When we say—

‘All men are mortal.
Socrates is a man;
THEREFORE
Socrates is mortal’—

it is unanswerably urged by the adversaries
of the syllogistic theory, that the
proposition, Socrates is mortal, is presupposed
in the more general assumption,
All men are mortal; that we cannot
be assured of the mortality of all
men, unless we were previously certain
of the mortality of every individual
man; that if it be still doubtful whether
Socrates, or any other individual you
choose to name, be mortal or not, the
same degree of uncertainty must hang
over the assertion, All men are mortal;
that the general principle, instead of
being given as evidence of the particular
case, cannot itself be taken for true
without exception, until every shadow
of doubt which could affect any case
comprised with it, is dispelled by evidence
aliundè, and then what remains
for the syllogism to prove? that, in
short, no reasoning from generals to
particulars can, as such, prove any
thing; since from a general principle
you cannot infer any particulars, but
those which the principle itself assumes
as foreknown.

“This doctrine is irrefragable; and
if logicians, though unable to dispute it,
have usually exhibited a strong disposition
to explain it away, this was not
because they could discover any flaw in
the argument itself, but because the
contrary opinion seemed to rest upon
arguments equally indisputable. In the
syllogism last referred to, for example,
or in any of those which we previously
constructed, is it not evident that the
conclusion may, to the person to whom
the syllogism is presented, be actually
and bona fide a new truth? Is it not
matter of daily experience that truth
previously undreamt of, facts which
have not been, and cannot be, directly
observed, are arrived at by way of general
reasoning? We believe that the
Duke of Wellington is mortal. We do
not know this by direct observation,
since he is not yet dead. If we were
asked how, this being the case, we know
the Duke to be mortal, we should probably
answer, because all men are so.
Here, therefore, we arrive at the knowledge
of a truth not (as yet) susceptible
of observation, by a reasoning which admits
of being exhibited in the following
syllogism—

‘All men are mortal.
The Duke of Wellington is a man;
THEREFORE
The Duke of Wellington is mortal.’

“And since a large portion of our
knowledge is thus acquired, logicians
have persisted in representing the syllogism
as a process of inference or
[Pg 420]
proof; although none of them has cleared
up the difficulty which arises from the
inconsistency between that assertion and
the principle, that if there be any thing
in the conclusion which was not already
asserted in the premisses, the argument
is vicious. For it is impossible to attach
any serious scientific value to such a
mere salvo, as the distinction drawn between
being involved by implication in
the premisses, and being directly asserted
in them. When Archbishop Whately,
for example, says that the object of reasoning
is ‘merely to expand and unfold
the assertions wrapt up, as it were, and
implied in those with which we set out,
and to bring a person to perceive and
acknowledge the full force of that which
he has admitted,’ he does not, I think,
meet the real difficulty requiring to be
explained; namely, how it happens that
a science like geometry can be all
‘wrapt up’ in a few definitions and
axioms. Nor does this defence of the
syllogism differ much from what its
assailants urge against it as an accusation,
when they charge it with being of
no use except to those who seek to press
the consequence of an admission into
which a man has been entrapped, without
having considered and understood its
full force. When you admitted the
major premiss, you asserted the conclusion,
‘but,’ says Archbishop Whately,
‘you asserted it by implication merely;
this, however, can here only mean that
you asserted it unconsciously—that you
did not know you were asserting it; but
if so, the difficulty revives in this shape.
Ought you not to have known? Were
you warranted in asserting the general
proposition without having satisfied yourself
of the truth of every thing which it
fairly includes? And if not, what, then,
is the syllogistic art but a contrivance
for catching you in a trap, and holding
you fast in it?’

“From this difficulty there appears to
be but one issue. The proposition, that
the Duke of Wellington is mortal, is
evidently an inference, it is got at as a
conclusion from something else; but do
we, in reality, conclude it from the proposition—All
men are mortal? I answer,
No.

“The error committed is, I conceive,
that of overlooking the distinction between
the two parts of the process of
philosophizing—the inferring part and
the registering part; and ascribing to
the latter the functions of the former.
The mistake is that of referring a man
to his own notes for the origin of his
knowledge. If a man is asked a question,
and is at the moment unable to
answer it, he may refresh his memory
by turning to a memorandum which he
carries about with him. But if he were
asked how the fact came to his knowledge,
he would scarcely answer, because
it was set down in his note-book.

“Assuming that the proposition, The
Duke of Wellington is mortal, is immediately
an inference from the proposition,
All men are mortal, whence do we
derive our knowledge of that general
truth? No supernatural aid being supposed,
the answer must be, from observation.
Now, all which men can
observe are individual cases. From
these all general truths must be drawn,
and into these they may be again resolved;
for a general truth is but an
aggregate of particular truths—a comprehensive
expression, by which an indefinite
number of individual facts are
affirmed or denied at once. But a general
proposition is not merely a compendious
form for recording and preserving
in the memory a number of
particular facts, all of which have been
observed. Generalization is not a process
of mere naming, it is also a process
of inference. From instances which we
have observed, we feel warranted in
concluding, that what we found true in
those instances holds in all similar ones—past,
present, and future, however
numerous they may be. We, then, by
that valuable contrivance of language,
which enables us to speak of many as if
they were one, record all that we have
observed, together with all that we infer
from our observations, in one concise
expression; and have thus only one
proposition, instead of an endless number,
to remember or to communicate.
The results of many observations and
inferences, and instructions for making
innumerable inferences in unforeseen
cases, are compressed into one short
sentence.

“When, therefore, we conclude, from
the death of John and Thomas, and
every other person we ever heard of in
whose case the experiment had been
fairly tried, that the Duke of Wellington
is mortal like the rest, we may,
indeed, pass through the generalization,
All men are mortal, as an intermediate
stage; but it is not in the latter half of
the process—the descent from all men
to the Duke of Wellington—that the
inference resides. The inference is
finished when we have asserted that all
men are mortal. What remains to be
performed afterwards is merely deciphering
our own notes.

“Archbishop Whately has contended,
that syllogizing, or reasoning from
[Pg 421]
generals to particulars, is not, agreeably
to the vulgar idea, a peculiar mode of
reasoning, but the philosophical analysis
of the mode in which all men reason,
and must do so if they reason at
all. With the deference due to so high
an authority, I cannot help thinking
that the vulgar notion is, in this case,
the more correct. If, from our experience
of John, Thomas, &c. who once
were living, but are now dead, we are
entitled to conclude that all human
beings are mortal, we might surely,
without any logical inconsequence,
have concluded at once, from those
instances, that the Duke Wellington is
mortal. The mortality of John, Thomas,
and Company, is, after all, the whole
evidence we have for the mortality of
the Duke of Wellington. Not one
iota is added to the proof by interpolating
a general proposition. Since the
individual cases are all the evidence we
can possess; evidence which no logical
form into which we choose to throw
it can make greater than it is; and
since that evidence is either sufficient in
itself, or, if insufficient for one purpose,
cannot be sufficient for the other; I am
unable to see why we should be forbidden
to take the shortest cut from these
sufficient premisses to the conclusion, and
constrained to travel the ‘high priori
road’ by the arbitrary fiat of logicians.
I cannot perceive why it should be impossible
to journey from one place to
another, unless ‘we march up a hill and
then march down again.’ It may be
the safest road, and there may be a resting-place
at the top of the hill, affording
a commanding view of the surrounding
country; but for the mere purpose
of arriving at our journey’s end, our
taking that road is perfectly optional:
it is a question of time, trouble, and
danger.

“Not only may we reason from particulars
to particulars, without passing
through generals, but we perpetually do
so reason. All our earliest inferences
are of this nature. From the first dawn
of intelligence we draw inferences; but
years elapse before we learn the use of
general language. The child who, having
burnt his fingers, avoids to thrust
them again into the fire, has reasoned
or inferred, though he has never thought
of the general maxim—fire burns. He
knows from memory that he has been
burnt, and on this evidence believes,
when he sees a candle, that if he puts
his finger into the flame of it, he will be
burnt again. He believes this in every
case which happens to arise; but without
looking, in each instance, beyond
the present case. He is not generalizing;
he is inferring a particular from
particulars.—Vol. I. p. 244.

“From the considerations now adduced,
the following conclusions seem
to be established:—All inference is from
particulars to particulars: General propositions
are merely registers of such
inferences already made, and short formulæ
for making more: The major
premiss of a syllogism, consequently, is
a formula of this description; and the
conclusion is not an inference drawn
from the formula, but an inference
drawn according to the formula: the
real logical antecedent, or premisses
being the particular facts from which
the general proposition was collected by
induction
. * * *

“In the above observations, it has, I
think, been clearly shown, that although
there is always a process of reasoning
or inference where a syllogism is used,
the syllogism is not a correct analysis of
that process of reasoning or inference;
which is, on the contrary, (when not a
mere inference from testimony,) an inference
from particulars to particulars;
authorized by a previous inference from
particulars to generals, and substantially
the same with it: of the nature, therefore,
of Induction. But while these
conclusions appear to me undeniable, I
must yet enter a protest, as strong as
that of Archbishop Whately himself,
against the doctrine that the syllogistic
art is useless for the purposes
of reasoning. The reasoning lies in the
act of generalisation, not in interpreting
the record of that act; but the
syllogistic form is all indispensable collateral
security for the correctness of the
generalisation itself.”—P. 259.

By this explanation we are released
from the dilemma into which the syllogistic
and non-syllogistic party had
together thrown us. We can acknowledge
that the process of reason can
be always exhibited in the form of a
syllogism, and yet not be driven to
the strange and perplexing conclusion
that our reasoning can never conduct
us to a new truth, never lead us further
than to admit in one shape what
we had already admitted in another.
We have, or may have, it is true, a
major in all our ratiocination, implied,
if not expressed, and are so far syllogistic;
but then the real premiss from
which we reason is the amount of experience
on which that major was
founded, to which amount of experience
we, in fact, made an addition
in our minor, or conclusion.

[Pg 422]
But while we accept this explanation,
and are grateful for the deliverance
it works for us, we must also
admit, (and we are not aware that Mr
Mill would controvert this admission,)
that there is a large class of cases in
which our reasoning betrays no reference
to this anterior experience, and
where the usual explanation given by
teachers of logic is perfectly applicable;
cases where our object is, not
the discovery of truth for ourselves,
but to convince another of his error,
by showing him that the proposition,
which in his blindness or prejudice he
has chosen to contradict, is part and
parcel of some other proposition to
which he has given, and is at all times
ready to give, his acquiescence. In
such cases, we frequently content ourselves
with throwing before him this
alternative—refuse your major, to
which you have again and again assented,
or accept, as involved in it,
our minor proposition, which you have
persisted in controverting.

It will have been gathered from the
foregoing train of observation, that,
in direct contradistinction to Archbishop
Whately, who had represented
induction (so far as it consisted of an
act of ratiocination) as resolvable into
deductive and syllogistic reasoning, our
author has resolved the syllogism, and
indeed all deductive reasoning whatever,
ultimately into examples of induction.
In doing this, he is encountered
by a metaphysical notion very
prevalent in the present day, which
lies across his path, and which he has
to remove. We allude to the distinction
between contingent and necessary
truths; it being held by many philosophical
writers that all necessary and
universal truths owe their origin, not
to experience (except as occasion of
their development,) and not, consequently,
to the ordinary process of induction,
but flow from higher sources—flow
immediately from some supreme
faculty to which the name of reason
has by some been exclusively appropriated,
in order to distinguish it from
the understanding, the faculty judging
according to sense. We will pause a
while upon this topic.

Contingent and Necessary Truths.—Those
who have read Mr Whewell’s
treatise on the Philosophy of the Inductive
Sciences
, will remember that there
is no topic which that author labours
more sedulously to inculcate than this
same distinction between contingent
and necessary truths; and it is against
his statement of the doctrine in question,
that Mr Mill directs his observations.
Perhaps the controverted tenets would
have sustained a more equal combat
under the auspices of a more practised
and more complete metaphysician
than Mr Whewell; but a difficulty
was probably experienced in finding
a statement in any other well-known
English author full and explicit. Referring
ourselves to Mr Whewell’s
volumes for an extract, in order to
give the distinction here contended
against the advantage of an exposition
in the words of one who upholds it,
we are embarrassed by the number
which offer themselves. From many
we select the following statement:—

“Experience,” says Mr Whewell,
“must always consist of a limited
number of observations. And, however
numerous these may be, they
can show nothing with regard to the
infinite number of cases in which the
experiment has not been made. Experience,
being thus unable to prove
a fact to be universal, is, as will readily
be seen, still more incapable of
proving a fact to be necessary. Experience
cannot, indeed, offer the
smallest ground for the necessity of
a proposition. She can observe and
record what has happened; but she
cannot find, in any case, or in any
accumulation of cases, any reason for
what must happen. She may see objects
side by side, but she cannot see
a reason why they must be ever side
by side. She finds certain events to
occur in succession; but the succession
supplies, in its occurrence, no
reason for its recurrence. She contemplates
external objects; but she
cannot detect any internal bond which
indissolubly connects the future with
the past, the possible with the real.
To learn a proposition by experience,
and to see it to be necessarily true,
are two altogether different processes
of thought.

“But it may be said, that we do
learn, by means of observation and
experience, many universal truths;
indeed, all the general truths of which
science consists. Is not the doctrine
of universal gravitation learned by
experience? Are not the laws of
motion, the properties of light, the
general properties of chemistry, so
[Pg 423]
learned? How, with these examples
before us, can we say that experience
teaches no universal truths?

“To this we reply, that these truths
can only be known to be general, not
universal, if they depend upon experience
alone. Experience cannot bestow
that universality which she herself
cannot have, and that necessity
of which she has no comprehension.
If these doctrines are universally true,
this universality flows from the ideas
which we apply to our experience,
and which are, as we have seen, the
real sources of necessary truth. How
far these ideas can communicate their
universality and necessity to the results
of experience, it will hereafter
be our business to consider. It will
then appear, that when the mind
collects from observation truths of a
wide and comprehensive kind, which
approach to the simplicity and universality
of the truths of pure science;
she gives them this character by
throwing upon them the light of her
own fundamental ideas.”—Whewell,
Vol. I. p. 60.

Accordingly, Mr Whewell no sooner
arrives at any truth which admits of
an unconditional positive statement—a
statement defying all rational contradiction—than
he abstracts it from
amongst the acquisitions of experience,
and throwing over it, we suppose,
the light of these fundamental
ideas, pronounces it enrolled in the
higher class of universal and necessary
truths. The first laws of motion,
though established through great difficulties
against the most obstinate
preconceptions, and by the aid of repeated
experiments, are, when surveyed
in their present perfect form,
proclaimed to be, not acquisitions of
experience, but truths emanating from
a higher and more mysterious origin.[2]

This distinction, which assigns a
different mental origin to truths,
simply because (from the nature of
the subject-matter, as it seems to us)
there is a difference with regard to the
sort of certainty we feel of them, has
always appeared to us most unphilosophical.
It is admitted that we arrive
at a general proposition through
experience; there is no room, therefore,
for quibbling as to the meaning
of the term experience—it is understood
that when we speak of a truth
being derived from experience, we
imply the usual exercise of our mental
faculties; it is the step from a
general to a universal proposition
which alone occasions this perplexing
distinction. The dogma is this—that
experience can only teach us by a
limited number of examples, and therefore
can never establish a universal
proposition. But if all experience is
in favour of a proposition—if no experience
has occurred even to enable the
imagination to conceive its opposite,
what more can be required to convert
the general into a universal proposition?

Strange to say, the attribution of
these characteristics of universality
and necessity, becomes, amongst those
who loudly insist upon the palpable
nature of the distinction we are now
examining, a matter of controversy;
and there are a class of scientific
truths, of which it is debated whether
they are contingent or necessary.
[Pg 424]
The only test that they belong to the
latter order is, the impossibility of
conceiving their opposites to be the
truth; and it seems that men find a
great difference in their powers of
conception, and that what is impossible
with one is possible with another.
But (wisely, too) passing this over, and
admitting that there is a distinction
(though a very ill-defined one) between
the several truths we entertain
of this nature; namely, that some we
find it impossible, even in imagination,
to contradict, whilst of others we can
suppose it possible that they should
cease to be truths—does it follow
that different faculties of the mind are
engaged in the acquisition of them?
Does nothing depend on the nature of
the subject itself? “That two sides
of a triangle,” says Mr Whewell,
“are greater than the third, is a universal
and necessary geometrical
truth; it is true of all triangles; it is
true in such a way that the contrary
cannot be conceived. Experience
could not prove such a proposition.

Experience is allowed to prove it of
this or that triangle, but not as an inseparable
property of a triangle. We
are at a loss to perceive why the same
faculties of the mind that can judge,
say of the properties of animal life, of
organized beings, cannot judge of the
properties of a figure—properties
which must immediately be conceived
to exist the moment the figure is presented
to the imagination. We say,
for instance, of any animal, not because
it is this or that animal, a sheep
or an ox, but simply as animal, that
it must sustain itself by food, by the
process of assimilation. This, however,
is merely a contingent truth,
because it is in our power to conceive
of organized beings whose substance
shall not wear away, and consequently
shall not need perpetual restoration.
But what faculty of the mind is unemployed
here that is engaged in
perceiving the property of a triangle,
that as triangle, it must have two sides
greater than the third? The truths
elicited in the two cases have a difference,
inasmuch as a triangle differs
from an animal in this, that it is impossible
to conceive other triangles
than those to which your truth is
applicable, and therefore the proposition
relating to the triangle is called a
necessary truth. But surely this
difference lies in the subject-matter,
not in the nature of our mental faculties.

But we had not intended to interpose
our own lucubrations in the
place of those of Mr Mill.

“Although Mr Whewell,” says our
author, “has naturally and properly
employed a variety of phrases to bring
his meaning more forcibly home, he
will, I presume, allow that they are all
equivalent; and that what he means by
a necessary truth, would be sufficiently
defined, a proposition the negation of
which is not only false, but inconceivable.
I am unable to find in any of Mr
Whewell’s expressions, turn them what
way you will, a meaning beyond this,
and I do not believe he would contend
that they mean any thing more.

“This, therefore, is the principle asserted:
that propositions, the negation
of which is inconceivable, or in other
words, which we cannot figure to ourselves
as being false, must rest upon
evidence of higher and more cogent
description than any which experience
can afford. And we have next to consider
whether there is any ground for
this assertion.

“Now, I cannot but wonder that so
much stress should be laid upon the circumstance
of inconceivableness, when
there is such ample experience to show
that our capacity or incapacity for conceiving
a thing has very little to do with
the possibility of the thing in itself; but is
in truth very much an affair of accident,
and depends upon the past habits and
history of our own minds. There is no
more generally acknowledged fact in
human nature, than the extreme difficulty
at first felt in conceiving any
thing as possible, which is in contradiction
to long-established and familiar
experience, or even to old and familiar
habits of thought. And this difficulty
is a necessary result of the fundamental
laws of the human mind. When we
have often seen and thought of two
things together, and have never, in any
one instance, either seen or thought of
them separately, there is by the primary
law of association an increasing
difficulty, which in the end becomes
insuperable, of conceiving the two things
apart. This is most of all conspicuous
in uneducated persons, who are, in general,
utterly unable to separate any
two ideas which have once become firmly
associated in their minds, and, if persons
of cultivated intellect have any
advantage on the point, it is only because,
having seen and heard and read
more, and being more accustomed to
[Pg 425]
exercise their imagination, they have experienced
their sensations and thoughts
in more varied combinations, and have
been prevented from forming many of
these inseparable associations. But this
advantage has necessarily its limits.
The man of the most practised intellect
is not exempt from the universal laws of
our conceptive faculty. If daily habit
presents to him for a long period two
facts in combination, and if he is not led,
during that period, either by accident
or intention, to think of them apart, he
will in time become incapable of doing
so, even by the strongest effort; and
the supposition, that the two facts can
be separated in nature, will at last present
itself to his mind with all the characters
of an inconceivable phenomenon.
There are remarkable instances of this
in the history of science; instances in
which the wisest men rejected as impossible,
because inconceivable, things
which their posterity, by earlier practice,
and longer perseverance in the
attempt, found it quite easy to conceive,
and which every body now knows to be
true. There was a time when men of
the most cultivated intellects, and the
most emancipated from the dominion of
early prejudice, could not credit the
existence of antipodes; were unable to
conceive, in opposition to old association,
the force of gravity acting upwards
instead of downwards. The
Cartesians long rejected the Newtonian
doctrine of the gravitation of all bodies
towards one another, on the faith of a
general proposition, the reverse of
which seemed to them to be inconceivable—the
proposition, that a body cannot
act where it is not. All the cumbrous
machinery of imaginary vortices,
assumed without the smallest particle of
evidence, appeared to these philosophers
a more rational mode of explaining the
heavenly motions, than one which involved
what appeared to them so great
an absurdity. And they, no doubt,
found it as impossible to conceive that a
body should act upon the earth at the
distance of the sun or moon, as we find
it to conceive an end to space or time,
or two straight lines inclosing a space.
Newton himself had not been able to
realize the conception, or we should not
have had his hypothesis of a subtle
ether, the occult cause of gravitation;
and his writings prove, that although
he deemed the particular nature of the
intermediate agency a matter of conjecture,
the necessity of some such
agency appeared to him indubitable.
It would seem that, even now, the majority
of scientific men have not completely
got over this very difficulty; for
though they have at last learned to conceive
the sun attracting the earth without
any intervening fluid, they cannot yet
conceive the sun illuminating the earth
without some such medium.

“If, then, it be so natural to the human
mind, even in its highest state of
culture, to be incapable of conceiving,
and on that ground to believe impossible,
what is afterwards not only found
to be conceivable, but proved to be
true; what wonder if, in cases where
the association is still older, more confirmed,
and more familiar, and in which
nothing even occurs to shake our conviction,
or even to suggest to us any
conception at variance with the association,
the acquired incapacity should continue,
and be mistaken for a natural incapacity?
It is true our experience of
the varieties in nature enables us, within
certain limits, to conceive other varieties
analogous to them. We can conceive
the sun or moon falling, for although
we never saw them fall, nor ever perhaps
imagined them falling, we have
seen so many other things fall, that we
have innumerable familiar analogies to
assist the conception; which, after all,
we should probably have some difficulty
in framing, were we not well accustomed
to see the sun and moon move, (or
appear to move,) so that we are only
called upon to conceive a slight change
in the direction of motion, a circumstance
familiar to our experience. But
when experience affords no model on
which to shape the new conception, how
is it possible for us to form it? How,
for example, can we imagine an end to
space and time? We never saw any
object without something beyond it,
nor experienced any feeling without
something following it. When, therefore,
we attempt to conceive the last
point of space, we have the idea irresistibly
raised of other points beyond
it. When we try to imagine the last
instant of time, we cannot help conceiving
another instant after it. Nor
is there any necessity to assume, as is
done by the school to which Mr Whewell
belongs, a peculiar fundamental law
of the mind to account for the feeling
of infinity inherent in our conception
of space and time; that apparent infinity
is sufficiently accounted for by
simple and universally acknowledged
laws.”—Vol. I. p. 313.

Mr Mill does not deny that there
exists a distinction, as regards ourselves,
between certain truths (namely,
that of some, we cannot conceive
[Pg 426]
them to be other than truths,) but he
sets no value on this distinction, inasmuch
as there is no proof that it has
its counterpart in things themselves;
the impossibility of a thing being by
no means measured by our inability
to conceive it. And we may observe,
that Mr Whewell, in consistency
with the metaphysical doctrine
upon space and time which he has
borrowed from Kant, ought, under
another shape, to entertain a similar
doubt as to whether this distinction
represent any real distinction in the
nature of things. He considers, with
Kant, that space is only that form
with which the human mind invests
things—that it has no other than this
merely mental existence—is purely
subjective. Presuming, therefore,
that the mind is, from its constitution,
utterly and for ever unable to conceive
the opposite of certain truths, (those,
for instance, of geometry;) yet as the
existence of space itself is but a subjective
truth, it must follow that all
other truths relating to it are subjective
also. The mind is not conversant
with things in themselves, in the
truths even of geometry; nor is there
any positive objective truth in one
department of science more than
another. Mr Whewell, therefore,
though he advocates this distinction
between necessary and contingent
truth with a zeal which would seem
to imply that something momentous,
or of peculiar interest, was connected
with it, can advocate it only as a
matter of abstract metaphysical
science. He cannot participate in
that feeling of exaltation and mystery
which has led many to expatiate upon
a necessary and absolute truth which
the Divine Power itself cannot alter,
which is equally irresistible, equally
binding and compulsory, with God as
with man. Of this spirit of philosophical
enthusiasm Mr Whewell cannot
partake. Space and Time, with
all their properties and phenomena,
are but recognized as the modes of
thought of a human intelligence.

We have marked a number of passages
for annotation and extract—a
far greater number than we can possibly
find place for alluding to. One
subject, however, which lies at the
very basis of all our science, and
which has received a proportionate
attention from Mr Mill, must not be
amongst those which are passed over.
We mean the law of Causation. What
should be described as the complete
and adequate notion of a cause, we
need not say is one of the moot points
of philosophy. According to one
school of metaphysicians, there is in
our notion of cause an element not
derived from experience, which, it is
confessed on all hands, can teach us
only the succession of events. Cause,
with them, is that invisible power,
that mysterious bond, which this succession
does but signify: with other
philosophers this succession constitutes
the whole of any intelligible notion
we have of cause. The latter opinion
is that of Mr Mill; at the same time
the question is one which lies beyond
or beside the scope of his volumes.
He is concerned only with phenomena,
not with the knowledge (if
such there be) of “things in themselves;”
that part, therefore, of our
idea of cause which, according to all
systems of philosophy, is won from
experience, and concerns phenomena
alone, is sufficient for his purpose.
That every event has a cause, that is,
a previous and uniformly previous
event, and that whatever has happened
will, in the like circumstances,
happen again—these are the assumptions
necessary to science, and these
no one will dispute.

Mr Mill has made a happy addition
to the usual definition of cause given
by that class of metaphysicians to
which he himself belongs, and which
obviates a plausible objection urged
against it by Dr Reid and others.
These have argued, that if cause be
nothing more than invariable antecedence,
then night may be said to be
the cause of day, for the one invariably
precedes the other. Day does succeed
to night, but only on certain conditions—namely,
that the sun rise.
“The succession,” observes Mr Mill,
“which is equivalent and synonymous
to cause, must be not only invariable
but unconditional. We may define,
therefore,” says our author, “the cause
of a phenomenon to be the antecedent,
or the concurrence of antecedents,
upon which it is invariably and
unconditionally consequent.”—Vol. I.
p. 411.

A dilemma may be raised of this
kind. The universality of the law of
causation—in other words, the uniform
course of nature—is the fundamental
principle on which all induction
[Pg 427]
proceeds, the great premise on which all
our science is founded. But if this
law itself be the result only of experience,
itself only a great instance of
induction, so long as nature presents
cases requiring investigation, where
the causes are unknown to us, so long
the law itself is imperfectly established.
How, then, can this law be a guide and
a premiss in the investigations of science,
when those investigations are
necessary to complete the proof of the
law itself? How can this principle
accompany and authorise every step
we take in science, which itself needs
confirmation so long as a process of
induction remains to be performed?
Or how can this law be established by
a series of inductions, in making which
it has been taken for granted?

Objections which wear the air of a
quibble have often this advantage—they
put our knowledge to the test.
The obligation to find a complete answer
clears up our own conceptions.
The observations which Mr Mill
makes on this point, we shall quote at
length. They are taken from his
chapter on the Evidence of the Law of
Universal Causation
; the views in
which are as much distinguished for
boldness as for precision.

After having said, that in all the
several methods of induction the universality
of the law of causation is
assumed, he continues:—

“But is this assumption warranted?
Doubtless (it may be said) most phenomena
are connected as effects with some
antecedent or cause—that is, are never
produced unless some assignable fact has
preceded them; but the very circumstance,
that complicated processes of
induction are sometimes necessary, shows
that cases exist in which this regular
order of succession is not apparent to
our first and simplest apprehension. If,
then, the processes which bring these
cases within the same category with the
rest, require that we should assume the
universality of the very law which they
do not at first sight appear to exemplify,
is not this a real petitio principii? Can
we prove a proposition by an argument
which takes it for granted? And, if not
so proved, on what evidence does it
rest?

“For this difficulty, which I have purposely
stated in the strongest terms it
would admit of, the school of metaphysicians,
who have long predominated in
this country, find a ready salvo. They
affirm that the universality of causation
is a truth which we cannot help believing;
that the belief in it is an instinct,
one of the laws of our believing faculty.
As the proof of this they say, and they
have nothing else to say, that every body
does believe it; and they number it
among the propositions, rather numerous
in their catalogue, which may be
logically argued against, and perhaps
cannot be logically proved, but which
are of higher authority than logic, and
which even he who denies in speculation,
shows by his habitual practice that his
arguments make no impression on himself.

“I have no intention of entering into
the merits of this question, as a problem
of transcendental metaphysics. But I
must renew my protest against adducing,
as evidence of the truth of a fact in external
nature, any necessity which the
human mind may be conceived to be
under of believing it. It is the business
of human intellect to adapt itself to the
realities of things, and not to measure
those realities by its own capacities of
comprehension. The same quality which
fits mankind for the offices and purposes
of their own little life, the tendency of
their belief to follow their experience,
incapacitates them for judging of what
lies beyond. Not only what man can
know, but what he can conceive, depends
upon what he has experienced. Whatever
forms a part of all his experience,
forms a part also of all his conceptions,
and appears to him universal and necessary,
though really, for aught he knows,
having no existence beyond certain narrow
limits. The habit, however, of
philosophical analysis, of which it is the
surest effect to enable the mind to command,
instead of being commanded by,
the laws of the merely passive part of
its own nature, and which, by showing to
us that things are not necessarily connected
in fact because their ideas are
connected in our minds, is able to loosen
innumerable associations which reign
despotically over the undisciplined mind;
this habit is not without power even over
those associations which the philosophical
school, of which I have been speaking,
regard as connate and instinctive.
I am convinced that any one accustomed
to abstraction and analysis, who will
fairly exert his faculties for the purpose,
will, when his imagination has once
learned to entertain the notion, find no
difficulty in conceiving that in some one,
for instance, of the many firmaments
into which sidereal astronomy now divides
the universe, events may succeed
one another at random, without any
fixed law; nor can any thing in our
[Pg 428]
experience, or in our mental nature, constitute
a sufficient, or indeed any, reason
for believing that this is nowhere the
case. The grounds, therefore, which
warrant us in rejecting such a supposition
with respect to any of the phenomena
of which we have experience, must
be sought elsewhere than in any supposed
necessity of our intellectual faculties.

“As was observed in a former place,
the belief we entertain in the universality,
throughout nature, of the law of
cause and effect, is itself an instance of
induction; and by no means one of the
earliest which any of us, or which mankind
in general, can have made. We
arrive at this universal law by generalisation
from many laws of inferior generality.
The generalising propensity
which, instinctive or not, is one of the
most powerful principles of our nature,
does not indeed wait for the period
when such a generalisation becomes
strictly legitimate. The mere unreasoning
propensity to expect what has
been often experienced, doubtless led
men to believe that every thing had a
cause, before they could have conclusive
evidence of that truth. But even this
cannot be supposed to have happened
until many cases of causation, or, in
other words, many partial uniformities
of sequence, had become familiar. The
more obvious of the particular uniformities
suggest and prove the general
uniformity; and that general uniformity,
once established, enables us to prove
the remainder of the particular uniformities
of which it is made up. * * *

“With respect to the general law of
causation, it does appear that there must
have been a time when the universal
prevalence of that law throughout nature
could not have been affirmed in the
same confident and unqualified manner
as at present. There was a time when
many of the phenomena of nature must
have appeared altogether capricious and
irregular, not governed by any laws,
nor steadily consequent upon any causes.
Such phenomena, indeed, were commonly,
in that early stage of human
knowledge, ascribed to the direct intervention
of the will of some supernatural
being, and therefore still to a cause.
This shows the strong tendency of the
human mind to ascribe every phenomenon
to some cause or other; but it
shows also that experience had not, at
that time, pointed out any regular order
in the occurrence of those particular
phenomena, nor proved them to be, as
we now know that they are, dependent
upon prior phenomena as their proximate
causes. There have been sects of
philosophers who have admitted what
they termed Chance as one of the agents
in the order of nature by which certain
classes of events were entirely regulated;
which could only mean that those
events did not occur in any fixed order,
or depend upon uniform laws of causation. * * *

“The progress of experience, therefore,
has dissipated the doubt which
must have rested upon the universality
of the law of causation, while there were
phenomena which seemed to be sui generis;
not subject to the same laws with
any other class of phenomena, and not
as yet ascertained to have peculiar laws
of their own. This great generalisation,
however, might reasonably have been,
as it in fact was by all great thinkers,
acted upon as a probability of the highest
order, before there were sufficient
grounds for receiving it as a certainty.
For, whatever has been found true in
innumerable instances, and never found
to be false after due examination in any,
we are safe in acting upon as universal
provisionally, until an undoubted exception
appears; provided the nature
of the case be such that a real exception
could scarcely have escaped our notice.
When every phenomenon that we ever
knew sufficiently well to be able to answer
the question, had a cause on which
it was invariably consequent, it was
more rational to suppose that our inability
to assign the causes of other phenomena
arose from our ignorance, than
that there were phenomena which were
uncaused, and which happened accidentally
to be exactly those which we had
hitherto had no sufficient opportunity
of studying.”—Vol. II. p. 108.

Hypotheses.—Mr Mill’s observations
on the use of hypotheses in scientific
investigation, except that they
are characterized by his peculiar distinctness
and accuracy of thought, do
not differ from the views generally entertained
by writers on the subject.
We are induced to refer to the topic,
to point out what seems to us a harsh
measure dealt out to the undulatory
theory of light—harsh when compared
with the reception given to a theory
of Laplace, having for its object to
account for the origin of the planetary
system.

We had occasion to quote a passage
from Mr Mill, in which he remarks
that the majority of scientific men
seem not yet to have completely got
over the difficulty of conceiving matter
to act (contrary to the old maxim)
[Pg 429]
where it is not; “for though,” he
says, “they have at last learned to
conceive the sun attracting the earth
without any intervening fluid, they
cannot yet conceive the sun illuminating
the earth without some such medium.”
But it is not only this difficulty
(which doubtless, however, is
felt) of conceiving the sun illuminating
the earth without any medium by
which to communicate its influence,
which leads to the construction of the
hypothesis, either of an undulating
ether, or of emitted particles. The
analogy of the other senses conducts
us almost irresistibly to the imagination
of some such medium. The
nerves of sense are, apparently, in all
cases that we can satisfactorily investigate,
affected by contact, by impulse.
The nerve of sight itself, we know,
when touched or pressed upon, gives
out the sensation of light. These
reasons, in the first place, conduct us
to the supposition of some medium,
having immediate communication with
the eye; which medium, though we
are far from saying that its existence
is established, is rendered probable by
the explanation it affords of optical
phenomena. At the same time it is
evident that the hypothesis of an
undulating ether, assumes a fluid or
some medium, the existence of which
cannot be directly ascertained. Thus
stands the hypothesis of a luminiferous
ether—in what must be allowed
to be a very unsatisfactory condition.
But a condition, we think, very superior
to the astronomical speculation of
Laplace, which Mr Mill, after scrutinizing
the preceding hypothesis with
the utmost strictness, is disposed to
treat with singular indulgence.

“The speculation is,” we may as well
quote throughout Mr Mill’s words,
“that the atmosphere of the sun originally
extended to the present limits of
the solar system: from which, by the
process of cooling, it has contracted to
its present dimensions; and since, by
the general principles of mechanics, the
rotation of the sun and its accompanying
atmosphere must increase as rapidly
as its volume diminishes, the increased
centrifugal force generated by the more
rapid rotation, overbalancing the action
of gravitation, would cause the sun to
abandon successive rings of vaporous
matter, which are supposed to have condensed
by cooling, and to have become
our planets.

“There is in this theory,” Mr Mill
proceeds, “no unknown substance introduced
upon supposition, nor any unknown
property or law ascribed to a
known substance. The known laws of
matter authorize us to suppose, that a
body which is constantly giving out so
large an amount of heat as the sun is,
must be progressively cooling, and that
by the process of cooling it must contract;
if, therefore, we endeavour, from
the present state of that luminary, to
infer its state in a time long past, we
must necessarily suppose that its atmosphere
extended much further than at
present, and we are entitled to suppose
that it extended as far as we can trace
those effects which it would naturally
leave behind it on retiring; and such
the planets are. These suppositions
being made, it follows from known laws
that successive zones of the solar atmosphere
would be abandoned; that
these would continue to revolve round
the sun with the same velocity as when
they formed part of his substance, and
that they would cool down, long before
the sun himself, to any given temperature,
and consequently to that at which
the greater part of the vaporous matter
of which they consisted would become
liquid or solid. The known law of gravitation
would then cause them to agglomerate
in masses, which would assume
the shape our planets actually
exhibit; would acquire, each round its
own axis, a rotatory movement; and
would in that state revolve, as the
planets actually do, about the sun, in
the same direction with the sun’s rotation,
but with less velocity, and each of
them in the same periodic time which
the sun’s rotation occupied when his
atmosphere extended to that point; and
this also M. Comte has, by the necessary
calculations, ascertained to be true,
within certain small limits of error.
There is thus in Laplace’s theory nothing
hypothetical; it is an example of
legitimate reasoning from a present
effect to its past cause, according to the
known laws of that case; it assumes
nothing more than that objects which
really exist, obey the laws which are
known to be obeyed by all terrestrial
objects resembling them.”—Vol. II. p.
27.

Now, it seems to us that there is
quite as much of hypothesis in this
speculation of Laplace as in the undulatory
theory of light. This atmosphere
of the sun extending to the utmost
limits of our planetary system!
What proof have we that it ever existed?
[Pg 430]
what possible grounds have we for
believing, what motive even for imagining
such a thing, but the very same
description of proof given and rejected
for the existence of a luminiferous
ether—namely, that it enables us to
explain certain events supposed to result
from it? Nor is the thing here
imagined any the less a novelty, because
it bears the old name of an atmosphere.
An atmosphere containing
in itself all the various materials
which compose our earth, and whatever
else may enter into the composition
of the other planets, is as violent
a supposition as an ether, not perceptible
to the senses except by its influence
on the nerves of sight. And
this cooling down of the sun! What
fact in our experience enables us to
advance such a supposition? We
might as well say that the sun was
getting hotter every year, or harder or
softer, or larger or smaller. Surely
Mr Mill could not have been serious
when he says, that “the known laws
of matter authorize us to suppose, that
a body which is constantly giving out
so large an amount of heat
as the sun
is, must be progressively cooling”—knowing,
as we do, as little how the
sun occasions heat as how it produces
light. Neither can it be contended
that because no absolutely new substance,
or new property of matter, is
introduced, but a fantastic conception
is framed out of known substances and
known properties, that therefore there
is less of rash conjecture in the supposition.
In fine, it must be felt by
every one who reads the account of
this speculation of Laplace, that the
only evidence which produces the
least effect upon his mind, is the corroboration
which it receives from the
calculations of the mathematician—a
species of proof which Mr Mill himself
would not estimate very highly.

Many are the topics which are
made to reflect a new light as Mr Mill
passes along his lengthened course;
we might quote as instances, his chapters
on Analogy and the Calculation of
Chances
: and many are the grave and
severe discussions that would await
us were we to proceed to the close of
his volumes, especially to that portion
of his work where he applies the
canons of science to investigations
which relate to human nature and the
characters of men. But enough for
the present. We repeat, in concluding,
the same sentiment that we expressed
at the commencement, that
such a work as this goes far to redeem
the literature of our age from
the charge of frivolity and superficiality.
Those who have been trained in
a different school of thinking, those
who have adopted the metaphysics of
the transcendental philosophy, will
find much in these volumes to dissent
from; but no man, be his pretensions
or his tenets what they may, who has
been accustomed to the study of philosophy,
can fail to recognize and admire
in this author that acute, patient,
enlarged, and persevering thought,
which gives to him who possesses it
the claim and right to the title of
philosopher. There are few men who—applying
it to his own species of
excellence—might more safely repeat
the Io sono anche! of the celebrated
Florentine.


[Pg 431]

MY COUNTRY NEIGHBOURS.

People are fond of talking of the
hereditary feuds of Italy—the factions
of the Capulets and Montagues, the
Orsini and Colonne—and, more especially,
of the memorable Vendette of
Corsica—as if hatred and revenge
were solely endemic in the regions of

“The Pyrenean and the river Po!”

Mere prejudice! There is as good
hating going on in England as elsewhere.
Independent of the personal
antipathies generated by politics, the
envy, hatred, and malice arising out
of every election contest, not a country
neighbourhood but has its raging
factions; and Browns and Smiths
often cherish and maintain an antagonism
every whit as bitter as that of
the sanguinary progenitors of Romeo
and Juliet.

I, for instance, who am but a country
gentleman in a small way—an
obscure bachelor, abiding from year’s
end to year’s end on my insignificant
farm—have witnessed things in my
time, which, had they been said and
done nearer the tropics, would have
been cited far and near in evidence of
the turbulence of human passions,
and that “the heart is deceitful above
all things, and desperately wicked.”
Seeing that they chanced in a homely
parish in Cheshire, no one has been at
the trouble to note their strangeness;
though, to own the truth, none but
the actors in the drama (besides myself,
a solitary spectator) are cognizant
of its incidents and catastrophe.
I might boast, indeed, that I alone
am thoroughly in the secret; for it is
the spectator only who competently
judges the effects of a scene; and
merely changing the names, for reasons
easily conceivable, I ask leave to
relate in the simplest manner a few
facts in evidence of my assertion, that
England has its Capuletti e Montecchi
as well as Verona.

In the first place, let me premise
that I am neither of a condition of
life, nor condition of mind, to mingle
as a friend with those of whose affairs
I am about to treat so familiarly, being
far too crotchety a fellow not to
prefer a saunter with my fishing-tackle
on my back, or an evening
tête-à-tête with my library of quaint
old books, to all the good men’s feasts
ever eaten at the cost of a formal
country visit. Nevertheless, I am
not so cold of heart as to be utterly
devoid of interest in the destinies of
those whose turrets I see peering over
the woods that encircle my corn-fields;
and as the good old housekeeper, who
for these thirty years past has presided
over my household, happens to
have grandchildren high in service in
what are called the two great families
in the neighbourhood, scarcely an
event or incident passes within their
walls that does not find an echo in
mine. So much in attestation of my
authority. But for such an introduction
behind the scenes, much of the
stage business of this curious drama
would have escaped my notice, or
remained incomprehensible.

I am wrong to say the two great
“families;” I should have said the
two great “houses.” At the close
of the last century, indeed, our parish
of Lexley contained but one; one
which had stood there since the days
of the first James, nay, even earlier—a
fine old manorial hall of grand dimensions
and stately architecture, of
the species of mixed Gothic so false
in taste, but so ornamental in effect,
which is considered as betraying the
first symptoms of Italian innovation.

The gardens extending in the rear
of the house were still more decidedly
in the Italian taste, having clipped
evergreens and avenues of pyramidal
yews, which, combined with the intervening
statues, imparted to them
something of the air of a cemetery.
There were fountains, too, which, in
the memory of man, had been never
known to play, the marble basins
being, if possible, still greener than
the grim visages of the fauns and dryads
standing forlorn on their dilapidated
pedestals amid the neglected
alleys.

The first thing I can remember of
Lexley Hall, was peeping as a child
through the stately iron gratings of
the garden, that skirted a by-road
leading from my grandfather’s farm.
[Pg 432]
The desolateness of the place overawed
my young heart. In summer
time the parterres were overgrown
into a wilderness. The plants threw
up their straggling arms so high, that
the sunshine could hardly find its way
to the quaint old dial that stood there
telling its tale of time, though no man
regarded; and the cordial fragrance
of the strawberry-beds, mingling with
entangled masses of honeysuckle in
their exuberance of midsummer blossom,
seemed to mock me, as I loitered
in the dusk near the old gateway,
with the tantalizing illusions of a
fairy-tale—the Barmecide’s feast, or
Prince Desire surveying his princess
through the impermeable walls of her
crystal palace.

But if the enjoyment of the melancholy
old gardens of Lexley Hall
were withheld from me, no one else
seemed to find pleasure or profit therein.
Sir Laurence Altham, the lord
of the manor and manor-house, was
seldom resident in the country.
Though a man of mature years, (I
speak of the close of the last century,)
he was still a man of pleasure—the
ruined hulk of the gallant vessel
which, early in the reign of George
III., had launched itself with unequalled
brilliancy on the sparkling
current of London life.

At that time, I have heard my
grandfather say there was not a mortgage
on the Lexley estate! The timber
was notoriously the finest in the
county. A whole navy was comprised
in one of its coppices; and the
arching avenues were imposing as the
aisles of our Gothic minsters. Alas!
it needed the lapse of only half a
dozen years to lay bare to the eye of
every casual traveller the ancient
mansion, so long

“Bosom’d high in tufted trees,”

and only guessed at till you approached
the confines of the court-yard.

It was hazard that effected this.
The dice-box swept those noble avenues
from the face of the estate. Soon
after Sir Laurence’s coming of age,
almost before the church-bells had
ceased to announce the joyous event
of the attainment of his majority, he
was off to the Continent—Paris—Italy—I
know not where, and was
thenceforward only occasionally heard
of in Cheshire as the ornament of the
Sardinian or Austrian courts. But these
tidings were usually accompanied by a
shaking of the head from the old
family steward. The timber was to
be thinned anew—the tenants to be
again amerced. Sir Laurence evidently
looked upon the Lexley property
as a mere hotbed for his vices.
At last the old steward turned surly
to our enquiries, and would answer
no further questions concerning his
master. My grandfather’s small farm
was the only plot of ground in the
parish that did not belong to the
estate; and from him the faithful old
servant was as careful to conceal the
family disgraces, as to maintain the
honour of Sir Laurence’s name in
the ears of his grumbling tenants.

The truth, however, could not long
be withheld. Chaisefuls of suspicious-looking
men in black arrived at
the hall; loungers, surveyors, auctioneers—I
know not what. There
was talk in the parish about foreclosing
a mortgage, no one exactly understood
why, or by whom. But it
was soon clear that Wightman, the
old steward, was no longer the great
man at Lexley. These strangers bade
him come here and go there exactly
as they chose, and, unhappily, they
saw fit to make his comings and goings
so frequent and so humiliating, that
before the close of the summer the
old servitor betook himself to his rest
in a spot where all men cease from
troubling. The leaves that dreary
autumn fell upon his grave.

According to my grandfather’s account,
however, few even of his village
contemporaries grieved for old
Wightman. They felt that Providence
knew best; that the old man
was happily spared the mortification
of all that was likely to ensue. For
before another year was out the ring
fence, which had hitherto encircled the
Lexley property, was divided within
itself; a paltry distribution of about
a hundred acres alone remaining attached
to the old hall. The rest was
gone! The rest was the property of
the foreclosee of that hateful mortgage.

Within view of the battlements of
the old manor-house, nearly a hundred
workmen were soon employed in digging
the foundations of a modern
mansion of the noblest proportions.
The new owner of the estate, though
only a manufacturer from Congleton,
chose to dwell in a palace; and by
[Pg 433]
the time his splendid Doric temple
was complete, under the name of Lexley
Park, the vain-glorious proprietor,
Mr Sparks, had taken his seat in Parliament
for a neighbouring borough.

Little was known of him in the
neighbourhood beyond his name and
calling; yet already his new tenants
were prepared to oppose and dislike
him. Though they knew quite as
little personally of the young baronet
by whom they had been sold into
bondage to the unpopular clothier—him,
with the caprice of ignorance,
they chose to prefer. They were
proud of the old family—proud of the
hereditary lords of the soil—proud of
a name connecting itself with the
glories of the reign of Elizabeth, and
the loyalty shining, like a sepulchral
lamp, through the gloomy records of
the House of Stuart. The banners
and escutcheons of the Althams were
appended in their parish church. The
family vault sounded hollow under
their head whenever they approached
its altar. Where was the burial-place
of the manufacturer? In what obscure
churchyard existed the mouldering
heap that covered the remains of the
sires of Mr Jonas Sparks? Certainly
not at Lexley! Lexley knew not, and
cared not to know, either him or his.
It was no fault of the parish that its
young baronet had proved a spendthrift
and alienated the inheritance of
his fathers; and, but that he had preserved
the manor-house from desecration,
they would perhaps have ostracized
him altogether, as having lent
his aid to disgrace their manor with
so noble a structure as the porticoed
façade of Lexley Park!

Meanwhile the shrewd Jonas was
fully aware of his unpopularity and
its origin; and, during a period of
three years, he allowed his ill-advised
subjects to chew, unmolested, the cud
of their discontent. Having a comfortable
residence at the further extremity
of the county, he visited
Lexley only to overlook the works,
or notice the placing of the costly new
furniture; and the grumblers began
to fancy they were to profit as little
by their new masters as by their old.
The steward who replaced the trusty
Wightman, and had been instructed
to legislate among the cottages with
a lighter hand, and distribute Christmas
benefaction in a double proportion,
was careful to circulate in the
parish an impression that Mr Sparks
and his family did not care to inhabit
the new house till the gardens were
in perfect order, the succession houses
in full bearing, and the mansion thoroughly
seasoned. But the Lexleyans
guessed the truth, that he had no
mind to confront the first outbreak of
their ill-will.

Nearly four years elapsed before
he took possession of the place; four
years, during which Sir Laurence
Altham had never set foot in the hall,
and was heard of only through his
follies and excesses; and when Mr
Sparks at length made his appearance,
with his handsome train of equipages,
and surrounded by his still
handsomer family, so far from meeting
him with sullen silence, the tenantry
began to regret that they had
not erected a triumphal arch of evergreens
for his entrance into the park,
as had been proposed by the less eager
of the Althamites.

After all, their former prejudice in favour
of the young baronet was based on
very shallow foundations. What had
he ever done for them except raise
their rents, and prosecute their trespasses?
It was nothing that his forefathers
had endowed almshouses for
their support, or served up banquets
for their delectation—Sir Laurence
was an absentee—Sir Laurence was
as the son of the stranger. The fine
old kennel stood cold and empty, reminding
them that to preserve their
foxes was no longer an article of Lexley
religion; and if any of the old
October, brewed at the birth of the
present baronet, still filled the oaken
hogsheads in the cellars of the hall,
what mattered it to them? No chance
of their being broached, unless to
grace the funeral feast of the lord of
the manor.

To Jonas Sparks, Esq. M.P., accordingly,
they dedicated their allegiance.
A few additional chaldrons
of coals and pairs of blankets, the first
frosty winter, bound them his slaves
for ever. Food, physic, and wine,
were liberally distributed to the sick
and aged whenever they repaired for
relief to the Doric portico; and, with
the usual convenient memory of the
vulgar, the Lexleyans soon began to
remember of the Altham family only
their recent backslidings and ancient
feudal oppressions: while of the
Sparkses they chose to know only
[Pg 434]
what was evident to all eyes—viz.,
that their hands were open and faces
comely.

Into their hearts—more especially
into that of Jonas, the head of the
house—they examined not at all; and
were ill-qualified to surmise the intensity
of bitterness with which, while
contemplating the beauty and richness
of his new domain, he beheld the
turrets of the old hall rising like a
statue of scorn above the intervening
woods. There stood the everlasting
monument of the ancient family—there
the emblem of their pride,
throwing its shadow, as it were, over
his dawning prosperity! But for that
force of contrast thus afforded, he
would scarcely have perceived the
newness of all the objects around him—the
glare of the fresh freestone—the
nakedness of the whited walls. A
few stately old oaks and elms, apparently
coeval with the ancient structure,
which a sort of religious feeling
had preserved from the axe, that they
might afford congenial shade to the
successor of its founder, seemed to
impart meanness and vulgarity to the
tapering verdure of his plantations,
his modern trees—his pert poplars and
mean larches—his sycamores and
planes. Even the incongruity between
his solid new paling and the decayed
and sun-bleached wood of the
venerable fence to which it adjoined,
with its hoary beard of silvery lichen,
was an eyesore to him. Every passer-by
might note the limit and circumscription
dividing the new place from
the ancient seat of the lords of the
manor.

Yet was the landscape of Lexley
Park one of almost unequalled beauty.
The Dee formed noble ornament
to its sweeping valleys; while
the noble acclivities were clothed with
promising woods, opening by rich
vistas to a wide extent of champaign
country. A fine bridge of granite,
erected by the late Sir Windsor Altham,
formed a noble object from the
windows of the new mansion; and
but for the evidence of the venerable
pile, that stood like an abdicated
monarch surveying its lost dominions,
there existed no external demonstration
that Lexley Park had not from the
beginning of time formed the estated
seat of the Sparkses.

The neighbouring families, if
“neighbouring” could be called certain
of the nobility and gentry who
resided at ten miles’ distance, were
courteously careful to inspire the new
settler with a belief that they at least
had forgotten any antecedent state of
things at Lexley; for they had even
reason to congratulate themselves on
the change. Jonas had long been
strenuously active in the House of
Commons in promoting county improvements.
Jonas was useful as a
magistrate, and invaluable as a liberal
contributor to the local charities.
During the first five years of his occupancy,
he did more for Lexley and its
inhabitants than the half-dozen previous
baronets of the House of Altham.

Of the man he had superseded,
meanwhile, it was observed that Mr
Sparks was judiciously careful to
forbear all mention. It might have
been supposed that he had purchased
the estate of the Crown or the Court
of Chancery, so utterly ignorant did
he appear of the age, habits, and
whereabout of his predecessor; and
when informed by Sir John Wargrane,
one of his wealthy neighbours,
that young Altham was disgracing
himself again—that at the public gaming-tables
at Toplitz he had been a
loser of thirty thousand pounds—the
cunning parvenu listened with an air
of as vague indifference as if he were
not waiting with breathless anxiety
the gradual dissipation of the funds,
secured to the young spendthrift by
the transfer of his estate, to grasp at
the small remaining portion of his
property. Unconsciously, when the
tale of Sir Laurence’s profligacy met
his ear, he clenched his griping hand,
as though it already recognized its
hold upon the destined spoil, but not
a word did he utter.

Meanwhile, the family of the new
squire of Lexley were winning golden
opinions on all sides. “The boys
were brave—the girls were fair,” the
mother virtuous, pious, and unpretending.
It would have been scandalous,
indeed, to sneer to shame the
modest cheerfulness of such people,
because their ancestors had not fought
at the Crusades. By degrees, they
assumed an honourable and even eminent
position in the county; and the
first time Sir Laurence Altham condescended
to visit the county-palatine,
he heard nothing but commendations
and admiration of the charming
family at Lexley Park.

[Pg 435]
“Charming family!—a Jonas
Sparks, and charming!” was his supercilious
reply. “I rejoice to find
that the fumier I have been forced
to fling on my worn-out ancestral estate
is fertilizing its barrenness. The
village is probably the better for the
change. But, as regards the society,
I must be permitted to mistrust the
attractions of the brood of a Congleton
manufacturer.”

The young baronet, who now,
though still entitled to be called young,
was disfigured by the premature defeatures
of a vicious life, mistrusted it
all the more, when, on visiting the old
hall, he was forced to recognize the
improvements effected in the neighbouring
property (that he should be
forced to call it “neighbouring!”) by
the judicious administration of the
new owner. It was impossible to
deny that Mr Sparks had doubled its
value, while enhancing its beauties.
The low grounds were drained, the
high lands planted, the river widened,
the forestry systematically organized.
The estate appeared to have attained
new strength and vigour when dissevered
from the old manor-house;
whose shadow might be supposed to
have exercised a baleful influence on
the lands wherever it presided.

But it was not his recognition of
this that was likely to animate the
esteem of Sir Laurence Altham for
Mr Jonas Sparks. On the contrary,
he felt every accession of value to the
Lexley property as so much subtracted
from his belongings; and his detestation
of the upstarts, whose fine mansion
was perceptible from his lordly
towers—like a blot upon the fairness
of the landscape—increased with the
increase of their prosperity.

Without having expected to take
delight in a sojourn at Lexley Hall—a
spot where he had only resided for
a few weeks now and then, from the
period of his early boyhood—he was
not prepared for the excess of irritation
that arose in his heart on witnessing
the total estrangement of the retainers
of his family. For the mortification
of seeing a fine new house,
with gorgeous furniture, and a pompous
establishment, he came armed to
the teeth. But no presentiments had
forewarned him, that at Lexley the
living Althams were already as much
forgotten as those who were sleeping
in the family vault. The sudden glow
that pervaded his whole frame when
he chanced to encounter on the highroad
the rich equipage of the Sparkses;
or the imprecation that burst from his
lips, when, on going to the window of a
morning to examine the state of the
weather for the day, the first objects
that struck him was the fair mansion
in the plain below, laughing as it were
in the sunshine, the deer grouped
under its fine old trees, and the river
rippling past its lawns as if delighting
in their verdure——Yes! there was
decided animosity betwixt the hill and
the valley.

Every successive season served to
quicken the pulses of this growing
hatred. Whether on the spot or at a
distance, a thousand aggravations
sprang up betwixt the parties: disputes
between gamekeepers, quarrels
between labourers, encroachments by
tenants. Every thing and nothing
was made the groundwork of ill-will.
To Sir Laurence Altham’s embittered
feelings, the very rooks of Lexley
Park seemed evermore to infringe
upon the privileges of the rookery at
Lexley Hall; and when, in the parish
church, the new squire (or rather his
workmen, for he was absent at the
time attending his duties in Parliament)
inadvertently broke off the foot
of a marble cherub, weeping its alabaster
tears, at the angle of a monument
to the memory of a certain Sir
Wilfred Altham, of the time of James
II., in raising the woodwork of a pew
occupied by Mr Sparks’s family, the
rage of Sir Laurence was so excessive
as to be almost deserving of a strait-waistcoat.

The enmity of the baronet was all
the more painful to himself that he
felt it to be harmless against its object.
In every way, Lexley Park had
the best of it. Jonas Sparks was not
only rich in a noble income, but in a
charming wife and promising family.
Every thing prospered with him; and,
as to mere inferiority of precedence,
it was well known that he had refused
a baronetcy; and many people even
surmised that, so soon as he was able
to purchase another borough, and give
a seat in Parliament to his second son,
as well as resign his own to the eldest,
he would be promoted to the Upper
House.

The only means of vengeance,
therefore, possessed by the vindictive
man whose follies and vices had been
[Pg 436]
the means of creating this perpetual
scourge to his pride, was withholding
from him the purchase of the remaining
lands indispensable to the completion
of his estate, more especially
as regarded the water-courses, which,
at Lexley Park, were commanded by
the sluices of the higher grounds of
the Hall; and mighty was the oath
sworn by Sir Laurence, that come
what might, however great his exigencies
or threatening his poverty,
nothing should induce him to dispose
of another acre to Jonas Sparks. He
was even at the trouble of executing
a will, in order to introduce a clause
imposing the same reservation upon
the man to whom he devised his small
remaining property—the heir-at-law,
to whom, had he died intestate, it
would have descended without conditions.

“The Congleton shopkeepers,”
muttered he, (whenever, in his solitary
evening rides, he caught sight of
the rich plate-glass windows of the
new mansion, burnished by the setting
sun,) “shall never, never lord it
under the roof of my forefathers!
Wherever else he may set his plebeian
foot, Lexley Hall shall be sacred.
Rather see the old place burned
to the ground—rather set fire to it
with my own hands—than conceive
that, when I am in my grave, it could
possibly be subjected to the rule of
such a barbarian!”

For it had reached the ears of Sir
Laurence—of course, with all the
exaggeration derived from passing
through the medium of village gossip—that
a thousand local legends
concerning the venerable mansion,
sanctified by their antiquity in the
ears of the family, afforded a fertile
source of jesting to Jonas Sparks.
The Hall abounded in concealed staircases
and iron hiding-places, connected
with a variety of marvellous traditions
of the civil wars; besides a
walled-up suite of chambers, haunted,
as becomes a walled-up suite of chambers;
and justice-rooms and tapestried-rooms,
to which the long abandonment
of the house, and the heated
imaginations of the few menials left
in charge of its desolate vastness, attributed
romances likely enough to
have provoked the laughter of a matter-of-fact
man like the owner of Lexley
Park. But neither Sir Laurence
nor his old servants were likely to
forgive this insult offered to the family
legends of a house which had little
else left to boast of. Even the neighbouring
families were displeased to
hear them derided; and my grandfather
never liked to hear a joke on
the subject of the coach-and-four
which was said to have driven into
the court-yard of the Hall on the eve
of the execution of the rebel lords in
1745, having four headless inmates,
who were duly welcomed as guests
by old Sir Robert Altham. Nay, as
a child, I had so often thrilled on my
nurse’s knees during the relation of
this spectral visitation, that I own I
felt indignant if any one presumed to
laugh at a tale which had made me
quake for fear.

Among those who were known to
resent the familiar tone in which Mr
Sparks had been heard to criticise
the pomps and vanities exhibited at
Lexley Hall by the Althams of the
olden time, was a certain General
Stanley, who, inhabiting a fine seat
of his own at about ten miles’ distance,
was fond of bringing over his
visitors to visit the old Hall, as an interesting
specimen of county antiquity.
He knew the peculiarities of
the place, and could repeat the traditions
connected with the hiding-places
better than the housekeeper herself;
and I have heard her say it was a
pleasure to hear him relating these
historical anecdotes with all the fire
of an old soldier, and see his venerable
grey hair blown about as he
stood with his party on the battlements,
pointing out to the ladies the
fine range of territory formerly belonging
to the Althams. The old
lady protested that the general was
nearly as much grieved as herself to
behold the old mansion so shorn of its
beams; and certain it is, that once
when, on visiting the hall after Sir
Laurence had been some years an absentee,
he found the grass growing
among the disjointed stones of the
cloisters and justice-hall, he made a
handsome present to one of the housekeeper’s
nephews, on condition of his
keeping the purlieus of the venerable
mansion free from such disgraceful
evidences of neglect.

All this eventually reached the ears
of the baronet; but instead of making
him angry, as might have been expected,
from one so tetchy and susceptible,
he never encountered General
[Pg 437]
Stanley, either in town or country,
without demonstrations of respect.
Though too reserved and morose for
conversation, Sir Laurence was observed
to take off his hat to him with
a respect he was never seen to show
towards the king or queen.

About this time I began to take
personal interest in the affairs of the
neighbourhood, though my own were
now of a nature to engross my attention.
By my grandfather’s death, I
had recently come into the enjoyment
of the small inheritance which has
sufficed to the happiness of my life;
and, renouncing the profession for
which I was educated, settled myself
permanently at Lexley.

Well do I remember the melancholy
face with which the good old
rector, the very first evening we spent
together, related to me in confidence
that he had three years’ dues in arrear
to him from Lexley Hall; but that so
wretched was said to be the state of Sir
Laurence’s embarrassments, that, for
more than a year, his dread of arrest
had kept him a close prisoner in his
house in London.

“We have not seen him here these
six years!” observed Dr Whittingham;
“and I doubt whether he will ever
again set foot in the county. Since
an execution was put into the Hall, he
has never crossed the threshold, and
I suspect never will. Far better were
he to dispose of the property at once!
Dismembered as it is, what pleasure can
it afford him? And, since he is unlikely
to marry and have heirs, there is less
call upon him to retain this remaining
relic of family pride; yet I am assured—nay,
have good reason to
know, that he has refused a very liberal
offer on the part of Mr Sparks.
Malicious people do say, by the way,
that it was by the advice of Sparks’s
favourite attorneys the execution was
enforced, and that no means have been
left unattempted to disgust him with
the place. Yet he is firm, you see,
and persists in disappointing his creditors,
and depriving himself of the comforts
of life, merely in order that he
may die, as his fathers did before him—the
lord of Lexley Hall!”

“I don’t wonder!” said I, with the
dawning sentiments of a landed proprietor—”‘Tis
a splendid old house,
even in its present state of degradation;
and, by Jove! I honour his pertinacity.”

Thus put upon the scent, I sometimes
fancied I could detect wistful
looks on the part of my prosperous
neighbour of the Park, when, in the
course of Dr Whittingham’s somewhat
lengthy sermons, he directed his
eyes towards the carved old Gothic
tribune, containing the family-pew of
the Althams, in the parish church;
and, whenever I happened to encounter
him in the neighbourhood of the
Hall, his face was so pointedly averted
from the house, as if the mere object
were an offence. I could not but
wonder at his vexation; being satisfied
in my own mind, that sooner or
later the remaining heritage of the
spendthrift must fall to his share.

Judge, therefore, of my surprise,
when one fine morning, as I sauntered
into the village, I found the whole
population gathered in groups on the
little market-place, and discovered
from the incoherent exclamations of
the crowd, that “the new proprietor
of the Hall had just driven through in
a chaise-and-four!”

Yes—”the new proprietor!” The
place was sold! The good doctor’s
prediction was verified. Sir Laurence
was never more to return to
Lexley Hall!

The satisfaction of the villagers almost
equalled their surprise on finding
that General Stanley was their new
landlord. It suited them much better
that there should be two families settled
on the property than one; and
as it was pretty generally reported,
that, in the event of Sparks becoming
the purchaser, he intended to demolish
the old house, and reconsolidate the
estate around his own more commodious
mansion, they were right glad
to find it rescued from such a sentence—General
Stanley, who was the father
of a family, would probably settle
the hall on one of his daughters,
after placing it in the state of repair
so much needed.

When the chaise-and-four returned,
therefore, a few hours afterwards,
through the village, the General was
loudly cheered by his subjects. His
partiality for the place was so well
known at Lexley, that already these
people seemed to behold in him the
guardian of a monument so long the
object of their pride.

For my own part, nothing surprised
me so much in the business as that
Sparks should have allowed the
[Pg 438]
purchase to slip through his fingers. It
was worth thrice as much to him as
to any body else. It was the keystone
of his property. It was the one thing
needful to render Lexley Park the
most perfect seat in the county. But
I was not slow in learning (for every
thing transpires in a small country
neighbourhood) that whatever my
surprise on finding that the old Hall
had changed its master, that of Sparks
was far more overwhelming; that he
was literally frantic on finding himself
frustrated in expectations which formed
the leading interest of his declining
years. For the progress of time
which had made me a man and a landed
proprietor, had converted the stout
active squire into an infirm old man;
and it was his absorbing wish to die
sole owner of the whole property to
which the baronets of the Altham
family were born.

He even indulged in expressions of
irritation, which nearly proved the
means of commencing this new neighbourship
by a duel; accusing General
Stanley of having possessed himself
by unfair means of Sir Laurence’s
confidence, and employed agents,
underhand, to effect the purchase. In
consequence of these groundless representations,
it transpired in the
country that the decayed baronet had
actually volunteered the offer of the
estate to the veteran proprietor of
Stanley Manor; that he had solicited
him to become the proprietor, and
even accommodated him with peculiar
facilities of payment, on condition of
his inserting in the title-deeds an express
undertaking, never to dispose of
the old Hall, or any portion of the property,
to Jonas Sparks of Lexley
Park, or his heirs for ever. The solicitor
by whom, under Sir Laurence’s
direction, the deeds had been prepared,
saw fit to divulge this singular
specification, rather than that a hostile
encounter should run the risk of embruing
in blood the hands of two
grey haired men.

Excepting as regarded the disappointment
of our wealthy neighbour,
all was now established on the happiest
footing at Lexley. The reparation
instantly commenced by the General,
gave employment throughout
the winter to our workmen; and the
evils arising from an absentee landlord
began gradually to disappear.
It was a great joy to me to perceive
that the new proprietor of the Hall
had the good taste to preserve the
antique character of the place in the
minutest portion of his alterations;
and though the old gardens were no
longer a wilderness, not a shrub was
displaced—not a mutilated statue removed.
The furniture had been sold
off at the time of the execution; and
that which came down in cart-loads from
town to replace it, was rigidly in accordance
with the semi-Gothic architecture
of the lofty chambers. Poor
Sparks must have been doubly mortified;
for not only did he find his old
eyesore converted into an irremediable
evil by the restoration of the Hall,
but the supremacy hitherto maintained
in the neighbourhood by the modern
elegance of his house and establishment,
was thrown into the shade
by the rich and tasteful arrangements
of the Hall.

From the contracted look of his
forehead, and sudden alteration of his
appearance, I have reason to think he
was beginning to undergo all the
moral martyrdom sustained for thirty
years past by the unfortunate Sir
Laurence Altham; and were I not by
nature the most contented of men, it
would have sufficiently reconciled me
to the mediocrity of my fortunes, to
see that these two great people of my
neighbourhood—the nobly-descended
baronet and rich parvenu—were miserable
men; that, so long as I could
remember, one or other of them had
been given over to surliness and discontent.

Before the close of the year the
grand old Hall had become one of the
noblest seats in the county. There was
talk about it in all the country round,
and even the newspapers took notice
of its renovation, and of General Stanley’s
removal thither from Stanley
Manor. Many people, of the species
who love to detect spots in the sun,
were careful to point out the insufficiency
of the estate, as at present constituted,
to maintain so fine a house.
But, after all, what mattered this to
General Stanley, who had a fine rent-roll
elsewhere?

The first thing he did, on taking
possession, was to give a grand ball to
the neighbourhood; nor was it till
the whole house was lighted up for
this festive occasion, that people were
fully aware of the grandeur of its proportions.
He was good enough to
[Pg 439]
send me an invitation on so especial
an occasion. But already I had imbibed
the distaste which has pursued
me through life for what is called
society; and I accordingly contented
myself with surveying from a distance
the fine effect produced by the light
streaming from the multitude of windows,
and exhibiting to the whole
country round the gorgeous nature of
the decorations within. To own the
truth, I could scarcely forbear regretting,
as I surveyed them, the gloomy
dilapidation of the venerable mansion.
This modernized antiquity was a very
different thing from the massy grandeur
of its neglected years; and I am
afraid I loved the old house better
with the weeds springing from its
crevices, than with all this carving
and gilding, this ebony, and iron, and
light.

The people of Lexley imagined that
nothing would induce the Sparks’s family
to be seen under General Stanley’s
roof. But we were mistaken.
So much the contrary, that the squire
of Lexley Park made a particular
point of being the first and latest of
the guests—not only because his reconciliation
with his new neighbour
was so recent, but from not choosing
to authenticate, by his absence, the
rumours of his grievous disappointment.

For all the good he was likely to
derive from his visit, the poor man
had better have stayed away; for that
unlucky night laid foundations of evil
for him and his, far greater than any
he had incurred from the animosity of
Sir Laurence. Nay, when in the
sequel these results became matter of
public commentation, superstitious
people were not wanting to hint that
the evil spirit, traditionally said to
haunt one of the wings of the old
manor, and to have manifested itself
on more than one occasion to members
of the Altham family, (and more
especially to the late worthless proprietor
of the Hall,) had acquired a
fatal power over the two supplanters
of the ruined family the moment they
crossed the threshold.

General Stanley, after marrying
late in life, had been some years a
widower—a widower with two daughters,
his co-heiresses. The elder of
these young ladies was a hopeless invalid,
slightly deformed, and so little
attractive in person, or desirous to
attract, that there was every prospect
of the noble fortunes of the General
centring in her sister. Yet this sister,
this girl, had little need of such an
accession to her charms; for she was
one of those fortunate beings endowed
not only with beauty and excellence,
but with a power of pleasing not
always united with even a combination
of merit and loveliness.

Every body agreed that Mary Stanley
was charming. Old and young,
rich and poor, all loved her, all delighted
in her. It is true, the good
rector’s maiden sisters privately hinted
to me their horror of the recklessness
with which—sometimes with her sister,
oftener without, but wholly unattended—she
drove her little pony-chaise
through the village, laughing like a
madcap at pranks of a huge Newfoundland
dog named Sergeant, the
favourite of General Stanley, which,
while escorting the young ladies, used
to gambol into the cottages, overset
furniture and children, and scamper
out again amid a general uproar. For
though Miss Mary was but sixteen,
the starched spinsters decided that
she was much too old for such folly;
and that, if the General intended to
present her at court, it was high time
for her to lay aside the hoyden manners
of childhood.

But, as every one argued against
them, why should this joyous, bright,
and beautiful creature lay aside what
became her so strangely? Mary
Stanley was not made for the formalities
of what is called high-breeding.
Her light, easy, sinuous figure, did not
lend itself to the rigid deportment
of a prude; and her gay laughing
eyes, and dimpled mouth, were ill calculated
to grace a dignified position.
The long ringlets of her profuse auburn
hair were always out of order—either
streaming in the wind, or straying
over her white shoulders—her
long lashes and beautifully defined eyebrows
of the same rich tint, alone preserving
any thing like uniformity—a
uniformity which, combined with her
almost Grecian regularity of features,
gave her, on the rare occasions when
her countenance and figure were at
rest, the air of some nymph or dryad
of ancient sculpture. But to compare
Mary Stanley to any thing of marble
is strangely out of place; for her real
beauty consisted in the ever-varying
play of her features, and a certain
[Pg 440]
impetuosity of movement, that would
have been a little characteristic of the
romp, but that it was restrained by
the spell of feminine sensibility. Heart
was evidently the impulse of every
look and every gesture.

For a man of my years, methinks I
am writing like a lover. And so I
was! From the first moment I saw
that girl, at an humble and unaspiring
distance, I could dream of nothing
else. Every thing and every body
seemed fascinated by Mary Stanley.
When she walked out into the fields
with the General, her two hands clasping,
like those of a child, her father’s
arm, his favourite colts used to come
neighing playfully towards them; and
not the fiercest dog of his extensive
kennel but, even when unmanageable
by the keeper, would creep fawning to
her feet.

It was strange enough, but still
more fortunate, that all the adoration
lavished upon this lovely creature by
gentle and simple, Christian and
brute, provoked no apparent jealousy
on the part of her elder sister. Selina
Stanley was afflicted with a cold,
reserved, unhappy countenance, only
too completely in unison with her disastrous
position. But her heart was
perhaps as genuine as her face was
forbidding; for she loved the merry,
laughing, handsome Mary, more as a
mother her child, than as a sister
nearly of her own years—that is, exultingly,
but anxiously. Every one
else foresaw nothing but prosperity,
and joy, and love, in store for Mary.
Selina prayed that it might prove
so;—but she prayed with tears in
her eyes, and trembling in her soul!
For where are the destinies of persons
thus exquisitely organized—thus
full of love and loveliness—thus readily
swayed to joy or sorrow, by the
trivial incidents of life—characterised
by what the world calls happiness—such
happiness, I mean, as is enjoyed
by the serene and the prudent, the
unexcitable, the unaspiring! Miss
Stanley foresaw only too truly, that
the best days likely to be enjoyed by
her sister, were those she was spending
under her father’s roof—a general
idol—an object of deference and delight
to all around.

At the General’s housewarming,
though not previously introduced into
society, Mary was the queen of the
ball; and all present agreed, that one
of the most pleasing circumstances of
the evening was to watch the animated
cordiality with which she flew
from one to the other of those old
neighbours of Stanley Manor, (whom
she alone had managed to persuade
that a dozen miles was no distance to
prevent their accepting her father’s
invitation;) and not the most brilliant
of her young friends received a more
eager welcome, or more sustained attention
throughout the evening, than
the few homely elderly people, (such
as my friends the Whittinghams,) who
happened to share the hospitality of
General Stanley. I daresay that even
I, had I found courage to accept his
invitation, should have received from
the young beauty some gentle word,
in addition to the kindly smiles with
which she was sure to return my respectful
obeisance whenever we met
accidentally in the village.

Mary was dressed in white, with a
few natural flowers in her hair, which,
owing to the impetuosity of her movements,
soon fell out, leaving only a
stray leaf or two, that would have
looked ridiculous any where but
among her rich, but dishevelled
locks; and the pleasant anxieties of
the evening imparted such a glow to
her usually somewhat pale complexion,
that her beauty is said to
have been, that night, almost supernatural.
She was more like the creature
of a dream than one of those
wooden puppets, who move mechanically
through the world under the
name of well brought-up young ladies.

It will easily be conceived how
much this ball, so rare an event in our
quiet neighbourhood, was discussed,
not only the following day, but for
days and weeks to come. Even at
the rectory I heard of nothing else;
while by my good old housekeeper,
who had a son in service at General
Stanley’s, and a daughter waiting-maid
to Miss Sparks, I was let in to
secrets concerning it of which even
the rectory knew nothing.

In the first place, though Mr Sparks
had peremptorily signified from the
first to his family, his desire that all
should accompany him to Lexley Hall
on this trying occasion, (and it was
only natural he should wish to solace
his wounded pride, by appearing before
his noble neighbour surrounded
by his handsome progeny,) two of his
[Pg 441]
children had risen up in rebellion
against the decree—and for the first
time—for Sparks was happy in a dutiful
and well-ordered family. But the
youngest daughter, Kezia, a girl of
high spirits and intelligence, who fancied
she had been pointedly slighted
by the Misses Stanley, when, in one of
Mary’s harum-scarum expeditions on
her Shetland pony, she had passed
without recognition the better-mounted
young lady of Lexley Park; and
the eldest son, who so positively refused
to accompany his father to the
house of a man by whom Mr Sparks
had inconsiderately represented himself
as aggrieved, that, for once, the
kind parent was forced to play the
tyrant, and insist on his obedience.

It was, accordingly, with a very ill
grace that these two, the prettiest of
the daughters, and by far the handsomest
of his three handsome sons,
made their appearance at the fête.
But no sooner were they welcomed
by General Stanley and his daughters,
than the brother and sister, who
had mutually encouraged each other’s
disputes, hastened to recant their
opinions.

“How could you, dearest father,
describe this courteous, high-bred
old gentleman, as insolent and overbearing?”—whispered
Kezia.

“How could you possibly suppose
that yonder lovely, gracious creature,
intended to treat you with impertinence?”—was
the rejoinder of her
brother; and already the Stanleys
had two enemies the less among their
neighbours at Lexley Park.

On the other hand, the General had
been forced to have recourse to severe
schooling to bring his daughters to a
sense of what was due to his guests,
as regarded the family of a man who
was known to have spoken disparagingly
of them all. Moreover, if the
truth must be owned, Mary was not
altogether free from the prejudices of
her caste; and, proud of her father’s
noble extraction, was apt to pout her
pretty lip on mention of “the people
at Lexley Park;” for the General, who
had no secrets from his girls, had
foolishly permitted them to see certain
letters addressed to him by the eccentric
Sir Laurence Altham, justifying
himself concerning the peculiar clause
introduced into his deeds of conveyance
of his Hall estate, on the grounds
of the degraded origin of “the upstart”
he was so malignantly intent
on discomposing.

“They will spoil our ball, dear
papa—I know these vulgar people will
completely spoil our ball!” said she.
“I think I hear them announced:—’Mr
Jonas Sparks, Miss Basiliza
and Miss Kezia Sparks!’—What
names?”

“The parents of Mr Sparks were
dissenters,” observed the General,
trying to look severe. “Dissenters
are apt to hold to scriptural names.
But name is not nature, Mary; and,
to judge by appearances, this man’s—this
gentleman’s—this Mr Sparks’s
daughters, have every qualification to
be an ornament to society.”

“With all my heart, papa, but I
wish it were not ours!” cried the
wayward girl. “On the present occasion,
especially, I could spare such
an accession to our circle; for I know
that Mr Sparks has presumed to speak
of——”

She was interrupted by a sterner
reproof on the part of the General
than he had ever before administered
to his favourite daughter; and the
consequence of this unusual severity
was the distinguished reception bestowed,
both by Selina and her sister,
on the family from Lexley Park.

Next day, however, General Stanley
found a totally different cause for
rebuke in the conduct of his dear
Mary.

“You talked to nobody last night,
but those Sparks’s!” said he. “Lord
Dudley informed me he had asked
you to dance three times in vain; and
Lord Robert Stanley assured me he
could scarcely get a civil answer from
you!—Yet you found time, Mary, to
dance twice in the course of the evening
with that son of Sparks’s!”

“That son of Sparks’s, as you so
despisingly call him, dearest papa, is
a most charming partner; while Lord
Dudley, and my cousin Robert, are
little better than boors. Everard
Sparks can talk and dance, as well as
they ride across a country. Not but
what he, too, passes for a tolerable
sportsman; and do you know, papa,
Mr Sparks is thinking seriously of
setting up a pack of harriers at Lexley?”

“At Lexley Park!” insisted her
father, who chose to enforce the distinction
instituted by Sir Laurence
Altham. “I fancy he will have to
[Pg 442]
ask my permission first. My land
lies somewhat inconveniently, in case
I choose to oppose his intentions.”

“But you won’t oppose them!—No,
no, dear papa, you sha’n’t oppose
them!”—cried Mary Stanley, throwing
her arms coaxingly round her father’s
neck, and imprinting a kiss on his
venerable forehead. “Why should
we go on opposing and opposing,
when it would be so much happier for
all of us to live together as friends
and neighbours?”

The General surveyed her in silence
for some moments as she looked up
lovingly into his face; then gravely,
and in silence, unclasped her arms
from his neck. For the first time,
he had gazed upon his favourite child
without discerning beauty in her countenance,
or finding favour for her supplications.

My opinion of Mr Sparks and his
family is not altered since yesterday,”
said he coldly, perceiving that she
was about to renew her overtures for
a pacification. “Your father’s prejudices,
Mary, are seldom so slightly
grounded, that the adulation of a few
gross compliments, such as were paid
you last night by Mr Everard Sparks,
may suffice for their obliteration.
For the future, remember the less I
hear of Lexley Park the better. In
a few weeks we shall be in London,
where our sphere is sufficiently removed,
I am happy to say, from that of
Mr Jonas Sparks, to secure me against
the annoyance of familiarity with him
or his.”

The partiality of his darling Mary
for the handsomest and most agreeable
young man who had ever sought
to make himself agreeable to her, had
sufficed to turn the arguments of General
Stanley as decidedly against
his parvenu neighbours, as, two days
before, his eloquence had been exercised
in their defence.

And now commenced between the
young people and their parents, one
of those covert warfares certain to
arise from similar interdictions. Mr
Sparks—satisfied that he should have
further insults to endure on the part
of General Stanley, in the event of
his son pretending to the hand of the
proud old man’s daughter—sought a
serious explanation with Everard, on
finding that he neglected no opportunity
of meeting Mary Stanley in her
drives, and walks, and errands of village
benevolence; and by the remonstrances
of one father, and peremptoriness
of the other, the young couple
were soon tempted to seek comforts in
mutual confidences. Residing almost
within view of each other, there was
no great difficulty in finding occasion
for an interview. They met, moreover,
naturally, and without effort, in
all the country houses in the neighbourhood;
and so frequently, that I
often wondered they should consider
it worth while to hazard the General’s
displeasure by partaking a few moments’
conversation, every now and
then, among the old thorns by the
water-side, just where the bend of
the river secured them from observation;
or in the green lane leading
from Lexley Park to my farm,
while Miss Stanley took charge of the
pony-chaise during the hasty explanations
of the imprudent couple. Having
little to occupy my leisure during
the intervals of my agricultural pursuits,
I was constantly running against
them, with my gun on my shoulder
or my fishing-rod in my hand. I
almost feared young Sparks might
imagine that I was employed by the
General as a spy upon their movements,
so fierce a glance did he direct
towards me one day when I was unlucky
enough to vault over a hedge
within a few yards of the spot where
they were standing together—Miss
Mary sobbing like a child. But, God
knows! he was mistaken if he thought
I was taking unfair heed of their proceedings,
or likely to gossip indiscreetly
concerning what fell accidentally
under my notice.

Not that a single soul in the neighbourhood
approved General Stanley’s
opposition to the attachment. On the
contrary, from the moment of the
liking between the young people becoming
apparent, the whole country
decided that there could not be a
more propitious mode of reuniting
the dismembered Lexley estates; for
though the General was expressly debarred
from selling Lexley Hall to
Sparks or his heirs, he could not be
prevented bequeathing it to his daughters—the
heirs of Jonas Sparks being
the children of her body. And thus all
objections would have been remedied.

But such was not the proud old
man’s view of the case. He had set
his heart on perpetuating his own
name in his family. He had set his
[Pg 443]
heart on the union of his dear Mary
with her cousin Lord Robert Stanley;
and Everard Sparks might have
been twice the handsome, manly
young fellow he was—twice the gentleman,
and twice the scholar—it
would have pleaded little in his favour
against the predetermined projects of
the positive General. There was certainly
some excuse for his ambition
on Miss Mary’s account. Beauty,
merit, fortune, connexion, every advantage
was hers calculated to do honour
to a noble alliance; and as her
father often exclaimed, with a bitter
sneer, in answer to the mild pleadings
of Selina—”Such a girl as that—a
girl born to be a duchess—to sacrifice
herself to the son of a Congleton manufacturer!”

Two years did the struggle continue—during
the greater part of
which I was a constant eyewitness
of the sorrows which so sobered the
impetuous deportment of the light-hearted
Mary Stanley. Her father
took her to London, with the project
of separation he had haughtily announced;
but only to find, to his
amazement, that Eton and Oxford
had placed the son of Mr Sparks of
Lexley Park, a member of Parliament,
on as good a footing as himself
in nearly all the circles he frequented.
Even when, in the desperation of his
fears, he removed his family to the
Continent, the young lover (as became
the lover of so endearing and
attractive a creature) followed her, at
a distance, from place to place. At
length, one angry day, the General
provoked him to a duel. But Everard
would not lift his hand against
the father of his beloved Mary. An
insult from General Stanley was not
as an offence from any other man.
The only revenge taken by the high-spirited
young man, was to urge the
ungenerous conduct of the father as
an argument with the daughter to
put an end, by an elopement, to a
state of things too painful to be borne.
After much hesitation, it seems, she
most unhappily complied. They were
married—at Naples I think, or Turin,
or some other city of Italy, where we
have a diplomatic resident; and after
their marriage—poor, foolish young
people!—they went touring it about
gaily in the Archipelago and Levant,
waiting a favourable moment to propose
a reconciliation with their respective
fathers—as if the wrath and
malediction of parents was so mere a
trifle to deal with.

The first step taken by General
Stanley, on learning the ungrateful
rebellion of his favourite child, was to
return to England. He seemed to
want to be at home again, the better
to enjoy and cultivate his abhorrence
of every thing bearing the despised
name of Sparks; for now began the
genuine hatred between the families.
Nothing would satisfy the obstinate
old soldier, but that the elder Sparks
had, from the first, secretly encouraged
the views of his son upon the
heiress of Lexley Hall; while Mr
Sparks naturally resented with enraged
spirit the overbearing tone assumed
by his aristocratic neighbour towards
those so nearly his equals.
Every day produced some new grounds
for offence; and never had Sir Laurence
Altham, in the extremity of his
poverty, regarded the thriving mansion
in the valley with half the loathing
which the view of Lexley Park
produced in the mind of General Stanley.
He was even at the trouble of
trenching a plantation on the brow of
the hill, with the intention of shutting
out the detested object. But trees
do not grow so hastily as antipathies;
and the General had to endure the
certainty, that, for the remainder of
his life at least, that beautiful domain
must be unrolled, map-like, at his feet.
Nor is it to be supposed that the battlements
of the old hall found greater
favour in the sight of the parvenu
squire, than when in Sir Laurence’s
time the very sight of them was
wormwood to his soul.

Unhappily, while the Congleton
manufacturer contented himself with
angry words, the gentleman of thirty
descents betook himself to action.
General Stanley swore to be mightily
revenged—and he was so.

On the very day following his return
to England, before he even
visited his desolate country-house, he
sent for Lord Robert Stanley, and
made him the confidant of his indignation—avowed
his former good intentions
in his favour—betrayed all
Mary’s—all Mr Everard Sparks’s disparaging
opposition; and ended by
enquiring whether, since whichever of
his daughters became Lady Robert
Stanley would become sole heiress to
his property, his lordship could make
[Pg 444]
up his mind to accept Selina as a wife?
Proud as he was, the General almost
condescended to plead the cause of his
deformed daughter: enlarging upon her
excellences of character, and, still more,
upon her aversion to society, which
would secure the self-love of her husband
against any public remarks on
her want of personal attractions.

Alas! all these arguments were
thoroughly thrown away. Lord Robert
was, as his cousin Mary had
truly described him, little better than
a boor. But he was also a spendthrift
and a libertine; and had Miss Stanley
been as deformed in mind as she
was in person, he would have joyfully
taken to wife the heiress of ten thousand
a-year, and two of the finest
seats in the county of Chester.

To herself, meanwhile, no hint of
these family negotiations was vouchsafed;
and Selina Stanley had every
reason to suppose—when her cousin
became on a sudden an assiduous visitor
at the house, and very shortly a
declared lover—that their intimacy
from childhood had accustomed his
eye to her want of personal charms—she
had become endeared to him by
her mild and submissive temper. So
little was she aware of her father’s
testamentary dispositions in her favour,
that the interested nature of
Lord Robert’s views did not occur to
her mind; and, little accustomed to
protestations of attachment, Selina’s
heart was not very difficult to soften
towards the only man who had ever
pretended to love her, and whose apparent
attachment promised some
consolation for the loss of her sister’s
society, as well as the chance of reunion
with one whom her father had
sworn should never, under any possible
circumstances, again cross his
threshold.

Six months after General Stanley’s
pride had been wounded to the
quick by the newspaper account of a
marriage between his favourite child
and “a man of the name of Sparks,”
balm was poured into the wound by
another and more pompous paragraph,
announcing the union, by special license,
of the Right Hon. Lord Robert
Stanley and the eldest daughter and
heiress of Lieut.-Gen. Stanley, of
Stanley Manor, only son of the late
Lord Henry Stanley, followed by
the usual list of noble relatives gracing
the ceremony with their presence,
and a flourishing account of the departure
of the happy couple, in a travelling
carriage and four, for their
seat in Cheshire.

This announcement, by the way,
probably served to convey the intelligence
to Mr and Mrs Everard
Sparks; for the General having carefully
intercepted every letter addressed
by Mary to her sister, Lady Robert
had not the slightest idea in what direction
to communicate with one who
possessed an undiminished share in
her affections.

On General Stanley’s arrival in Cheshire,
at the close of the honeymoon,
the most casual observer might have
noticed the alteration which had taken
place in his appearance. Instead of
the sadness I had expected to find in
his countenance after so severe a
stroke as the disobedience of his darling
girl, I never saw him so exulting.
Yet his smiles were not smiles of good-humour.
There was bitterness at
the bottom of every word he uttered;
and a terrible sound of menace rung
in his unnatural laughter. Consciousness
never seemed a moment absent
from his mind, that he had defeated
the calculations of the designing family;
that he had distanced them;
that he was triumphing over them.
Alas! none at present entertained the
smallest suspicion to what extent!

Preparatory to the settlements made
by the General on Lord and Lady
Robert Stanley, it had been found necessary
to place in the hands of his
lordship’s solicitors the deeds of the
Lexley Hall estate; when, lo! to the
consternation of all parties, it appeared
that the General’s title was an unsound
one; that by the general terms
of this ancient property, rights of
heirship could only be evaded by the
payment of a certain fine, after intimation
of sale in a certain form to
the nearest-of-kin of the heir in possession,
which form had been overlooked
or wantonly neglected by Sir
Laurence Altham!

The discovery was indeed embarrassing.
Fortunately, however, the
sum of ten thousand pounds only had
been paid by the General to satisfy the
immediate funds of the unthrifty
baronet; the remainder of the purchase-money
having been left in the
form of mortgage on the property.
There was consequently the less difficulty,
though considerable expense,
[Pg 445]
in cancelling the existing deeds, going
through the necessary forms, and,
after paying the forfeiture to the heir,
(to whom the very existence of his
claims was unknown,) renewing the
contract with Sir Laurence; to whom,
so considerable a sum being still owing,
it was as essential as to General
Stanley that the covenant should be
completed without delay. But all
this occurred at so critical a moment,
that the General had ample cause to
be thankful for the promptitude with
which he decided Selina’s marriage;
for only four days after the signature
of the new deeds, Sir Laurence concluded
his ill-spent life—his death
being, it was thought, accelerated by
the excitement consequent on this
strange discovery, and the investigations
on the part of the heir to which
it was giving rise.

For the clause in the original grant
of the Lexley estate (which dated
from the Reformation) affected the
property purchased by Jonas Sparks
as fully as that which had been assigned
to the General; and the baronet
being now deceased, there was no
possibility of co-operation in rectifying
the fatal error. It was more than
probable, therefore, that Lexley Park,
with all its improvements, was now
the property of John Julius Altham,
Esq.!—the only dilemma still to be
decided by the law, being the extent
to which, his kinsman having died
insolvent and intestate, he was liable
to the suit of Jonas Sparks for the
return of the purchase money, amounting
to L.145,000.

Already the fatal intelligence had
been communicated by the attorneys
of John Julius Altham to those of
the astonished man, who, though still
convinced of the goodness of his cause,
(which, on the strength of certain
various statutes affecting such a case,
he was advised to contest to the utmost,)
foresaw a long, vexatious, and
expensive lawsuit, that would certainly
last his life, and prevent the possibility
of one moment’s enjoyment of
the estate, from which he had received
the usual notice of ejection. Fortunately
for him, the present Mr Altham
was not only a gentleman, and
disposed to exercise his rights in the
most decorous manner; but, of course,
unbiassed by the personal prejudices
so strongly felt by Sir Laurence, and
so unfairly communicated by him to
the General. Still, the question was
proceeding at the snail’s pace rate of
Chancery suits at the commencement
of the present century, and the unfortunate
Congleton manufacturer had
every reason to curse the day when
he had become enamoured of the
grassy glades and rich woodlands of
Lexley; seeing that, at the close of
an honourable and well-spent life, he
was uncertain whether the sons and
daughters to whom he had laboured
to bequeath a handsome independence,
might not be reduced to utter destitution.

Such was the intelligence that saluted
the ill-starred Mary and her
husband on their return to England!
Instead of the brilliant prospects in
which she had been nurtured—disinheritance
met her on the one side, and
ruin on the other!

Her vindictive father had even made
it a condition of his bounties to Lord
and Lady Robert, that all intercourse
should cease between them and their
sister; a condition which the former,
in revenge for the early slights of his
fairer cousin, took care should be
punctually obeyed by his wife.

Till the event of the trial, Mr
Sparks retained, of course, possession
of the Park; but so bitter was the
mortification of the family, on discovering
in the village precisely the same
ungrateful feeling which had so embittered
the soul of Sir Laurence, that
they preferred remaining in London—where
no one has leisure to dwell
upon the mischances of his neighbours,
and where sympathy is as little expected
as conceded. But when Mary
arrived—poor Mary! who had now
the prospect of becoming a mother—and
who, though affectionately beloved
by her husband’s family, saw
they regarded her as the innocent
origin of their present reverses—she
soon persuaded her husband to accompany
her to her old haunts.

“Do not imagine, dearest,” said she,
“that I have any project of debasing
you and myself, by intruding into my
father’s presence. Had we been still
prosperous, Everard, I would have
gone to him—knelt to him—prayed
to him—wept to him—so earnestly,
that his forgiveness could not have
been long withheld from the child he
loved so dearly. I would have described
to him all you are to me—all
your indulgences—all your devotion—and
[Pg 446]
you, too, my own husband,
would have been forgiven. But as it
is, believe me, I have too proud a
sense of what is due to ourselves,
to combat the unnatural hostility in
which my sister and her husband appear
to take their share. O Everard!
to think of Selina becoming the wife
of that coarse and heartless man, of
whom, in former times, she thought
even more contemptuously than I;
and who, with his dissolute habits,
can only have made my poor afflicted
sister his wife from the most mercenary
motives! I dread to think of
what may be her fate hereafter, when,
having obtained at my father’s death
all the advantages to which he looks
forward, he will show himself in his
true colours.”

Thus, even with such terrible prospects
awaiting herself, the good, generous
Mary trembled only to contemplate
those of her regardless sister;
and it was chiefly for the delight
of revisiting the spots where they had
played together in childhood—the
fondly-remembered environs of Stanley
Manor—that she persuaded her husband
to take up his abode in the deserted
mansion at the Park, where,
from prudential motives, Mr Sparks
had broken up his establishment, and
sold off his horses.

Attended by a single servant, in
addition to the old porter and his wife
who were in charge of the house,
Mary trusted that their arrival at
Lexley would be unnoticed in the
neighbourhood. Confining herself
strictly within the boundaries of the
Park, which neither her father nor
the bride and bridegroom were likely
to enter, she conceived that she might
enjoy, on her husband’s arm, those
solitary rambles of which every day
circumscribed the extent; without
affording reason to the General to suppose,
when, discerning every morning
from his lofty terraces the mansion
of his falling enemy, that, in place of
the man he loathed, it contained his
discarded child.

The dispirited young woman, on
the other hand, delighted in contemplating
from the windows of her dressing-room
the towers beneath, whose
shelter she had abided in such perfect
happiness with her doating father and
apparently attached sister. They
loved her no longer, it is true. Perhaps
it was her fault—(she would not
allow herself to conceive it could be a
fault of theirs)—but at all events she
loved them dearly as ever; and it was
comforting to her poor heart to catch
a glimpse of their habitation, and know
herself within reach, should sickness
or evil betide.

“If I should not survive my approaching
time,” thought Mary, often
surveying for hours, through her tears,
the heights of Lexley Hall, and fancying
she could discern human figures
moving from window to window, or
from terrace to terrace; “if I should
be fated never to behold this child,
already loved—this child which is to
be so dear a blessing to us both—in
my last hours my father would not
surely refuse to give me his blessing;
nor would Selina persist in her present
cruel alienation. It is, indeed, a
comfort to be here.”

Her husband thought otherwise.
To him nothing was more trying than
this compulsory sojourn at Lexley;
not that he required other society than
that of his engaging and attached
wife. At any other moment it would
have been delightful to him to enjoy
the country pleasures around them,
with no officious intrusive world to
interpose between their affection. But
in his present uncertainty as to his
future prospects, to be mocked by this
empty show of proprietorship, and
have constantly before his eyes the
residence of the man who had heaped
such contumely on his head, and inflicted
such pain on the gentlest and
sweetest of human hearts, was a state
of moral torment.

In the course of my fishing excursions—(for,
thanks to Mr Sparks’s
neighbourly liberality, I had a card of
general access to his parks)—I frequently
met the young couple; and
having no clue to their secret sentiments,
noticed, with deep regret, the
sadness of Mary’s countenance and
sinister looks of her husband. I feared—I
greatly feared—that they were
not happy together. The General’s
daughter repined, perhaps, after her
former fortunes. The young husband
sighed, doubtless, over the liberty he
had renounced.

It was spring time, and Lord Robert
having satisfied his cravings after the
pleasures of London, by occasional
bachelor visits on pretence of business,
the family were to remain at the Hall
till after the Easter holidays, so that
[Pg 447]
Mary had every expectation of the
accomplishment of her hopes previous
to their departure. Perhaps, in the
bottom of her heart, she flattered herself
that, on hearing of her safety, her
obdurate relations might be moved, by
a sudden burst of pity and kindliness,
to make overtures of reconciliation—at
all events to dispatch words of courteous
enquiry; for she was ever dwelling
on her good fortune that her
father should, on this particular year,
have so retarded the usual period of
his departure. Yet when the report
of these exulting exclamations on her
part reached my ear, I was ungenerous
enough to attribute them to a
very different origin, fancying that the
poor submissive creature was thankful
for being within reach of protection
from conjugal misusage.

Meanwhile, she was so far justified
in one portion of her premises, that no
tidings of her residence at Lexley
Park had as yet reached the ear of her
father. The fact was, that not a soul
had courage to do so much as mention,
in his presence, the name of his once
idolized child; and Lord Robert, having
been apprized of the circumstance,
instantly exacted a promise from his
wife, that nothing should induce her
to hazard her father’s displeasure by
communication with her sister, or by
acquainting the General of the arrival
of the offending pair. The consequence
was, that in the dread of
encountering her sister, (whom she
felt ashamed to meet as the wife of the
man they had so often decried together,)
Lady Robert rarely quitted the
house; and these two sisters, so long
the affectionate inmates of the same
chamber—the sisters who had wept
together over their mother’s deathbed—abided
within sight of each other’s
windows, yet estranged as with the
estrangement of strangers.

And then, we pretend to talk with
horror of the family feuds of southern
nations; and, priding ourselves on our
calm and passionless nature, feel convinced
that all the domestic virtues
extant on earth, have taken refuge in
the British empire!

Every day, meanwhile, I noticed
that the handsome countenance of
Everard Sparks grew gloomier and
gloomier; and how was I to know
that every day he received letters from
his father, announcing the unfavourable
aspect of their suit; and that
(owing, as was supposed, to the suggestions
of General Stanley’s solicitors)
even the conduct of the adverse
party was becoming offensive. The
elder Sparks wrote like a man overwhelmed
with mortification, and stung
by a sense of undeserved injury; and
his appeals to the sympathy and support
of his son, were such as to place
the spirited young man in a most painful
predicament as regarded the family
of his wife.

Unwilling to utter in her presence
an injurious word concerning those
who, persecute her as they might,
were still her nearest and dearest by
the indissoluble ties of nature, all he
could do, in relief to his overcharged
feelings, was to rush forth into the
Park, and curse the day that he was
born to behold all he loved in the
world overwhelmed in one common
ruin.

On such occasions, while pretending
to fix my attention on my float
upon the river, I often watched him
from afar, till I was terrified by the
frantic vehemence of his gestures.
There was almost reason to fancy that
the evil influences of the old Hall were
extending their power over the valley;
and that this distracted young man
was falling into the eccentricities of
Sir Laurence Altham.

After viewing with anxiety the wild
deportment of poor Mary’s husband, I
happened one day to pass along the
lane I have described as skirting the
garden of the manor-house, on my
way homewards to my farm; and on
plunging my eyes, as usual, into the
verdant depths of the clipped yew-walks,
visible through the iron-palisades,
was struck by the contrast
afforded to the scene I had just witnessed,
not only by its aristocratic
tranquillity, but by the grave and subdued
deportment of Lady Robert
Stanley, who was sauntering in one
of the alleys, accompanied by a favourite
dog I had often seen following her
sister in former days, and looking the
very picture of contented egotism.

I almost longed to call aloud to her,
and confide all I knew and all that I
supposed. But what right had I to
create alarms in her sister’s behalf?
What right had I to incite her to disobedience
against the father on whom
she and her husband were dependent?
Better leave things as they were—the
common philosophy of selfish, timid
[Pg 448]
people, afraid of exposing their own
heads to a portion of the storm their
interference may chance to bring
down, while assisting the cause of the
weak against the strong.

I used often to go home and think
of poor Mary till my heart ached.
That young and beautiful creature—that
creature till lately so beloved—to
be thus cruelly abandoned, thus
helpless, thus unhappy! Perhaps not
a soul sympathizing with her but myself—an
obscure, low-born, uninfluential
man, of no more value as a protector
than a willow-wand shivered
from the Lexley plantations! Not so
much as the merest trifle in which I
could demonstrate my good-will. I
thought and thought it over, and
there was nothing I could do—nothing
I could offer. When I did hit upon
some pretext of kindness, I only did
amiss. The fruit season was not begun—nay,
the orchards were only in
blossom—and times were over for
forcing-houses at Lexley Park!
Thinking, therefore, that the invalid
might be pleased with a basket of
Jersey pears, of which a very fine
kind grew in my orchard, I ventured
to send some to her address. But the
very next time I encountered Everard
in the village, he cast a look at
me as if he would have killed me for
my officiousness, or, perhaps, for taking
the liberty to suppose that Lexley
Park was less luxuriously provisioned
than in former years. Nor was it till
long afterwards I discovered that my
old housekeeper (who had taken upon
herself to carry my humble offering
to the park) had not only seen the
poor young lady, but been foolish
enough to talk of Lady Robert in a
tone which appears to have exercised
a cruel influence over her gentle
heart; so that, when her husband returned
home from rabbit-shooting, an
hour afterwards, he found her recovering
from a fainting fit, he visited
upon me the folly of my servant; and
such was the cause of his angry looks.

A few days afterwards, however,
he had far more to reproach his conscience
withal than poor Barbara.
Having no concealments from his
wife, to whom he was in the habit of
avowing every emotion of his heart, he
was rash enough to mention of having
met the travelling carriage of Lord
and Lady Robert on the London
road. They had quitted the Hall ten
days previous to the epoch originally
fixed for their departure.

“Gone—exactly gone!—already at
two hundred miles’ distance from me!”
cried poor Mary, nothing doubting
that her father had, as usual, accompanied
them, and feeling herself now,
for the first time, alone in the dreary
seclusion to which she had condemned
herself, only that she might breathe
the same atmosphere with those she
loved. “Yet they had certainly decided
to remain at the Hall till after
Easter! Perhaps they discovered my
being here, and the discovery hastened
their journey. Unhappy creature
that I am, to have become thus hateful
to those in whose veins my blood
is flowing! Everard, Everard! O,
what have I done that God should
thus abandon me?”

The soothing and affectionate remonstrances
now addressed to her by
her husband, had so far a good effect,
that they softened her despair to
tears. Long and unrestrainedly did
she weep upon his shoulder; tried to
comfort him by the assurance that
she was comforted, or at least that
she would endeavour to seek comfort
from the protection and goodness
whence it had been so often derived.

A few minutes afterwards, having
been persuaded by Everard to rest
herself on the sofa, to recover the effects
of the agitation his indiscreet
communication had excited, she suddenly
complained of cold, and begged
him to close the windows. It was a
balmy April day, with a genial sun
shining fresh into the room. The air
was as the air of midsummer—one of
those days on which you almost see
the small green leaves of spring bursting
from their shelly covering, and
the resinous buds of the chestnut-trees
expanding into maturity. Poor Everard
saw at once that the chilliness of
which his wife complained must be
the effect of illness. More cautious,
however, on this occasion than before,
he enquired, as her shivering increased,
what preparations she had made
for the events which still left her some
weeks for execution. “None. His
sisters had kindly undertaken to supply
her with all she might require;
and the services of the nurse accustomed
to attend his married sister,
were engaged on her behalf. At the
end of the month this woman was to
arrive at Lexley, bringing with her
[Pg 449]
the wardrobe of the little treasure
who was to accord renewed peace and
happiness to its mother.”

Though careful to conceal his anxiety
from his wife, Everard Sparks,
disappointed and distressed, quitted
the room in haste to send for the medical
man who had long been the attendant
of his family. But before he
arrived, the shivering fit of the poor
sufferer had increased to an alarming
degree. A calming potion was administered,
and orders issued that she
was to be kept quiet; but in the consternation
created in the little household
by the communication Dr R.
thought it necessary to make of the
possibility of a premature confinement,
poor Mrs Sparks’s maid, a young inexperienced
woman, dispatched a
messenger to my house for her old
kinswoman, and it was through Barbara
I became acquainted with the
melancholy incidents I am about to
relate.

The sedatives administered failed
in their effect. A fatal shock had
been already given; and while struggling
through that direful night with
the increasing pangs that verified the
doctor’s prognostications, the sympathizing
women around the sufferer
could scarcely restrain their tears at
the courage with which she supported
her anguish, rejoicing in it, as it were,
in the prospect of embracing her
child—when all present were aware
that the compensation was about to
be denied her, that the child was already
dead. Just as the day dawned,
her anxious husband was congratulated
on her safety, and then the truth
could no longer be concealed from
Mary. She asked to see her babe.
Her husband was employed to persuade
her to defer seeing it for an
hour or two, “till it was dressed—till
she was more composed.” But
the truth rushed into her mind, and
she uttered not another word, in the
apprehension of increasing his disappointment
and mortification.

So long did her silence continue,
that, trusting she had fallen asleep,
old Barbara’s granddaughter entreated
poor Everard to withdraw and
leave her to her rest. But the moment
he quitted the room, she spoke, spoke
resolutely, and in a firmer voice than
her previous sufferings had given them
reason to suppose possible.

“Now, then, let me see my boy,”
said she. “I know that he is dead.
But do not be afraid of shocking or
distressing me. I have courage to
look upon the poor little creature for
whom I have suffered so much, and
who, I trusted, would reward me for
all.”

The women remonstrated, as it was
their duty to remonstrate. But when
they saw that opposition on this point
only excited her, dreading an accession
of fever, they brought the poor
babe and laid it on the pillow beside
its mother. That first embrace, to
which she had looked forward with
such intensity of delight, folded to
her burning bosom only a clay-cold
child!

Even thus it was fair to look on—every
promise in its little form, that
its beauty would have equalled that
of its handsome parents; and Mary,
as she pressed her lips to its icy forehead,
fancied she could trace on those
tiny features a resemblance to its
father. Old Barbara, perceiving how
bitterly the tears of the sufferer were
falling on the cheeks of her lost treasure,
now interfered. But the mother
had still a last request to make. A
few downy curls were perceptible on
the temples—in colour and fineness
resembling her own. She wished to
rescue from the grave this slight
remembrance of her poor nameless
offspring; and her wish having been
complied with, she suffered the babe
to be taken from her relaxed and
moveless grasp.

“Leave me the hair,” said she, in
a faint voice. “Thanks—thanks!
I am happy now—I will try to sleep—I
am happy—happy now!”

She slept—and never woke again.
At the close of an hour or two, her
anxious husband, finding she had not
stirred, gently and silently approached
the bedside, and took into his own
the fair hand lying on the coverlid,
to ascertain whether fever had ensued.
Fever? It was already cold
with the damps of death!

Imagine, if you can, the agony and
self-reproach of that bereaved man!
Again and again did he revile himself
as her murderer; accusing himself—her
father—her sister—the whole world.
At one moment, he fancied that her
condition had not been properly
treated by her attendants; at another,
that the medical man ought not to
have left the house. Nay, hours and
[Pg 450]
hours after she was gone for ever—after
the undertakers had commenced
their hideous preparations—even while
she lay stretched before him, white
and cold as marble, he persisted that
life might be still recalled; and, but
for the better discrimination of those
around him, would have insisted on
attempts at resuscitation, calculated
only to disturb, almost sacrilegiously,
the sound peace of the dead!

I was one of the first to learn the
heart-rending news of this beloved being’s
untimely end; for my old woman
having asked permission to
remain with her through the night,
(explaining the exigency of the case,)
I could not forbear hurrying to the
house as soon as it was day, in the
hope of hearing she was a happy mother.
Somehow or other, I had never
contemplated an unfavourable result.
The idea of death never presented
itself to me in common with any thing
so young and fair; and as I walked
through the park, and crossed the
bridge, with the white cheerful mansion
before me, and the morning sun
shining full upon its windows, I
thought how gladsome it looked, but
could not forbear feeling that, even
with the prospect of losing it—even
with the certainty of beggary, Everard,
as a husband and father, was
the fellow most to be envied upon
earth!

I reached the house, and the old
man who answered my ring at the
office entrance, was speechless from
tears. Though usually hard as iron,
he sobbed as if his heart would break.
I asked to speak with Barbara—with
my housekeeper. He told me I could
not—that she was “busy laying out
the body.” I was answered. That
dreadful word told me all—I had no
more questions to ask. I cared not
who survived, or what became of the
survivors. And as I turned sickening
away, to bend my steps homewards,
I remember wondering how that fair
spring morning could shine so bright
and auspiciously, when she was gone
from us. It seemed to triumph in
our loss! Alas! it shone to welcome
a new angel to the kingdom of our
Father who is in heaven!

Suddenly it struck me, that I, too,
had a duty to perform. In that scanty
household there was no one to take
thought of the common forms of life;
so I hastened to the rectory, to suggest
to our good pastor a visit of consolation
to the house of mourning, and
acquaint his sisters with its forlorn
condition. Like myself, they began
exclaiming, “Alas! alas! It was but
the other day that”——reverting to
all the acts of charity and girlish
graces of that dear departed Mary
Stanley, who had been among us as
the shadow of a dream.

Before I left the rectory, Dr Whittingham
had issued his orders; and
lo! as I proceeded homewards, with
a heavy step and a heavier heart, the
sound of the passing bell from Lexley
church pursued me with its measured
toll, till I could scarcely refrain from
sitting me down by the wayside, and
weeping my very soul away.

On reaching the lane I have so
often described as skirting the gardens
of the old Hall, I noticed, through the
palisades, a person, probably one of
the gardeners, sauntering along Lady
Robert’s favourite yew-walk. No!
on a nearer approach, I saw, and almost
shuddered to see, that it was
General Stanley himself (who, I fancied,
had accompanied his son-in-law
to town) taking an early walk, to
enjoy the sweetness of that delicious
morning.

As I drew nearer, I averted my
head. At that moment I had not
courage to look him in the face. I
could scarcely suppose him ignorant
of what had occurred; and, if aware
of the sad event, his obduracy was
unmanly to a degree that filled me
with disgust. But just as I came opposite
the iron gates, he hailed me by
name—more familiarly and courteously
than he was wont—to ask whether
I came from the village, and for
whose death they were tolling?

If worlds had depended on my answer,
I could not have uttered a word!
But I conclude that, catching sight of
my troubled face and swollen eyelids,
the General supposed I had lost some
near and dear friend; for, instead of
renewing his question, he merely
touched his hat, and passed on, leaving
me to proceed in my turn. But the
spectacle of my profound affliction
probably excited his curiosity; for I
found afterwards, that, instead of pursuing
his walk, he returned straight to
the house, and addressed the enquiry
which had so distressed me, to others
having more courage to reveal the
fatal truth. I believe it was the old
[Pg 451]
family butler, who abruptly answered—”For
my poor young lady, General—for
the sweetest angel that ever
trod the earth!”

For my part, I wonder the announcement
did not strike him to
the earth! But he heard it without
apparent emotion; like a man who,
having already sustained the worst
affliction this world can afford, has no
sensibility for further trials. Still the
intelligence was not ineffective. Without
pausing an instant for reflection,
or the indulgence of his feelings, he
set forth on foot to Lexley Park.
With his hat pulled over his eyes,
and a determined air, rather as if
about to execute an act of vengeance
than offer a tardy tribute of tenderness
to his victim, he hurried to the
house—commanded the startled old
servant to show him the way to her
room—entered it—and knelt down
beside the bed on which she lay, with
her dead infant on her arm, asking
her forgiveness, and the forgiveness
of God, as humbly as though he were
not the General Stanley proverbial
for implacability and pride.

Old Barbara, who had not quitted
the room, assured me it was a heart-breaking
sight to behold that white
head bowed down in agony upon the
cold feet of his child. For he felt
himself unworthy to press her helpless
hand to his lips, or remove the cambric
from her face, but called, in broken
accents, upon the name of Mary!
his child! his darling! addressing her
rather with the fondling terms bestowed
upon girlhood than as a woman—a
wife—a mother!

“But a more affecting story still,”
said the old woman, “was to see that
Mr Everard took no more heed of the
General’s sudden entrance than though
it were a thing to be looked for. He
seemed neither to hear his exclamations
nor perceive his distress.” Poor
gentleman! His haggard eyes were
fixed, his mind bewildered, his hopes
blasted for ever, his life a blank. He
neither answered when spoken to, nor
even spoke, when the good rector, according
to his promise, came to announce
that he had dispatched the
fatal intelligence by express to his
family, beseeching his instructions
concerning the steps to be taken for
the burial of the dead.

But why afflict you and myself by
recurring to these melancholy details!
Suffice it, that this dreadful blow effected
what nothing else on earth
could have effected in the mind of
General Stanley. Humbled to the
dust, even the arrival of the once
despised owner of Lexley Park did
not drive him from the house. He
asked his pity—he asked his pardon.
Beside the coffin of his daughter he
expressed all the compunction a generous-hearted
and broken-hearted
man could express; and all he asked
in return, was leave to lay her poor
head in the grave of her ancestors.

No one opposed his desire. The
young widower had not as much consciousness
left as would have enabled
him to utter the negative General
Stanley seemed prepared to expect;
and as to his father, about to abandon
Lexley for ever, to what purpose erect
a family vault in a church which
neither he nor his were ever likely to
see again?

To the chapel at Stanley Manor,
accordingly, were the mother and
child removed. The General wrote
expressly to forbid his son-in-law and
Selina returning to the Hall, on pretence
of sustaining him in his affliction.
He chose to give way to it; he
chose to be alone with his despair.

Never shall I forget the day that
mournful funeral procession passed
through the village! Young and old
came forth weeping to their doors to
bid her a last farewell; even as they
used to come and exchange smiles
with her, in those happy days when
life lay before her, bright—hopeful—without
a care—without a responsibility.
I had intended to pay him the
same respect. I meant, indeed, to
have followed the hearse, at an humble
distance, to its final destination.
But when I rose that morning a sudden
weakness came upon me, and I
was unable to quit my room. I, so
strong, so hardy, who have passed
through life without sickness or doctor,
was as powerless that day as an
infant.

It was from the good rector, therefore,
I heard how the General (on
whom, in consequence of the precarious
condition of the afflicted husband,
devolved the task of chief mourner) sustained
his carriage to perform with dignity
and propriety his duty to the dead.
As he followed the coffin through the
churchyard, crowded by his old pensioners—many
of them praying on
[Pg 452]
their knees as it passed—his step was
as firm and his brow as erect as
though at the head of his regiment.
It was not till all was over—the
mournful ceremony done, the crowd
dispersed, the funeral array departed—that
having descended into the
vault, ere the stone was rolled to the
door of the sepulchre, in order to point
out the exact spot where he wished
her remains to be deposited, so that
hereafter his own might rest by her
side, he renounced all self-restraint,
and throwing himself upon the ground,
gave himself up to his anguish, and
refused to be comforted!

That summer was as dreary a season
at Lexley as the dreariest winter!
Both the Park and the Hall were shut
up; nor did General Stanley ever
again resume his tenancy of the old
manor. When the result of the Chancery
suit left Mr Altham in possession
of the former estate, the General literally
preferred forfeiting the moiety of
the purchase-money he had paid, and
giving up the place to be re-united
with the property, which the rigour
of the law thus singularly restored to
the last heirs of the Althams; and
such was the cause of my neighbour,
the present Sir Julius Altham, regaining
possession of the Hall.

It was not for many years, however,
that the cause was ultimately decided.
There was an appeal against the
Chancellor’s decree; and even after the
decree was confirmed, came an endless
number of legal forms, which so procrastinated
the settlement, that not
only the original unfortunate purchaser,
but poor Everard himself, was
in his grave when the mansion, in
which they had so prided themselves,
was pulled down, and all trace of their
occupancy effaced.

I sometimes ask myself, indeed,
whether the whole of this “strange
eventful history,” with which the
earliest feelings of my heart were
painfully interwoven, really occurred?
whether the manor ever passed for a
time out of the possession of the
ancient house of Altham? whether
the domain, now one and indivisible,
were literally partitioned off—a park
paling interposing only between the
patrician and plebeian. Often, after
spending hour after hour by the river
side, when the fly is on the water and
the old thorns in bloom, I recur to
the first day I came back into Lexley
Park after the funeral had passed
through, and recollect the soreness of
heart with which I lifted my eyes towards
the house, of which every trace
has since disappeared. At that moment
there seemed to rise before me,
sporting among the gnarled branches
of the old thorn-trees, the graceful
form of Mary Stanley, followed by
old Sergeant, bounding and barking
through the fern; and the General
looking on from a distance, pretending
to be angry, and desiring her to come
out of the covert and not disturb the
game. Exactly thus, and there, I
beheld them for the first time. What
would I not give to realize once more,
if only for a day, that happy, happy
vision!

Stanley Manor is let to strangers
during the minority of Lord Robert’s
sickly son; the father being an absentee,
the mother in an early grave.
She lived long enough, however, to
be a repining wife; and my neighbour,
Sir Julius Altham, has more
than once hinted to me, that, of the
whole family, the portion of Selina
most deserved compassion.

To me, however, her callous conduct
towards that gentle sister, always
rendered her the least interesting of
my Country Neighbours.


[Pg 453]

TRAVELS OF KERIM KHAN.[3]

Among the various signs of the
times which mark the changes of
manners in these latter days of the
world, not the least remarkable is the
increasing frequency of the visits paid
by the natives of the East to the regions
of Europe. Time was, within
the memory of most of the present
generation, when the sight of a genuine
Oriental in a London drawing-room,
except in the angel visits, “few
and far between,” of a Persian or
Moorish ambassador, was a rarity beyond
the reach of even the most determined
lion-hunters; and if by any
fortunate chance a stray Persian khan,
or a “very magnificent three-tailed
bashaw,” was brought within the
circle of the quidnuncs of the day,
the sayings and doings of the illustrious
stranger were chronicled with
as much minuteness as if he had been
the denizen of another planet. Every
hair of his beard, every jewel in the
hilt of his khanjar, was enumerated
and criticised; while all oriental etiquette
was violated by the constant
enquiries addressed to him relative to
the number of his wives, and the economy
of his domestic arrangements.
Mais à present on a changé tout
cela.
” The reforms of Sultan Mahmood,
the invention of steam, and
the re-opening of the overland route
to India, have combined to effect a
mighty revolution in all these points.
Osmanlis, with shaven chins and tight
trousers,[4] have long been as plenty
as blackberries in the saloons of the
West, eating the flesh of the unclean
beast, quaffing champagne, and even
(if we have been rightly informed)
figuring in quadrilles with the moon-faced
daughters of the Franks; and
though the natives of the more distant
regions of the East have not yet appeared
among us in such number,
yet the lamb-skin cap of the Persian,
the pugree, or small Indian turban, and
even the queer head-dress of the Parsee,
is far from being a stranger in
our assemblies. We doubt whether
the name of Akhbar Khan himself,
proclaimed at the foot of a staircase,
would excite the same sensation in the
present day, as the announcement of
the most undistinguished wearer of
the turban some ten or twenty years
ago; but of the “Tours” and “Narratives”
which are usually the inevitable
result of such an influx of pilgrims,
our Oriental visitors have as
yet produced hardly their due proportion.
For many years, the travels of
Mirza Abu-Talib Khan, a Hindustani[5]
Moslem of rank and education,
who visited Europe in the concluding
years of the last century, stood alone
as an example of the effect produced
on an Asiatic by his observation of
the manners and customs of the West;
and even of late our stock has not
been much increased. The journal
of the Persian princes (a translation
of which, by their Syrian mehmandar,
Assaad Yakoob Khayat, has been
printed in England for private circulation)
is curious, as giving a picture
of European ways and manners when
viewed through a purely Asiatic medium;
while the remarkably sensible
and well-written narrative of the two
Parsees who lately visited this country
for the purpose of instruction in
naval architecture,[6] differs little from
the description of the same objects
which would be given by an intelligent
and well-educated European, if
they could be presented to him in the
aspect of utter novelty. The latest
[Pg 454]
of these Oriental wanderers in the ungenial
climes of Franguestan, is the
one whose name appears at the head
of this article, and who, with a rare
and commendable modesty, has preferred
introducing himself to the public
under the protecting guidance of
Maga, to venturing, alone and without
a pilot, among the perilous rocks
and shoals of the critics of the Row;
him therefore we shall now introduce,
without further comment, to the favourable
notice of our readers.

Of Kerim Khan himself, the writer
of his narrative, and of his motives
for daring the perils of the kala-pani,
(or black water, the Hindi name for
the ocean,) on a visit to Franguestan,
we have little information beyond
what can be gathered from the MS.
itself. There can be no doubt, however,
that he was a Mussulman gentleman
of rank and consideration, and
of information far superior to that of
his countrymen in general; nor does
it appear that he was driven, like
Mirza Abu-Talib, by political misfortune,
to seek in strange climes the
security which his native land denied
him. His narrative commences abruptly:—”On
the 21st of Ramazan, in
the year of the Hejra 1255,” (Dec. 1,
A.D. 1839,) “between four and five
in the afternoon, I took leave of the
imperial city of Delhi, and proceeded
to our boat, which was at anchor near
the Derya Ganj.” The voyage down
the Jumna, to its junction with the
Ganges at Allahabad, a distance of
not more than 550 miles by land, but
which the endless windings of the
stream increase to 2010 by water,
presents few incidents worthy of notice:
but our traveller observes par
parenthèse
, that “though it is said that
the sources of this river have not been
discovered, I have heard from those
who have crossed the Himalaya from
China, that it rises in that country on
the other side of the mountains, and,
forcing its way through them, arrives
at Bighamber. They say that gold is
found there in large quantities, and
the reason they assign is this—the
philosopher’s stone is found in that
country, and whatever touches it becomes
gold, but the stone itself can
never be found!” Near Muttra he
encountered the splendid cortège of
Lord Auckland, then returning to Calcutta
after his famous interview with
Runjeet Singh at Lahore, with such
a suwarree as must have recalled the
pomp and sultanut for which the memory
of Warren Hastings is even yet
celebrated among the natives of India:
“his staff and escort, with the civil
and military officers of government in
attendance on him, amounted to about
4000 persons, besides 300 elephants
and 800 camels.” The noble buildings
of Akbarabad or Agra, the capital
and residence of Akbar and
Shalijehan, the mightiest and most
magnificent of the Mogul emperors,
detained the traveller for a day; and
he notices with deserved eulogium the
splendid mausoleum of Shalijehan and
his queen, known as the Taj-Mahal.
There is nothing that can be compared
with it, and those who have visited the
farthest parts of the globe, have seen
nothing like it.[7] At Allahabad he
launched on the broad stream of the
Ganges; and after passing through
part of the territory of Awadh or
Oude, the insecurity of life and property
in which is strongly contrasted
with the rigid police in the Company’s
dominions, arrived in due time at the
holy city of Benares, the centre of
Hindoo and Brahminical sanctity.

The shrines of Benares, with their
swarms of sacred monkeys and Brahminy
bulls, were objects of little interest
to our Moslem wayfarer, who
on the contrary recounts with visible
satisfaction the destruction of several
of these But Khanas, or idol-temples, by
the intolerable bigotry of Aurungzib,
and the erection of mosques on their
sites. Among the objects of attraction
in the environs of the city, he
particularly notices a famous footprint[8]
upon stone, called the Kadmsherif,
or holy mark, deposited in a
[Pg 455]
mosque near the serai of Aurungabad,
and said to have been brought from
Mekka by Sheik Mohammed Ali
Hazin, whom the translator of his
interesting autobiography (published
in 1830 by the Oriental Society) has
made known to the British public, up
to the period when the tyranny of
Nadir Shah drove him from Persia.
“Here, during his lifetime, he used
to go sometimes on a Thursday, and
give alms to the poor in the name of
God. He was a very learned and
accomplished man; and his writings,
both in prose and verse, were equal
to those of Zahiri and Naziri. When
he first came to India, he resided for
some years at Delhi; but having had
some dispute with the poet-laureate of
the Emperor Mohammed Shah, he
found himself under the necessity of
retiring to Benares, where he lived
in great privacy. As he was a stranger
in the country, was engaged in no
calling or profession, and received no
allowance from the Emperor, it was
never known whence, or how, he was
supplied with the means of keeping
up the establishment he did, which
consisted of some hundred servants,
palanquins, horses, &c. It is said that
when the Nawab Shujah-ed-dowlah
projected his attack on the English in
Bengal, he consulted the Sheik on the
subject, who strongly dissuaded him
from the undertaking. He died
shortly after the battle of Buxar in
1180,” (A.D. 1766.) The battle of
Buxar was fought Oct. 23, 1764; but
that Sheik Ali Hazin died somewhere
about this time, seems more probable
than that his life was extended (as
stated by Sir Gore Ouseley) till
1779; since he describes himself at
the conclusion of his memoirs in 1742,
when only in his 53d year, as “leading
the dullest course of existence in
the dullest of all dull countries, and
disabled by his increasing infirmities
from any active exertion of either body
or mind”—a state of things scarcely
promising a prolongation of life to
the age of ninety.

Resuming his voyage from Benares,
the Khan notices with wonder the
apparition of the steamers plying between
Calcutta and Allahabad, several
of which he met on his course, and
regarded with the astonishment natural
in one who had never before
seen a ship impelled, apparently by
smoke, against wind and tide:—”I
need hardly say how intensely I
watched every movement of this extraordinary,
and to me incomprehensible
machine, which in its passage
created such a vast commotion in the
waters, that my poor little budjrow
(pinnace) felt its effects for the space
of full two hos,” (nearly four miles.)
The picturesque situation of the city
of Azimabad or Patna,[9] extending for
several miles along the right bank of
the Ganges, with the villas and beautiful
gardens of the resident English
interspersed among the houses, is described
in terms of high admiration;
and the mosques, some of which were
as old as the time of the Patan emperors,
are not forgotten by our Moslem traveller
in his enumeration of the marvels
of the city. A few days’ more boating
brought him to Rajmahal; “on one
side of which,” says he, “the country
is called Bengal, and on the other
Poorb, or the East”—a name from which
the independent dynasty of Moslem
kings, who once ruled in Bengal, assumed
the appellation of Poorby-Shaby.
He was now among the rice-fields, the
extent and luxuriance of which surprised
him: “There are a great variety
of sorts, and if a man were to
take a grain of each sort he might
soon fill a lota (water-pot) with them—so
innumerable are the different
kinds. The cultivators who have
measured the largest species, have declared
them to exceed the length of
fifty cubits; but I have never seen
any of this length, though others may
have.” He now entered the Bhagirutti,
or branch of the Ganges leading
to Calcutta, and which bears in the
lower part of its course the better
known name of the Hoogly—while
the main stream to the left is again
subdivided into innumerable ramifications,
the greater part of which lose
themselves among the vast marshes
[Pg 456]
of the Sunderbunds; but he complains,
that “though by this branch large
vessels and steamers pass up and
down to and from the Presidency, the
route is very bad, from the extensive
jungles on both banks, which are
haunted by Thugs and Decoits, (river
pirates:)—indeed I have heard and
read, that the shores of the Ganges
have been infested by freebooters,
pirates, and thieves of all sorts, from
time immemorial.” He escaped unharmed,
however, through these manifold
perils; and passing Murshidabad,
the ancient capital of Bengal, and
other places of less note, his remarks
upon which we shall not stay to quote,
reached the ghauts of Calcutta in
safety.

A place so often described as the
“City of Palaces,” presents little that
is novel in the narrative of the khan;
but he does full justice to the splendour
of the architecture, which he says
“exceeds that of China or Ispahan—a
superiority which arises from the immense
sums which every governor-general
has laid out upon public
works, and in improving and adorning
the city: the Marquis Wellesley,
in particular, expended lakhs of rupees
in this way.” The account which
he gives, however, from a Mahommedan
writer, of the disputes with the
Mogul government which led to the
transference of the British factory and
commerce from its original seat at
Hoogly to Kali-kata,[10] or Calcutta,
differs considerably from that given
by the British historians, if we are to
suppose the events here alluded to
(the date of which the khan does not
mention) to be those which occurred
in 1686 and 1687, when Charnock
defended the factory at Hoogly against
the Imperial deputy, Shaista Khan.
Our traveller’s version of these occurrences
is, that the factories of the
English, which were then established
on the Ghol Ghaut at Hoogly, having
been overthrown by an earthquake,
“Mr Charnock, the head officer of the
factory, purchasing a garden called
Banarasi, had the trees cut down, and
commenced a new building. But
while it was in progress, the principal
Mogul merchants and inhabitants laid
a complaint before Meer Nasir, the
foujdar, (chief of police,) that their
houses and harems would be overlooked,
and great scandal occasioned,
if the strangers should be allowed to
erect such lofty buildings in the midst
of the city.[11] The complaint was referred
by the foujdar to the nawab,
who forthwith issued orders for the
discontinuance of the works, which
were accordingly abandoned. The
Company’s agent, though highly offended
at this arbitrary proceeding,
was unable to resist it, having only
one ship and a few sepoys; and, in
spite of the efforts of the foujdar to
dissuade him, he embarked with all
his goods, and set sail for the peninsula,”
(qu. Indjeli?) “having first
set fire to such houses as were near
the river. At this time, however, the
Emperor Aurungzib was in the Carnatic,
beleaguered by the Mahrattas,
who had cut off all supplies from his
camp; and the Company’s agent in
that country, hearing of this, sent a
large quantity of grain, which had
been recently imported for their own
use, for the relief of the army. Having
thus gained the favour and protection
of the Asylum of the World,
the English were not only permitted
to build factories in various parts of
the country, but were exempted from
the duties formerly laid on their
goods. Charnock returned to Bengal
with the emperor’s firman; and the
nawab, seeing how matters stood,
withdrew his opposition to the erection
of the factory at Hoogly. The
English, however, preferred another
situation, and chose Calcutta, where
a building was soon erected, the same
which is now called the old fort.”
This account, which is in fact more
favourable to the English than that
given by their own writers, is the only
notice of these transactions we have
ever found from a Mahommedan author;
for so small was the importance
attached by the Moguls to these
[Pg 457]
obscure squabbles with a few Frank
merchants, that even the historian
Khafi-Khan, who acted as the emperor’s
representative for settling the
differences which broke out about the
same time in Bombay, makes no allusion
to the simultaneous rupture in
Bengal.

Our author, like Bishop Heber,[12]
and other travellers on the same route,
is struck by the contrast between the
robust and well-fed peasantry of Hindustan
Proper, and the puny rice-eaters
of Bengal; “who eat fish,
boiled rice, bitter oil; and an infinite
variety of vegetables; but of wheaten
or barley bread, and of pulse, they
know not the taste, nor of mutton,
fowl, or ghee, (clarified butter.) The
author of the Riaz-es-Selatin, is indeed
of opinion that such food does
not suit their constitutions, and would
make them ill if they were to eat it”—an
invaluable doctrine to establish
in dieting a pauper population! “As
to their dress, they have barely enough
to cover them—only a piece of cloth,
called a dhoti, wrapped round their
loins, while their head-dress consists
of a dirty rag rolled two or three
times round the temples, and leaving
the crown bare. But the natives of
Hindustan, and even their descendants
to the second and third generation,
always wear the jamah, or long
muslin robe, out of doors, though in
the house they adopt the Bengali custom.
The author of the Kholasat-al
Towārikh
, (an historical work,) says
that both men and women formerly
went naked; and no doubt he is right,
for they can hardly be said to do
otherwise now.” Such are the peasants
of Bengal—a race differing from
the natives of Hindustan in language,
manners, food, dress, and personal
appearance; but who, from their vicinity
to the seat of the English Supreme
Government, have served as
models for the descriptions given by
many superficial travellers, as applying
to all the natives of British India,
without distinction! The horrible
Hindu custom of immersing the sick,
when considered past recovery, in the
Ganges, and holding their lower limbs
under water till they expire,[13] excites,
as may be expected, the disgust of the
khan; but the reason which he assigns
for it, “the belief of these people,
that if a man die in his own
house, he would cause the death of
every member of the family by assuming
the form of a bhut or evil spirit,”
is new to us, and appears to be analogous
to the superstitious dread entertained
by the Greeks and Sclavonians,
of a corpse reanimated into a Vroucolochas,
or vampire. “But if a man
escapes from their hands, and recovers
after this treatment, he is shunned by
every one; and there are many villages
in Bengal, called villages of the
dead
, inhabited by men who have thus
escaped death; they are considered
dead to society, and no other persons
will dwell in the same villages.”

The stay of the khan in Calcutta
was prolonged for more than a month,
during which time he rented a house
from a native proprietor in the quarter
of Kolitolla. While removing his
[Pg 458]
effects from his boat to this residence,
he became involved in a dispute with
the police, in consequence of the violation
by his servants, through ignorance,
of the regulation which forbids
persons from the Upper Provinces to
enter the city armed; but this unintentional
infringement of orders was
easily explained and arranged by the
intervention of an European friend,
and the arms, of which the police
had taken possession, were restored.
While engaged in preparing for his
voyage, the khan made the best use
of his time in visiting the public buildings,
and other objects of interest,
among which he particularly notices
the minar or column erected in the
maidan, (square,) near the viceregal
palace of the Nawab Governor-General
Bahadur, by a subscription
among the officers of the army, native
as well as English, to the memory
of the late Sir David Ochterlony; but
rates it, with truth, as greatly inferior,
both in dimensions and beauty, to the
famous pillar of the Kootb-Minar near
Delhi. The colossal fortifications of
Fort-William are also duly commemorated;
“they resemble an embankment
externally, but when viewed
from within are exceedingly high—no
foe could penetrate within them, much
less reach the treasures and magazines
in the interior.” Our traveller also
visited the English courts of justice,
in the proceedings of which he seems
to have taken great interest, and was
apparently treated with much hospitality
by many of the European
functionaries and other residents, by
whom he was furnished with numerous
letters of introduction, as well as
receiving much information respecting
the manners and customs of Ingilistan,
or England. The choice of a
ship, and the selection of sea-stock,
were of course matters of grave consideration,
and the more so from the
peculiar unfitness of the habits and
religious scruples of an Indian Moslem
for the privations unavoidable at
sea; but a passage was at last taken
for the khan and his two servants on
board the Edinburgh of 1400 tons,
and it being agreed that he should
find his own provisions, to obviate all
mistakes on the score of forbidden
food, and the captain promising moreover
that his comforts should be carefully
attended to, this weighty negotiation
was at length concluded. It is
due to the khan to say, that whether
from being better equipped, or from
being endued with more philosophy
and forbearance than his compatriot,
Mirza Abu-Talib Khan, (to whom we
have above referred,) he seems to have
reconciled himself to the hardships of
the kala-pani, or ocean, with an exceedingly
good grace; and we find
none of the complaints which fill the
pages of the Mirza against the impurity
of his food, the impossibility of
performing his ablutions in appointed
time and manner, and sundry other
abominations by which he was so grievously
afflicted, that at a time of danger
to the vessel, “though many of
the passengers were much alarmed, I,
for my own part, was so weary of life
that I was perfectly indifferent to my
fate.” Abu-Talib, however, sailed in
an ill-regulated Danish ship; and in
summing up the horrors of the sea, he
strongly recommends his countrymen,
if compelled to brave its miseries, to
embark in none but an English vessel.

During the last days of the khan’s
sojourn in Calcutta, he witnessed the
splendid celebration of the rites of the
Mohurrum, when the slaughter of the
brother Imams, Hassan and Hussein,
the martyred grandsons of the Prophet,
is lamented by all sects of the
faithful, but more especially by the
Rafedhis or Sheahs, the followers of
Ali, “of whom there are many in
Calcutta, though they are less numerous
than the orthodox sect or Sunnis,
from whom they are distinguished,
at this season, by wearing black as
mourning. At the Baitak-Khana (a
quarter of Calcutta) we witnessed the
splendid procession of the Tazîya,[14]
with the banners and flags flying, and
the wailers beating their breasts.”…
“It is the custom here, at this season,
for all the natch-girls (dancers) to sit in
the streets of the Chandnibazar, under
[Pg 459]
canopies decorated with wreaths and
flowers in the most fantastic manner,
and sell sweetmeats, cardamums, betelnuts,
&c., upon stalls, displaying their
charms to the passers-by. I took
a turn here one evening with five
others, and found crowds of people
collected, both strangers and residents:
nor do they ordinarily disperse
till long after midnight.” On the second
day after his visit to this scene
of gaiety, he received notice that the
ship was ready for sea; and on the
8th of Mohurrum 1256, (March 13,
1840,) he accordingly embarked with
his baggage and servants on board the
Edinburgh, which was towed in seven
days, by a steamer, down the river to
Saugor; and the pilot quitting her
the next day at the floating light. “I
now found myself,” (says the khan,)
“for the first time in my life, in the
great ocean, where nothing was to be
seen around but sky and water.”

The account of a voyage at sea, as
given by an Oriental, is usually the
most deplorable of narratives—filled
with exaggerated fears, the horrors of
sea-sickness, and endless lamentations
of the evil fate of the writer, in being
exposed to such a complication of miseries.
Of the wailing of Mirza
Abu-Talib we have already given a
specimen: and the Persian princes,
even in the luxurious comfort of an
English Mediterranean steamer, seem
to have fared but little better, in their
own estimation at least, than the Mirza
in his dirty and disorderly Danish
merchantman. “Our bones cried,
‘Alas! for this evil there is no remedy.’
We were vomiting all the time, and
thus afflicted with incurable evils, in
the midst of a sea which appears
without end, the state of my health
bad, the sufferings of my brothers
very great, and no hope of being
saved, we became most miserable.”
Such is the naïve exposition of his
woes, by H. R. H. Najaf Kooli Mirza;
but Kerim Khan appears, both
physically and morally, to have been
made of different metal. Ere he had
been two days on board we find him
remarking—”I had by this time made
some acquaintance among the passengers,
and began to find my situation
less irksome and lonely;” shortly afterwards
adding—”The annoyances
inseparable from this situation were
relieved, in some measure, by the music
and dancing going on every day except
Sundays, owing to the numerous party
of passengers, both gentlemen and
ladies, whom we had on board—seeing
which, a man forgets his griefs and
troubles in the general mirth around
him.” So popular, indeed, does the
khan appear already to have become,
that the captain, finding that he had
hitherto abstained from the use of his
pipe, that great ingredient in Oriental
comfort, from an idea that smoking
was prohibited on board, “instantly
sent for my hookah, had it properly
prepared for me, and insisted on my
not relinquishing this luxury, the privation
of which he knew would occasion
me considerable inconvenience.”
In other respects, also, he seems to
have been not less happily constituted;
for though he says that “the rolling
and rocking of the ship, when it entered
the dark waters or open sea,
completely upset my two companions,
who became extremely sick”—his
remarks on the incidents of the voyage,
and the novel phenomena which
presented themselves to his view, are
never interrupted by any of those pathetic
lamentations on the instability
of the human stomach, which form so
important and doleful an episode in
the relations of most landsmen, of
whatever creed or nation.

The commencement of the voyage
was prosperous; and the ship ran to
the south before a fair wind, interrupted
only by a few days of partial
calm, till it reached the latitude of
Ceylon, where the appearance of the
flying fish excited the special wonder
of the khan, who was by this time
beginning, under the tuition of his
fellow passengers, to make some progress
in the English language, and had
even attempted to fathom some of the
mysteries of the science of navigation;
“but though I took the sextant which
the captain handed me, and held it precisely
as he had done, I could make
nothing of it.” The regular performance
of the Church service on Sundays,
and the cessation on that day
from the ordinary amusements, is specially
noticed on several occasions,
and probably made a deeper impression
on the mind of our Moslem
friend, from the popular belief current
in India that the Feringhis are men of
no caste
, without religious faith or ceremonies—a
belief which the conduct
and demeanour of the Anglo-Indians
in past times tended, in too many
[Pg 460]
instances, to confirm. Off the southern
extremity of Ceylon, the ship was
again becalmed for several days; but
the tedium of this interval was relieved,
not only by the ordinary sea
incidents of the capture of a shark and
the appearance of a whale, (the zoological
distinctions between which and
the true fishes are stated by the khan
with great correctness,) but by the
occurrence of a mutiny on board an
English vessel in company, which was
fortunately quelled by the exertions
of the captain of the Edinburgh.

“The spicy gales of Ceylon,”
blowing off the coast to the distance,
as stated, of fifty miles, (an extremely
moderate range when compared with
the accounts of some other travellers,)
at last brought on their wings the
grateful announcement of the termination
of the calm; but before quitting
the vicinity of this famous island,
(more celebrated in eastern story under
the name of Serendib,) the khan
gives some notices of the legends connected
with its history, which show a
more extended acquaintance with Hindu
literature than the Moslems in
India in general take the trouble of
acquiring. Among the rest he alludes
to the epic of the Ramayuna, and the
bridge built by Rama (or as he calls
him, Rajah Ram Chunder) for the
passage of the monkey army and their
redoubled general, Huniman, from the
Indian continent into the island, in
order to deliver from captivity Seeta,
the wife of the hero. The wind still
continuing favourable, the ship quickly
passed the equator, and the pole-star
was no longer visible—”a proof
of the earth’s sphericity which I was
glad to have had an opportunity of
seeing;” and they left, at a short distance
to the right, the islands of Mauritius
and Bourbon, “which are not
far from the great island of Madagascar,
where the faithful turn their faces
to the north when they pray, as they
turn them to the west in India,” the
kiblah, or point of direction, being in
both cases the kaaba, or temple of
Mekka. They were now approaching
the latitude of the Cape; and our
voyager was astonished by the countless
multitudes of sea-birds which surrounded
the ship, and particularly by
the giant bulk of the albatrosses,
“which I was told remained day and
night on the ocean, repairing to the
coast of Africa only at the period of
incubation.” The Cape of Storms,
however, as it was originally named by
Vasco de Gama, did not fail on this
occasion to keep up its established
character for bad weather. A severe
gale set in from the east, which
speedily increased to a storm. A
sailor fell from “the third stage of the
mainmast,” (the main topgallant yard,)
and was killed on the deck; and as
the inhospitable shores of Africa were
close under their lee, the ship appears
for some time to have been in considerable
danger. But in this (to him)
novel scene of peril, the khan manifests
a degree of self-possession,
strongly contrasting with the timidity
of the royal grandsons of Futteh Ali
Shah, the expression of whose fears
during a gale is absolutely ludicrous.
“We were so miserable that we gave
up all hope; we gave up our souls,
and began to beseech God for forgiveness;
while the wind continued increasing,
and all the waves of the
western sea rose up in mountains, with
never-ceasing noise, till they reached
the planets.” Even after the violence
of the hurricane had in some measure
abated, the sea continued to run so
high that the ports were kept closed
for several days. “At last, however,
they were opened for the purpose of
ventilating the interior; and the band,
which had been silent for some days,
began to play again.” The appearance
of a water-spout on the same afternoon
is thus described:—”An object
became visible in the distance, in
the form of a minaret, and every one
on board crowded on deck to look at
it. On asking what it was, I was told
that what appeared to be a minaret
was only water, which was drawn
up towards the heavens by the force
of the wind, and when this ceased
would fall again into the sea, and was
what we should call a whirlwind. This
is sometimes extremely dangerous to
vessels, since, if it reaches them, it is
so powerful as to draw them out of
the sea in the same manner as it draws
up the water; in consequence of
which many ships have been lost when
they have been overtaken by this wonderful
phenomenon.”

The storm was succeeded by a calm,
which detained the ship for two days
within sight of the lofty mountains
near the Cape. “It was bitterly
cold, for the seasons are here reversed,
and instead of summer, as we should
[Pg 461]
have expected, it was now the depth
of winter. At length, however, (on
the 69th day after our leaving Calcutta,)
a strong breeze sprung up,
which enabled us to set all sail, and
carried us away from this table-land.”
The run from the Cape to St Helena
seems to have been barren of incident,
except an accidental encounter with a
vessel in distress, which proved to be
a slaver which had been captured by
an English cruiser, and had sustained
serious damage in the late storm while
proceeding to the Cape with a prize
crew. On approaching St Helena,
the captain “gave orders for the ship
to be painted, both inside and out, that
the people of the island might not say
we came in a dirty ship; and as we
neared the land, a white flag was
hoisted to apprise those on shore that
there was no one ill on board. In
cases of sickness a yellow flag is displayed,
and then no one is permitted
to land from the ship for fear of contagion.
The island is about twenty-six
miles in circuit, and is constantly
enveloped in fog and mist. It is
said to have been formerly a volcano,
but has now ceased to smoke. The
vegetation is luxuriant, but few of the
flowers are fragrant. I recognised
some, however, both flowers and fruits,
which seemed similar to those of India.
I took the opportunity of landing
with the captain to see the town,
which is small, but extremely well
fortified, the cannon being so numerous
that one might suppose the whole
island one immense iron-foundery. It
is populous, the inhabitants being
chiefly Jews and English; but as it
was Sunday, and all the shops were
shut, it had a dull appearance. After
surveying the town, I ascended a hill
in the country, leading to the tomb of
Napoleon Bonaparte, which is on an
elevated spot, four miles from the
town.

“This celebrated personage was a
native of Corsica; and enjoying a fortunate
horoscope, he entered the
French army, and speedily rose to the
rank of general; and afterwards, with
the consent of the people and the soldiery,
made himself emperor. After
this he conquered several kingdoms,
and the fame of his prowess and his
victories filled all the European world.
When he invaded Russia, he defeated
the Muscovites in several great battles,
and took their capital; but, in
consequence of the intensity of the
cold, several thousands of his army
both men and horses, perished miserably.
This catastrophe obliged him
to return to France, where he undertook
the conquest of another country.
At this time George III. reigned in
England; and having collected all
the disposable forces of his kingdom,
appointed Lord Wellington (the same
general who was employed in the
war against Tippoo Sultan in Mysore)
to command them, and sent
him to combat the French Emperor.
He entered Spain, and forced
the Emperor’s brother, Yusuf, (Joseph,)
who was king of that country,
to fly—till after a variety of battles
and incidents, too numerous to
particularize, the two hostile armies
met at a place called by the English
Waterloo, where a bloody battle was
fought, as famous as that of Pāshān,
between Sohrab and the hero Rustan:
and Napoleon was overthrown and
made prisoner. He was then sent,
though in a manner suitable to his
rank, to this island of St Helena,
where, after a few years, he finished
his earthly career. His tomb is much
visited by all who touch at the island,
and has become a durgah (shrine) for
innumerable visitors from Europe.
There are persons appointed to take
care of it, who give to strangers, in
consideration of a small present, the
leaves and flowers of the trees which
grow round the tomb. No other
Emperor of the Europeans was ever
so honoured as to have had his tomb
made a shrine and place of pilgrimage:
nor was ever one so great a
conqueror, or so renowned for his
valour and victories.”

The remainder of the voyage from
St Helena to England was apparently
marked by no incident worthy of
mention, as the khan notices only the
reappearance of the pole-star on their
crossing the line, and re-entering the
northern hemisphere, and their reaching
once more the latitude of Delhi,
“which we now passed many thousand
miles to our right; after which
nothing of importance occurred till
we reached the British Channel, when
we saw the Scilly Isles in the distance,
and about noon caught a
glimpse of the Lizard Point, and the
south coast of England, together with
the lighthouse: the country of the
French lay on our right at the
[Pg 462]
distance of about eighty miles. I was
given to understand that the whole
distance from St Helena to London,
by the ship’s reckoning, was 6328
miles, and 16,528 from Calcutta.”
In the Downs the pilot came on board,
from whom they received the news
of the attempt recently made by Oxford
on the life of the Queen; and
here the captain, anxious to lose no
time in reaching London, quitted the
vessel as it entered the Thames, “the
sources of which famous river, I was
informed, were near a place called
Cirencester, eighty-eight miles from
London, in the zillah (county) of
Gloucester.” The ship was now
taken in tow by a couple of steam-tugs,
and passing Woolwich, “where
are the war-ships and top-khana (arsenal)
of the English Padishah, at
length reached Blackwall, where we
anchored.”

“I now (continues the khan) returned
thanks to God for having
brought me safe through the wide
ocean to this extraordinary country—bethinking
myself of the answer once
made by a man who had undertaken
a voyage, on being asked by his
friends what he had seen most wonderful—’The
greatest wonder I have
seen is seeing myself alive on land!'”
The troubles of the khan, however,
were far from being ended by his arrival
on terra firma: for apparently
from some mistake or inadvertence,
(the cause of which does not very
clearly appear,) on the part of the
friends whom he had expected to meet
him, he found himself, on landing at
Blackwall and proceeding by the
railway to London, left alone by the
person who had thus far been his
guide, in apartments near Cornhill,
almost wholly unacquainted with the
English language, separated from his
baggage and servants, who were still
on board the Edinburgh, and with no
one in his company but another Hindustani,
as little versed as himself in
the ways and speech of Franguestan.
In this “considerable unhandsome
fix,” as it would be called on the other
side of the Atlantic, the perplexities
of the khan are related with such inimitable
naïveté and good-humour,
that we cannot do better than give
the account of them in his own words.
“As I could neither ask for any
thing, nor answer any question put to
me, I passed the whole night without
a morsel of food or a drop of water:
till in the morning, feeling hungry, I
requested my companion to go to some
bazar and buy some fruit. He replied
that it would be impossible for
him either to find his way to a bazar
through the crowds of people, or to
find his way back again—as all the
houses were so much alike. I then
told him to go straight on in the
street we were in, turning neither to
the right nor the left till he met with
some shop where we might get what
we wanted: and, in order to direct
him to the place on his return, I
agreed to lean half out of the window,
so that he could not fail to see me.
No sooner, however, did he sally
forth, than the people, men, women,
and children, began to stare at him
on all sides, as if he had dropped from
the moon; some stopped and gazed,
and numbers followed him as if he
had been a criminal about being led
to execution. Nor was I in a more
enviable position: the people soon
caught sight of me with my head and
shoulders out of the window; and in
a few minutes a mob had collected
opposite the door. What was I to
do? If I withdrew myself, my friend
on returning would have no mark to
find the house, while, if I remained
where I was, the curiosity of the
crowd would certainly increase. I kept
my post, however, while every one that
passed stopped and gazed like the rest,
till there was actually no room for
vehicles to pass; and in this unpleasant
situation I remained fully an hour,
when seeing my friend returning, I
went down and opened the door for
him. He told me he had gone straight
on, till he came to a fruit-shop, at the
corner of another street, when he
went in, and laying two shillings on
the counter, said in Oordu, (the polished
dialect of Hindustani,) ‘Give
me some fruit.’ The shopman, not
understanding him, spoke to him in
English; to which he replied again
in Oordu, ‘I want some fruit!’
pointing at the same time to the
money, to signify that he wanted two
shillings’ worth of fruit. The man,
however, continued confounded; and
my friend at last, not knowing of
what sort the fruits were, whether
sour or sweet, bitter or otherwise,
ventured, after much hesitation and
fruitless attempts to communicate
with the shopman by signs and
[Pg 463]
gestures, to take up four apples, and then
made his retreat in the best manner
he could, followed, as here, by the
rabble. I at last caught a glimpse of
him, as I have mentioned, and let him
in; and we sat down together, and
breakfasted on these four apples, my
friend taking two of them, and I the
others.”

It must be admitted that our khan’s
first meal in England, and the concomitant
circumstances, were not calculated
to impress him with a very
high idea, either of the comforts of
the country or the politeness of the
inhabitants; but the unruffled philosophy
with which he submitted to
these untoward privations was, ere-long,
rewarded by the arrival of the
East India agent to whose care he had
been recommended, and who, after
putting him in the way of getting his
servants and luggage on shore from
the vessel, took him out in a carriage
to show him the metropolis. “It was,
indeed, wonderful in every point of
view, whether I regarded the immense
population, the dresses and
faces of the men and women, the multitudes
of houses, churches, &c., and
the innumerable carriages running in
streets paved with stone and wood,
(the width and openness of which
seem to expand the heart,) and confining
themselves to the middle of the
road, without overturning any of the
foot-passengers.” The cathedral of
St Paul’s is described with great minuteness
of detail, and the expense of
its erection stated at seventy-three
lakhs of rupees, (about L.750,000;)
“but I have heard that if a similar
edifice were erected in the present
day, it would cost four times as much,
as the cost of every thing has increased
in at least that proportion.”

The difficulties of the khan, from
his ignorance of the language, and
Moslem scruples at partaking of food
not dressed by his own people, were
not yet, however, at an end. For
though, on returning to his lodging
in the evening, he found that his
friend had succeeded in procuring
from the ship a dish of kichiri, (an
Indian mess, composed of rice and
ghee, or clarified butter,) his inability
to communicate with his landlady still
occasioned him considerable perplexity.
“Having ventured to take some
pickles, which I saw on the sideboard,
and finding them palatable, I sent for
the landlady, and tried to explain to
her by signs, pointing to the bottles,
that I wanted something like what
they contained. Alas, for my ignorance!
She thought I wished them
taken out of the room, and so walked
off with them, leaving me in the utmost
astonishment. How was I to
get it back again? it was the only
thing I had to relish my kichiri. I
had, therefore, recourse to this expedient—I
got an apple and pared it,
putting the parings in a bottle with
water; and showing this to the landlady,
intimated, by signs, that I wanted
something like it to eat with my
rice. She asked many questions in
English, and talked a great deal, from
which I inferred that she had at last
discovered my meaning, but five minutes
had hardly elapsed when she
re-appeared, bearing in her hand a
bottle of water, filled with apple-parings
cut in the nicest manner imaginable!
This she placed on the
table in the most respectful manner,
and then retired!”

The good lady, however, conceiving
that her guest was in danger of
perishing with hunger, was benevolently
importunate with him to partake
of some nourishment, or at least
of some tea and toast, “since it is the
custom in this country for every one to
eat five times a-day, and some among
the wealthy are not satisfied even with
this!” The arrival of an English acquaintance,
who explained to the landlady
the religious prejudices of her
lodger, in some measure relieved him
from his embarrassment; but he was
again totally disconcerted, by finding
it impossible, after a long search, to
procure any ghee—an ingredient indispensable
in the composition of every
national dish of India, whether Moslem
or Hindu. “How shall I express
my astonishment at this extraordinary
ignorance? What! do they
not know what ghee is? Wonderful!
This was a piece of news I never expected—that
what abounds in every
little wretched village in India, could
not be purchased in this great city!”
How this unforeseen deficiency was
supplied does not appear; but probably
the khan’s never-failing philosophy
enabled him to bear even
this unparalleled privation with equanimity,
as we hear no further complaints
on the subject. He did not
remain, however, many days in those
[Pg 464]
quarters, finding that the incessant
noise of the vehicles passing day and
night deprived him of sleep; and, by
the advice of his friends, he took a
small house in St John’s Wood, where
he was at once at a distance from the
intolerable clamour of the streets, and
at liberty to live after the fashion of
his own country.

The first place of public resort to
which he directed his steps, appears
to have been the Pantheon bazar in
Oxford Street, whither the familiar
name perhaps attracted him—”for
the term bazar is in use also among
the people of this country;” but he
does not appear to have been particularly
struck by any thing he saw there,
except the richness and variety of the
wares. On the contrary, he complains
of the want of fragrance in the flowers
in the conservatory, particularly the
roses, as compared with those of his
native land—”there was one plantain-tree
which seemed to be regarded as
a sort of wonder, though thousands
grow in our gardens without any sort
of culture.” The presence of the
female attendants at the stalls, a sight
completely at variance with Asiatic
ideas, is also noticed with marked
disapprobation—”Most of them were
young and handsome, and seemed perfect
adepts in the art of selling their
various wares; but I could not help
reflecting, on seeing so many fine
young women engaged in this degrading
occupation, on the ease and comfort
enjoyed by our females, compared
to the drudgery and servile employment
to which the sex are subjected
in this country. Notwithstanding all
the English say of the superior condition
of their women, it is quite evident,
from all I have seen since my
arrival, that their social state is far
below that of our females.” This
sentiment is often repeated in the
course of the narrative, and any one
who has read, in the curious work of
Mrs Meer Hassan Ali, quoted above,
an account of the strict domestic seclusion
in which Moslem females
having any pretensions to rank, or
even respectability, are constantly retained
in India, will not be surprised
at the frequent expression of repugnance,
whenever the writer sees women
engaged in any public or out-of-doors
occupation—a custom so abhorrent
to Oriental, and, above all, to Indian
ideas.

We next find the khan in the Zoological
Gardens, his matter-of-fact
description of which affords an amusing
contrast with that of those veracious
scions of Persian royalty, who
luxuriate in “elephant birds just like
an elephant, but without the proboscis,
and with wings fifteen yards long”—”an
elephant twenty-four feet high,
with a trunk forty feet long;” and
who assure us that “the monkeys act
like human beings, and play at chess
with those who visit the gardens. On
this day a Jew happened to be at this
place, and went to play a game with
the monkey. The monkey beat, and
began to laugh loudly, all the people
standing round him; and the Jew,
exceedingly abashed, was obliged to
leave the place.” The khan, in common
with ourselves, and the generality
of visitors to the Regent’s Park, was
not fortunate enough to witness any
of the wondrous feats which gladdened
the royal eyes of the Shahzadehs—though
he saw some of the apes,
meaning the orang-outan, “drink tea
and coffee, sit on chairs, and eat their
food like human beings.” * * *

“There is no island or kingdom,” (he
continues,) “which has not contributed
its specimens of the animal kingdom
to these gardens: from the elephant
and rhinoceros, to the fly and the
mosquito, all are to be seen here”—but
not even the giraffes, strange as
their appearance must have been to
him, attract any particular notice;
though the sight of the exotics in the
garden draws from him a repetition
of his old complaint, relative to the
want of fragrance in the flowers as
compared with those produced under
the genial sun of India. The ceremony
of the prorogation of Parliament
by the Queen in person was now at
hand, and the khan determined to be
present at this imposing scene. But as
he takes this opportunity to introduce
his observations and opinions on the
laws and customs of this country, we
shall postpone to our next Number the
discussion of these weighty subjects.


[Pg 465]

THE THIRTEENTH.

A Tale of Doom.

It was on a sultry July evening that
a joyous party of young men were
assembled in the principal room of a
wine house, outside the Potsdam gate
of Berlin. One of their number, a
Saxon painter, by name Carl Solling,
was about to take his departure for
Italy. His place was taken in the
Halle mail, his luggage sent to the
office, and the coach was to call for
him at midnight at the tavern, whither
a number of his most intimate friends
had accompanied him, to drink a
parting glass of Rhenish wine to his
prosperous journey.

Supper was over, and some magnificent
melons, and peaches, and plates of
caviare, and other incentives to drinking,
placed upon the table; a row of
empty bottles already graced the sideboard,
while full ones of that venerable
cobweb-mantle appearance, so
dear to the toper, were forthcoming
as rapidly as the thirstiest throats
could desire. The conviviality was
at its height, and numerous toasts had
been given, among which the health
of the traveller, the prosperity of the
art which he cultivated, and of the
land of poetry and song to which he
was proceeding, had not been forgotten.
Indeed, it was becoming difficult
to find any thing to toast, but the
thirst of the party was still unquenched,
and apparently unquenchable.

Suddenly a young man started up,
in dress and appearance the very model
of a German student—in short
frock coat and loose sacklike trousers,
long curling hair hanging over his
shoulders, pointed beard and mustache,
and the scars of one or two sabre
cuts on his handsome animated countenance.

“You want a toast, my friends!”
cried he. “An excuse to drink, as
though drinking needed an excuse
when the wine is good. I will give
you one, and a right worthy one too.
Our noble selves here assembled; all,
so many as we are!” And he glanced
round the table, counting the number
of the guests. “One, two, three,
four—thirteen. We are Thirteen. Es
lebe die Dreizehn!

He raised his glass, in which the
golden liquor flashed and sparkled,
and set it down, drained to the last
drop.

Thirteen!” exclaimed a pale-faced,
dark-eyed youth named Raphael,
starting from his seat, and in
his turn counting the company. “‘Tis
true. My friends, ill luck will attend
us. We are Thirteen, seated at a
round table.”

There was evidently an unpleasant
impression made upon the guests by
this announcement. The toast-giver
threw a scornful glance around him—

“What!” cried he, “are we believers
in such nursery tales and old
wives’ superstitions? Pshaw! The
charm shall soon be broken. Halls!
Franz! Winebutt! Thieving innkeeper!
Rascally corkdrawer! where
are you hidden? Come forth! Appear!”

Thus invoked, there toddled into
the room the master of the tavern—a
round-bellied, short-legged individual,
whose rosy gills and Bacchus-like appearance
proved his devotion to the
jolly god whose high-priest he was.

“Sit down here!” cried the mad
student, forcing him into a chair;
“and now, Raphael and gentlemen
all, be pleased to shorten your faces
again, and drink your wine as if one
with a three after it were an unknown
combination of numerals.”

The conversation now took a direction
naturally given to it by what
had just occurred, and the origin and
causes of the popular prejudice against
the number Thirteen were discussed.

“It cannot be denied that there is
something mysterious in the connection
and combination of numbers,”
observed a student in philosophy;
“and Pythagoras was right enough
when he sought the foundation of all
human knowledge in the even and
uneven. All over the world the idea
of something complete and perfect is
associated with even numbers, and of
something imperfect and defective
with uneven ones. The ancients, too,
considered even numbers of good omen,
and uneven ones as unpropitious.”

[Pg 466]
“It is really a pity,” cried the mad
student, “that you philosophers should
not be allowed to invert and re-arrange
history in the manner you deem
fitting. You would soon torture the
crooked stream of time into a straight
line. I should like to know from what
authors you derive your very original
ideas in favour of even numbers. As
far as my reading goes, I find that
number three was considered a sacred
and a fortunate number by nearly all
the sects of antiquity, not excepting
the Pythagoreans. And the early
Romans had such a respect for the
uneven numbers, that they never allowed
a flock of sheep to be of any
number divisible by two.”

The philosopher did not seem immediately
prepared with a reply to
this attack.

“You are all of you looking too far
back for the origin of the curse that
attends the number Thirteen,” interposed
Raphael. “Think only of the
Lord’s Supper, which is rather nearer
to our time than Pythagoras and the
Roman shepherds. It is since then
that Thirteen has been a stigmatized
and fatal number. Judas Iscariot was
the Thirteenth at that sacred table and
believe me it is no childish superstition
that makes men shun so unblest a
number.”

“Here is Solling, who has not given
his opinion yet,” cried another of the
party, “and yet I am sure he has
something to say on the subject. How
now, Carl, what ails thee, man? Why
so sad and silent?”

The painter who, at the commencement
of the evening, had entered
frankly and willingly into the joyous
humour of his friends, had become
totally changed since the commencement
of this discussion on the number
Thirteen. He sat silent and thoughtful
in his chair, and left his glass
untasted before him, while his thoughts
were evidently occupied by some unpleasant
subject. His companions
pressed him for the cause of this
change, and after for some time evading
their questions, he at last confessed
that the turn the conversation had
taken had brought painful recollections
to his mind.

“It is a matter I love not to speak
about,” said he; “but it is no secret,
and least of all could I have any wish
to conceal it from you, my good and
kind friends. We have yet an hour
before the arrival of the mail, and if
you are disposed to listen, I will relate
to you the strange incidents, the recollection
of which has saddened me.”

The painter’s offer was eagerly accepted;
the young men drew their
chairs round the table, and Solling
commenced as follows:—

“I am a native of the small town of
Geyer, in Saxony, of the tin mines of
which place my father was inspector.
I was the twelfth child of my parents
and half an hour after I saw the light
my mother give birth to a Thirteenth,
also a boy. Death, however, was
busy in this numerous family. Several
had died while yet infants, and
there now survive only three besides
myself, and perhaps my twin brother.

“The latter, who was christened Bernard,
gave indications at a very early
age of an eccentric and violent disposition.
Precocious in growth and
strength, wild as a young foal, headstrong
and passionate, full of spiteful
tricks and breakneck pranks, he was
the terror of the family and the neighbours.
In spite of his unamiable qualities,
he was the pet of his father, who
pardoned or laughed at all his mischief,
and the consequence was, that
he became an object of fear and hatred
to his brothers and sisters. Our hatred,
however, was unjust; for Bernard’s
heart was good, and he would have
gone through fire and water for any
of us. But he was rough and violent
in whatever he did, and we dreaded
the fits of affection he sometimes took
for us, almost as much as his less
amiable humours.

“As far back as I can remember,
Bernard received not only from his
brothers, but also from all our playfellows,
the nickname of the Thirteenth,
in allusion, of course, to his
being my mother’s thirteenth child.
At first this offended him grievously,
and many were the sound thrashings
he inflicted in his endeavours to get
rid of the obnoxious title. Finally he
succeeded, but scarcely had he done
so when, from some strange perversity
of character, he adopted as an honourable
distinction the very name he had
taken such pains to suppress.

“We were playing one Sunday afternoon
in the large court of our house;
several of the neighbours’ children
were there, and it chanced that we
were exactly twelve in number. We
[Pg 467]
had wooden swords, and were having
a sort of tournament, from which,
however, we had managed to exclude
Bernard, who, in such games, was
accustomed to hit rather too hard.
Suddenly he bounded over a wall, and
fell amongst us like a thunderbolt.
He had painted his face in red and
black stripes, and made himself a pair
of wings out of an old leathern apron;
and thus equipped and armed with the
largest broomstick he had been able
to find, he showered his blows around
him, driving us right and left, and
shouting out, ‘Room, room for the
mad Thirteenth!’

“Soon after this incident my father
died. Bernard, who had been his
favourite, was as violent in his grief
as he had already shown himself to be
in every thing else. He wept and
screamed like a mad creature, tore his
hair, bit his hands till they bled, and
struck his head against the wall; raved
and flew at every body who came near
him, and was obliged to be shut up
when his father’s coffin was carried out
of the house, or he would inevitably
have done himself or somebody else a
mischief.

“My mother had an unmarried brother
in the town of Marienberg, a
wealthy man, and who was Bernard’s
godfather. On learning my father’s
death he came to Geyer, and invited
his sister and her children to go and
take up their abode with him. But
the worthy man little knew the plague
he was receiving into his house in the
person of his godson. Himself of a
mild, quiet disposition, he was greatly
scandalized by the wild pranks of his
nephew, and made vain attempts to
restrain him within some bounds; but
by so doing he became the aversion
of my brother, who showed his dislike
in every possible way. He gave him
nicknames, broke his china cups and
saucers, by which the old gentleman
set great store, splashed his white silk
stockings with mud as he went to
church, put the house clock an hour
forward or back, and tormented his
kind godfather in every way he could
devise.

“Bernard had not forgotten his title
of the Thirteenth; but it was probable
he would soon have got tired of it,
for it was not his custom to adhere
long to any thing, had not my uncle,
who was a little superstitious, strictly
forbidden him to adopt it. This opposition
was all that was wanting to
make my brother bring forward the
unlucky number upon every possible
occasion. When any body mentioned
the number twelve before him, or
called any thing the twelfth, Bernard
would immediately cry out, ‘And
I am the Thirteenth!’

“No matter when it was, or before
whom; time, place, and persons were
to him alike indifferent. For instance,
one Sunday in church, when the
clergyman in the course of the service
said, ‘Let us sing a portion of
such a psalm, beginning at the twelfth
verse,’ Bernard immediately screamed
out, ‘And I am the Thirteenth!’

“This was a grievous scandal to my
uncle, and Bernard was called that
evening before a tribunal, composed
of his godfather, my mother, and the
old clergyman whom he had so gracelessly
interrupted, and who was also
teacher of Latin and theology at the
school to which Bernard and I went.
But all their reproaches and remonstrances
were lost upon my brother,
who had evidently much difficulty to
keep himself from laughing in their
faces. My mother wept, my uncle
paced the room in great perplexity,
and the worthy old dominie clasped
his hands together, and exclaimed,
‘My child! I fear me, God’s chastisement
will be needed to amend
you.’ The event proved that he was
right.

“It was on the Friday before Christmas-day,
and we were assembled in
school. The near approach of the holidays
had made the boys somewhat
turbulent, and the poor old dominie
had had much to suffer during the whole
day from their tricks and unruliness.
My brother, of course, had contributed
largely to the disorder, much
to the delight of his bosom friend
and companion, the only son of the
master. This boy, whose name was
Albert, was a blue-eyed, fair haired
lad, gentle as a girl. Bernard had
conceived a violent friendship for him,
and had taken him under his protection.
Albert’s father, as may be supposed,
was little pleased at this intimacy,
but yet, out of consideration
for my uncle, he did not entirely forbid
it; and the more so as he perceived
that his son in no respect imitated his
wild playmate, but contented himself
with admiring him beyond all created
beings, and repaying with the warmest
[Pg 468]
affection Bernard’s watchful and jealous
guardianship.

“On the afternoon in question, my
brother surpassed himself in wayward
conceits and mischievous tricks, to the
infinite delight of Albert, who rocked
with laughter at each new prank.
The good dominie, who was indulgence
itself, was instructing us in
Bible history, and had to interrupt
himself every moment to repress the
unruliness of his pupils, and especially
of Bernard.

“It seemed pre-ordained that the lesson
should be an unlucky one. Every
thing concurred to make it so. Our
instructor had occasion to speak of
the twelve tribes of Israel, of the
twelve patriarchs, of the twelve gates
of the holy city. Each of these served
as a cue to my brother, who immediately
shouted out, ‘And I am the
Thirteenth!’ and each time Albert
threw himself back shrieking with
laughter, thus encouraging Bernard
to give full scope to his mad humour.
The poor dominie remonstrated, menaced,
supplicated, but all in vain. I
saw the blood rising into his pale face,
and at last his bald head, in spite of
the powder which sprinkled it, became
red all over. He contained himself,
however, and proceeded to the account
of the Lord’s Supper. He began,
‘And when the hour was come, he
sat down, and the twelve apostles with
him.’

“‘And I am the Thirteenth!’ yelled
Bernard.

“Scarcely were the words uttered,
when a Bible flew across the school,
the noise of a blow, and a cry of anguish
followed, and the old man fell
senseless to the ground. The heavy
Bible, the corners of which were
bound with silver, and that he had
hurled in a moment of uncontrollable
passion at my brother, had missed its
mark, and struck his own son on the
head. Albert lay bleeding on the
floor, while Bernard hung over him
like one beside himself, weeping, and
kissing his wounds.

“The boys ran, one and all, out of
the school-room, shrieking for assistance.
Our cries soon brought the
servants to the spot, who, on learning
what had happened, hastened with us
back to the school, and lifted up the
old master, who was still lying on the
ground near his desk. He had been
struck with apoplexy, and survived
but a few hours. Albert was wounded
in two places, one of the sharp corners
of the Bible having cut open his forehead,
while another had injured his
left eye. After much suffering he
recovered, but the sight of the eye
was gone.

“Bernard, however, had disappeared.
When we re-entered the school-room,
a window which looked into the playground
was open, and there were marks
of footsteps on the snow without. A
short distance further were traces of
blood, where the fugitive had apparently
washed his face and hands in
the snow. We have never seen him
since that day.”

The painter paused, and his friends
remained some moments silent, musing
on the tragical history they had
heard.

“And do you know nothing whatever
of your brother’s fate?” enquired
Raphael at last.

“Next to nothing. My uncle
caused enquiries to be made in every
direction, but without success. Once
only a neighbour at Marienberg, who
had been travelling on the Bohemian
frontier, told us that he had met at a
village inn a wandering clarinet-player,
who bore so strong a resemblance
to my brother that he accosted him
by his name. The musician seemed
confused, and muttering some unintelligible
reply, left the house in haste.
What renders it probable that this
was Bernard is, that he had a great
natural talent for music, and at the
time he left home, had already attained
considerable proficiency on the
clarinet.”

“How old was your brother when
he so strangely disappeared?” asked
one of the party.

“Fifteen, but he looked at least
two years older, for he was stout and
manly in person beyond his age.”

At this moment the rattling of
wheels, and sound of a postilion’s
horn, was heard. The Halle mail
drove up to the door, the guard bawling
out for his passenger. The
young painter took a hasty leave of
his friends, and sprang into the vehicle,
which the next instant disappeared
in the darkness.

There was an overplus of travellers
by the mail that night, and the carriage
in which Solling had got, was
not the mail itself, but a calèche, holding
four persons, which was used as a
[Pg 469]
sort of supplement, and followed close
to the other carriage. Two of the
places were occupied by a Jew horse-dealer
and a sergeant of hussars, who
were engaged in an animated, and to
them most interesting conversation,
on the subject of horse-flesh, to which
the painter paid little attention; but
leaning back in his corner, remained
absorbed in the painful reflections
which the incidents he had been narrating
had called up in his mind. In
spite of his brother’s eccentricities, he
was truly attached to him; and although
eight years had elapsed since
his disappearance, he had not yet
given up hopes of finding him, if still
alive. The enquiries that he and his
uncle had unceasingly made after their
lost relative, had put them, about three
years previous to this time, upon the
trace of a clarinet-player who had
been seen at Venice and Trieste, and
went by the name of Voltojo. This
might have been a name adopted by
Bernard, as being nearly the Italian
equivalent of Geyer, or hawk, the
name of his native town; and Solling
was not without a faint hope, that in
the course of his journey to Rome he
might obtain some tidings of his
brother.

He was roused from his reverie by
the postilion shouting out to the guard
of the mail, which was just before
them on the road, to know when they
were to take up the passenger who
was to occupy the remaining seat in
the calèche.

“Where will the Thirteenth meet
us?” asked the man.

“At the inn at Schoneber,” replied
the guard.

The Thirteenth! The word made
the painter’s blood run cold. The
horse-dealer and the sergeant, who
had begun to doze in their respective
corners, were also disturbed by the
ill-omened sound.

“The Thirteenth! The Thirteenth!”
muttered the Jew in his beard, still
half asleep. “God forbid! Let’s have
no thirteenth!”

A company of travelling comedians,
who occupied the mail, took up the
word. “The Thirteenth is coming,”
said one.

“Somebody will die,” cried another.

“Or we shall be upset and break
our necks,” exclaimed a third.

“No Thirteenth!” cried they all in
chorus. “Drive on! drive on! he
sha’n’t get in!”

This was addressed to the postilion,
who just then pulled up at the door of
a village inn, and giving a blast with
his horn, shouted loudly for his remaining
passenger to appear.

The door of the public-house opened,
and a tall figure, with a small knap-sack
on his shoulder and a knotty
stick in his hand, stepped out and approached
the mail. But when he
heard the cries of the comedians, who
were still protesting against the admission
of a Thirteenth traveller, he
started suddenly back, swinging his
cudgel in the air.

“To the devil with you all, vagabonds
that ye are!” vociferated he.
“Drive on, postilion, with your cage
of monkeys. I shall walk.”

At the sound of the stranger’s
voice, Solling sprang up in the carriage
and seized the handle of the
door. But as he did so, a strong arm
grasped him by the collar, and pulled
him back into his seat. At the same
moment the carriage drove on.

“The man is drunk,” said the sergeant,
who had misinterpreted his fellow-passenger’s
intentions. “It is
not worth while dirtying your hands,
and perhaps getting an ugly blow, in
a scuffle with such a fellow.”

“Stop, postilion, stop!” shouted
Solling. But the postilion either did
not or would not hear, and some time
elapsed before the painter could persuade
his well-meaning companion of
his peaceable intentions. At length
he did so, and the carriage, which had
meanwhile been going at full speed,
was stopped.

“You will leave my luggage at the
first post-house,” said Solling, jumping
out and beginning to retrace his
steps to the village, which they had
now left some distance behind them.

The night was pitch-dark, so dark
that the painter was compelled to feel
his way, and guide himself by the line
of trees that bordered the road. He
reached the village without meeting a
living creature, and strode down the
narrow street amid the baying of the
dogs, disturbed by his footfall at that
silent hour of the night. The inn
door was shut, but there was a light
glimmering in one of the casements.
He knocked several times without any
body answering. At length a woman’s
head was put out of an upper window.

[Pg 470]
“Go your ways,” cried a shrill
voice, “and don’t come disturbing honest
folk at this time o’ night. Do
you think we have nought to do but
to open the door for such raff as you?
Be off with you, you vagabond, and
blow your clarinet elsewhere.”

“You are mistaken, madam,” said
Solling; “I am no vagabond, but a
passenger by the Halle mail, and”—

“What brings you here, then?”
interrupted the virago; “the Halle
mail is far enough off by this.”

“My good madam,” replied the
painter in his softest tone, “for God’s
sake tell me who and where is the
person who was waiting for the mail
at your hotel.”

“Ha! ha!” laughed the hostess,
considerably mollified by the madam
and the hotel. “The mad Italian
musician, the clarinet fellow? Why, I
took you for him at first, and wondered
what brought him back, for he
started as soon as the mail left the
door. He’d have done better to have
got into it, with a dark night and a
long road before him. Ha! ha! He’s
mad, to be sure.”

“His name! His name!” cried
Solling, impatiently.

“His name? How can I recollect
his outlandish name? Fol—Vol——”

“Voltojo!” cried the painter.

“Voltojo! yes, that’s it. Ha! ha!
What a name!”

“It is he!” cried Solling, and without
another word dashed off full speed
along the road he had just come. He
kept in the middle of the causeway,
straining his eyes to see into the darkness
on either side of him, and wondering
how it was he had not met
the object of his search as he came to
the village. He ran on, occasionally
taking trees and fingerposts for men,
and cursing his ill luck when he saw
his mistake. The sweat poured down
his face in streams, and his knees began
to knock together with fatigue.
Suddenly he struck his foot against a
stone lying in the road, and fell, cutting
his forehead severely upon some pebbles.
The sharp pain drew a cry
from him, and a man who had been
lying on the grass at the roadside,
sprang up and hastened to
his assistance. At that moment a
flash of summer lightning lit up the
road.

“Bernard! Bernard!” cried the
painter, throwing his arms round
the stranger’s neck. It was his
brother.

Bernard started back with a cry of
horror.

“Albert!” he exclaimed in a hollow
voice, “Cannot your spirit rest?
Do you rise from the grave to persecute
me?”

“In God’s name, my dear brother,
what mean you? I am Carl—Carl,
your twin brother.”

“Carl? No! Albert! I see that horrid
wound on your brow. It still bleeds!”

The painter grasped his brother’s
hand.

“I am flesh and blood,” said he,
“and no spirit. Albert still lives.”

“He lives!” exclaimed Bernard,
and clasped his brother in his arms.

Explanations followed, and the
brothers took the road to Berlin.
When the painter had replied to Bernard’s
questions concerning their family,
he in his turn begged his brother
to relate his adventures since
they parted, and above all to give his
reasons for remaining so long severed
from his friends and home.

“Although I fully believed Albert
killed by the blow he received,” replied
Bernard, “it was no fear of
punishment for my indirect share in
his death, that induced me to fly.
But when I saw the father senseless
on the ground, and the son expiring
before my eyes, I felt as if I was accursed,
as if the brand of Cain were
on my brow, and that it was my fate
to roam through the world an isolated
and wretched being. When you all
ran out of the school to fetch assistance,
it seemed to me as though each
chair and bench and table in the room
received the power of speech, and
yelled and bellowed in my ears the
fatal number which has been the
cause of all my misfortunes—’Thirteen!
Thirteen! Thou art the Thirteenth,
the Accursed One!’

“I fled, and since that day no rest
or peace has been mine. Like my
shadow has this unholy number
clung to me. Wherever I went, in
all the many lands I have wandered
through, I carried with me the
curse of my birth. At every turn it
met me, aggravating my numerous
hardships, embittering my rare moments
of joy. If I entered a room
where a cheerful party was assembled,
all rose and shrunk from me as from
one plague-tainted. They were twelve—I
[Pg 471]
was the Thirteenth. If I sat down
at a dinner-table, my neighbour left
his chair, and the others would say,
‘He fears to sit by you. You are
the Thirteenth.’ If I slept at an inn—there
were sure to be twelve persons
sleeping there; my bed was the
Thirteenth, or my room would be number
Thirteen, and I was told that the
former landlord had shot or hung
himself in it.

“At length I left Germany, in the
vain hope that the spell would not
extend beyond the land of my birth.
I took ship at Trieste for Venice.
Scarcely were we out of port when a
violent storm arose, and we were
driven rapidly towards a rocky and
dangerous coast. The steersman
counted the seamen and passengers, and
crossed himself. We were thirteen.

“Lots were drawn who should be
sacrificed for the salvation of the
others. I drew number thirteen, and
they put me ashore on a barren rock,
where I passed a day and night half
dead with cold and drenched with sea
water. At length an Illyrian fisherman
espied me, and took me off in his boat.

“It is unnecessary to relate to you in
detail my wanderings during the last
eight years, or if I do, it shall be at
some future time. My clarinet enables
me to live in the humble manner
I have always done. You remember,
probably, that I had some
skill in it, which I have since much
improved. When travelling, my
music was generally taken as payment
for my bed and supper at the
petty hostelries at which I put up;
and when I came to a large town, I
remained a few days, and usually
gained more than my expenses.

“About a year since, I made some
stay at Copenhagen, and at last, getting
wearied of that city, I put myself
on board a ship, without enquiring
whither it was bound. It took me to
Stralsund.

“The day of my arrival, there was a
shooting-match in the suburb beyond
the Knieper, and I hastened thither
with my clarinet. It was a sort of
fair, and I wandered from one booth
to the other, playing the joyous mountain
melodies which I had not once
played since my departure from Marienberg.
God knows what brought
them into my head again; but it did
my heart good to play them, and a
feeling came over me, that I should
like once more to have a home, and
to leave the weary rambling life I had
so long led.

“I had great success that day, and
the people thronged to hear the wandering
Italian musician. Many were
the jugs of beer and glasses of wine
offered to me, and my plate was soon
full of shillings. As I left off playing,
an old greyheaded man pressed
through the crowd, and gazed earnestly
at me. His eyes filled with
tears, and he was evidently much
moved.

“‘What a likeness!’ he exclaimed.
‘He is the very picture of my Amadeus.
I could fancy he had risen out
of the sea. The same features, the
sane voice and manner.’

“He came up to me and took my
hand. ‘If you do not fear a high
staircase,’ said he with a kindly smile,
‘come and visit me. I live on the
tower of St Nicholas’s Church. Your
clarinet will sound well in the free
fresh air, and you will find those there
who will gladly listen.’ So saying,
he left me.

“The old man’s name was Elias
Kranhelm, better known in Stralsund
as the old Swede; he was the town
musician, and had the care of the
bells of St Nicholas. The next day
was Sunday, and I hastened to visit
him. His kind manner had touched
me, unaccustomed as I was to kindness
or sympathy from the strangers
amongst whom I always lived. When
I was halfway up the stairs leading
to the tower, the organ began to play
below me, and I recognised a psalm
tune which we used often to sing for
our old schoolmaster at Marienberg.
I stopped a moment to listen, and
thoughts of rest and home again came
over me.

“I was met at the tower door by
old Kranhelm, in his Sunday suit
of black; large silver buckles at his
knees and shoes, and a round black
velvet cap over his long white hair.
His clear grey eyes smiled so kindly
upon me, his voice was so mild, and
his greeting so cordial, that I thought
I had never seen a more pleasing
old man. He welcomed me as though
I had been an old friend, and without
further preface, asked me if I
should like to become his substitute,
and perform the duties for which
his great age had begun to unfit him.
His only son, on whom he had reckoned
[Pg 472]
to take his place, had left him
some time previously, to become a
sailor on board a Norwegian ship,
and had been drowned in his very
first voyage. It was my extraordinary
likeness to this son that had made
him notice me; and the good, simple-hearted
old man seemed to think that
resemblance a sufficient guarantee
against any risk in admitting a perfect
stranger into his house and intimacy.

“‘My post is a profitable one,’ said
he; ‘and, in consideration of my long
services, the worshipful burgomaster
has given me leave to seek an assistant,
now that I am getting too old for
my office. Consider then, my son,
if the offer suits you. You please me,
and I mean you well. But here comes
my Elizabeth, who will soon learn to
like you if you are a good lad.’

“As he spoke, a young girl entered
the room, with a psalm-book in her
hand, and attired in an old-fashioned
dress, which was not able, however,
to conceal the elegance of her figure,
and the charms of her blooming countenance.

“‘How think you, Elizabeth?’ said
her father. ‘Is he not as like our
poor Amadeus as one egg is to another?’

“‘I do not see the likeness, my dear
father,’ replied Elizabeth, looking
timidly at me, and then casting down
her eyes, and blushing.

“I accepted the old man’s offer with
joy, and took up my dwelling in the
other turret of the church tower. My
occupation was to keep the clock
wound up, to play the evening hymn
on the balcony of the tower, and to
strike the hours upon the great bell
with a heavy hammer.

“I soon felt the good effect of repose,
and of the happy, tranquil life I now
led; my spirits improved, and I began
to forget the curse which hung
over me—to forget, in short, that I
was the unlucky Thirteenth. Old
Kranhelm’s liking for me increased
rapidly, and, in less than three months,
I was Elizabeth’s accepted lover.
Time flew on; the wedding-day was
fixed, and the bridal-chamber prepared.

“It was on Friday evening, exactly
eight days ago, that I went out with
Elizabeth, and walked down to the
port to look at a large Swedish ship
that had just arrived. The passengers
were landing, and one amongst
them immediately attracted our attention.

“This was a tall, lean, raw-boned
woman, apparently about forty years
of age, who held in her hand a long,
smooth staff, which she waved about
her, nodding her head, and muttering,
as she went, in some strange, unintelligible
dialect. Her dress consisted
of a huge black fur cloak, and a cape
of the same colour fringed with red.
Her whole manner and appearance
were so strange, that a crowd assembled
round her as soon as she set foot
on shore.

“‘Hallo! comrade,’ cried one of
the sailors of the vessel that had
brought her, to a boatman who was
passing. ‘Hallo! comrade, do you
want a job? Here’s a witch to take
to Hiddensee.’

“We asked the sailor what he meant;
and he told us that this strange woman
was a Lapland witch, who every
year, in the dog-days, made a journey
to the island of Hiddensee, to gather
an herb which only grew there, and
was essential in her incantations.

“Meantime, the witch was calling
for a boat, but no one understood her
language, or else they did not choose
to come. My unfortunate propensity
to all that is supernatural or fantastic
impelled me, with irresistible force, towards
her. In vain Elizabeth held
me back. I pushed my way through
the crowd, until we found ourselves
close to the Lapland woman, who
measured us from head to foot with
her bright and glittering eyes. Slipping
a florin into her hand, I gave her
to understand, as well as I could, that
we wished to have our fortunes told.
She took my hand, and, after examining
it, made a sign that she either
could or would tell me nothing. She
then took the hand of Elizabeth, who
hung upon my arm, trembling like an
aspen leaf, and gazing intently upon
it, muttered a few words in broken
Swedish. I did not understand them,
but Elizabeth did, and, starting back,
drew me hastily out of the crowd.

“‘What did she say?’ enquired I,
as soon as we were clear of the
throng.

“Elizabeth seemed much agitated,
and had evidently to make a strong
effort before she could reply.

“‘Nothing,’ answered she, at last;
‘nothing, at least, worth repeating.
[Pg 473]
And yet ’tis strange; it tallies exactly
with a prediction made to my mother
when I was an infant, that I should
one day be in peril from the number
Thirteen. This strange woman cautioned
me against the same number,
and bade me beware of you, for that
you were the Thirteenth!’

“Had the earth opened under my feet,
or the lightning from heaven fallen on
my head, I could not have felt a greater
shock than was communicated to
me by these words. I know not what
I said in reply, or how I got home.
Elizabeth, doubtless, observed my
agitation, but she made no remark
on it. I felt her arm tremble upon
mine as we walked along, and by a
furtive glance at her face saw that she
was pale as death. Not a word passed
between us during our walk back to
the tower, on reaching which she
shut herself up in her room. I pleaded
a severe headach and wish to lie
down; and, begging the old man to
strike the hours for me, retired to my
chamber.

“It would be impossible to give an
idea of the agony of mind I suffered
during that evening. I thought at
times I was going mad, and there were
moments when I felt disposed to put
an end to my existence by a leap from
the tower window. Again, then, this
curse that hung over me was in full
force. Again had that fatal number
raised itself before me like an iron
wall, interposed between me and all
earthly happiness. Wearied out at
length by the storm within me, I fell
asleep.

“As may be supposed, I was followed
in my troubled slumbers by the recollection
of my misery. Each hour
that struck awoke me out of the most
hideous dreams to a scarce less hideous
reality. When midnight came,
and the hammer clanged upon the
great bell, a strange fancy took possession
of my mind that it would this
night strike Thirteen, and that at the
thirteenth stroke the clock, the tower,
the city, and the whole world, would
crumble into atoms. Again I fell
asleep and dreamt. I thought that
my head was changed into a mighty
bronze bell, and that I hung in the
tower and heard the clock beside me
strike Thirteen. Then came the old
schoolmaster, who yet, at the same
time, had the features of Elizabeth’s
father; and, as he drew near me, I
saw that the hammer he held in his
hand was no hammer, but a large silver-bound
Bible. In my despair I
made frightful efforts to cry out and
to tell him that I was no bell, but a
man, and that he should not strike me;
but my voice refused its service and
my tongue clove to my palate. The
greyhaired old man came up to me,
and struck thirteen times on my forehead,
till my brains gushed out at my
eyes.

“By daybreak the next morning I
was two leagues from Stralsund, having
left a few hurried ill-written lines
in my room, pleading I know not what
urgent family affairs, and a dislike to
leave-taking, as excuses for my sudden
departure. Over field and meadow,
through rivers and forests, on I went,
as though hell were at my heels, flying
from my destiny. But the further
I got from Stralsund the more
did I regret all I left there—my beautiful
and affectionate mistress, her
kind-hearted father, the peaceful happy
life I led on the top of the old
tower. The vow I had made to fly
from the haunts of men, and seek in
some desert the repose which my evil
fate denied me among my fellows, that
vow became daily more difficult to
keep. And yet I went on, dreading
to depart from my determination, lest
I should encounter some of those bitter
deceptions and cruel disappointments
that had hitherto been my lot
in life. Shame, too, at the manner in
which I had left the tower, withheld
me, or else I think I should already be
on my road back to Stralsund. But
now I have met you, brother, and that
my mind is relieved by the knowledge
that I have not, even indirectly, Albert’s
death to reproach myself with,
I must hasten to my Elizabeth to relieve
her anxiety, and dry the tears
which I am well assured each moment
of my absence causes her to shed. Come
with me, dearest Carl, and you shall
see her, my beautiful Elizabeth, and
her good old father, and the tower
and the bell. Ho! the bell, the jolly
old bell!”

The painter looked kindly but
anxiously in his brother’s face. There
was a mildness in his manner that
startled him, accustomed as he had
been to his eccentricities when a boy.

“You are tired, brother,” said he.
“You need repose after the emotions
and fatigues of the last week. I, too,
shall not be sorry to sleep. Let us to
bed for a few hours, and then we will
[Pg 474]
have post-horses and be off to Stralsund.”

“I have no need of rest,” replied
Bernard, “and each moment seems
to me an eternity till I can again
clasp my Elizabeth to my heart.
Let us delay, then, as little as may
be.”

As he spoke they entered the gates
of Berlin. The sun was risen, and
the hotels and taverns were beginning
to open their doors. Seeing Bernard’s
anxiety to depart, the painter
abandoned his intention of taking
some repose, and after hasty breakfast,
a post-chaise was brought to the
door, and the brothers stepping in,
were whirled off on their road northwards.

The sun was about to set when
the travellers came in sight of the
spires of Stralsund, among which the
church of St Nicholas reared its
double-headed tower. Bernard had
enlivened the journey by his wild sallies,
and merry but extravagant humour.
Now, however, that the goal
was almost reached, he became silent
and anxious. The hours appeared to
go too slowly for him, and his restlessness
was extreme.

“Faster! postilion,” cried Carl,
observing his brother’s impatience.
“Faster! You shall be paid double.”

The man flogged his horses till
they flew rather than galloped over
the broad level road. Suddenly,
however, a strap broke, and the postilion
got off his seat to tie it up.
Through the stillness of the evening,
no longer broken by the rattle of the
wheels and clatter of the horses’ feet,
a clock was heard striking the hour.
Another repeated it, and a third, of
deeper tone than the two preceding
ones, took up the chime. Bernard
started to his feet, and leaned so far
out of the carriage that his brother
seized hold of him, expecting him to
lose his balance and fall out.

“It is she!” exclaimed Bernard.
“‘Tis the bell of St Nicholas. Listen,
Carl—my Elizabeth calls me.
She strikes the bell. I come, dearest,
I come!”

And with these words he sprang
out of the carriage, and set off at full
speed towards the town, leaving his
brother thunderstruck at his mad impatience
and vehemence.

Running at the top of his speed,
Bernard soon reached the city gate,
and proceeded rapidly through the
streets in the direction of St Nicholas’s
church. It seemed to him as though
he had been absent for years instead
of a few days, and he felt quite surprised
at finding no change in the city
since his departure. All was as he
had left it; all conspired to lull him
into security. An old fruitwoman, of
whom he had bought cherries the
very day of his last walk with Elizabeth,
was in her usual place, and, as
he passed, extolled the beauty of her
fruit, and asked him to buy. A large
rose-tree, at the door of a silversmith’s
shop, which Elizabeth had often admired,
was still in full bloom; through
the window of a house in the market-place,
he saw a young girl, Elizabeth’s
dearest friend, dressing her hair at a
looking-glass, and as he passed the
churchyard, the old dumb sexton, who
appeared to be hunting about for a
place for a grave, nodded his head in
mute recognition.

Bernard opened the tower door, and
darted up the staircase. He was not
far from the top when he heard the
voices of two men above him. They
were resting on one of the landing-places
of the ladderlike stairs.

“It is a singular case, doctor,” said
one; “a strange and incomprehensible
case. It is evidently a disease
more of the mind than the body.”

“Yes,” replied the other, by his
voice apparently an old man. “If
we could only get a clue to the cause,
any thing to go upon, something might
be done, but at present it is a perfect
riddle.”

Bernard heard no more, for the men
continued their ascent.

“The old father must be ill,” said
he to himself; but as he said it a feeling
of dread and anxiety, a presentiment
of evil, came over him, and he
stood for a few moments unable to
proceed. The door at the top of
the stairs was now opened, and shut
with evident care to avoid noise.
“The old man must be very ill,”
said Bernard, as if trying to persuade
himself of it. He reached the door,
and his hand shook as he laid it upon
the latch. At length he lifted it, and
entered the room. It was empty;
but, just then, the door of Elizabeth’s
chamber opened, and old Kranhelm
stepped out. On beholding Bernard,
he started back as though he had seen
a ghost. He said a word or two in a
low voice to somebody in the inner
room, and then shutting the door,
[Pg 475]
bolted it, and placed his back against
it, as if to prevent Bernard from going
in.

“Begone!” cried he in a tremulous
voice; “in the name of God,
begone! thou evil spirit of my house;”
and he stretched out his arms towards
Bernard as though to prohibit his approach.
No longer master of himself,
the young man sprang towards him,
and, grasping his arm, thundered in
his ear the question—

“Where is my Elizabeth?”

The words rang through the old
tower, and the confused murmuring
of voices in the inner room was heard.
Bernard listened, and thought he distinguished
the voice of Elizabeth repeating,
in tones of agony, the fatal
number.

One of the physicians knocked, and
begged to be let out. The old tower-keeper
opened the door cautiously,
and, when the doctor had passed
through, carefully shut and barred it.
But during the moment that it had
remained open, Bernard heard too
plainly what his ears had at first been
unwilling to believe.

“Is that the man?” demanded the
physician hastily. “In God’s name,
be silent. You will kill the patient.
She recognized your voice, and fell
immediately into the most fearful
paroxysm. She has got back again
to the infernal number with which her
delirium began, and she shrieks it out
perpetually. It is a frightful relapse.
Begone! young man; yet stay—I
will go with you. You can, doubtless,
give us a key to this mystery.”

The old physician took Bernard’s
arm to lead him away; but at that
very moment there was a shrill scream
from the next room, and Elizabeth’s
voice was heard calling upon Bernard
by name. The unfortunate young man
could not restrain himself. Shaking
off the grasp of the physician, he
pushed old Kranhelm aside, tore back
the bolts, and flung open the door.
There lay Elizabeth on her deathbed,
her arms stretched out towards him,
her mild countenance ashy pale and
frightfully distorted, her soft blue eyes
straining from their orbits. She made
a violent effort to speak, but death
was too near at hand; the sound died
away upon her lips, and her uplifted
arms dropped powerless upon the bed;
her head fell back—a convulsive shudder
came over her: she was dead.
Her unhappy lover fell senseless to
the ground.

When Bernard awoke out of a long
and deathlike swoon, it was night, and
all around him was still and dark. He
was lying on the stone floor outside
Kranhelm’s dwelling. The physicians
had removed him thither; and, being
occupied with the old tower-keeper
and his daughter, they had thought no
more about him. On first recovering
sensation, he had but an indistinct
idea of where he was, or what had
happened. By degrees his senses returned
to a certain extent—he knew
that something horrible had occurred,
but without remembering exactly what
it was.

He felt about him, and touched a
railing. It was the balustrade round
the open turret where hung the great
bell. He was lying under the bell
itself, and, as he gazed up into its brazen
throat, the recollection of the
frightful dream which had persecuted
him the night before his flight from
Stralsund came vividly to his mind;
he appeared to himself to be still dreaming,
and yet his visions were mixed
up with the realities of his everyday
occupations.

He had just stepped out, he thought,
to strike the hour on the bell, and
rising with some difficulty from the
hard couch which had stiffened his
limbs, he sought about for the hammer.
He made no effort to shake off the sort
of dreaming semi-consciousness which
seemed to prevent him from feeling
the horror and anguish of reality.

“Thirteen strokes,” thought he;
“thirteen strokes, and at the Thirteenth
the tower will fall, the city crumble
to dust, the world be at an end.”
Such had been his dream, and the
moment of its accomplishment was
come.

He found the hammer, and struck
with all his force upon the bell. He
repeated the blow; twelve times he
struck, and each stroke rang with
deafening violence through his brain;
but at the Thirteenth, as he raised his
arms high above his head, and leaning
back against the railing, threw his
whole strength and energy into the
blow, the frail balustrade gave way
under his weight, and he fell headlong
from the tower. The last stroke tolled
out, sad and hollow as a funereal
knell, and the sound mingled with the
death-cry of the luckless Thirteenth!


[Pg 476]

REMINISCENCES OF SYRIA.[15]

Galloping, gossiping, flirting and
fighting, feasting and starving, but
always in high spirits and the best
possible humour, Colonel Napier
might answer an advertisement for
“A Pleasant Companion in a Post-chaise,”
without the slightest chance
of rejection. But it is difficult to
imagine so dashing a traveller, boxed
up in a civilized conveyance, rolling
quietly along a macadamized road,
with a diversity of milestones and an
occasional turnpike gate, the only incidents
by the way—no wild Maronite
glimpsing at him over the hedge; no
black-eyed houri peeping over the balustrades
of the caravanserai, (called
by vulgar men the Bricklayers’ Arms)—no
Saïces to help John Hostler to
change horses; but dulness, uniformity,
and most tiresome and unromantic
safety. England, we are sorry to
confess it, is not the land of stirring
adventures or hair-breadth ‘scapes—a
railway coach occasionally blows up;
a blind leader occasionally bolts into a
ditch; a wheel comes occasionally into
dangerous collision with one of
Pickford’s vans; but these are the utmost
that can be hoped for in the way
of peril, and other excitement there is
positively none. We have treated
life as the mathematician did Paradise
Lost—we have struck out all its
similes—obliterated its flights—expunged
its glorious visions—we have
made it prose. But fortunately for
us—for Colonel Napier—for the reading
public—there is a land where mathematicians
are unknown, and where
poetry continues to flourish in the full
vigour of cimeters and turbans—the
region of the sun—

“The first of Eastern lands he shines upon.”

It was in this very beautiful, but
rather overdone portion of earth’s surface,
that the adventures occurred of
which we are now to give some account;
and as probably most of our
readers have heard the name of Syria
pretty often of late, we need not display
much geographical erudition in
pointing out where it lies. It would
be pleasant to us if we could atone for
brevity in this respect, by illuminating
the reader on the causes that have
brought Syria so prominently forward;
but on this point we confess, with
shame and confusion of face, that we
know no more than Lord Ponsonby
or M. Thiers. The truth seems to be,
that some time, about two or three
years ago, five or six people in influential
stations went mad, and our Secretary
for Foreign Affairs took the
infection. He showed his teeth and
raised his “birse,” and barked in a
most audacious manner, till the French
kennel answered the challenge; an
old dog in Egypt cocked his tail at
the same time, and the world began to
be afraid that hydrophobia would be
universal. All parties were delighted
to let the rival yelpers fight it out on
so distant a field as Syria; and in that
country of heat and dryness, of poverty,
anarchy, cruelty, and superstition,
there was a skrimmage that kept
all Christendom on the tenter-hooks
for half-a-year; and this we believe
to be the policy of the Syrian campaign.
Better for all parties concerned,
that a few thousand turbaned
and malignant Turks or Egyptians
should bite the dust, than that there
should be another Austerlitz or Waterloo.
So the signal was accordingly
given, and the work began.

Wherever there is any fighting it is
not to be doubted that the English
hurra will be heard—and an apparition
had been seen in the smoke of
battle, which had sorely puzzled the
wisest of the soothsayers of Egypt to
explain. It was of a being apparently
human, but dressed as if to represent
Mars and Neptune at the same time,
charging along the tops of houses,
with the jolly cocked-hat of a captain
of a British man-of-war on the point
of his sword, and a variety of exclamations
in his mouth, more complimentary
to the enemy’s speed than his
courage. The muftis, we have said,
were sorely puzzled, and at last set it
down as an infallible truth that he
must be none other than Old Harry,
whereas there was not a sailor in the
fleet that did not know that it was
none other than Old Charley. And
[Pg 477]
this identical Old Charley, in a style
of communication almost as rapid as
his military evolutions, had indited the
following epistle to the author of the
volumes before us:—

“Headquarters of the Army of Lebanon.—Djouni,
Sept. 1840.

“My dear Edward—I have hoisted my
broad pendant on Mount Lebanon, and
mean to advance against the Egyptians with
a considerable force under my command;
you may be of use here; therefore go to
Sir John M’Donald, and ask him to get
leave for you to join me without delay.

“Your affectionate father,
Charles Napier.”

And the dutiful son, who seems to
have no inconsiderable portion of the
paternal penchant for broken heads
and other similar divertisements, in
three weeks from the receipt of the
letter found himself on board the Hydra,
and rapidly approaching the classic
shores of Sidon, Tyre, Ptolemais;
the scenes of scriptural records and
deeds of chivalry—Palestine—the Holy
Land. But the broad pendant in
the mean time had been pulled down
on Mount Lebanon, and once more
fluttered to the sea breezes on board
the Powerful. Sir Charles Smith had
assumed the command of the land
forces, and whether from ill-humour
at finding half the work done during
his absence by the amphibious commodore,
or from some other cause,
his reception of the author was, at
first, far from cordial. Instead of
being useful, as he had hoped, he
found the sturdy old general blind to
the value of his accession; and when
the Powerful sailed he found himself
without quarters appointed him, or
even an invitation to join the officers’
mess. But with the usual good-luck
of people who bear disappointments
well, all turned out for the best, as
will be seen by the following extract:

“I had, on board the Powerful, a few
days before, formed the acquaintance of a
young Syrian of the name of Assaade el
Khyat, who, brought up at one of our universities,
was at heart a true Englishman,
spoke fluently our own and several other
European and Eastern languages, and
whom I found, on the whole, a sensible,
well-informed young man, and a most
agreeable companion. As I was sitting
alone, after a solitary dinner, (in the miserable
hotel at Beyrout,) musing in a
brown study over a bottle of red Cyprus
wine, my new acquaintance was ushered
into the apartment; I made no secret to
him of my extremely uncomfortable position,
when he, with great kindness and
liberality, overcoming the usual prejudices
of his country, offered me an asylum in his
own family, which offer I most gladly accepted,
and was accordingly the next
morning comfortably installed in my new
quarters, whereof I will endeavour to give
the reader a slight description.

“The house of which I had just so
unexpectedly become an inmate, was situated
in one of the most retired and out
of the way parts of the town, (and it was
not before considerable time had elapsed,
and then with difficulty, that I became
acquainted with the labyrinth of narrow
lanes, alleys, and dark passages which it
was requisite to thread in order to arrive
at this desired haven,) the property of a
young man of the name of Giorgio Habbit
Jummal—brother-in-law of my friend
Assaade, to whom one of his sisters was
married, and whom, as he spoke Italian
with fluency and ease, I at once engaged
as my dragoman or interpreter.

“By a strange coincidence, I, under the
roof of Giorgio, for the first time became
acquainted with Mr Hunter, the author
of the Expedition to Syria, who, placed
in similar circumstances with myself, was
likewise an inmate of the same house,
and of whom, as we were subsequently
much known together during our residence
in this country, I shall after have
occasion to mention: at present I will
take the liberty of borrowing from his
amusing narrative the following account
of the inmates of our new domicile.
‘We lived in the house of a respectable
Syrian family, that of Habbit Jummal,
or interpreted, the esteemed camel-driver.
Our landlord, Giorgius, the head
of this family, was a young man hardly
out of his teens; and having some competency,
and being moreover un beau
garçon
, did not follow either his ancestral,
or any other avocation. The harem, or
woman’s portion of the house, was composed
of his mother, a fair widow of
forty, and her two daughters, both Eastern
beauties of their kind, Sarah and Nasarah
(meaning Victory or Victoria;) the first,
a laughing black eyed houri, with mischief
in every dimple in her pretty face;
the other, a more portly damsel, of a
melancholy but not less pleasing expression.
There were besides these, three
younger children with equally poetic
names, (Nassif, Iskunder, and Furkha,)
and included in the coterie was a good-humoured
negress, the general handmaid,
whose original cognomen of Saade, was
lost in the apposite soubriquet of Snowball.’—Although
the greater part of the
[Pg 478]
inhabitants of Beyrout are Christians, generally
speaking, of the Greek Church, to
which persuasion likewise belonged the
family of our host Giorgio; still in this
land of bigotry and oppression—to such
an extent is carried suspicion and jealousy,
and so far have Mahommedan prejudices
in this respect been adopted, that all the
women (those of the peasantry alone excepted)
lead nearly as secluded a life as
the Osmanli ladies of Constantinople or
Smyrna. On venturing abroad, which
they seldom do, unless when the knessi
or humaum (church or bath) are the
limits of their excursions, they are so
closely shrouded in the izar, or long white
garment, which, coming over the head and
hiding the face, falls in numerous folds
to the ground, as to be scarcely recognizable
by their nearest friends or relations.
To allow, therefore, two unknown and
friendless strangers to become familiar inmates
of an Eastern family, exposing
wives, daughters, and sisters, to their unhallowed
gaze, was a favour and mark of
confidence on the part of Assaade which
we duly appreciated, nor ever abused; it
was, however, a privilege to which no
other stranger in the place was admitted,
and affording, as it did, such opportunities
of acquiring the Arabic language, I
eagerly embraced it without any feeling of
regret at the inhospitality to which I was
originally indebted for my admission behind
the scenes of Oriental life.

“The bare, gloomy, and massive stone
walls of the exterior of our habitation
had not prepared us for the comforts we
found inside; and as for the first time we
followed Giorgio and his brother-in-law
up the rude and narrow stone staircase,
which appeared to be scarped out of the
very thickness of the wall—an open sesame
from the former causing a strong
iron studded door to fly back on its hinges,
disclosed a handsome patis or court paved
with black and white marble, along the
sides of which were luxuriantly growing,
and imparting a cooling freshness to the
scene, the perfumed orange-tree, bearing
at the same time both fruit and blossoms,
and flanked by green myrtles and flowering
geraniums; whilst an apartment opening
on this garden terrace, and which
appeared from the carpets and cushions
scattered around the still smoking narghilis,
(or water-pipe, in which is smoked
the tumbic or Persian tobacco,) and other
sundry traces of female industry, to be appropriated
as the common sitting-room of
the family, was on our entrance precipitately
deserted by all its occupants, save
one fine-looking matronly lady, whom
Giorgio introduced as his mother; and
while she was welcoming us with many
‘Fāddālls,’ and politely repeating, Anna
mugsond shoufuk
, (be seated, I am delighted
to see you,) with innumerable other euphonious
phrases, as we afterwards found
high-flown Eastern compliments, but which
at the time were sadly wasted on our
Frankish ignorance, he, following the fair
fugitives, soon brought back in each hand
the blushing deserters, who have already
been introduced to the reader as Mesdemoiselles
Sarah and Nasarah. Pipes,
narghilis, sherbet, and coffee followed in
quick succession; the young negress,
Saade, acting as Hebe on the occasion;
and the ladies, at first timid as gazelles of
the desert, soon, like those pretty creatures
when reclaimed from the wilderness,
became quite domesticated, acquired confidence,
and freely joined in the conversation,
which was with volubility carried
on through the medium of Giorgio and
Assaade; and ere an hour had elapsed,
we were all on the friendly and easy footing
of old acquaintances; when, taking
leave for the time, we hastened to make
the necessary arrangements for the conveyance
of our goods and chattels to the
capital billets we had had the good fortune
to stumble on.”

The colonel made good use of his
opportunity, and, by a diligent perusal
of Miss Sarah’s eyes, and an attentive
study of Miss Nasarah’s dimple,
managed to acquire a smattering of
Arabic in a far shorter time than
would have been required in the most
assiduous turning over of dictionaries
and grammars. But our school-boy
days can’t last for ever—and, ere a
fortnight elapsed, an order arrived
from England for the hopeful scholar
to be placed on the returns of the
Syrian army, and to draw his field
allowance, rations, and forage, as assistant
adjutant-general of the British
force. Dictionaries and eyes, grammars
and dimples, were now exchanged
for less pleasing pursuits. Fifteen
thousand troops were by this
time assembled at Beyrout, and rumour
kept perpetually blowing the
charge against Ibrahim Pasha, who
was still encamped at Zachli, with an
army much superior to that of the
allies. Booted and spurred—with a
long sword, saddle, bridle, and all the
other paraphernalia so captivating to
an ancient fair, as recorded in one of
the lays of Old England by some forgotten
Macaulay of former times—the
colonel is intent on some doughty
deed, and already in imagination sees
captive Egyptians following his triumphal
[Pg 479]
car. When all of a sudden, the
sad news gets spread abroad that the
old commodore has concluded a convention
with Mehemet Ali, and that
all the pomp and circumstance of glorious
war is at an end. One only
chance remained, and that was, that
as all the big-wigs protested with all
their might against the convention;
and the fleet, in the midst of protestation
and repudiations of all sorts and
kinds, was forced by a severe gale to
up anchor and run for Marmorice
Bay, Ibrahim Pasha might perhaps
be tempted to protest also in a still
more unpleasant manner, and pay a
visit to Beyrout in the absence of the
navy. The very thoughts of it, however
the English auxiliaries may have
felt on the subject, gave an attack
of fever to the unfortunate inhabitants,
who devoutly prayed for a
speedy fall of tubbish, (or snow,) by
which his dreaded approach might be
impeded. “Had such a movement
on his part taken place at this critical
moment, it is not improbable that it
might have proved successful; as amid
the variety of religious and conflicting
interests, by which the people of
Beyrout were influenced, Ibrahim had
no doubt many friends in the town;
and it is certain that he was moreover
regularly made acquainted with every
occurrence which took place, through
the medium, as was supposed, of
French agency and espionage.”

Ibrahim, however, had had enough
of red coats and blue jackets, and left
the people of Beyrout to themselves—an
example which was followed by the
author, who, being foiled in his expectations
of riding down the Egyptians on
the noble Arab left to him by the commodore,
determined to put that fiery animal
(the Arab) to its paces in scouring
the country in all directions. It
is not often that an assistant adjutant-general
sets out on a tour in search of
the picturesque; but in this instance
the search was completely successful.
Rock, ravine, precipice, and dell—running
waters and waving woods,
come as naturally to his pen as returns
of effective force and other professional
details; and, whatever the writing
of them may be, we are prepared to
contend that the reading of them is
infinitely pleasanter. But as travellers
and poets have of late left few
mountains or molehills unsung in Palestine,
we prefer extracting a picturesque
account of a venerable abbess,
who threw the light of Christian goodness
over that benighted land about a
century ago, and must have impressed
the heathens in the neighbourhood
with an exalted notion of the virtues
of a nunnery:—

“Héndia was a Maronite girl, possessing
extraordinary personal charms, who,
in 1755, first brought herself into notice
by her pretended piety and attention to
her religious duties, till at last she was by
this simple and credulous people considered
almost in the light of a saint or
prophetess. When she had thus established
a reputation for sanctity, she next
thought of becoming the head and chief
of an extensive establishment of monks
and nuns, to receive whom, with the aid
of large contributions raised among her
credulous admirers and followers, she
erected two spacious stone buildings, which
soon became filled with proselytes of both
sexes. The patriarch of Lebanon was
named the director of this establishment,
and for twenty years Héndia reigned with unbounded
sway over the little community—performing
miracles, uttering prophecies,
and giving other tokens of being in the
performance of a divine mission; and
though it was remarked that many deaths
yearly occurred among the nuns, the circumstance
was generally attributed to
disease incident to the insalubrity of the
situation. At last, chance brought to
light the cause of this very great mortality,
and disclosed all the secret horrors which
had so long remained covered by the veil
of mystery in this abode of monastic abominations.
A traveller, on his way from
Damascus to the coast, happened to arrive
one fine summer night at a late hour before
the convent gates, which he found
closed, and not wishing to disturb its
inmates, who had apparently retired to
rest, he spread his travelling rug under
some neighbouring trees, and laid himself
down to sleep. His slumbers
were, however, shortly disturbed by a
number of persons, who, issuing from
the convent, appeared to be clandestinely
bearing away what seemed to be a heavy
bundle. Prompted by curiosity, he cautiously
followed the party, who, after
going a short distance, deposited their burden,
and commenced digging a deep hole,
into which having placed and covered
with earth what was evidently a dead
body, they immediately took their departure.
Astonished, and rather dismayed, at
an occurrence of so mysterious a nature,
the traveller lost no time in mounting his
mule, and on arriving at Beyrout made
known the extraordinary occurrence to
[Pg 480]
which he had been witness the night before.
This account reached the ears of
a merchant who happened to have two
daughters undergoing their noviciate at
El Kourket, and reports had lately reached
him of the illness of one of his children;
this, together with the numerous
deaths which had lately taken place at
the convent, coupled with the traveller’s
narrative, excited in his mind the most
serious apprehensions. He gave information
on the subject, and laid a complaint
before the Grand Prince at Dahr-el-Kamar,
and, accompanied by his informant
and a troop of horsemen furnished by the
Emir, hastened to the spot of the alleged
mysterious burial, when to his horror, on
opening the newly made grave, he discovered
it to contain the corpse of his youngest
daughter! Frantic at this sight, he desired
instant admission, in order to ascertain the
safety of her sister. On this being refused,
the gates were forced open, and the unfortunate
girl was found closely confined in
a dungeon, on the point of death, but retaining
still strength enough to disclose
horrors which led to an investigation,
implicating the patriarch, the abbess, and
several priests. This transaction, which
happened in 1776, was submitted for the
decision of the Papal See; when it appeared
that the pretended prophetess had,
by means of many ingenious mechanical
devices, thus long imposed on public credulity,
whilst in the retirement of the
cloister the most licentious and profligate
occurrences nightly took place; and that
when any unfortunate nun gave offence,
either by refusing to be sacrificed at the
shrine of infamy, or that it became desirable
to get rid of her, in order to appropriate
for the convent the amount of her
property, she was immured in a dungeon,
left to perish by a lingering and
miserable death, and then privately buried
in the night. In consequence of these
shocking discoveries, the patriarch was
deposed—the priests, his accomplices, were
severely punished, and the high priestess
of this temple of cruelty and debauchery
was immured in confinement, and survived
for many years to repent of all the atrocities
she had previously committed.”

We should like to know the colonel’s
authority for this circumstantial
account. It bears at present a
startling resemblance to the confession
of Maria Monk, and the villanies
recorded of the nunnery at Montreal;
and we will hope in the mean time,
that the devil, even in the shape of a
lady abbess, is not quite so black as
he is painted. The present abbess of
El Kourket is already as black as
need be, for we are told she is an
Ethiopian negress.

The war carried on in Syria after
the decisive battle of Boharsef, seems
to have been on the model of those
recorded by Major Sturgeon, and to
have consisted of marching and counter-marching,
without any definite
object, except, perhaps, the somewhat
Universal-Peace-Society one of getting
out of the enemy’s way. General
Jochmus, we guess from his name,
was a Scotch schoolmaster, with a
Latin termination—there being no
mistaking the Jock—and in his religious
tenets we feel sure he was a
Quaker. The English officers attached
to the staff had immense difficulty
in bringing the troops (if they deserve
to be called so) to the scratch; and
we trust that, in all future commentaries
on the Art of War, the method
adopted by Commodore Napier, of
throwing stones at his gallant army
to force them forward, will not be
forgotten. The author before us had
no sinecure, and after the news of
Ibrahim’s retreat, galloped hither and
thither, like the wild huntsman of a
German story, to discover by what
route the vanquished lion was growling
his way to his den. With a hundred
irregular horse, furnished him by
Osman Aga, he set out on a foray
beyond Jordan; and we do not wonder
his two friends, Captain Lane, a Prussian
edition of Don Quixote, and Mr
Hunter, who has written an excellent
account of his expedition to
Syria, besides his old Beyrout friend
Giorgio, volunteered to accompany
him.

“My motley troop, apparently composed
of every tribe from the Caspian to the
Red Sea, displayed no less variety in arms
and accoutrements than in their personal
appearance, varying from the sturdy-looking
Kourd, mounted on his strong powerful
steed, to the swarthy, spare, and sinewy
Arab, with his long reed-like spear, his
head encircled with the Kéfiah, or thick
rope of twisted camels’ hair; whilst the
flowing ‘abbage’ waved gracefully down
the shining flanks of the high-mettled steed
of the desert. In short, such an assemblage
of cut-throat looking ruffians was
probably never before seen; and whilst
the Prussian military eye of old Lane
glanced down our wide-spread and irregular
line, I could see a curl of contempt
on his grey mustaches, though his weather-beaten
countenance maintained all the
gravity of Frederick the Great. The troop
[Pg 481]
appeared to be divided into two distinct
parties—one Arab, the other Turkish;
and, on directing the two chiefs to call the
‘roll’ of their respective forces, I found
that many were absent without leave, and
the party which should have amounted to
a hundred cavaliers only mustered between
seventy and eighty. However, on the
assurance that the rest would speedily
follow—as there was no time to spare,
after making them a short harangue, in
which I promised abundance of nehub
(plunder) whenever we came across the
enemy, to which they responded by a wild
yell of approbation—I gave the signal to
move off, which was instantly obeyed, amidst
joyous shouts, the brandishing of spears,
and promiscuous discharge of fire-arms.
Having thus got them under weigh, the
next difficulty I experienced was to keep
them together. I tried to form a rearguard
to bring up the stragglers, but the
guard would not remain behind, nor the
stragglers keep up with the main body;
and I soon, finding that something more
persuasive than mere words was requisite
to maintain them in order, took the first
opportunity of getting a stout cudgel, with
which I soundly belaboured all those whom
I found guilty of thus disobeying my commands.
The Eastern does not understand
the suaviter in modo;—behave to him like
a human being, he fancies you fear him,
and he sets you at defiance—kick him
and cuff him, treat him like a dog, and he
crouches at your feet, the humble slave of
your slightest wishes.”

Discipline of so perfect a nature
must have inspired the gallant colonel
with the strongest hopes of success in
case of an onslaught on the forces of
Ibrahim Pasha, and in all probability
his efforts, with those of Captain
Lane, Hunter, and Giorgio, might
have produced something like a skrimmage
when they came near the tents
of the Egyptians; but it would seem
that the cudgels wielded by the Musree
commanders were either not so
strong or not so well applied, for on
the first appearance of the hostile
squadron, the heroes of Nezib evaporated
as if by magic, but not before
a similar feat of legerdemain had been
performed by the rabble rout of Turks
and Arabs; and on looking round, to
inspire his followers with a speech
after the manner of Thucydides, the
colonel discovered the last of his escort
disappearing at full speed on the other
side of the plain, and the Europeans
were left alone in their glory. As
they had nobody to attack, (the enemy
continuing still in a state of evaporation,)
every thing ended well; and, if
the trumpeter had not been among
the fugitives, there might have been
a triumphal blow performed although
no blow had been struck. We do not
believe in the courage of the Arabs.
No amount of kicking and cuffing
could cow a nation’s spirit that had
once been brave; and we therefore
consider it the greatest marvel in history
how the Arabians managed at
one time to conquer half the world.
They must have been very different
fellows from the chicken-hearted children
of the desert recorded in these
volumes. One thing only is certain,
that they have left their anti-fighting
propensities to their mongrel descendants
in Spain; for a series of actions—that
is, jinking and skulking, and
running up and down, hiding themselves
as if they were the personages
of a writ—more distinctly Arabian
than the late campaign which ended
in the overthrow of Espartero, could
not have been performed under the
shadows of Mount Ebal. All the
nobility that we are so fond of picturing
to ourselves in the deeds and
thoughts of Saladin, has gone over to
the horse. The wild steed retains its
fire, though the miserable horseman
would do for a Madrileno aide-de-camp.
And yet this is the way they
are treated:—

“It was a matter of surprise to us, how
our horses stood without injury all the
exposure, severe work, and often short
commons, to which they were constantly
subjected. When we came to a place where
barley was to be procured, the grooms carried
away as much as they could; when
none was to be had, we gave our nags
peas and tibbin, (chopped straw, the only
forage used in the East,) or any thing we
could lay hands on; they had little or no
grooming, and frequently the saddles were
not even removed from their backs. But
I believe that nothing save the high mettle
of the desert blood would carry an animal
through all this toil and privation; and as
to the much-extolled kindness of the Arab
towards his horse, although it may be the
case in the far deserts of the Hedged and
Hedjar, I can avow that I never saw these
noble animals treated with more inhuman
neglect than I witnessed in the whole of
my wanderings through Syria.”

The dreariness of a ride through
the desolate plains and rugged rocks
of Palestine, was diversified with startling
[Pg 482]
adventures; and the fact of several
of the powers of Europe and many of
the tribes of Asia having chosen that
sterile region for their battle-place,
gave rise to some very odd coincidences.
People from all the ends of
the earth, who were lounging away
their existence some three or four
months before, without any anticipation
of treading in the footsteps of the
crusaders—some smoking strong tobacco
in the coffeehouses of Berlin,
or leaning gracefully (like the Chinese
Admiral Kwang) against the
pillars of the Junior United Service
Club in London—or driving a heavy
curricle in the Prado at Vienna—or
reading powerfully for honours at the
Great Go at Oxford—or climbing
Albanian hills—or reclining in the
silken recesses of a harem at Constantinople—all
were thrown together in
such unexpected groups, and found
themselves so curiously banded together,
that the tame realities of an
ordinary campaign were thrown completely
into the shade. The following
introduces us to another member
of the foray, whose character seems
to have been such a combination of
the gallant soldier and light-hearted
troubadour, that we read of his after
fate, in dying of the plague at Damascus,
with great regret:—

“My troop had not yet cleared a difficult
pass close to the khan, running between
an abrupt face of the hill and the
river, when the advanced guard came back
at full speed with the announcement that
a body of the enemy’s infantry was near at
hand. Closely jammed in a narrow defile,
between inaccessible cliffs and the precipitous
banks of the Jordan, with nothing but
cavalry at my disposal, I was placed in
rather a disagreeable position. There
remained, however, no alternative but to
put spurs to our horses, push forward
through the pass, deploy on the level
ground beyond it, and then trust to the
chances of war. Having explained these
intentions to the Sheikh and Aga, we lost
no time in carrying them into effect; and
on taking extended order after clearing
the pass, saw immediately in front of us
what we took to be an advanced guard of
the enemy, consisting of some twenty or
thirty soldiers, whom their white foustanellis”
(the foustanellis is that part of the
Albanian costume corresponding with the
highland kilt) “and tall active forms
immediately marked as Arnouts, or Albanians.
Seeing, probably, that we had now
the advantage of the ground, they hastily
retired, recrossing a ravine which intersected
the path, and extending in capital
light infantry style, were soon sheltered
behind the stones and rocks on the opposite
bank, over the brow of which nought was
to be seen but the protruding muzzles and
long shining barrels of their firelocks. All
this was the work of a few seconds, and
passed in a much briefer space of time
than it has taken to relate. I had now the
greatest difficulty in keeping Mahommed
Aga and his men from charging up to
enemies who, from their present position,
could have picked them easily off with
perfect safety to themselves; and riding
rapidly forward with Captain Lane, to see
if we could by some means turn their
flank, a few horsemen at this moment
suddenly appeared over the swell on the
opposite side of the ravine, the foremost
of whom, whilst making many friendly
signals, galloped across the intervening
space, hailing us a friend, and at the same
time waving his hand, to prevent his own
people from opening their fire. Lane and
myself were not backward in returning this
greeting; and on approaching we beheld a
handsome young man, dressed in the showy
Austrian uniform, with a black Tartar
sheepskin cap on his head, who, coming
up, accosted us in French, and with all the
frankness of a soldier, introduced himself
as Count Szechinge, a captain of Austrian
dragoons, then on his way from Tiberias
with a party composed of one or two
Turkish lancers, about twenty-five Albanian
deserters, his German servant, dragoman,
and suite, to raise troops in the
Adjelloun hills—a mission very similar to
the one I was myself employed on at Naplouse.”

An acquaintance begun under such
circumstances grows into friendship
with amazing rapidity; and many are
the joyous hours the foragers spend
together, in spite of intolerable weather
and storms of sleet and snow,
which bear a far greater resemblance
to the climate of Lochaber than to that
of Syria, “land of roses.” Reinforced
with the count and his companions,
Colonel Napier pushes on—gets into
the vicinity of Ibrahim—his rabble
rout turn tail, in case of being swallowed
alive by the ferocious pasha,
whose reputation for cruelty and all
manner of iniquities seems well deserved,
and having ascertained the
movements of that formidable ruffian,
he returned to Naplouse to take the
command of 1500 half-tamed, undisciplined
savages, with whom to oppose
his retreat. Luckily, the ratification
of the convention come in the nick
[Pg 483]
of time; for it is very evident that the
best cudgels that were ever cut in
“the classic woods of Hawthornden,”
could not have awakened a spark of
military ardour in the wretched riff-raff
assemblage appointed for this service—and
of all the abortive efforts at
generalship we have ever read of, the
attempt of the Turkish commanders
was infinitely the worse—no foresight
in providing for difficulties—no
valour in fighting their way out of
them; but, to compensate for these
trifling deficiencies, a plentiful supply
of pride and cruelty, with a due admixture
of dishonesty. We heartily join,
with Colonel Napier, in wondering
where the deuce the “integrity of the
Ottoman empire” is to be found, as,
beyond all doubt, not a particle of it
exists in any of its subjects. The
pashas of Egypt, bad as they undoubtedly
are, have redeeming points about
them, which the Hassans, and Izzets,
and Reschids of the Turks have no
conception of; and, lively and sparkling
as the gallant colonel’s narrative
is, we confess it leaves a sadder impression
on our minds of the hopelessness
and the degeneracy of the Moslems,
than any book we have met with.
Turk and Egyptian should equally be
whipped back into the desert, and the
fairest portions of the world be won
over to civilization, wealth, and happiness.
The present volumes close
at the end of January 1841, and perhaps
they are among the best results
of the campaign. We shall be glad
to see the proceedings at Alexandria
sketched off in the same pleasant style.


THE FATE OF POLYCRATES.—Herod. iii. 124-126.

“Oh! go not forth, my father dear—oh! I go not forth to-day,

And trust not thou that Satrap dark, for he fawns but to betray;

His courteous smiles are treacherous wiles, his foul designs to hide;

Then go not forth, my father dear—in thy own fair towers abide.”
“Now, say not so, dear daughter mine—I pray thee, say not so!

Where glory calls, a monarch’s feet should never fear to go;

And safe to-day will be my way through proud Magnesia’s halls,

As if I stood ‘mid my bowmen good beneath my Samian walls.
“The Satrap is my friend, sweet child—my trusty friend is he—

The ruddy gold his coffers hold he shares it all with me;

No more amid these clustering isles alone shall be my sway,

But Hellas wide, from side to side, thy empire shall obey!
“And of all the maids of Hellas, though they be rich and fair,

With the daughter of Polycrates, oh! who shall then compare?

Then dry thy tears—no idle fears should damp our joy to-day—

And let me see thee smile once more before I haste away!”
“Oh! false would be the smile, my sire, that I should wear this morn,

For of all my country’s daughters I shall soon be most forlorn;

I know, I know,—ah, thought of woe!—I ne’er shall see again

My father’s ship come sailing home across the Icarian main.
“Each gifted seer, with words of fear, forbids thee to depart,

And their warning strains an echo find in every faithful heart;

A maiden weak, e’en I must speak—ye gods, assist me now!

The characters of doom and death are graven on thy brow!
“Last night, my sire, a vision dire thy daughter’s eyes did see,

Suspended in mid air there hung a form resembling thee;

[Pg 484]
Nay, frown not thus, my father dear; my tale will soon be done—

Methought that form was bathed by Jove, and anointed by the sun!”
“My child, my child, thy fancies wild I may not stay to hear.

A friend goes forth to meet a friend—then wherefore should’st thou fear?

Though moonstruck seers with idle fears beguile a maiden weak,

They cannot stay thy father’s hand, or blanch thy father’s cheek.
“Let cowards keep within their holds, and on peril fear to run!

Such shame,” quoth he, “is not for me, fair Fortune’s favourite son!”

Yet still the maiden did repeat her melancholy strain—

“I ne’er shall see my father’s fleet come sailing home again!”
The monarch call’d his seamen good, they muster’d on the shore,

Waved in the gale the snow-white sail, and dash’d the sparkling oar;

But by the flood that maiden stood—loud rose her piteous cry—

“Oh! go not forth, my dear, dear sire—oh, go not forth to die!”
A frown was on that monarch’s brow, and he said as he turn’d away,

“Full soon shall Samos’ lord return to Samos’ lovely bay;

But thou shalt aye a maiden lone within my courts abide—

No chief of fame shall ever claim my daughter for his bride!
“A long, long maidenhood to thee thy prophet tongue hath given—”

“Oh would, my sire,” that maid replied, “such were the will of Heaven!

Though I a loveless maiden lone must evermore remain,

Still let me hear that voice so dear in my native isle again!”
‘Twas all in vain that warning strain—the king has crost the tide—

But never more off Samos shore his bark was seen to ride!

The Satrap false his life has ta’en, that monarch bold and free,

And his limbs are black’ning in the blast, nail’d to the gallows-tree!
That night the rain came down apace, and wash’d each gory stain,

But the sun’s bright ray, the next noonday, glared fiercely on the slain;

And the oozing gore began once more from his wounded sides to run;

Good-sooth, that form was bathed by Jove, and anointed by the Sun!

[Pg 485]

MODERN PAINTERS.[16]

We read this title with some pain,
not doubting but that our modern landscape
painters were severely handled
in an ironical satire; and we determined
to defend them. “Their superiority
to all the ancient masters”—that
was too hard a hit to come
from any but an enemy! We must
measure our man—a graduate of Oxford!
The “scholar armed,” without
doubt. He comes, too, vauntingly
up to us, with his contempt for
us and all critics that ever were, or
will be; we are all little Davids in
the eye of this Goliath. Nevertheless,
we will put a pebble in our sling.
We saw this contempt of us, in dipping
at hap-hazard into the volume.
But what was our astonishment to
find, upon looking further, that we
had altogether mistaken the intent of
the author, and that we should probably
have not one Goliath, but many,
to encounter; while our own particular
friends, to whom we might look
for help, were, alas! all dead men.
We found that there were not
“giants” in those days, but in these
days—that the author, in his most
superlative praise, is not ironical at
all, but a most serious panegyrist,
who never laughs, but does sometimes
make his readers laugh, when
they see his very unbecoming, mocking
grimaces against the “old masters”—not
that it can be fairly asserted
that it is a laughable book. It
has much conceit, and but little merriment;
there is nothing really funny
after you have got over, (vide page 6,)
that he “looks with contempt on
Claude, Salvator, and Gaspar Poussin.”
This contempt, however, being
too limited for the “graduate of Oxford,”
in the next page he enlarges
the scope of his enmity; “speaking
generally of the old masters, I refer
only to Claude, Gaspar Poussin, Salvator
Rosa, Cuyp, Berghem, Both,
Ruysdael, Hobbima, Teniers (in his
landscapes,) P. Potter, Canaletti, and
the various Van Somethings and
Back Somethings, more especially and
malignantly those who have libelled
the sea.” Self-convicted of malice,
he has not the slightest suspicion of
his ignorance; whereas he knows nothing
of these masters whom he maligns.
Still is he ready to be their
general accuser—has not the slightest
respect for the accumulated opinions
of the best judges for these two or
three hundred years—he puts them
by with the wave of his hand, very
like the unfortunate gentleman in an
establishment of “unsound opinions,”
who gravely said—”The world and
I differed in opinion—I was right,
the world wrong; but they were too
many for me, and put me here.” We
daresay that, in such establishments
may be found many similar opinions
to those our author promulgates,
though, as yet, none of our respectable
publishers have been convicted
of a congenial folly. We said, that
he suspects not his ignorance of
the masters he maligns. Let it
not hence be inferred that it is the
work of an ignorant man. He is only
ignorant with a prejudice. We will
not say that it is not the work of a
man who thinks, who has been habituated
to a sort of scholastic reasoning,
which he brings to bear, with no
little parade and display, upon technicalities
and distinctions. He can
tutor secundum artem, lacking only,
in the first point, that he has not tutored
himself. With all his arrangements
and distinctions laid down, as
the very grammar of art, he confuses
himself with his “truths,” forgetting
that, in matters of art, truths of
fact must be referable to truths of
mind. It is not what things in all
respects really are, but what they appear,
and how they are convertible
by the mind into what they are not in
many ways, respects, and degrees,
that we have to consider, before we
can venture to draw rules from any
truths whatever. For art is something
besides nature; and taste and
feeling are first—precede practical
art; and though greatly enhanced by
[Pg 486]
that practical cultivation, might exist
without it—nay, often do; and true
taste always walks a step in advance
of what has been done, and ever desires
to do, and from itself, more
than it sees. We discover, therefore,
a fallacy in the very proposal of his
undertaking, when he says that he is
prepared “to advance nothing which
does not, at least in his own conviction,
rest on surer ground than mere feeling
or taste
.” Notwithstanding, however,
that our graduate of Oxford puts
his “demonstrations” upon an equality
with “the demonstrations of Euclid,”
and “thinks it proper for the
public to know, that the writer is no
mere theorist, but has been devoted
from his youth to the laborious study
of practical art,” and that he is “a
graduate of Oxford;” we do not look
upon him as a bit the better judge for
all that, seeing that many have practised
it too fondly and too ignorantly
all their lives, and that Claude, and
Salvator, and Gaspar Poussin must,
according to him, have been in this
predicament, and more especially do
we decline from bowing down at his
dictation, when we find him advocating
anysurer ground than feeling
or taste
.” Now, considering that
thus, in initio, he sets aside feeling
and taste, the reader will not be astonished
to find a very substantial
reason given for his contempt of the
afore-mentioned old masters; it is, he
says, “because I look with the most
devoted veneration upon Michael Angelo,
Raffaelle, and Da Vinci, that I
do not distrust the principles which
induce me to look with contempt,”
&c. We do not exactly see how
these great men, who were not landscape
painters, can very well be compared
with those who were, but from
some general principles of art, in
which the world have not as yet found
any very extraordinary difference.
But we do humbly suggest, that Michael
Angelo, Raffaelle, and Da Vinci,
are in their practice, and principles,
if you please, quite as unlike Messrs
David Cox, Copley Fielding, J. D.
Harding, Clarkson Stanfield, and
Turner—the very men whom our author
brings forward as the excellent
of the earth, in opposition to all old
masters whatever, excepting only Michael
Angelo, Raffaelle, and Da Vinci,
to whom nevertheless, by a perverse
pertinacity of their respective geniuses,
they bear no resemblance whatever—as
they are to Claude, Salvator, and
Gaspar Poussin. We do not by any
means intend to speak disrespectfully
of these our English artists, but we
must either mistrust those principles
which cause them to stand in opposition
to the great Italians, or to conceive
that our author has really discovered
no such differing principles,
and which possibly may not exist at
all. Nor will we think so meanly of
the taste, the good feeling, and the
good sense of these men, as to believe
that they think themselves at all flattered
by any admiration founded on
such an irrational contempt. They
well know that Michael Angelo, Raffaelle,
and Da Vinci, have been admired,
together with Claude, Salvator,
and Gaspar Poussin, and they do not
themselves desire to be put upon a
separate list. The author concludes
his introduction with a very bad reason
for his partiality to modern masters,
and it is put in most ambitious
language, very readily learned in the
“Fudge School,”—a style of language
with which our author is very apt to
indulge himself; but the argument it
so ostentatiously clothes, and which
we hesitate not to call a bad one, is
nothing more than this, (if we understand
it,)—that the dead are dead, and
cannot hear our praise; that the living
are living, and therefore our love is
not lost; in short, as a non-sequitur,
“that if honour be for the dead, gratitude
can only be for the living.”
This might have been simply said;
but we are taken to the grave—with
“He who has once stood beside the
grave,” &c. &c.; we have “wild
love—keen sorrow—pleasure to pulseless
hearts—debt to the heart—to be
discharged to the dust—the garland—the
tombstone—the crowned brow—the
ashes and the spirit—heaven-toned
voices and heaven-lighted lamps—the
learning—sweetness by silence—and
light by decay;” all which,
we conceive, might have been very
excusable in a young curate’s sermon
during his first year of probation, and
might have won for him more nosegays
and favours than golden opinions,
but which we here feel inclined to
put our pen across, as so we remember
many similarly ambitious passages
to have been served, before we were
graduate of Oxford, with the insignificant
signification from the pen of our
[Pg 487]
informator of nihil ad rem. As the
author threatens the public with another,
or more volumes, we venture
to throw out a recommendation, that at
least one volume may serve the purpose
and do the real work of two, if he will
check this propensity to unnecessary
redundancy. His numerous passages
of this kind are for the most part extremely
unintelligible; and when we
have unraveled the several coatings,
we too often find the ribs of the
mummy are not human. We think
it right to object, in this place, to an
affectation in phraseology offensive to
those who think seriously of breaking
the third commandment—he scarcely
speaks of mountains without taking
the sacred name in vain; there is likewise
a constant repetition of expressions
of very doubtful meaning in the
first use, for the most part quite devoid
of meaning in their application. One
of these is “palpitating.” Light is
“palpitating,” darkness is “palpitating”—every
conceivable thing is
“palpitating.” We must, however, in
justice say, that by far the best part
of the book, the laying down rules and
the elucidating principles, is clearly
and expressively written. In this part
of the work there is greater expansion
than the student will generally find in
books on art. Not that we are aware
of the advancement of any thing new;
but the admitted maxims of art are, as
it were, grammatically analysed, and
in a manner to assist the beginner in
thinking upon art. To those who
have already thought, this very studied
analysis and arrangement will be tedious
enough.

In the “Definition of Greatness
in Art,” we find—”If I say that the
greatest picture is that which conveys
to the mind of the spectator the greatest
number of the greatest ideas, I
have a definition which will include
as subjects of comparison every pleasure
which art is capable of conveying.”
Now, there are great ideas
which are so conflicting as to annul
the force of each other. This is not
enough; there must be a congruity of
great ideas—nay, in some instances,
we can conceive one idea to be so
great, as in a work of art not to admit
of the juxtaposition of others. This
is the principle upon which the sonnet
is built, and the sonnet illustrates the
picture not unaptly. “Ideas of
Power” are great ideas—not always
are ideas of beauty great; yet is there
a tempering the one with the other,
which it is the special province of art
to attain, and that for its highest and
most moral purposes. In his “Ideas
of Power,” he distinguishes the term
“excellent” from the terms “beautiful,”
“useful,” “good,” &c.; thus—”And
we shall always, in future, use
the word excellent, as signifying that
the thing to which it is applied required
a great power for its production.”
Is not this doubtful? Does it
not limit the perception of excellence
to artists who can alone from their
practice, and, as it were, measurement
of powers with their difficulties, learn
and feel its existence in the sense to
which it is limited. The inference
would be, that none but artists can be
critics, as none but artists can perceive
excellence, and we think in more than
one place some such assertion is made.
This is startling—”Power is never
wasted; whatever power has been
employed, produces excellence in proportion
to its own dignity and exertion;
and the faculty of perceiving
this exertion, and approaching this
dignity, is the faculty of perceiving
excellence.” “It is this faculty in
which men, even of the most cultivated
taste, must always be wanting,
unless they have added practice to
reflection; because none can estimate
the power manifested in victory, unless
they have personally measured the
strength to be overcome.” For the
word strength use difficulty, and we
should say that, to the unpractised,
the difficulties must always appear
greatest. He gives, as illustration,
“Titian’s flesh tint;” it may be possible
that, by some felicitous invention,
some new technicality of his art,
Titian might have produced this excellence,
and to him there would have
been no such great measurement of
the difficulty or strength to be overcome;
while the admirer of the work,
ignorant of the happy means, fancies
the exertion of powers which were not
exerted. In his chapter on “Ideas
of Imitation,” he imagines that Fuseli
and Coleridge falsely apply the term
imitation, making “a distinction between
imitation and copying, representing
the first as the legitimate function
of art—the latter as its corruption.”
Yet we think he comes pretty
much to the same conclusion. In like
manner, he seems to disagree with
[Pg 488]
Burke in a passage which he quotes,
but in reality he agrees with him; for
surely the “power of the imitation”
is but a power of the “jugglery,” to
be sensible of which, if we understand
him, is necessary to our sense of imitation.
“When the object,” says
Burke, “represented in poetry or
painting is such as we could have no
desire of seeing in the reality, then we
may be sure that its power in poetry
or painting is owing to the power of
imitation.” “We may,” says our
author, “be sure of the contrary; for
if the object be undesirable in itself,
the closer the imitation the less will
be the pleasure.” Certainly not; for
Burke of course implied, and included
in his sense of imitation, that it should
be consistent with a knowledge in the
spectator, that a certain trick of art
was put upon him. And our author
says the same—”Whenever the work
is seen to resemble something which we
know it is not, we receive what I call
an idea of imitation.” Again—”Now,
two things are requisite to our complete
and most pleasurable perception
of this: first, that the resemblance be
so perfect as to amount to deception;
secondly, that there be some
means of proving at the same moment
that it is a deception.” He
justly considers “the pleasures resulting
from imitation the most contemptible
that can be received from
art.” He thus happily illustrates his
meaning—”We may consider tears
as a result of agony or of art, whichever
we please, but not of both at the
same moment. If we are surprised
by them as an attainment of the one,
it is impossible we can be moved by
them as a sign of the other.” This
will explain why we are pleased with
the exact imitation of the dewdrop
on the peach, and why we are disgusted
with the Magdalen’s tears by
Vanderwerf; and we further draw
this inevitable conclusion, of very important
consequence to artists, who
have very erroneous notions upon the
subject, that this sort of imitation,
which, by the deception of its name,
should be most like, is actually less
like nature, because it takes from nature
its impression by substituting a
sense of the jugglery. This chapter on
ideas of imitation is good and useful.
We think, in the after part of his work,
wherein is much criticism on pictures
by the old masters and by moderns,
our author must have lost the remembrance
of what he has so well said on
his ideas of imitation; and in the following
chapter on “Ideas of Truth.”
“The word truth, as applied to art,
signifies the faithful statement, either
to the mind or senses, of any fact of
nature.” The reader will readily see
how “ideas of truth” differ from
“ideas of imitation.” The latter relating
only to material objects, the former
taking in the conceptions of the
mind—may be conveyed by signs or
symbols, “themselves no image nor
likeness of any thing.” “An idea of
truth exists in the statement of one
attribute of any thing; but an idea of
imitation only in the resemblance of
as many attributes as we are usually
cognizant of in its real presence.”
Hence it follows that ideas of truth
are inconsistent with ideas of imitation;
for, as we before said, ideas of
imitation remove the impression by
an ever-present sense of the deception
or falsehood. This is put very
conclusively—”so that the moment
ideas of truth are grouped together, so
as to give rise to an idea of imitation,
they change their very nature—lose
their essence as ideas of truth—and are
corrupted and degraded, so as to share
in the treachery of what they have
produced. Hence, finally, ideas of
truth are the foundation, and ideas
of imitation the distinction, of all
art. We shall be better able to
appreciate their relative dignity after
the investigation which we propose of
functions of the former; but we
may as well now express the conclusion
to which we shall then be led—that
no picture can be good which
deceives by its imitation; for the very
reason that nothing can be beautiful
which is not true.” This is perhaps
rather too indiscriminate. It has been
shown that ideas of imitation do give
pleasure; by them, too, objects of
beauty may be represented. We
should not say that a picture by Gerard
Dow or Van Eyck; even with the
down on the peach and the dew on
the leaf, were not good pictures.
They are good if they please. It is
true, they ought to do more, and even
that in a higher degree; they cannot
be works of greatness—and greatness
was probably meant in the word good.
In his chapter on “Ideas of Beauty,”
he considers that we derive, naturally
and instinctively, pleasure from the
[Pg 489]
contemplation of certain material objects;
for which no other reason can
be given than that it is our instinct—the
will of our Maker—we enjoy them
“instinctively and necessarily, as we
derive sensual pleasure from the scent
of a rose.” But we have instinctively
aversion as well as desire; though he
admits this, he seems to lose sight of
it in the following—”And it would
appear that we are intended by the
Deity to be constantly under their
influence, (ideas of beauty;) because
there is not one single object in nature
which is not capable of conveying
them,” &c. We are not satisfied; if
the instinctive desire be the index to
what is beautiful, so must the instinctive
aversion be the index to its opposite.
We have an instinctive dislike
to many reptiles, to many beasts—as
apes. These may have in them some
beauty; we only object to the author’s
want of clearness. If there be no
ugliness there is no beauty, for every
thing has its opposite; so that we
think he has not yet discovered and
clearly put before us what beauty
consists in. He shows how it happens
that we do admire it instinctively;
but that does not tell us what it is,
and possibly, after all that has been
said about it, it yet remains to be told.
Nor are we satisfied with his definition
of taste—”Perfect taste is the
faculty of receiving the greatest possible
pleasure from those material
sources which are attractive to our
moral nature in its purity and perfection.”
This will not do; for
taste will take material sources, unattractive
in themselves, and by combination,
or for their contrast, receive
pleasure from them. All literature
and all art show this. That
taste, like life itself, is instinctive
in its origin and first motion, we doubt
not; but what it is by and in its cultivation,
and in its application to art,
is a thing not to be altogether so cursorily
discussed and dismissed. The
distinction is laid down between taste
and judgment—judgment being the
action of the intellect; taste “the instinctive
and instant preferring of one
material object to another without any
obvious reason,” except that it is proper
to human nature in its perfection
so to do. But leaving this discussion
of this original taste, taste in art is
surely, as it is a thing cultivated, that
for which a reason can be given, and
in some measure, therefore, the result
of judgment. For by the cultivation
of taste we are actually led to love,
admire, and desire many things of
which we have no instinctive love at
all; so that the taste for them arises
from the intellect and the moral sense—our
judgment. He proceeds to
“Ideas of Relation,” by which he
means “to express all those sources
of pleasure, which involve and require
at the instant of their perception, active
exertion of the intellectual powers.”
As this is to be more easily
comprehended by an illustration, we
have one in an incident of one of
Turner’s pictures, and, considering
the object, it is surprising the author
did not find one more important; but
he herein shows that, in his eyes,
every stroke of the brush by Mr
Turner is important—indeed, is a
considerable addition to our national
wealth. In the picture of the “Building
of Carthage,” the foreground is
occupied by a group of children sailing
toy-boats, which he thinks to be
an “exquisite choice of incident expressive
of the ruling passion.” He,
with a whimsical extravagance in
praise of Turner, which, commencing
here, runs throughout all the rest of
the volume, says—”Such a thought
as this is something far above all art;
it is epic poetry of the highest order.”
Epic poetry of the highest order!
Ungrateful will be our future epic
poets if they do not learn from this—if
such is done by boys sailing toy-boats,
surely boys flying a kite will
illustrate far better the great astronomical
knowledge of our days.
But he is rather unfortunate in this
bit of criticism; for he compares this
incident with one of Claude’s, which
we, however, think a far better and
more poetical incident. “Claude, in
subjects of the same kind,” (not, by
the by, a very fair statement,)
“commonly introduces people carrying
red trunks with iron locks about,
and dwells, with infantine delight, on
the lustre of the leather and the ornaments
of the iron. The intellect can
have no occupation here, we must
look to the imitation or to nothing.”
As to the “infantine delight,” we
presume it is rather with the boys
and their toy-boats; but let us look a
little into these trunks—no, we may
not—there is something more in them
than our graduate imagines—the very
[Pg 490]
iron locks and precious leather mean
to tell you there is something still
more precious within, worth all the
cost of freightage; and you see, a little
off, the great argosie that has
brought the riches; and we humbly
think that the ruling passion of a
people whose “princes were merchants,
and whose merchants princes,”
as happily expressed by the said “red
trunks” as the rise of Carthage by
the boys and boats; and in the fervour
of this bit of “exquisite” epic
choice, probably Claude did look with
delight on the locks and the leather;
and, whenever we look upon that picture
again, we shall be ready to join
in the delight, and say, in spite of our
graduate’s “contempt,” there is nothing
like leather. If the boys and
boats express the beginning, the red
trunks express the thing done—merchandise
“brought home to every
man’s door;” so that the one serves
for an “idea of relation,” quite as well
as the other. And here ends section
the first.

The study of ideas of imitation are
thrown out of the consideration of
ideas of power, as unworthy the pursuit
of an artist, whose purpose is not
to deceive, and because they are only
the result of a particular association
of ideas of truth. “There are two
modes in which we receive the conception
of power; one, the most just,
when by a perfect knowledge of the
difficulty to be overcome, and the
means employed, we form a right estimate
of the faculties exerted; the other,
when without possessing such intimate
and accurate knowledge, we are impressed
by a sensation of power in
visible action. If these two modes of
receiving the impression agree in the
result, and if the sensation be equal
to the estimate, we receive the utmost
possible idea of power. But this is
the case perhaps with the works of
only one man out of the whole circle
of the fathers of art, of him to whom
we have just referred—Michael Angelo.
In others the estimate and the
sensation are constantly unequal, and
often contradictory.” There is a distinction
between the sensation of
power and the intellectual perception
of it. A slight sketch will give the
sensation; the greater power is in the
completion, not so manifest, but of
which there is a more intellectual
cognizance. He instances the drawings
of Frederick Tayler for sensations
of power, considering the apparent
means; and those of John Lewis
for more complete ideas of power, in
reference to the greater difficulties
overcome, and the more complicated
means employed. We think him unfortunate
in his selection, as the subjects
of these artists are not such as,
of themselves, justly to receive ideas
of power, therefore not the best to
illustrate them. He proceeds to
“ideas of power, as they are dependent
on execution.” There are six
legitimate sources of pleasure in execution—truth,
simplicity, mystery,
inadequacy, decision, velocity. “Decision”
we should think involved in
“truth;” as so involved, not necessarily
different from velocity. Mystery
and inadequacy require explanation.
“Nature is always mysterious
and secret in her use of means; and
art is always likest her when it is
most inexplicable.” Execution, therefore,
should be “incomprehensible.”
“Inadequacy” can hardly, we think,
be said to be a quality of execution,
as it has only reference to means employed.
Insufficient means, according
to him, give ideas of power. We
otherwise conclude—namely, that if
the inadequacy of the means is shown,
we receive ideas of weakness. “Ars
est celare artem”—so is it to conceal
the means. Strangeness in execution,
not a legitimate source of pleasure, is
illustrated by the execution of a bull’s
head by Rubens, and of the same by
Berghem. Of the six qualities of
execution, the three first are the greatest,
the three last the most attractive.
He considers Berghem and Salvator
to have carried their fondness for
these lowest qualities to a vice. We
can scarcely agree with him, as their
execution seems most appropriate to
the character of their subjects—to
arise, in fact, out of their “ideas of
truth.” There is appended a good
note on the execution of the “drawing-master,”
that, under the title of
boldness, will admit of no touch less
than the tenth of an inch broad, and
on the tricks of engravers’ handling.

Our graduate dismisses the “sublime”
in about two pages; in fact,
he considers sublimity not to be a
specific term, nor “descriptive of the
effect of a particular class of ideas;”
but as he immediately asserts that it
is “greatness of any kind,” and “the
[Pg 491]
effect of greatness upon the feelings,”
we should have expected to have
heard a little more about what constitutes
this “greatness,” this “sublime,”
which “elevates the mind,”
something more than that “Burke’s
theory of the nature of the sublime is
incorrect.” The sublime not being
“distinct from what is beautiful,” he
confines his subject to “ideas of truth,
beauty, and relation,” and by these
he proposes to test all artists. Truth
of facts and truth of thoughts are
here considered; the first necessary,
but the latter the highest: we should say
that it is the latter which alone constitutes
art, and that here art begins
where nature ends. Facts are the
foundation necessary to the superstructure;
the foundation of which
must be there, though unseen, unnoticed
in contemplation of the noble
edifice. Very great stress is laid upon
“the exceeding importance of truth;”
which none will question, reminding
us of the commencement of Bacon’s
essay, “What is truth? said laughing
Pilate, and would not wait for an answer.”
“Nothing,” says our author,
“can atone for the want of truth, not
the most brilliant imagination, the
most playful fancy, the most pure
feeling (supposing that feeling could
be pure and false at the same time,)
not the most exalted conception, nor
the most comprehensive grasp of intellect,
can make amends for the want
of truth.” Now, there is much parade
in all this, surely truth, as such in
reference to art, is in the brilliancy of
imagination, in the playfulness, without
which is no fancy, in the feeling,
and in the very exaltation of a conception;
and intellect has no grasp that
does not grasp a truth. When he
speaks of nature as “immeasurably
superior to all that the human mind
can conceive,” and professes to “pay
no regard whatsoever to what may be
thought beautiful, or sublime, or imaginative,”
and to “look only for
truth, bare, clear downright statement
of facts,” he seems to forget what nature
is, as adopted by, as taken into
art; it is not only external nature,
but external nature in conjunction
with the human mind. Nor does he,
in fact, adhere in the subsequent part
of his work to this his declaration; for
he loses it in his “fervour of imagination,”
when he actually examines the
works of “the great living painter,
who is, I believe, imagined by the
majority of the public to paint more
falsehood and less fact than any other
known master.” Here our author
jumps at once into his monomania—his
adoration of the works of Turner,
which he examines largely and microscopically,
as it suits his whim, and
imagines all the while he is describing
and examining nature; and not unfrequently
he tells you, that nature and
Turner are the same, and that he
“invites the same ceaseless study as
the works of nature herself.” This is
“coming it pretty strong.” We confess
we are with the majority—not
that we wish to depreciate Turner.
He is, or has been, unquestionably, a
man of genius, and that is a great
admission. He has, perhaps, done in
art what never has been done before.
He has illuminated “Views,” if not
with local, with a splendid truth. His
views of towns are the finest; he led
the way to this walk of art, and is
far superior to all in it. We speak
of his works collectively. Some of
his earlier, more imaginative, were
unquestionably poetical, though not,
perhaps, of a very high character. We
believe he has been better acquainted
with many of the truths of nature,
particularly those which came within
the compass of his line of views, than
any other artist, ancient or modern;
but we believe he has neglected others,
and some important ones too, and to
which the old masters paid the greatest
attention, and devoted the utmost
study. We have spoken frequently,
unhesitatingly, of the late extraordinary
productions of his pencil, as altogether
unworthy his real genius; it
is in these we see, with the majority
of the public, “more falsehood and
less fact” than in any other known
master—a defiance of the “known
truths” in drawing, colour, and composition,
for which we can only account
upon the supposition, that his
eye misrepresents to him the work of
his hands. We see, in the almost
adoration of his few admirers, that if
it be difficult, and not always dependent,
on merit to attain to eminence
in the world’s estimation, it is nearly
as difficult altogether to fall from it;
and that nothing the artist can do,
though they be the veriest “ægri
somnia,” will separate from him habitual
followers, who, with a zeal in
proportion to the extravagances he
[Pg 492]
may perpetrate, will lose their relish
for, and depreciate the great masters,
whose very principles he seems capriciously
in his age to set aside, and
they will from followers become his
worshippers, and in pertinacity exact
entire compliance, and assent to every,
the silliest, dictation of their monomania.
We subjoin a specimen of
this kind of worship, which will be
found fully to justify our observations,
and which, considering it speaks of
mortal man, is somewhat blaspheming
Divine attributes; we know not really
whether we should pity the condition
of the author, or reprehend the passage.
After speaking of other modern
painters, who are so superior to the
old, he says: “and Turner—glorious
in conception—unfathomable in knowledge—solitary
in power—with the
elements waiting upon his will, and
the night and the morning obedient
to his call, sent as a prophet of God
to reveal to men the mysteries of his
universe, standing, like the great angel
of the Apocalypse, clothed with a
cloud, and with a rainbow upon his
head, and with the sun and stars
given into his hand.” Little as we
are disposed to laugh at any such
aberrations, we must, to remove from
our minds the greater, the more serious
offence, indulge in a small degree
of justifiable ridicule; and ask
what will sculptor or painter make of
this description, should the reluctant
public be convinced by the “graduate,”
and in their penitential reverence
order statue or painting of Mr
Turner for the Temple of Fame,
which it is presumed Parliament, in
their artistic zeal, mean to erect?
How will they venture to represent
Mr Turner looking like an angel—in
that dress which would make any
man look like a fool—his cloud nightcap
tied with rainbow riband round
his head, calling to night and morning,
and little caring which comes,
making “ducks and drakes” of the
sun and the stars, put into his hand
for that purpose? We will only suggest
one addition, as it completes the
grand idea, and is in some degree
characteristic of Mr Turner’s peculiar
execution, that, with the sun and
stars, there should be delivered into
his hand a comet, whose tail should
serve him for a brush, and supply itself
with colour. We do not see,
however, why the moon should have
been omitted; sun, moon, and stars,
generally go together. Is the author
as jealous as the “majority of the
public” may be suspicious of her influence?
And let not the reader believe
that Mr Turner is thus called a
prophet in mere joke, or a fashion of
words—his prophetic power is advanced
in another passage, wherein it is
asserted that Mr Turner not only tells
us in his works what nature has done
in hers, but what she will do. “In fact,”
says our author, “the great quality
about Mr Turner’s drawings, which
more especially proves their transcendant
truth, is the capability they
afford us of reasoning on past and
future phenomena.” The book teems
with extravagant bombastic praise
like this. Mr Turner is more than
the Magnus Apollo. Yet other English
artists are brought forward, immediately
preceding the above panegyric;
we know not if we do them justice,
by noticing what is said of them.
There is a curious description of David
Cos lying on the ground “to possess
his spirit in humility and peace,”
of Copley Fielding, as an aeronaut,
“casting his whole soul into space.”
We really cannot follow him, “exulting
like the wild deer in the motion of
the swift mists,” and “flying with the
wild wind and sifted spray along the
white driving desolate sea, with the
passion for nature’s freedom burning
in his heart;” for such a chase and
such a heart-burn must have a frightful
termination, unless it be mere
nightmare. We see “J. D. Harding,
brilliant and vigorous,” &c., “following
with his quick, keen dash the
sunlight into the crannies of the
rocks, and the wind into the tangling
of the grass, and the bright colour into
the fall of the sea-foam—various,
universal in his aim;” after which very
fatiguing pursuit, we are happy to
find him “under the shade of some
spreading elm;” yet his heart is oak—and
he is “English, all English at
his heart.” But Mr Clarkson Stanfield
is a man of men—”firm, and
fearless, and unerring in his knowledge—stern
and decisive in his truth—perfect
and certain in composition—shunning
nothing, concealing nothing,
and falsifying nothing—never
affected, never morbid, never failing—conscious
of his strength, but never
ostentatious of it—acquainted with
every line and hue of the deep
[Pg 493]
sea—chiseling his waves with unhesitating
knowledge of every curve of their
anatomy, and every moment of their
motion—building his mountains rock
by rock, with wind in every fissure,
and weight in every stone—and modeling
the masses of his sky with the
strength of tempest in their every
fold.” It is curious—yet a searcher
after nature’s truths ought to know,
as he is here told, that waves may be
anatomized, and must be chiseled,
and that mountains are and ought to
be built up rock by rock, as a wall
brick by brick; no easy task considering
that there is a disagreeable
“wind in every fissure, and weight in
every stone”—and that the aerial sky,
incapable to touch, must be “modeled
in masses.” All this is given after an
equally extravagant abuse of Claude,
of Salvator Rosa, and Poussin. He
finds fault with Claude, because his
sea does not “upset the flower-pots
on the wall,” forgetting that they are
put there because the sea could not—with
Salvator, for his “contemptible
fragment of splintery crag, which an
Alpine snow-wreath” (which would
have no business there) “would smother
in its first swell, with a stunted
bush or two growing out of it, and a
Dudley or Halifax-like volume of
smoke for a sky”—with Poussin, for
that he treats foliage (whereof “every
bough is a revelation!”) as “a black
round mass of impenetrable paint, diverging
into feathers instead of leaves,
and supported on a stick instead of a
trunk.” A page or two from this, our
author sadly abuses poor Canaletti,
as far as we can see, for not painting
a tumbled-down wall, which perhaps,
in his day, was not in a ruinous state
at all; it is a curious passage—and
shows how much may be made out
of a wall. Pyramus’s chink was nothing
to this—behold a specimen of
“fine writing!” “Well: take the next
house. We remember that too; it
was mouldering inch by inch into the
canal, and the bricks had fallen away
from its shattered marble shafts, and
left them white and skeleton-like, yet
with their fretwork of cold flowers
wreathed about them still, untouched
by time; and through the rents of
the wall behind them there used to
come long sunbeams gleamed by the
weeds through which they pierced,
which flitted, and fell one by one
round those grey and quiet shafts,
catching here a leaf and there a leaf,
and gliding over the illumined edges
and delicate fissures until they sank
into the deep dark hollow between
the marble blocks of the sunk foundation,
lighting every other moment one
isolated emerald lamp on the crest of
the intermittent waves, when the wild
sea-weeds and crimson lichens drifted
and crawled with their thousand colours
and fine branches over its decay,
and the black, clogging, accumulated
limpets hung in ropy clusters
from the dripping and tinkling
stone. What has Canaletti given us
for this?” Alas, neither a crawling
lichen, nor clogging limpets, nor a
tinkling stone, but “one square, red
mass, composed of—let me count—five-and-fifty—no,
six-and-fifty—no, I
was right at first, five-and-fifty bricks,”
&c. The picture, if it be painted by
the graduate, must be a curiosity—we
can make neither head nor tail of
his words. But let us find another
strange specimen—where he compares
his own observations of nature with
Poussin and Turner. Every one
must remember a very pretty little
picture of no great consequence by
Gaspar Poussin—a view of some buildings
of a town said to be Aricia, the
modern La Riccia—just take it for what
it is intended to be, a quiet, modest,
agreeable scene—very true and sweetly
painted. How unfit to be compared
with an ambitious description of a
combination of views from Rome to
the Alban Mount, for that is the
range of the description, though, perhaps,
the description is taken from a
poetical view of one of Turner’s incomprehensibles,
which may account
for the conclusion, “Tell me who is
likest this, Poussin or Turner?” Now,
though Poussin never intended to be
like this, let us see the graduate’s
description of it. We know the
little town; it received us as well
as our author, having left Rome to
visit it.

“Egressum magnâ me accepit Aricia Roma.”

Our author, however, doubts if it
be the place, though he unhesitatingly
abuses Poussin, as if he had fully intended
to have painted nothing else
than what was seen by the travelling
graduate. “At any rate, it is a town
on a hill, wooded with two-and-thirty
bushes, of very uniform size, and
[Pg 494]
possessing about the same number of
leaves each. These bushes are all
painted in with one dull opaque brown,
becoming very slightly greenish towards
the lights, and discover in one
place a bit of rock, which of course
would in nature have been cool and
grey beside the lustrous hues of
foliage, and which, therefore, being
moreover completely in shade, is
consistently and scientifically painted
of a very clear, pretty, and positive
brick red, the only thing like colour
in the picture. The foreground is a
piece of road, which, in order to make
allowance for its greater nearness, for
its being completely in light, and, it
may be presumed, for the quantity of
vegetation usually present on carriage
roads, is given in a very cool green-grey,
and the truthful colouring of the
picture is completed by a number of
dots in the sky on the right, with a
stalk to them, of a sober and similar
brown.” We need not say how unlike
is this description of the picture.
We pass on to—”Not long ago, I was
slowly descending this very bit of carriage
road, the first turn after you
leave Albano;—it had been wild
weather when I left Rome, and all
across the Campagna the clouds were
sweeping in sulphurous blue, with a
clap of thunder or two, and breaking
gleams of sun along the Claudian
aqueduct, lighting up the infinity of
its arches like the bridge of Chaos.
But as I climbed the long slope of the
Alban mount, the storm swept finally
to the north, and the noble outline of
the domes of Albano, and graceful
darkness of its ilex grove rose against
pure streaks of alternate blue and
amber, the upper sky gradually flushing
through the last fragments of
rain-cloud in deep, palpitating azure,
half æther half dew. The noonday
sun came slanting down the rocky
slopes of La Riccia, and its masses
of entangled and tall foliage, whose
autumnal tints were mixed with the
wet verdure of a thousand evergreens,
were penetrated with it as with rain.
I cannot call it colour, it was conflagration.
Purple, and crimson, and
scarlet, like the curtains of God’s tabernacle,
the rejoicing trees sank into
the valley in showers of light, every
separate leaf quivering with buoyant
and burning life; each, as it turned
to reflect or to transmit the sunbeam,
first a torch and then an emerald. Far
up into the recesses of the valley, the
green vistas arched like the hollows
of mighty waves of some crystalline
sea, with the arbutus flowers dashed
along their flanks for foam, and silver
flakes of orange spray tossed into the
air around them, breaking over the
grey walls of rock into a thousand
separate stars, fading and kindling
alternately as the weak wind lifted
and let them fall. Every glade of
grass burned like the golden floor of
heaven, opening in sudden gleams as
the foliage broke and closed above it,
as sheet lightning opens in a cloud at
sunset; the motionless masses of dark
rock—dark though flushed with scarlet
lichen—casting their quiet shadows
across its restless radiance, the fountain
underneath them filling its marble
hollow with blue mist and fitful
sound, and over all—the multitudinous
bars of amber and rose, the sacred
clouds that have no darkness, and only
exist to illumine, were seen in fathomless
intervals between the solemn and
orbed repose of the stone pines, passing
to lose themselves in the last, white,
blinding lustre of the measureless
line where the Campagna melted into
the blaze of the sea.” In verity, this
is no “Campana Supellex.” It is a
riddle! Is he going up or down hill—or
both at once? No human being
can tell. He did not like the “sulphur
and treacle” of “our Scotch connoisseurs;”
but what colours has he
not added here to his sulphur—colours,
too, that we fear for the “idea of
truth” cannot coexist! And how, in
the name of optics, could it be possible
for any painter to take in all this,
with the “fathomless intervals,” into
an angle of vision of forty-five degrees?
It is quite superfluous to ask
“who is likest this, Turner or Poussin?”
There immediately follows a
remark upon another picture in the
National Gallery, the “Mercury and
Woodman,” by Salvator Rosa, than
which nothing can be more untrue to
the original. He asserts that Salvator
painted the distant mountains,
“throughout, without one instant of
variation. But what is its colour?
Pure sky-blue, without one grain of
grey, or any modifying hue whatsoever;—the
same brush which had just
given the bluest parts of the sky, has
been more loaded at the same part of
the pallette, and the whole mountain
throw in with unmitigated ultramarine.”
[Pg 495]
Now the fact is, that the picture
has, in this part, been so injured,
that it is hard to say what colour is
under the dirty brown-asphaltum hue
and texture that covers it. It is certainly
not blue now, not “pure blue”—unless
pictures change like the cameleon.
We know the picture well, and
have seen another of the same subject,
where the mountains have variety, and
yet are blue. We believe a great sum
was given for this picture—far more
than its condition justifies. We must
return—we left the graduate discussing
ideas of truth. There is a chapter
to show that the truth of nature is
not to be discerned by the uneducated
senses. As we do not perceive all
sounds that enter the ear, so do we
not perceive all that is cognizable by
the eye—we have, that is, a power of
nullifying an impression; that this
habit is so common, that from the abstraction
of their minds to other subjects,
there are probably persons who
never saw any thing beautiful. Sensibility
to the power of beauty is required—and
to see rightly, there should
be a perfect state of moral feeling.
Even when we think we see with our
eyes, our perception is often the result
of memory, of previous knowledge;
and it is in this way he accounts for
the mistake painters and others make
with respect to Italian skies. What
will Mr Uwin and his followers in
blue say to this, alas—Italian skies are
not blue? “How many people are
misled by what has been said and
sung of the serenity of Italian skies,
to suppose they must be more blue than
the skies of the north, and think that
they see them so; whereas the sky of
Italy is far more dull and grey in colour
than the skies of the north, and
is distinguished only by its intense repose
of light.” Benevenuto Cellini
speaks of the mist of Italy. “Repose
of light” is rather a novelty—he is fond
of it. But then Turner paints with
pure white—for ourselves we are with
the generality of mankind who prefer
the “repose” of shade. “Ask a connoisseur,
who has scampered over all
Europe, the shape of the leaf of an elm,
and the chances are ninety to one that
he cannot tell you; and yet he will
be voluble of criticism on every painted
landscape from Dresden to Madrid”—and
why not? The chances are
ninety to one that the merits of not a
single picture shall depend upon this
knowledge, and yet the pictures shall
be good and the connoisseur right.
One man sees what another does
not see in portraits. Undoubtedly;
but how any one is to find in a portrait
the following, we are at a loss to
conceive. “The third has caught the
trace of all that was most hidden and
most mighty, when all hypocrisy and
all habit, and all petty and passing
emotion—the ice, and the bank, and
the foam of the immortal river—were
shivered and broken, and swallowed up
in the awakening of its inward strength
,”
&c. How can a man with a pen in
his hand let such stuff as this drop
from his fingers’ ends?

In the chapter “on the relative importance
of truths,” there is a little
needless display of logic—needless, for
we find, after all, he does not dispute
“the kind of truths proper to be represented
by the painter or sculptor,”
though he combats the maxim that
general truths are preferable to particular.
His examples are quite out of art,
whether one be spoken of as a man or
as Sir Isaac Newton. Even logically
speaking, Sir Isaac Newton may be
the whole of the subject, and as such
a whole might require a generality.
There may be many particulars
that are best sunk. So, in a picture
made up of many parts, it should
have a generality totally independent
of the particularities of the parts,
which must be so represented as not
to interfere with that general idea,
and which may be altogether in the
mind of the artist. This little discussion
seems to arise from a sort of
quibble on the word important. Sir
Joshua and others, who abet the
generality maxim, mean no more than
that it is of importance to a picture
that it contain, fully expressed, one
general idea, with which no parts are
to interfere, but that the parts will
interfere if each part be represented
with its most particular truth—and
that, therefore, drapery should be drapery
merely, not silk or satin, where
high truths of the subject are to be
impressed.

“Colour is a secondary truth, therefore
less important than form.” “He,
therefore, who has neglected a truth
of form for a truth of colour, has neglected
a greater truth for a less one.”
It is true with regard to any individual
object—but we doubt if it be
always so in picture. The character
[Pg 496]
of the picture may not at all depend
upon form—nay, it is possible that the
painter may wish to draw away the
mind altogether from the beauty, and
even correctness of form, his subject
being effect and colour, that shall be
predominant, and to which form shall
be quite subservient, and little more
of it than such as chiaro-scuro shall
give; and in such a case colour is the
more important truth, because in it
lies the sentiment of the picture. The
mystery of Rembrandt would vanish
were beauty of form introduced in
many of his pictures. We remember
a picture, the most impressive picture
perhaps ever painted, and that by a
modern too, Danby’s “Opening of
the Sixth Seal.” Now, though there
are fine parts in this picture, the real
power of the picture is in its colour—it
is awful. We are no enemy to
modern painters; we think this a work
of the highest genius—and as such,
should be most proud to see it deposited
in our National Gallery. We
further say, that in some respects it
carries the art beyond the old practice.
But, then, we may say it is a
new subject. “It is not certain whether
any two people see the same colours
in things.” Though that does
not affect the question of the importance
of colour, for it must imply a defect
in the individuals, for undoubtedly
there is such a thing as nature’s
harmony of colour; yet it may be
admitted, that things are not always
known by their colour; nay, that the
actual local colour of objects is mainly
altered by effects of light, and we
are accustomed to see the same things,
quoad colour, variously presented to
us—and the inference that we think
artists may draw from this fact is,
that there will be allowed them a great
licence in all cases of colour, and that
naturalness may be preserved without
exactness—and here will lie the value
of a true theory of the harmony of colours,
and the application of colouring
to pictures, most suitable to the intended
impression, not the most appropriate
to the objects. We have often
laid some stress upon this in the pages
of Maga—and we think it has been too
much omitted in the consideration of
artists. Every one knows what is
called a Claude glass. We see nature
through a coloured medium—yet
we do not doubt that we are looking
at nature—at trees, at water, at skies—nay,
we admire the colour—see its
harmony and many beauties—yet we
know them to be, if we may use the
term, misrepresented. While speaking
of the Claude glass, it will not be
amiss to notice a peculiarity. It
shows a picture—when the unaided
eye will not; it heightens illumination—brings
out the most delicate lights,
scarcely perceptible to the naked eye,
and gives greater power to the shades,
yet preserves their delicacy. It seems
to annihilate all those rays of light,
which, as it were, intercept the picture—that
come between the eye and
the object. But to return to colour—we
say that it must, in the midst of
its license, preserve its naturalness—which
it will do if it have a meaning
in itself. But when we are called
upon to question what is the meaning
of this or that colour, how does its
effect agree with the subject? why is
it outrageously yellow or white, or
blue or red, or a jumble of all these?—which
are questions, we confess, that
we and the public have often asked,
with regard to Turner’s late pictures—we
do not acknowledge a naturalness—the
license has been abused—not
“sumpta pudenter.” It is not
because the vividness of “a blade of
grass or a scarlet flower” shall be beyond
the power of pigment, that a
general glare and obtrusion of such
colours throughout a picture can be
justified. We are astonished that any
man with eyes should see the unnaturalness
in colour of Salvator and Titian,
and not see it in Turner’s recent
pictures, where it is offensive because
more glaring. Those masters sacrificed,
if it be a sacrifice, something to
repose—repose is the thing to be sacrificed
according to the notions of too
many of our modern schools. It is
likewise singular, after all the falsehoods
which he asserts the old masters
to have painted, that he should speak
of “imitation”—as their whole aim,
their sole intention to deceive; and yet
he describes their pictures as unlike
nature in the detail and in the general
as can be, strangely missing their object—deception.
We fear the truths,
particulars of which occupy the remainder
of the volume—of earth, water,
skies, &c.—are very minute truths,
which, whether true or false, are of
very little importance to art, unless it
be to those branches of art which may
treat the whole of each particular
[Pg 497]
truth as the whole of a subject, a line
of art that may produce a multitude
of works, like certain scenes of dramatic
effect, surprising to see once, but
are soon powerless—can we hope to
say of such, “decies repetita placebunt?”
They will be the fascinations
of the view schools, nay, may even delight
the geologist and the herbalist,
but utterly disgust the imaginative.
This kind of “knowledge” is not
“power” in art. We want not to see
water anatomized; the Alps may be
tomahawked and scalped by geologists,
yet may they be sorry painters. And
we can point to the general admiration
of the world, learned and unlearned,
that a “contemptible fragment
of a splintery crag” has been
found to answer all the purposes of an
impression of the greatness of nature,
her free, great, and awful forms, and
that depth, shades, power of chiaro-scuro,
are found in nature to be strongest
in objects of no very great magnitude;
for our vision requires nearness,
and we want not the knowledge
that a mountain is 20,000 feet high, to
be convinced that it is quite large
enough to crush man and all his works;
and that they, who, in their terror of
a greater pressure, would call upon
the mountains to cover them, and the
holes of rocks to hide them, would
think very little of the measurement
of the mountains, or how the caverns
of the earth are made. Greatness and
sublimity are quite other things.

We shall not very systematically
carry our views, therefore, into the
detail of these truths, but shall just
pick here and there a passage or so,
that may strike us either for its utility
or its absurdity.

With regard to truth of tone, he
observes—that “the finely-toned pictures
of the old masters are some of
the notes of nature played two or
three octaves below her key, the dark
objects in the middle distance having
precisely the same relation to the light
of the sky which they have in nature,
but the light being necessarily infinitely
lowered, and the mass of the shadow
deepened in the same degree. I
have often been struck, when looking
at a camera-obscura on a dark day,
with the exact resemblance the image
bore to one of the finest pictures of
the old masters.” We only ask if,
when looking at the picture in the
camera, he did not still recognize nature—and
then, if it was beautiful,
we might ask him if it was not true;
and then when he asserts our highest
light being white paper, and that not
white enough for the light of nature—we
would ask if, in the camera, he
did not see the picture on white paper—and
if the whiteness of paper be not
the exact whiteness of nature, or white
as ordinary nature? But there is a
quality in the light of nature that
mere whiteness will not give, and
which, in fact, is scarcely ever seen in
nature merely in what is quite white;
we mean brilliancy—that glaze, as it
were, between the object and the eye
which makes it not so much light as
bright. Now this quality of light was
thought by the old masters to be the
most important one of light, extending
to the half tones and even in the
shadows, where there is still light;
and this by art and lowering the tone
they were able to give, so that we see
not the value of the praise when he
says—

“Turner starts from the beginning
with a totally different principle. He
boldly takes pure white—and justly,
for it is the sign of the most intense
sunbeams—for his highest light, and
lamp-black for his deepest shade,” &c.
Now, if white be the sign of the most
intense sunbeams, it is as we never
wish to see them; what under a tropical
sun may be white is not quite
white with us; and we always find it
disagreeable in proportion as it approaches
to pure white. We never
saw yet in nature a sky or a cloud
pure white; so that here certainly is
one of the “fallacies,” we will not
call them falsehoods. But as far as
we can judge of nature’s ideas of light
and colour, it is her object to tone
them down, and to give us very little,
if any, of this raw white, and we would
not say that the old masters did not
follow her method of doing it. But
we will say, that the object of art, at
any rate, is to make all things look
agreeable; and that human eyes cannot
bear without pain those raw whites
and too searching lights; and that
nature has given to them an ever present
power of glazing down and reducing
them, when she added to the eye
the sieve, our eyelashes, through which
we look, which we employ for this
purpose, and desire not to be dragged
at any time—”Sub curru nimium
propinqui solis.”

[Pg 498]
After this praise of white, one does
not expect—”I think nature mixes
yellow with almost every one of her
hues;” but this is said merely in
aversion to purple. “I think the first
approach to viciousness of colour in
any master, is commonly indicated
chiefly by a prevalence of purple and
an absence of yellow.” “I am equally
certain that Turner is distinguished
from all the vicious colourists of the
present day, by the foundation of all
his tones being black, yellow, and intermediate
greys, while the tendency
of our common glare-seekers is invariably
to pure, cold, impossible purples.”

“Silent nymph, with curious eye,

Who the purple evening lie,”

saith Dyer, in his landscape of “Grongar
Hill.” The “glare-seekers” is
curious enough, when we remember
the graduate’s description of landscapes,
(of course Turner’s,) and his
excursions; but we think we have
seen many purples in Turner, and
that opposed to his flaming red in
sunsets. He prefers warmth where
most people feel cold—this is not surprising;
but as to picture “is it true?”
“My own feelings would guide me
rather to the warm greys of such pictures
as the ‘Snow-Storm,’ or the
glowing scarlet and gold of the ‘Napoleon’
and the ‘Slave Ship.'” The
two latter must be well remembered
by all Exhibition visitors; they were
the strangest things imaginable in
colour as in every particle that should
be art or nature. There is a whimsical
quotation from Wordsworth, the
“keenest-eyed,” page 145. His object
is to show the strength of shadow—how
“the shadows on the trunk of
the tree become darker and more conspicuous
than any part of the boughs
or limbs;” so, for this strength and
blackness, we have—

“At the root

Of that tall pine, the shadow of whose bare

And slender stem, while here I sit at eve,

Oft stretches tow’rds me, like a long straight path,

Traced faintly in the greensward.”

“Of the truth of space,” he says
that “in a real landscape, we can see
the whole of what would be called the
middle distance and distance together,
with facility and clearness; but while
we do so, we can see nothing in the
foreground beyond a vague and indistinct
arrangement of lines and colours;
and that if, on the contrary, we look at
any foreground object, so as to receive
a distinct impression of it, the distance
and middle distance become all disorder
and mystery. And therefore, if
in a painting our foreground is any
thing, our distance must be nothing,
and vice versa.” “Now, to this fact
and principle, no landscape painter of
the old school, as far as I remember,
ever paid the slightest attention. Finishing
their foregrounds clearly and
sharply, and with vigorous impression
on the eye, giving even the leaves
of their bushes and grass with perfect
edge and shape, they proceeded into the
distance with equal attention to what
they could see of its details,” &c. But
he had blamed Claude for not having
given the exactness and distinct shape
and colour of leaves in foreground.
The fact is, the picture should be as a
piece of nature framed in. Within that
frame, we should not see distinctly the
foreground and distance at the same
instant: but, as we have stated, the
eye and mind are rapid, the one to see,
the other to combine; and as a horse let
loose into a field, runs to the extremity
of it and around it, the first thing
he does—so do we range over every
part of the picture, but with wondrous
rapidity, before our impression of the
whole is perfect. We must not, therefore,
slur over any thing; the difficulty
in art is to give the necessary,
and so made necessary, detail of foreground
unostentatiously—to paint nothing,
that which is to tell as nothing,
but so as it shall satisfy upon examination;
and we think so the old masters
did paint the foregrounds, particularly
Gaspar Poussin—so Titian, so
Domenichino, and all of any merit.
But this is merely an introduction, not
to a palliation of, but the approbation
and praise of a glaring defect in Turner.
“Turner introduced a new era
in landscape art, by showing that the
foreground might be sunk for the distance,
and that it was possible to express
immediate proximity to the spectator,
without giving any thing like
completeness to the forms of the near
objects.” We are now, therefore, prepared
for an absurd “justification of
the want of drawing in Turner’s
figures,” thus contemptuously, with regard
to all but himself, accounted for.
[Pg 499]
“And now we see the reason for the
singular, and, to the ignorant in art,
the offensive execution of Turner’s
figures. I do not mean to assert that
there is any reason whatsoever for bad
drawing, (though in landscape it matters
exceedingly little;) but there is
both reason and necessity for that want
of drawing which gives even the nearest
figures round balls with four pink
spots in them instead of faces, and four
dashes of the brush instead of hands
and feet; for it is totally impossible
that if the eye be adapted to receive
the rays proceeding from the utmost
distance, and some partial impression
from all the distances, it should be capable
of perceiving more of the forms
and features of near figures than Turner
gives.” Yet what wonderful detail
has he required from Canaletti
and others?—But is there any reason
why we should have “pink spots?”—is
there any reason why Turner’s foreground
figures should resemble penny
German dolls?—and for the reason we
have above given, there ought to be
reason why the figures should be
made out, at least as they are in a
camera-obscura. We here speak of
nature, of “truth,” and with him ask,
it may be all very well—but “is it
true?” But we have another fault to
find with Turner’s figures; they are
often bad in intention. What can be
more absurd and incongruous, for instance,
than in a picture of “elemental
war”—a sea-coast—than to put a
child and its nurse in foreground,
the child crying because it has lost
its hoop, or some such thing? It is according
to his truth of space, that
distances should have every “hair’s-breadth”
filled up, all its “infinity,”
with infinities of objects, but that
whatever is near, if figures, may be
“pink spots,” and “four dashes of the
brush.” While with Poussin—”masses
which result from the eclipse of details
are contemptible and painful;”
and he thinks Poussin has but “meaningless
tricks of clever execution”—forgetting
that all art is but a trick—yet
one of those tricks worth knowing,
and yet which how few have
acquired! Surely our author is not
well acquainted with Hobbima’s works;
that painter had not a niggling execution.
“A single dusty roll of Turner’s
brush is more truly expressive of
the infinity of foliage, than the niggling
of Hobbima could have rendered
his canvass, if he had worked on it
till doomsday.” Our author seems to
have studied skies, such as they are
in Turner or in nature. He talks of
them with no inconsiderable swagger
of observation, while the old masters
had no observation at all;—”their
blunt and feelingless eyes never perceived
it in nature; and their untaught
imaginations were not likely to
originate it in study.” What is the
it, will be asked—we believe it to be
a “cirrus,” and that a cirrus is the
subject of a chapter to itself. This
beard of the sky, however, instead of
growing below, is quite above, “never
formed below an elevation of at least
15,000 feet, are motionless, multitudinous
lines of delicate vapour, with
which the blue of the open sky is
commonly streaked or speckled after
several days of fine weather. They
are more commonly known as ‘mare’s
tails.'” Having found this “mare’s
nest,” he delights in it. It is the
glory of modern masters. He becomes
inflated, and lifts himself
15,000 feet above the level of the understanding
of all old masters, and, as
we think, of most modern readers, as
thus:—”One alone has taken notice
of the neglected upper sky; it is his
peculiar and favourite field; he has
watched its every modification, and
given its every phase and feature; at
all hours, in all seasons, he has followed
its passions and its changes,
and has brought down and laid open
to the world another apocalypse of
heaven.” Very well, considering that
the cirrus never touches even the
highest mountains of Europe, to follow
its phase (query faces) and feature
15,000 feet high, and given pink
dots, four pink dots for the faces and
features of human beings within fifteen
feet of his brush. We will not
say whether the old masters painted
this cirrus or not. We believe they
painted what they and we see, at least
so much as suited their pictures—but
as they were not, generally speaking,
exclusively sky-painters, but painters
of subjects to which the skies were
subordinate, they may be fairly held
excused for this their lack of ballooning
after the “cirrus;” and we thank
them that they were not “glare-seekers,”
“threading” their way, with
it before them, “among the then
transparent clouds, while all around
the sun is unshadowed fire.” We lose
[Pg 500]
him altogether in the “central cloud
region,” where he helps nature pretty
considerably as she “melts even the
unoccupied azure into palpitating
shades,” and hopelessly turns the
corner of common observation, and
escapes among the “fifty aisles penetrating
through angelic chapels to the
shechinah of the blue.” We must
expect him to descend a little vain of
his exploit, and so he does—and wonders
not that the form and colour of
Turner should be misunderstood, for
“they require for the full perception
of their meaning and truth, such
knowledge and such time as not one
in a thousand possesses, or can bestow.”
The inference is, that the
graduate has graduated a successful
phæton, driving Mr Turner’s chariot
through all the signs of the zodiac.
So he sends all artists, ancient
and modern, to Mr Turner’s country,
as “a magnificent statement, all
truth”—that is, “impetuous clouds,
twisted rain, flickering sunshine, fleeting
shadow, gushing water, and oppressed
cattle”—yes, more, it wants
repose, and there it is—”High and
far above the dark volumes of the
swift rain-cloud, are seen on the left,
through their opening, the quiet, horizontal,
silent flakes of the highest cirrus,
resting in the repose of the deep
sky;” and there they are, “delicate,
soft, passing vapours,” and there is
“the exquisite depth and palpitating
tenderness of the blue with which they
are islanded.” Thus islanded in tenderness,
what wonder is it if Ixion embraced
a cloud? Let not the modern lover
of nature entertain such a thought;
“Bright Phœbus” is no minor canon
to smile complacently on the matter;
he has a jealousy in him, and won’t let
any be in a melting mood with the
clouds but himself; he tears aside your
curtains, and steam-like rags of capricious
vapour—”the mouldering
sun, seeming not far away, but burning
like a red-hot ball beside you, and
as if you could reach it, plunges
through the rushing wind and rolling
cloud with headlong fall, as if it meant
to rise no more, dyeing all the air about
it with blood.” This is no fanciful
description, but among the comparative
views of nature’s and of Turner’s
skies, as seen, and verified upon his
affidavit, by a graduate of Oxford;
who may have an indisposition to
boast of his exclusive privilege.

Ἀεροβατῶ και
περιφρονῶ τὸν
ἥλιον.

Accordingly, in “the effects of
light rendered by modern art,” our
author is very particular indeed. His
extraordinary knowledge of the sun’s
position, to a hair’s-breadth in Mr
Turner’s pictures, and minute of the
day, is quite surprising. He gives a
table of two pages and a-half, of position
and moment, “morning, noon,
and afternoon,” “evening and night.”
In more than one instance, he is so
close, as “five minutes before sunset.”

Having settled the matter of the
sky, our author takes the earth in
hand, and tosses it about like a Titan.
“The spirit of the hills is action,
that of the lowlands, repose; and between
these there is to be found every
variety of motion and of rest, from
the inactive plain, sleeping like the
firmament, with cities for stars, to the
fiery peaks which, with heaving bosoms
and exulting limbs, with clouds drifting
like hair from their bright foreheads,
lift up their Titan hands to heaven
saying, ‘I live for ever.'” We learn,
too, a wonderful power in the excited
earth, far beyond that which other
“naturalists” describe of the lobster,
who only, ad libitum, casts off a claw
or so. “But there is this difference
between the action of the earth and
that of a living creature, that while
the exerted limb marks its bones and
tendons through the flesh, the excited
earth casts off the flesh altogether,
and its bones come out from beneath.
Mountains are the bones of the earth,
their highest peaks are invariably
those parts of its anatomy, which in
the plains lie buried under five-and-twenty
thousand feet of solid thickness
of superincumbent soil, and which
spring up in the mountain ranges in
vast pyramids or wedges, flinging their
garment of earth away from them on
each side.” If the gentle sketcher
should happily escape a cuff from these
cast-off clothes flung by excited earth
from her extremities, he may be satisfied
with repose in the lap of mother
earth, who must be considerably fat
and cushioned, though some may entertain
a fear of being overlaid. What
is the artist to do with an earth like
this, body and bones? When he sits
down to sketch some placid landscape,
is he to think of poor nature with her
bones sticking out from twenty-five
thousand feet of her solid flesh!
Mother of Gargantia—thou wert but
a dwarf! Salvator Rosa could not
[Pg 501]
paint rock; Gaspar Poussin could not
paint rock. A rock, in short, is such
a thing as nobody ought to paint, or
can paint but Turner; and all that,
after his description of rock, we believe;
but were not prepared to learn
that “the foreground of the ‘Napoleon’
in last year’s Academy,” is “one
of the most exquisite pieces of rock
truth ever put on canvass.” In fact,
we really, in ignorance to be ashamed
of, did not know there was any rock
there at all. We only remember
Napoleon and his cocked-hat—now,
this is extraordinary; for as we only
or chiefly remember the cocked-hat,
so he sees the said cocked-hat in
Salvator’s rocks, where we never saw
such a thing, though “he has succeeded
in covering his foregrounds
with forms which approximate to those
of drapery, of ribands, of crushed
cocked-hats
, of locks of hair, of waves,
of leaves, or any thing, in short, flexible
or tough, but which, of course,
are not only unlike, but directly contrary
to the forms which nature has
impressed on rocks.” And the nature
of rocks he must know, having the
“Napoleon” before him. “In the
‘Napoleon’ I can illustrate by no better
example, for I can reason as well
from this as I could with my foot on
the native rock.” What rocks of Salvator’s,
besides the No. 220 of the
Dulwich gallery, he has seen, we
cannot pretend to say; we have,
within these few days, seen one, and
could not discover the “commas,”
the “Chinese for rocks,” nor Sanscrit
for rocks, but did read the language
of nature, without the necessity of any
writing under—”This is a rock.”
Poor Claude, he knew nothing of perspective,
and his efforts “invariably
ended in reducing his pond to the form
of a round O, and making it look
perpendicular;” but in one instance
Claude luckily hits upon “a little bit
of accidental truth;” he is circumstantial
in its locality—”the little
piece of ground above the cattle, between
the head of the brown cow and
the tail of the white one, is well articulated,
just where it turns into
shade.”

After the entire failure of all artists
that ever lived before Turner in land
and skies, we are prepared to find
that they had not the least idea of
water. When they thought they
painted water, in fact, they were like
“those happier children, sliding on
dry ground,” and had not the chance
of wetting a foot. Water, too, is a
thing to be anatomized, a sort of rib-fluidity.
The moving, transparent
water, in shallow and in depth, of
Vandervelde and Backhuysen, is not
the least like water; they are men
who “libelled the sea.” Many of
our moderns—Stanfield in particular—seem
naturally web-footed; but the
real Triton of the sea, as he was Titan
of the earth, is Turner. To our
own eyes, in this respect, he stands
indebted to the engraver; for we do
not remember a single sea-piece by
Turner, in water-colour or oil, in
which the water is liquid. What it
is like, in the picture of the Slave-ship,
which is considered one of his
very finest productions, we defy any
one to tell. We are led to guess it is
meant for water, by the strange fish
that take their pastime. A year or
two ago were exhibited two sea-pieces,
of nearly equal size, at the
British Institution, by Vandervelde
and Turner. It was certainly one of
Turner’s best; but how inferior was
the water and the sky to the water
and sky in Vandervelde! In Turner
they were both rocky. We say not
this to the disparagement of Turner’s
genius. He had not studied these
elements as did Vandervelde. The
two painters ought not to be compared
together; and we humbly think that
any man who should pronounce of
Vandervelde and Backhuysen, that
they “libelled the sea,” convicts himself
of a wondrous lack of taste and
feeling. Of their works he thus speaks—”As
it is, I believe there is scarcely
such another instance to be found in the
history of man, of the epidemic aberration
of mind into which multitudes
fall by infection, as is furnished by
the value set upon the works of these
men.” Of water, he says—”Nothing
can hinder water from being a reflecting
medium but dry dust or filth of
some kind on its surface. Dirty water,
if the foul matter be dissolved or
suspended in the liquid, reflects just
as clearly and sharply as pure water,
only the image is coloured by the hue
of the mixed matter, and becomes
comparatively brown or dark.” We
entirely deny this, from constant observation.
Within this week we have
been studying a stream, which has
alternated in its clearness and muddiness.
[Pg 502]
We found the reflection not
only less clear in the latter case, but
instead of brown and dark, to have
lost its brownness, and to have become
lighter. To understand the “curves”
of water being beyond the reach of
most who are not graduates of Oxford;
and painters and admirers of
old masters being people without
sense, at least in comparison with the
graduate, he thus disposes of his
learned difficulty:—”This is a point,
however, on which it is impossible to
argue without going into high mathematics,
and even then the nature of
particular curves, as given by the
brush, would be scarcely demonstrable;
and I am the less disposed to
take much trouble about it, because I
think that the persons who are really
fond of these works are almost beyond
the reach of argument.” The celebrated
Mrs Partington once endeavoured,
at Sidmouth, to dispose of
these “curves,” and failed; and we
suspect a stronger reason than the
incapacity of his readers for our author’s
thus disposing of the subject.
We believe the world would not give
a pin’s head for all the seas that ever
might be painted upon these mathematical
curves; and that, in painting,
even a graduate’s “high mathematics”
are but a very low affair. But let us
enliven the reader with something
really high—and here is, in very high-flown
prose, part of a description of a
waterfall; and it will tell him a secret,
that in the midst of these fine falls,
nature keeps a furnace and steam-engine
continually at work, and having
the fire at hand, sends up rockets—if
you doubt—read:—”And how all
the hollows of that foam burn with
green fire, like so much shattering
chrysoprase
; and how, ever and anon,
startling you with its white flash, a
jet of spray leaps hissing out of the
fall, like a rocket, bursting in the
wind, and driven away in dust, filling
the air with light; and how, through
the curdling wreaths of the restless,
crashing abyss below, the blue of the
water, paled by the foam in its body,
shows purer than the sky through
white rain-cloud, while the shuddering
iris stoops in tremulous stillness
over all, fading and flashing alternately
through the choking spray and
shattered sunshine, hiding itself at last
among the thick golden leaves, which
toss to and fro in sympathy with the
wild water, their dripping masses
lifted at intervals, like sheaves of loaded
corn, by some stronger gush from
the cataract, and bowed again upon
the mossy rocks as its roar dies away.”
“Satque superque satis”—we cannot
go on. There is nothing like calling
things by their contraries—it is truly
startling. Whenever you speak of
water, treat it as fire—of fire, vice versa,
as water; and be sure to send them all
shattering out of reach and discrimination
of all sense; and look into a
dictionary for some such word as
“chrysoprase,” which we find to
come from χρυσος gold, and πρασον a
leek, and means a precious stone; it
is capable of being shattered, together
with “sunshine”—the reader will
think the whole passage a “flash” of
moonshine. But there is a discovery—”I
believe, when you have stood by
this for half an hour, you will have
discovered that there is something
more in nature than has been given
by Ruysdaël.” You will indeed—if
this be nature! But, alas, what have
we not to undergo—to discover what
water is, and to become capable of
judging of Turner! It is a comfort,
however, that he is likely to have but
few judges. Graduate has courage to
undergo any thing. Ariel was nothing
in his ubiquity to him, though he put
a span about the world in forty minutes;
“but there was some apology
for the public’s not understanding
this, for few people have had the opportunity
of seeing the sea at such a
time, and when they have, cannot
face it. To hold by a mast or rock,
and watch it, is a prolonged endurance
of drowning, which few people
have courage to go through. To
those who have, it is one of the noblest
lessons in nature.” Very few
people, indeed, and those few “involuntary
experimentalists.”

We are glad to get on dry land again,
“brown furze or any thing”—and here
we must question one of his truths of
vegetation: he asserts, that the stems
of all trees, the “ordinary trees of
Europe, do not taper, but grow up or
out, in undiminished thickness, till
they throw out branch and bud, and
then go off again to the next of equal
thickness.” We have carefully examined
many trees this last week, and
find it is not the case; in almost all, the
bulging at the bottom, nearest the
root, is manifest. There is an early
[Pg 503]
association in our minds, that the
birch for instance is remarkably tapering
in its twigs. We would rather
refer our “sworn measurer” to the
factor than the painter, and we very
much question whether his “top and
top” will meet the market. We are
satisfied the fact is not as he states it,
and surely nature works not by such
measure rule. We suspect, for nature
we should here read Turner, for
his trees, certainly, are strange things;
it is true, he generally shirks them.
We do not remember one picture that
has a good, true, bona fide, conspicuous
tree in it. The reader will not be
surprised to learn that the worst
painter of trees was Gaspar Poussin!
and that the perfection of trees is to
be found in Turner’s “Marley,”
where most people will think the trees
look more like brooms than trees.
The chapter on “the Truth of Turner”
concludes with a quotation—we
presume the extract from a letter
from Mr Turner to the author. If
so, Mr Turner has somewhat caught
the author’s style, and tells very simple
truths in a very fine manner, thus:—”I
cannot gather the sunbeams out
of the east, or I would make them tell
you what I have seen; but read this,
and interpret this, and let us remember
together. I cannot gather the
gloom out of the night-sky, or I
would make that teach you what I
have seen; but read this, and interpret
this, and let us feel together.”
We must pause. Really we do not
see the slightest necessity of an interpretation
here. It is a simple
fact. He cannot extract “sunbeams”
from cucumbers—from the
east, we should say. The only riddle
seems to be, that they should, in one
instance, remember together, and in
the other, feel together; only we
guess that, being night-gloom, people
naturally feel about them in the dark.
But he proceeds—”And if you have
not that within you which I can summon
to my aid, if you have not the
sun in your spirit, and the passion in
your heart, which my words may
awaken, though they be indistinct
and swift, leave me.” We must
pause again; here is a riddle: what
can be the meaning of having the sun
in one’s spirit?—is it any thing like
having the moon in one’s head? We
give it up. The passion in the heart
we suppose to be dead asleep, and the
words and voice harsh and grating,
and so it is awakened. But what that
if, or if not, has to do with “leave
me,” we cannot conjecture; but this
we do venture to conjecture, that to
expect our graduate ever to leave Mr
Turner is one of the most hopeless of
all Mr Turner’s “Fallacies of Hope.”
But the writer proceeds with a for—that
appears, nevertheless, a pretty
considerable non-sequitur. “For I
will give you no patient mockery, no
laborious insult of that glorious nature,
whose I am and whom I serve.” Here
the graduate is treated as a servant,
and the writer of the letter assumes
the Pythian, the truly oracular vein.
“Let other servants imitate the voice
and the gesture of their master while
they forget his message. Hear that message
from me, but remember that the
teaching of Divine Truth must still
be a mystery.” “Like master like
man.” Both are in the “Cambyses’
vein.”

We do not think that landscape
painters will either gain or lose much
by the publication of this volume, unless
it be some mortification to be so
sillily lauded as some of our very respectable
painters are. We do not
think that the pictorial world, either
in taste or practice, will be Turnerized
by this palpably fulsome, nonsensical
praise. In this our graduate
is semper idem, and to keep up his
idolatry to the sticking-point, terminates
the volume with a prayer, and
begs all the people of England to join
in it—a prayer to Mr Turner!


[Pg 504]

A ROYAL SALUTE.

“Should you like to be a queen,
Christina?”

This question was addressed by an
old man, whose head was bent carefully
over a chess-board, to a young
lady who was apparently rather tired
of the lesson she had taken in that interesting
game.

“Queen of hearts, do you mean?”
answered the girl, patting with the
greatest appearance of fondness a
dreadfully ugly little dog that lay in
her lap.

“Queen of hearts,” replied the minister,
with a smile; “you are that
already, my dear. But have you no
other ambition?” he added, tapping
sagaciously the lid of a magnificently
ornamented snuff-box, on which was
depicted one of the ugliest monarchs
that ever puzzled a court-painter to
make him human.

“Why should my ambition go further?”
said Christina. “I have more
subjects already than I know how to
govern.”

“No doubt—no doubt—I knew
very well that you could not avoid
having subjects; but I hope and trust
you have had too much sense to receive
their allegiance.”

The old man was proud of carrying
on the metaphor so well, and of
asking the question so delicately. It
was quite evident he had been in the
diplomatic line.

“How can I help it?” enquired the
young beauty, passing her hand over
the back of the disgusting little pet,
which showed its teeth in a very uncouth
fashion whenever the paternal
voice was raised a little too high.
“But, I assure you, I pay no attention
to allegiance, which I consider my
right. There is but one person’s homage
I care for”——

The brow of the Prime Minister of
Sweden grew very black, and his face
had something of the benign expression
of the growling pug on his
daughter’s knee.

“Who is that person, Christina?”

But Christina looked at her father
with an alarmed glance, which she
shortly after converted into a smile,
and went on in her pleasing occupation
of smoothing the raven down of
her favourite, but did not say a word.

The father, who seemed to be no
great judge of pantomime, repeated
his question.

“Who is that person, Christina?”

Christina disdained hypocrisy, and,
moreover, was immensely spoiled.

“Who should it be, but your gallant
nephew, Adolphus Hesse, dear
father?”

“You haven’t had the impudence,
I hope, to engage yourself to that
boy?”

“Boy—why he is twenty-one! He
is my oldest friend—we learned all
our lessons together. I can’t recollect
the time we were not engaged,
it is so long since we loved each
other!”

“Nonsense! You were brought
up together by his mother; it is nothing
but sisterly affection.”

“Not at all—not at all!” cried
Christina; “it would make me quite
miserable if Adolphus were my brother.”

“It is all you must think him,
nevertheless. He has no fortune; he
has nothing but his commission; and
my generosity is”——

“Immense, my dear father; inexhaustible!
And then Adolphus is so
brave—so magnanimous; and, upon
my word, when I saw how much he
liked me, and heard him speak so
much more delightfully than any body
else, I never thought of asking if he
was rich; and you know you love him
yourself, dear father.”

Christina neglected the pug in her
lap for a moment, and laid her hand
coaxingly on the old man’s shoulder.

“But not enough to make him my
heir,” said the Count, gruffly. Christina
renewed her attentions to the
dog.

“He would be your heir notwithstanding,”
she said, “if I were to
die.”

There was something in the tone of
her voice, or the idea suggested of
her death, that softened the old man.
He looked for a long time at the
young and beautiful face of his child;
and the shade of uneasiness her words
had raised, disappeared from his
brow.

“There is nothing but life there,”
he said, gently tapping her on the
[Pg 505]
forehead; “and therefore I must
marry you, my girl!”

“And you will make us the happiest
couple in the world. Adolphus
will be so grateful,” said Christina,
her bright eyes sparkling through tears.

“Who the devil said a word about
Adolphus?” said the father, looking
angrily at Christina; but he added
immediately in a softer tone, when he
saw the real emotion of his daughter—”Poor
girl, you have been sadly
spoiled! You have had too much of
your own way, and now you ask me
to do what is impossible. Be a reasonable
girl, there’s a darling! and
your aunt will present you at court.
You will see such grand things—you
will know our gallant young King—only
be reasonable!”

“The rude monster!” cried Christina,
starting up as if tired of the
conversation. “I have no wish to
know him. They say he hates women.”

“A calumny, my dear girl; he is
very fond of one at all events.”

“Is she pretty?”

“And mischievous as yourself.”

“As I?” enquired Christina, and
fell into a long reverie, while the
Count smiled as if he had made an
excellent hit.

“But I have never seen him, papa,”
she said, awakening all of a sudden.

“He may have seen you though;
and he says”——

“Oh, what does he say? Do tell
me what the King says?”

“Poh! What do you want to know
about what a rude monster says—that
hates women?” answered the father
with another smile of satisfaction.

“But he is a king, papa! What
does he say? I am quite anxious to
know.”

But the minister of state had
gained his object; he had excited
curiosity, and determined not to gratify
it. At last he said, as he rose to
quit the apartment—”Let us turn
the conversation, Christina; we have
nothing to do with kings, and must
content ourselves with humbler subjects.
An officer will sup with us to-night,
whom I wish you very much to
please. He has influence with the
King; and if you have any regard for
my interest you will receive him well.
I intend him for your husband.”

“I won’t have him!” cried Christina,
running after her father as he left
the room. “I won’t have him! If I
don’t marry Adolphus, I won’t marry
at all!”

“Heaven grant it, sweet cousin!”
said Adolphus Hesse in propria persona,
emerging from behind the window-curtains,
where, by some miraculous
concatenation of events, he had
found himself ensconced for the last
hour. “‘Tis delightful to act the spy,
and hear an advocate so persuasive as
you have been, Christina—but the
cause is desperate.”

“Who told you, sir, the cause was
desperate?” said Christina, pretending
to look offended. “The battle is
half gained—my father’s anger disappears
in a moment. Now, dear
Adolphus, don’t sigh—don’t cross
your arms—don’t look up to the sky
with that heroic frown—I can’t bear
to groan and be dismal—I want to
be gay—to have a ball—to——We
shall have such a ball the day of our
wedding, Adolphus!”

“Your hopes deceive you, dearest
Christina. I know your father better
than you do. Ah!” he added, gazing
sadly on the beautiful features of the
young girl who looked on him so
brightly, “you will never be able to
resist the brilliant offer that will be
made you in exchange for one faithful,
loving heart.”

“Indeed!” replied Christina, feeling
her eyes filling with tears, but endeavouring
at the same time to conceal
her emotion under an affectation
of anger, “your opinion of me is not
very flattering; and it is not in very
good taste, methinks, to play the despairing
lover, especially after the conversation
you so honourably overheard.”

“Dry that tear, dear girl!” said
Adolphus, “I will believe any thing
you like.”

“Why do you make me cry then?
Is it only to have the pleasure of telling
me to dry my tears? Or did you
think you had some rival; some splendid
cavalier that it was impossible to
resist—Count Ericson, for instance?”

“Oh! as to Ericson I am not at
all uneasy. I know you hate him;
and besides he is not much richer than
myself; but, dear Christina”——

“Well—go on,” said the girl, mocking
the lugubrious tone of her cousin—”what
are you sighing again for?”

[Pg 506]
“Your father is going to bring you
a new lover this evening, and poor
Adolphus will be forgotten.”

“You deserve it for all your ridiculous
suspicions: but you are my
cousin, and I forgive you this once.”
She looked at him with so sunny a
smile, and so clear and open-hearted a
countenance, that it was impossible to
entertain a doubt.

“You love me really, then?” he
said—”truly—faithfully?”

“I have told you so a hundred
times,” replied his cousin. “I am
astonished you are not tired of hearing
the same thing over and over again.”

“‘Tis so sweet, so new a thing for
me,” said Adolphus, “and I could
listen to it for ever.”

“Well, then, we love each other—that’s
very clear,” said Christina, with
the solemnity of the foreman of a jury
delivering a verdict on the clearest
evidence; “but since my father won’t
let us marry, we must wait—that is
almost as clear as the other.”

“And if he never consents?” enquired
Adolphus.

“Never!” exclaimed Christina, to
whom such an idea seemed never to
have occurred, “can it be possible he
will never consent?”

“I fear it is too possible,” replied
Adolphus, and the shadow fell on his
face again.

“Well,” said Christina, after a
minute’s pause, as if she had come to
a resolution, “we must always stay as
we are. Happiness is never increased
by an act of disobedience.”

“I think as you do,” said the young
soldier, admiring her all the more for
the death-blow to his hopes; “and are
you happy, quite happy, Christina?”

“What a question! Don’t I see
you every day? Isn’t every body
kind to me? Is there any thing I
want?”

A different answer would have
pleased the lover more. He looked at
her for some time in silence—at last,
in an altered tone, he said—

“I congratulate you on your prudence,
Christina.”

“I cannot break my father’s heart.”

“No, but mine, Christina!”

“Adolphus,” said the young beauty
solemnly, “if I cannot be your wife
with the consent of my father, I never
will marry another. This is all you
can ask; all I can promise.”

Filial affection was not quite so
strong in Adolphus as in his cousin,
and his face was by no means brightened
on hearing this declaration. It
was so uncommonly proper that it
seemed nearly bordering on the cold
and heartless. He tried to hate her;
he walked up and down the room at
a tremendous pace, stopping every
now and then to take another glance
at the tyrant who had pronounced his
doom, and looked as beautiful as ever.
He found it impossible to hate her,
though we shall not enquire what
were his sentiments towards her worthy
progenitor, Count Ericson, the
unknown lover, and even the young
heroic King; for the sagacious reader
must now be informed that this wonderful
lovers’ quarrel took place in
the reign of Charles XII. Our fear
is that he disliked all four. Christina
found it very difficult to preserve
the gravity essential to a heroine’s
appearance when she saw the long
strides and bent brows of her lover.
A smile was ready, on the slightest
provocation, to make a dimple in her
beautiful cheek, and all the biting she
bestowed on her lips only made them
redder and rosier. Adolphus had no
inclination to smile, and could not
believe that any body could see the
least temptation to indulge in such
a ridiculous occupation on such a momentous
occasion. He was a regular
lover, as Mr Weller would say, and
no mistake. He saw in his fair cousin
only a treasure of inestimable price,
guarded by two monsters that made
his approaches hopeless—avarice and
ambition. How differently those two
young people viewed the same event!
Christina, knowing her power over
her father, and unluckily not knowing
that fathers (even though they are
prime ministers, and are as courtier-like
as Polonius) have flinty hearts
when their interests are concerned,
saw nothing in the present state of
affairs to despair about; and in fact,
as we have said already, was nearly
committing the unpardonable crime
of laughing at the grimaces of her
cousin. He, poor fellow, knew the
world a little better, and perceived
in a moment that the new lover
whom the ambitious father was going
to present to his daughter, was some
favourite of the king; and he was
well aware, that any one backed by
that impetuous monarch, was in a fair
way to success. The king had seen
[Pg 507]
Christina too—and though despising
love himself, was in the habit of rewarding
his favourite officers with the
hand of the beauties or heiresses of
his court; and when, as in this instance,
the lady chosen was both—how
could he doubt that the king had
already resolved that she should be
the bride of some lucky rival, against
whose claims it would be impossible
to contend? And Christina standing
all the while before him, scarcely able
to restrain a laugh! He was only
twenty-one—and not half so steady as
his grandfather would probably have
shown himself in the same circumstances,
and being unable to vent his
rage on any body else, he poured it
all forth upon himself.

“What a fool I have been!—an
ass—a dolt—to have been so blinded!
But I see now—I deserve all I have
got! To have been so deceived by an
absurd fit of love—that has lasted all
my life, too! But no!—I shall not repay
my uncle’s kindness to me by
robbing him of his only child. I shall
go at once to my regiment—I may be
lucky enough to get into the way of
a cannon—you will think kindly of
me when I am gone, though you are
so unk”——

The word died away upon his lips.
Large tears filled Christina’s eyes,
and all her inclination to smile had
disappeared. There was something
either in his looks or the tone of his
voice, or the thought of his being killed,
that banished all her gaiety; and
in a few minutes the quarrel was made
up—the tears dried in the usual manner—vows
made—hands joined—and
resolutions passed and carried with
the utmost unanimity, that no power
on earth should keep them from being
married. And a very good resolution
it was. The only pity was, that
it was not very likely to be carried
into effect. A father, an unknown
lover, and a king, all joined against a
poor boy and girl. The odds are
very much against Adolphus and
Christina.

Now let us examine the real state
of affairs as dispassionately as we can.
The Count Gyllenborg was ambitious,
as became a courtier with an only
daughter who was acknowledged on
all sides to be the most beautiful girl
in Sweden; and as he was aware of
the full value of red lips and sparkling
eyes in the commerce of life, he
was determined to make the most of
these perishable commodities while
they were at their best, and the particular
make and colour of them were
in fashion. The Count was rich—and
with amply sufficient brains, according
to the dictum of one of his
predecessors, to govern a kingdom;
but he was not warlike; and Charles,
who had lately taken the power into
his own hands, knew nothing of mankind
further than that they were made
to be drawn up in opposite lines, and
make holes in each other as scientifically
as they could. Count Gyllenborg
had a decided objection to being
made a receptacle for lead bullets or
steel swords; and was by no means
anxious to murder a single Russian or
German, for the sake of the honour
of the thing, or for the good of his
country. His power resting only on
his adroitness in civil affairs, was
therefore not on the surest foundation;
and a prop to it was accordingly
wanted. Such a prop had never
been seen before, with such sunny
looks, and such a happy musical
laugh. The looks and the laugh between
them, converted the atmosphere
of Stockholm into the climate of
Italy; and the politician, almost without
knowing it, began to be thawed
into a father. But the fear of a rival
in the King’s favour—some gallant
soldier—and dozens of them were
reported every week—made him resolve
once more to bring his daughter’s
beauties into play. The king
had seen her, and, in his boorish way,
had expressed his admiration; and
Gyllenborg felt assured, that if he
should marry his daughter according
to the King’s wishes, his influence
would be greater than ever; and, in
fact, that the premiership would be
his for life.

Great preparations accordingly
were made for the reception of the
powerful stranger, the announcement
of whose appearance at supper had
spread such dismay in the hearts of
the two lovers. Christina knew almost
instinctively her father’s plan,
and determined to counteract it. She
felt sure that the officer for whom she
was destined, and whom she had been
ordered to receive so particularly, was
one of the new favourites of the warlike
king; some leader of a forlorn-hope,
created colonel on the field of
battle; some young general fresh
[Pg 508]
from some heroic achievement, that
had endeared him to his chief; but
whoever it was, she was resolved to
show him that the crown of Sweden
was a very limited monarchy in regard
to its female subjects, and that
she would have nobody for her husband—neither
count, nor colonel, nor
general—but only her cousin Adolphus,
lieutenant in the Dalecarlian
hussars. Notwithstanding this resolution,
it is astonishing what a time
she stayed before the glass—how often
she tried different coloured roses in
her hair—how carefully she fitted on
her new Parisian robes, and, in short,
did every thing in her power to look
her very best. What did all this arise
from? She wished to show this young
favourite, whoever he might be, that
she was really as beautiful as people
had told him; she wished to convince
him that her smile was as sweet, her
teeth as white, her eyes as captivating,
her figure as superb, as he had
heard them described—and then she
wished to show him that all
these—smiles—eyes—teeth—figure, were
given, along with the heart that made
them truly valuable, to another! and
that other no favourite of a king—nor
even of a minister, but only of a young
girl of eighteen.

Radiant with beauty, and conscious
of the sensation she was certain to
create, she entered the magnificent
apartment where supper was prepared—a
supper splendid and costly enough
to have satisfied a whole army of epicures,
though only intended for her
father, the stranger, and herself; and
if you, oh reader! had been there,
you would have thought Christina
lovely enough to have excited the
admiration of a whole court instead
of an old man—and that, too, her
father—and a young one, and that
none other, to Christina’s infinite disgust,
than the very Count Ericson
whose acquaintance she had already
made, and whom she infinitely and
unappeasably disliked. He was the
most awkward, stupid-looking young
man she ever saw, and had furnished
her with a butt for her malicious pleasantries
ever since she had known
him. He rose to lead her to her seat.
“How different from Adolphus! If
he is no better performer in the battle-field
than at the supper-table, the King
must be very ill off for soldiers. What
can papa mean by asking such a horrid
being to his house? I am certain
I shall laugh outright if I look again
at his silly grey eyes and long yellow
hair, as ragged as a pony’s mane.”

Such were Christina’s thoughts,
while she bit her lips to hide if possible
her inclination to be angry, and
to laugh at the same time. And in
truth her dislike of the Count did not
exaggerate the ridiculousness of the
appearance of the tall ungainly figure—large-boned
and stiff-backed—that
now stood before her—with a nose so
absurdly aquiline that it would have
done for a caricature—coarse-skinned
cheeks, and a stare of military impudence
that shocked and nearly frightened
the high-bred, elegant-looking
beauty on whom it was fixed. And
yet this individual, such as we have
described, had been fixed on by the
higher powers for her husband—was
this night to be treated as her accepted
lover, and, in short, had been closeted
for hours every day with her father—settling
all the preliminaries of course—for
the last six weeks. Christina looked
once more at the insolent stare of the
triumphant soldier, and made a vow to
die rather than speak to him—that is,
in the affirmative.

But thoughts of affirmatives and
negatives did not seem to enter Count
Ericson’s head—his grammatical education
having probably been neglected.
He stood gaping at his prey as a tiger
may be supposed to cast insinuating
looks upon a lamb, and made every
now and then an attempt to conceal
either his awkwardness, or satisfaction,
or both, in immense fits of
laughter, which formed the accompaniment
of all the remarks—and they
were nearly as heavy as himself—with
which he favoured the company.
Christina, on her part, if she had given
way to the dictates of her indignation,
would have also favoured the company
with a few remarks, that in all probability
would have put a stop to the
laughter of the lover, and choked her
old father by making a fish-bone stick
in his throat. She was angry for
twenty reasons, one of them was having
wasted a moment over her toilette
to receive such a visitor as Count
Ericson; another was her father having
dared to offer her hand to such an
uncouth wooer and intolerable bore;
and the principal one of all, was his
having rejected his own nephew—undoubtedly
the handsomest of
[Pg 509]
Dalecarlian hussars—in favour of such a
vulgar, ugly individual. The subject
of these flattering considerations seemed
to feel at last that he ought to say
something to the young beauty, on
whose pouting lip had gathered something
which was very different indeed
from a smile, and yet nearly as captivating.
He accordingly turned his
large light eyes from his plate for a
moment, and with a mouth still filled
with a leg and wing of a capercailzie,
enquired—

“What do you think of Alexander
the Great, madam?”

This was too much. Even her rage
disappeared, and she burst into a loud
laugh at the serious face of the querist.

“I never think of Alexander the
Great at all,” she said. “I only recollect,
that when I was reading his
history, I could hardly make out whether
he was most of a fool or a madman.”

Ericson swallowed the leg and the
wing of the capercailzie without any
further mastication, and launched out
in a torrent of admiration of the most
prodigious courage the world had ever
seen.

“If he had been as prodigiously
wise,” replied Christina, “as he was
prodigiously courageous, he would
have learned to govern himself before
he attempted to govern the world.”

Ericson blushed from chin to forehead
with vexation, and answered in
an offended tone—

“How can a woman enter into the
fever of noble thoughts that impels a
brave man to rush into the midst of
dangers, and leads him to despise life
and all its petty enjoyments to gain
undying fame?”

“No, indeed,” she replied, “I have
no fever, and have no sympathy with
destroyers. Oh, if I wished for fame,
I should try to gain it by gathering
round me the blessings of all who saw
me! Yes, father,” she went on, paying
no regard to the signs and winks
of the agonized Count Gyllenborg,
“I would rather that countless thousands
should live to bless me, than
that they should die in heaping curses
on my name! Men-killers—though
you dignify them with the name of
heroes—are atrocious. Let us speak
of them, my lord, no more, unless to
pray heaven to rid the earth of such
monsters.”

A feather of the smallest of birds
would have knocked down the Prime
Minister of Sweden; and Count Ericson
appeared, from his stupefied look,
to have gone through the process already—the
difficulty was to lift him
up again.

“Come, Count,” cried the Minister,
filling up Ericson’s glass with
champagne, “to Alexander’s glory!”

“With all my heart,” cried Ericson,
moistening his rage with the delicious
sparkler. “Come, fair savage,”
he added, addressing Christina, and
touching her glass with such force
that it fell in a thousand pieces on the
table—”to Alexander’s glory!”

“I have no wish to drink to such
a toast,” replied Christina, more offended
than ever; “I can’t endure
those scourges of human kind who
hide the skin of the tiger beneath the
royal robe.”

“The girl is mad!” exclaimed the
astonished father, who seemed to begin
to be slightly alarmed at the
flashes of indignation that burst from
Count Ericson’s wild-looking eyes.
“Don’t mind what such a silly thing
says; she does it only to show her
cleverness. What does she know of
war or warriors? She cares for nothing
yet but her puppy-dog. She
pats it all day, and lets it bite her
pretty little hand. Such a hand it is
to refuse a pledge to Alexander!”

The politician was on the right
track; for such a pretty hand was not
in Sweden—nor probably in Denmark
either—and the cunning old minister
took it between his finger and thumb,
and placed it almost on the lip of the
irate young worshipper of glory; if
it did not actually touch the lip it
went very near it, and distinctly
moved one or two of the most prominent
tufts of the stout yellow mustache.
“The little goose,” pursued
the respectable sire, “to pretend to
have an opinion on any subject except
the colour of a riband. Upon
my honour, I believe she presumes to
be a critic of warriors, because she
plays a good game of chess. It is
one of her accomplishments, Count;
and if you will take a little of the
conceit out of her, you will confer an
infinite obligation on both of us.”

Saying this, he lifted with his own
ministerial fingers a small table from
a corner of the room, and placed it in
front of the youthful couple, with the
[Pg 510]
men all ready laid out. Ericson’s
eyes sparkled at the sight of his favourite
game; and he determined to
display his utmost skill, and teach his
antagonist a few secrets of the art of
(mimic) war. But determinations, as
has been remarked by several sages,
past and present, are sometimes vain.
Nothing, one would think, could be
so likely to restore a man’s self-possession
as a quiet game of chess—an
occupation as efficacious in soothing
the savage breast as music itself.
But Ericson seemed still agitated
from the contradictions he had encountered
from the free-spoken Christina,
and threw a little more politeness
into his manner than he had
hitherto vouchsafed to show, when he
invited her to be his adversary in a
game.

“But, if I beat you?” she said ominously,
holding up one of the fair
fingers to which his attention had
been so particularly called, and implying
by the question, if you get
angry when I only refuse your toast,
won’t you eat me if I am the winner
at chess? “But, if I beat you?” she
said.

“That will not be the only occasion
on which you will have triumphed
over me, you—you”——He
seemed greatly at a loss for a word,
and concluded his speech with—”beauty!”
This expression, which
was, no doubt, intended for the most
complimentary he could find, was accompanied
with a look of admiration
so long, so broad, and so impudent,
that she blushed, and a squeeze of her
hand so hard, so rough, and so continued,
that she screamed. She threw
a glance of inexpressible disdain on
the insolent wooer, and looked for
protection to her father; but that venerable
individual was at that moment
so sound asleep on one of the
sofas at the other end of the room,
that no noise whatever could have
awakened him. Ericson seemed totally
unmoved by all the contempt
she could express in her looks, and
probably thought he was in a thriving
condition, from the fact (somewhat
unusual) of his being looked at at all.
She lost her temper altogether. She
covered her cheek, which was flushed
with anger, with the little hand that
was reddened with pain, and resolved
to play her worst to spite her ill-mannered
antagonist. But all her
attempts at bad play were useless.
The board shook beneath the immense
hands of Ericson, who was in
a tremendous state of agitation, and
hardly knew the pieces. He pushed
then hither and thither—made his
knights slide along with the episcopal
propriety of bishops, and made his bishops
caracole across the squares with
the unseemly elasticity of knights.
His game got into such confusion,
that Christina could not avoid winning,
and at last—enjoying the victory
she had determined not to win—she
cried out, with a voice of triumph,
“Check to the king by the queen.”

“Cruel girl!” exclaimed the
Count, dashing his hand among the
pieces with an energy that scattered
them all upon the floor. “Haven’t
you been anxious to make the king
your prisoner?”

“But there is nothing to hinder
him from saving himself,” answered
Christina, looking round once more
to her father, who, however, pursued
his slumber with the utmost assiduity
and had apparently a very agreeable
dream, for a smile was evident at the
corners of his mouth. “It is impossible
to place the board as it was,”
she continued, trying to gather up the
pieces, and place castles, knights, and
pawns in their proper position again.

“Don’t try it—don’t try it,” cried
Ericson, losing all command of himself,
and pushing the board away
from him, till it spun over with all its
men on the carpet. “The game is
over—you have given me check, and
mated me!” And in a moment, as
if ashamed of the influence exercised
over him by so very unwarlike an individual
as a little girl of eighteen, he
hurried from the room, stumbling
over his enormous sword, which got,
somehow or other, between his legs,
and cursing his awkwardness and the
absurd excess of admiration which
caused it.

“That man will surely never come
here again,” said Christina to her
father, as he entered the room an hour
after the incidents of the chess-board;
for the obsequious minister had followed
Ericson in his rapid retreat,
and now returned radiant with joy, as
if his guest had been the most fascinating
of men.

“Not come here again!” chuckled
the father. “That’s all you know
about it. He is dying with
[Pg 511]
impatience to return, and is angry with
himself for having wasted the two
precious hours of your society in the
way he did. He never had two such
happy hours in his life.”

“Happy! is that what he calls
happiness?” answered Christina, opening
her eyes in amazement. “I don’t
know what his notions may be—but
mine——oh, father!” she cried, emboldened
by the smile she saw on the
old man’s countenance, “you are only
trying me; say you are only proving
my constancy, by persuading me that
such a being as that has any wish to
please me. He is more in love with
Alexander the Great than with me;
and he is quite right, for he has a far
better chance of a return.”

“An enthusiasm excusable, my
dear, in a young warrior of twenty
years of age, whose savage ambition
it will be your delightful task to tame.
He is in a terrible state of agitation—a
most flattering thing, let me tell
you, to a young gipsy like you—and
you must humour him a little, and
not break out quite so fiercely, you
minx; and yet you managed very
well, too. A fine fellow, Ericson,
though a little wild; rich, powerful,
nobly born—what can you wish for
better?”

“My cousin,” answered Christina,
with a bluntness that astonished the
advocate of Ericson’s claims; “my
cousin Adolphus, and no other. He
is braver than this savage; and as to
nobility, he is as nobly born as my
own right honourable papa, and that
is high enough for me.”

“Go, go,” said the courtier, a little
puzzled by the openness of his daughter’s
confession, and kissing her forehead
at the same time; “go to bed,
my girl, and pray for your father’s
advancement.”

Christina, like a dutiful child, prayed
as she was told for her father’s
success and happiness, and then added
a petition of her own, shorter, perhaps,
but quite as sincere, for her
cousin Adolphus. If she added one
for herself, it was a work of supererogation,
for she felt that in praying
for the happiness of her lover, she
was not unmindful of her own.

For some days after the supper recorded
above, she was too happy tormenting
the very object of all these
aspirations, to trouble her head about
the awkward and ill-mannered protégé
of her father, whom she hated with
as much cordiality as the most jealous
of rivals could desire. But of
course she was extremely careful to
let no glimpse of this unchristian
feeling towards Count Ericson be
perceptible to the person who would
have rejoiced in it so much. In fact,
she carried her philanthropy to such
a pitch, that she never mentioned any
of the bad qualities of her new admirer,
and Adolphus very naturally
concluded that she felt as she spoke
on the interesting subject. So, all of
a sudden, Adolphus, who was prouder
than Christina, perhaps because he
was poorer, would not condescend to
be made a fool of, as he magnanimously
thought it, any longer. He
had the immense satisfaction of staying
away from the house for nearly
half a week, and then, when he did
pay a visit, he was almost as cold as
the formal piece of diplomacy in the
bag-wig and ruffles whom he called
his uncle; and a great deal stiffer than
the beautiful piece of pique, in silk gown
and white satin corset, whom he called
his cousin. Christina was dismayed
at the sudden change—Adolphus
never spoke to her, seldom looked at
her, and evidently left the coast clear—so
she thought—for the rich and
powerful rival her father had so
strongly supported. After much
thinking, some sulkiness, and a good
many fits of crying, Christina resolved,
as the best way of recovering her
own peace of mind, and the love of
her cousin Adolphus, to put an end in
a very decided manner to the pretensions
of the Count. One day, accordingly,
she watched her opportunity, and
followed with anxious eyes her father’s
retreat from the room, under pretence
of some important despatches to be
sent off. She found herself alone with
the object of her dislike—and only
waited for a beginning to the conversation,
that she might astonish his
weak mind with the severity of her
invectives. In fact, she had determined,
according to the vulgar phrase,
to tell him a bit of her mind—and a
very small bit of it, she was well
aware, would be sufficient to satisfy
Count Ericson of the condition of all
the rest. But the lover was in a
contemplative mood, and stood as silent
as a milestone, and looking
[Pg 512]
almost as animated and profound. She
sighed, she coughed, she drops her
handkerchief. All wouldn’t do—the
milestone took no notice—Christina
at last grew angry, and could contain
herself no longer.

“I dreamt of you last night,” she
said by way of a beginning. “I hope
in future you will leave my sleep undisturbed
by your presumptuous presence.
It is bad enough to be forced
to see you when one is awake.”

“And I, also, had a dream,” replied
Ericson, starting from his reverie,
confused and only having heard the
first part of the somewhat fierce attack.
“I dreamt that you looked at
me with a smile, a long, long look, so
sweet, so winning. It was a happy
dream!”

“It was a false one,” she said, with
tremendous bitterness. “I know
better where to direct my smiles, whether
I am awake or asleep.”

“And how did I appear to you?”
asked the Count, presenting a splendid
specimen in his astonished look of
the state of mind called “the dumfoundered”
by some learned philosophers,
and by others “the flabbergasted.”

“You appeared to me like the nightmare!
frightful and unsupportable as
you do to me now,” was the answer,
accompanied with the look and manner
that showed she was a judge of
nightmares, and thought him a very
unfavourable specimen of the animal.

“Ill-natured little tyrant!” cried
Ericson, rushing to her, “teach me
how you would have me love you, and
I will do everything you ask!” In a
moment he had seized her in his arms,
and imprinted a kiss of prodigious
violence on her cheek, which was redder
than fire with rage and surprise!

But the assault did not go unpunished.
The might of Samson woke
in that insulted bosom, and lent such
incredible weight to the blow that fell
on the aggressor’s ear, that it took
him a long time to believe that the
thump proceeded from the beautiful
little hand he had so often admired;
or, in short, from any thing but a
twenty-four pounder. He rubbed
the wounded organ with astonishing
assiduity for some time. At last he
said, in a very calm and measured
voice,

“Your father has deceived me,
young lady. He led me to believe
you did not receive my visits with indifference.”

“My father knows nothing about
things of that kind,” replied Christina,
still flaming with indignation, “or
he never would have let such an ill-mannered
monster into his house.
But he was right in saying I did not
receive your visits with indifference;
your visits, Count Ericson, can never
be indifferent to me, and”——

What more she would have said, it
is impossible to discover, for she was
interrupted by the sudden entrance of
her cousin, who only heard her last
words, and started back at what he
considered so open a declaration of
her attachment.

“Who are you, sir?” asked Ericson
in an angry tone, and with such an
assumption of superiority, that Christina’s
hand tingled to give him a mark
of regard on his other ear.

“A soldier,” answered Adolphus,
drawing his sword from its sheath
and instead of directing it against his
rival, laying it haughtily on the table.
“A soldier who has bled for his
country, and would be happy,” he
added, “to die for it.”

“Say you so?” said Ericson, “then
we are friends.” He held out his hand.

“We are rivals,” replied Adolphus,
drawing back.

“Christina loves you, then?” enquired
the Count.

“She has told me so; and I was
foolish enough to believe her. It is
now your turn to trust to the truth
of a heartless woman.—She has told
you you are not an object of indifference
to her, and I resign my pretensions
in your favour.”

“In whose favour?” cried Christina,
trembling; while tears sprang to her
eyes.

“The King’s!” replied Adolphus,
retiring sorrowfully.

Christina sank on a seat, and covered
her face with her hands.

“Stay,” cried Charles the Twelfth
in a voice of thunder; “stay, I command
you.”

The young man obeyed; biting his
lip to conceal his emotion, till the
blood came.

“I have seen you,” said the King,
“but not in this house.”

“It was shut against me by my
uncle when you were expected,” said
Adolphus.

[Pg 513]
“And yet I have seen you somewhere.
What is your name?”

“Adolphus Hesse; the son of a
brave officer who died fighting for
you, and leaving me his misfortunes
and the tears of his widow.”

“Who told you I was not Count
Ericson?”

“My eyes. I know you well.”

“And I recollect you also,” said
Charles, advancing to the young man
with a manner very different from that
which characterized him in his intercourse
with the softer sex. “Where
did you get that scar on the left
temple?”

“At Nerva, sire, where we tamed
the pride of the Russians.”

“True, true!” cried Charles, his
nostrils dilated as if he snuffed up
the carnage of the battle. “You
need but this as your passport,” he
continued, placing his finger on the
wound, “to ask me any favour, ay,
even to measure swords with you, as
I daresay you would be delighted to
do in so noble a quarrel as the present;
for on the day of that glorious fight,
I learned, like you, the duty of a soldier,
and the true dignity of a brave
man. By the balls that rattled about
our heads so playfully, give me your
hand, brother, for we were baptized
together in fire!”

Charles appeared to Christina, at
this time, quite a different man addressing
his fellow soldier, from what
he had done upsetting the chess-board.
Curiosity had dried her eyes, and she
lost not a word of the conversation.
The King turned to her with a smile.

“By my sword, Christina! I am
but a poor wooer; one movement of
your hand,” and he touched his ear
playfully as he spoke, “has banished
all the silly thoughts that in a most
traitorous manner had taken my heart
prisoner. Speak, then, as forcibly as
you act. Do you love this brave
soldier?”

“Yes, sire.”

“Who hinders the marriage?”

“The courtship of Count Ericson,
with which my father perpetually
threatens me.”

“O ho!” thought Charles, “I see
how it is. The King must console
himself with the kiss, and pass the
blow on the ear to the minister.
Christina,” he added aloud, “your
father refuses to give you to the man
you love; but he’ll do it now, for it is
my will
. You’ll confess, I am sure
that if I was your nightmare as a
lover, I am not your enemy as king.”

“I confess it on my knees;” replied
the humble beauty, taking her
place beside her cousin, who knelt to
his sovereign. While Charles joined
the hands of the youthful pair, he
imprinted a kiss on the fair brow of
Christina; the last he ever bestowed
on woman.

“Your Majesty pardons me then?”
enquired the trembling girl. “If I
had known it was the King, I would
not have hit so hard.”

That same evening Count Gyllenborg
signed a contract of marriage, to
which the name of Count Ericson was
not appended, though it was witnessed
by Charles the Twelfth; and in a few
days afterwards, the old politician presided
at the wedding dinner, and, by
royal command, did the honours so
nobly, and appeared so well pleased
on the occasion, that nobody suspected
that he had ever had higher dreams
of ambition than to see his daughter
happy; and if such had been his object,
all Sweden knew that in bestowing
her on her cousin he was eminently
successful.


[Pg 514]

PHYSICAL SCIENCE IN ENGLAND.

If Alexander and Archimedes,
evoked from their long sleep, were to
contemplate, with minds calmed by
removal from contemporaneous interests,
the state of mankind in the
present year, with what different
feelings would they regard the influence
of their respective lives upon
the existing human world of 1843!
The Macedonian would find the empire
which it was the labour of his
life to aggrandize, frittered into parcels,
modeled, remodeled, subjected
to various dynasties; Turks, Greeks,
Russians, still contending for portions
of the territory which he had
conjoined only to be dismembered; he
would find in these little or no trace
of his ever having existed; he would
find that the unity of his vast political
power had been severed before his
body was yet entombed, and his prediction,
that his funeral obsequies
would be performed with bloody
hands, verily fulfilled. In parts of
the world which his living grasp had
not seized, he would also see little to
remind him of his past existence.
Would not mortification darken the
brow of the resuscitated conqueror on
discovering, that when his name was
mentioned in historic annals, it was
less as a polar star to guide, than as
a beacon to be avoided?

What would the Syracusan see in
this present epoch to remind him of
himself? Would he see the man of
212 B.C., at all connected with the men
of 1843 A.D.? Yes. In Prussia,
Austria, France, England, America,
in every city of every civilized nation,
he would find the lever, the pulley,
the mirror, the specific gravimeter,
the geometric demonstration; he
would trace the influence of his mind
in the power-loom, the steam-engine,
in the building of the Royal Exchange,
in the Great Britain steam-ship; he
would find an application of his well-known
invention, the subject of a patent,
an important auxiliary to navigation.
Alexander was a hero;
Archimedes is one.

Are we guilty of exaggeration in
this contrast of the hero of War with
him of Science? We think not. It
may undoubtedly be argued that
Alexander’s life was productive of ultimate
good, that he did much to open
Asia to European civilization; but
would that consideration serve to
soothe the gloomy Shade? To what
does it amount but to the assertion that
out of evil cometh good? It was
through no aim of his mind that this
resulted, nor are mankind indebted to
him personally for a collateral effect
of his existence.

As an instance of men of a more
modern era, let us take Napoleon
Buonaparte, Emperor of France, and
James Watt of Greenock, civil engineer.

The former applied the energies of
a sagacious and comprehensive intellect
to his own political aggrandizement;
the latter devoted his more
modest talents to the improvement of
a mechanical engine. The former
was and is, par excellence, a hero of
history—we should scarcely find in the
works of the most voluminous annalists
the name of the latter. What
has Napoleon done to entitle his name
to occupy so prominent a position?
He has been the cause, mediate or
immediate, of sacrificing the lives of
two millions of men.[17]

Has the obscure Watt done nothing
to merit a page in the records of mankind?
Walk ten miles in any manufacturing
district, enter any coal-mine,
examine the bank of England, travel
by the Great Western railway, or
navigate the Danube, the Mediterranean,
the Indian or the Atlantic
[Pg 515]
Ocean—in each and all of these, that
giant slave, the steam-engine, will be
seen, an ever-living testimony to the
services rendered to mankind by its
subjugator.

Attachment to a favourite pursuit
is undoubtedly calculated to bias the
judgment; but, however liable may
be the obscure votary of science to
override his hobby, Francis Bacon,
Lord High Chancellor of England, in
ascribing to scientific discoverers a
higher merit than to legislators, emperors,
or patriots, cannot be open
to the charge of egoistic partiality.
What, then, says this illustrious witness?—”The
introduction of noble
inventions seems to hold by far the
most excellent place among all human
actions. And this was the judgment
of antiquity, which attributed
divine honours to inventors, but conferred
only heroical honours upon
those who deserve well in civil affairs,
such as the founders of empires, legislators,
and deliverers of their country.
And whoever rightly considers it,
will find this a judicious custom in
former ages, since the benefits of inventors
may extend to all mankind,
but civil benefits only to particular
countries or seats of men; and these
civil benefits seldom descend to more
than a few ages, whereas inventions
are perpetuated through the course of
time. Besides, a state is seldom
amended in its civil affairs without
force and perturbation; whilst inventions
spread their advantage without
doing injury or causing disturbance.”[18]

The opinion of a man who had
reached the highest point to which a
civilian could aspire, cannot, when he
estimates the honours of the Chancellor
as inferior to those of the natural
philosopher, be ascribed to misjudging
enthusiasm or personal disappointment.
Without, however, seeking,
for the sake of antithetic contrast, to
underrate the importance of political
services, civil or military, or to exaggerate
those of the man of science,
few, we think, will be disposed to
deny that, although the one may be
temporarily more urgent and necessary
to the well-being of an existing
race, yet that the benefits of the other
are more lasting and universal. If,
then, the influence on mankind of the
secluded inventor be more extensive
and durable than that of the active
politician—if there be any truth in
the opinion of Bacon, that the greatest
political changes are wrought by
the peaceful under-current of science;
why is it that those who occupy the
highest place as permanent benefactors
of mankind, are, during their lifetime,
neglected and comparatively unknown;—that
they obtain neither the
tangible advantages of pecuniary
emolument, nor the more suitable, but
less lucrative, honours of grateful
homage? It is the common cry to
exclaim against the neglect of science
in the present day. Alas! history
does not show us that our predecessors
were more just to their scientific
contemporaries. The evil is to a great
extent remediless, the complaint to
some extent irrational, and unworthy
the dignity of the cause. The labourer
in the field of science works not for
the present, but for succeeding generations;
he plants oaks for posterity,
and must not look for the gratitude of
contemporaries. Men will remunerate
less, and be less grateful for, prospective
than for present good—for
benefits secured to their posterity than
to themselves; the realization of the
advantages is so distant, that the
amount of discount is coextensive with
the debt: it is only as the applications
of science become more immediate,
that the cultivators of science can reasonably
expect an adequate reward or
appreciation.

Even when practically applied, we
too frequently see that the original discoveries
of the physical philosopher are
but little valued by those who make a
daily, a most extensive, and a most
lucrative use of their results. Men
talk of “a million;” how few have
ever counted one! Men walk along
the Strand, Fleet Street, Ludgate
Hill; how few think of the multiplied
passions and powers which flit by
them on their way—of the separate
world which surrounds each passer-by—of
the separate history, external
and internal, of each—each possessing
feelings, motives of action, characters,
differing from the others, as the stamp
of nature on his brow differs from his
fellows! Thus, also, men’s ears ring
[Pg 516]
with the advancement of science,
men’s beards wag with repetition of
the novel powers which have been
educed from material nature; and if,
in our daily traffic, we traverse without
attention countless sands of
thought, how much more, in our hackneyed
talk of science, do we neglect
the debt we owe to thought—thought,
not the mere normal impulse of humanity,
but the carefully elaborated
lucubration of minds, of which the
term thinking is emphatically predicable!
Names which are met with but
once in the annals of science, and
there, dimly seen as a star of the least
magnitude, have perhaps earned that
remote and obscure corner by painful
self-denial, by unwearied toil! And
yet not only these, but others who
have added to diligence high mental
acumen or profundity, whose wells of
thought are, compared with those of the
general mass, unfathomable, earn but a
careless, occasional notice—are known
but to few of those who daily reap the
harvest which they have sown, and
who even boast of seeing further than
they did, as the dwarf on the shoulders
of a giant can see further than
the giant. The first step of the unthinking
is to deny the possibility of a
given discovery, the next is to assert
that any one could have foreseen such
discovery.

There are, however, points of higher
import than gain or glory to which
the philosopher must ever look, and
the absence of which must be a source
of bitter disappointment and ground
of just complaint. The most important
of these is, that, by national neglect,
the cause of science is injured,
her progress retarded. Not only is
she not honoured, she is dishonoured;
and in no civilized nation is this contempt
of physical science carried to a
greater extent than in England, the
country of commerce and of manufactures.

In this country, should a father observe
in his gifted son a tendency to
physical philosophy, he anxiously endeavours
to dissuade him from this
career, knowing that not only will it
tend to no worldly aggrandizement,
but that it will have the inevitable
effect of lowering his position in what
is called, and justly called, good society—the
society of the most highly
educated classes. At one of our universities,
physical science is utterly
neglected; at the other, only certain
branches of it are cultivated. There
are, it is true, university professors of
each branch of physics, some of whom
are able to collect a moderate number
of pupils; others are obliged to carry
with them an assistant, to whom alone
they lecture, as Dean Swift preached
to his clerk. But what part of the
regular academic education does the
study of Natural Philosophy occupy?
It forms no necessary part of the examinations
for degrees; no credit is
attached to those who excel in its
pursuit; no prizes, no fellowships, no
university distinction, conferred upon
its most successful votaries. On the
contrary, physical, or at all events
experimental, science is tabooed; it is
written down “snobbish,” and its
being so considered has much influence
in making it so: the necessity
of manipulation is a sad drawback to
the gentlemanliness of a pursuit. Bacon
rebuked this fastidiousness, but in
vain. “We will, moreover, show
those who, in love with contemplation,
regard our frequent mention of
experiments as something harsh, unworthy,
and mechanical, how they
oppose the attainment of their own
wishes, since abstract contemplation,
and the construction and invention of
experiments, rest upon the same principles,
and are brought to perfection
in a similar manner.”[19]

Unfortunately, the fact of experimental
science being rejected by the
educated classes and thrown in a
great measure upon the artizans of a
country, has conducted, among other
evils, to one of a most detrimental
character; viz. the want of accuracy
in scientific language, and consequently
the want of accuracy in ideas. Perfection
in language, as in every thing
else, is not to be attained, and doubtless
there are few of the most highly
educated who would not, in many
cases, assign different meanings to
the same word; but if some confusion
on this subject is unavoidable, how
much is that confusion increased, as
regards scientific subjects, by the mass
of memoirs written by parties, who,
however acute their mental perceptions
[Pg 517]
may be, yet, from want of early
education, do not assign to words that
accuracy of signification, and do not
possess that perspicuity of style, which
is absolutely necessary for the communication
of ideas! Those, therefore,
who, with different notions of
language, read the writings of such
as we are alluding to, either fail to
attach to them any definite meaning,
or attach one different from that which
the authors intended to convey; whence
arises a want of reciprocal intelligence,
a want of unity of thought and
purpose. Another defect arising from
the circumstance that persons of a
high order of education have not been
generally the cultivators of experimental
science in this country, is, that
the path is thereby rendered more
accessible to empiricism. Science,
beautiful in herself, has thence a class
of deformed disciples, who succeed in
entangling their false pretensions with
the claims of true merit. So much
dust is puffed into the eyes of the
public, that it can hardly distinguish
between works of durable importance
and the ephemeral productions of
empirics; and those who would otherwise
disdain the notoriety acquired
by advertisement, end in adopting
the system as the only means to avoid
the mortification of seeing their own
ideas appropriated and uttered in another
form and in another’s name.[20]

While the evils to which science is
exposed by the necessarily unfashionable
character of experimental manipulation
are neither few nor trivial,
there are still evils which arise from
the directly opposite cause—from excess
of intellectual cultivation; as is
shown in the exclusive love of mathematics
by a great number of philosophers.
Minds which, left to themselves,
might have eliminated the
most valuable results, have, dazzled
by the lustre cast by fashion upon
abstract mathematical speculations,
lost themselves in a mazy labyrinth
of transcendentals. The fashion of
mathematics has ruined many who
might be most useful experimentalists;
but who, wishing to take a higher flight,
seek to attain distinction in mathematical
analysis, and having acquired
a certain celebrity for experimental
research, dissipate, in simple equations,
the fame they had acquired in
a field equally productive, but not so
select. Like Claude, who in his later
years said, “Buy my figures, and
I will give you my landscapes for
nothing;” they fall in love with their
own weakness, and estimate their
merit by the labour they have undergone,
not by the results they have
deduced. M. Comte expresses himself
well on this subject. “Mathematicians,
too frequently taking the
means for the end, have embarrassed
Natural Philosophy with a crowd of
analytical labours, founded upon hypotheses
extremely hazardous, or even
upon conceptions purely visionary;
and consequently sober-minded people
can see in them really nothing more
than simple mathematical exercises,
of which the abstract value is sometimes
very striking, without their influence,
in the slightest degree, accelerating
the natural progress of Physics.”[21]

The cultivators of science, despite
the want of encouragement, have, like
every other branch of the population,
increased rapidly in number, and, being
thrown upon their own resources, have
organized Societies, the number of
which is daily increasing, which do
much good, which do much harm.
They do good, in so far as they carry
out their professed objects of facilitating
intercourse between votaries of
similar branches of study—they do
good by the more attainable communication
of the researches of those who
cannot afford, or will not dare, the
ordinary channels of publication; but
who, sanctioned by the judgment of a
select tribunal, are glad to work and
to impart to the public the fruits of
their labour—they give an esprit de
corps
, which forms a bond of union to
each section, and induces a moral discipline
in its ranks. The investment of
their funds in the collection of libraries
or of apparatus, the use of which
becomes thus accessible to individuals,
[Pg 518]
to whom otherwise such acquisitions
would have been hopeless, is another
meritorious object of their institution;
an object in many cases successfully
carried out. On the other hand, they
do harm, by becoming the channels
of selfish speculation, their honorary
offices being used as stepping-stones
to lucrative ones, thereby causing
their influential members to please
the givers of “situations,” and to publish
the trash of the impertinently
ambitious, the Titmice of the Credulous
Societies
! The ultra-ridiculous parade
with which they have decked fair science,
giving her a vest of unmeaning
hieroglyphics, and thereby exposing
her to the finger of scorn, is another
prominent and unsightly feature of
such societies; they do harm by the
cliquerie which they generate, collecting
little knots of little men, no individual
of whom can stand his own
ground, but a group of whom, by
leaning hard together, can, and do,
exercise a most pernicious influence;
seeking petty gain and class celebrity,
they exert their joint-stock brains to
convert science into pounds, shillings,
and pence; and, when they have managed
to poke one foot upon the ladder
of notoriety, use the other to kick
furiously at the poor aspirants who
attempt to follow them.

It has been frequently and strenuously
urged, that these societies, or
some of them, should be supported by
government, and not dependent upon
the subscriptions of their members.
The arguments in favour of such a measure
are, that by thus being accessible
only to merit, and not depending upon
money, their position would be more
honourable and advantageous to the
progress of science. With regard to
such societies generally, this proposition
is incapable of realization; every
year sees a new society of this description;
to annex many of these to
government, would involve difficulties
which, in the present state of politics,
would be insurmountable. Who, for
instance, would pay taxes for them?
Another, and more reasonable, proposition
is, that the government should
establish and support one academy as
a head and front of the others, accessible
only to men of high distinction,
who would be thus constituted the
oligarchs of science. Of the advantage
of this we have some doubts.
Politics are already too much mixed
up with all government appointments
in England: their influence is at present
scarcely felt in science, and we
would not willingly risk an introduction
so fraught with danger. The want of
such an academy certainly lessens the
English in the eyes of the continental
savans; but could not such a one be
organized, and perhaps endowed, by
government, without any permanent
connexion with it?

If we compare the proceedings, undoubtedly
dignified and decorous, of
our Royal Society with those of the
French Academy, we fear the balance
will be found to be in favour of the
latter. At Somerset House, after the
list of donations and abstract of former
proceedings, a paper, or a portion of
a paper, is read upon some abstruse
scientific subject, and the meeting is
adjourned in solemn silence, no observation
can be made upon it, no
question asked, or explanation given.
The public is excluded,[22] and the
greater part of the members generally
exclude themselves, very few having
resolution enough to leave a comfortable
dinner-table to bear the solemn
formalities of such an evening. The
paper is next committed, it is not known
to whom, reported on in private, and
either published, or deposited in the
archives of the Society, according to
the judgment of the unknown irresponsible
parties to whom it is committed.
Let us now look at the
proceedings of the French Academy;
it is open to the public, and the public
take so great an interest in it, that
to secure a seat an early attendance is
always requisite. Every scientific
point of daily and passing interest is
brought before it—comments, such as
occur at the time, are made upon
various points by the secretary, or
any other member who likes to make
an observation—the more elaborate
memoirs are read by the authors themselves,
and if any quære or suggestion
occurs to a member present, he has
an opportunity of being answered.
The memoir is then committed to parties
whose names are publicly
[Pg 519]
mentioned, who bring out their report in
public, which report is read in public,
and may be answered by the author
if he object to it. Lastly, the whole
proceedings are printed and published
verbatim, and circulated at the next
weekly meeting, while, in the mean
time, the public press notices them
freely. That, with all these advantages,
the French Academy is not
free from faults, we are far from asserting;
that there is as much unseen
manœuvring and petty tyranny in this
as in most other institutions, is far
from improbable;[23] but the effect upon
the public, and the zest and vitality
which its proceedings give to science,
are undeniable, and it is also undeniable
that we have no scientific institution
approaching to it in interest or
value.

The present perpetual secretary of
the Academy, Arago, with much of
prejudice, much of egotism, has talents
most plastic, an energy of character,
an indomitable will, a force and perspicuity
of expression, which alone
give to the sittings of the French Academy
a peculiar and surpassing interest,
but which, in the English Society,
would be entirely lost.

In quitting, for the present, the
subject of scientific societies, we must
advert to a consequence of the increased
number of candidates for scientific
distinction of late years; of which increase
the number of these societies
may be regarded as an exponent.
This increase, although on the whole
both a cause and a consequence of the
advancement of science, yet has in
some respects lowered the high character
of her cultivators by the competition
it has necessarily engendered.
Books tell us that the cultivation of
science must elevate and expand the
mind, by keeping it apart from the
jangling of worldly interests. This
dogma has its false as well as its true
side, more especially when in this, as
in every other field of human activity,
the number of competitors is rapidly
increasing; great watchfulness is requisite
to resist temptations which
beset the aspirant to success on this
arena, more perhaps than in any other.
The difficulty which the most honest
find to avoid treading in the footsteps
of others—the different aspect in which
the same phenomena present themselves
to different minds—the unwillingness
which the mind experiences
in renouncing published but erroneous
opinions—are points of human weakness
which, not to mislead, must be
watched with assiduous care. Again,
the ease with which plagiarism is
committed from the number of roads
by which the same point may be
reached, is a great temptation to the
waverer, and a great trial of temper
to the victim. The disputants on the
arenæ of law, politics, or other pursuits,
the ostensible aim of which is
worldly aggrandizement, however animated
in debate, unsparing in satire,
reckless in their invective and recrimination,
seldom fail in their private intercourse
to throw off the armour of
professional antagonism, and to extend
to each other the ungloved hand
of social cordiality. On the other
hand, it is too frequent a spectacle in
scientific circles to behold a careful
wording of public controversy, a gentle,
apologetic phraseology, a correspondence
never going beyond the “retort
courteous,” or “quip modest,” while
there exists an under-current of the
bitterest personal jealousy, the outward
philosopher being strangely at
variance with the inward man.

Among the various circumstances
which influence the progress of physical
science in this country, one of
the most prominent is the Patent law—a
law in its intention beneficent;
but whether the practical working of
it be useful, either to science or its
cultivators, is a matter of grave doubt.
Of the greater number of patents enrolled
in that depot of practical
science, Chancery Lane, by far the
majority are beneficial only to the revenue;
and on the question of public
economy, whether or not the price
paid by miscalculating ingenuity is a
fair and politic source of revenue, we
shall not enter; but on the reasons
which lead so many to be dupes of
their own self-esteem, a few words
may not be misspent. The chief reason
[Pg 520]
why a vast number of patents are
unsuccessful, is, that it takes a long
time (longer generally than fourteen
years, the statutable limit of patent
grants) to make the workmen of a
country familiar with a new manufacture.
A party, therefore, who
proposes patenting an invention, and
who sits down and calculates the value
of the material, the time necessary
for its manufacture, and other essential
data; comparing these with the
price at which it can be sold to obtain
a remunerative profit, seldom
takes into consideration the time necessary,
first, to accustom the journeymen
workers to its construction,
and secondly, to make known to the
public its real value. In the present
universal competition, puffing is carried
on to such an extent, that, to
give a fair chance of success, not only
must the first expense of a patent be incurred—no
inconsiderable one either,
even supposing the patentee fortunate
enough to escape litigation—but a
large sum of money must be invested
in advertisements, with little immediate
return; hence it is that the most
valuable patents, viewed in relation
to their scientific importance, their
ultimate public benefit, and the merits
of their inventors, are seldom the
most lucrative, while a patent inkstand,
a boot-heel, a shaving case, or
a button, become rapidly a source of
no inconsiderable profit. Is this beneficial
to inventors? Is it an encouragement
of science, or a proper object
of legislative provision, that the
improver of the most trivial mechanical
application should be carefully
protected, while those who open the
hidden sources of myriads of patents,
are unrewarded, and incapable of remunerating
themselves? We seriously
incline to think that, as the matter at
present stands, an entire erasure from
the statute-books of patent provision
would be of service to science, and
perhaps to the community; each
tradesman would depend for success
upon his own activity, and the perfection
he could give his manufacture,
and the scientific searcher after experimental
truths would not find his path
barred by prohibitions from speculative
empirics.

According to the present patent
laws, it is more than questionable
whether the discoverer of a great scientific
principle could pursue his own
discovery, or whether he would not be
arrested on the threshold by a subsequent
patentee; if Jacobi lived in constitutional
England instead of despotic
Russia, it is doubtful if he could work
out his discovery of the electrotype—we
say doubtful; for, as far as we can
learn, it seems hitherto judicially undecided
whether the mere use of a
patent, not for sale or a lucrative object,
is such a use within the statute
of James as would be an infringement
of a patentee’s rights. It appears
to be settled, that a previous experimental
and unpublished use by one
party, does not prevent another subsequent
inventor of the same process
from patenting it; and, by parity of
reasoning, we should say, that if a
party have the advantage of patenting
an invention which can be found to
have been previously used, but not for
sale, he should not have the additional
privilege of prohibiting the same
party, or others, from proceeding
with their experiments. There are,
however, not wanting arguments for
the other view. The practice of a patented
invention, for one’s own benefit
or pleasure, deprives the patentee
of a possible source of profit; for it
cannot be said that the party experimenting,
if prohibited, might not apply
for a license to the patentee.
Take, for instance, the notorious and
justly censured patent of Daguerre.
Supposing, for argument’s sake, this
patent to be valid, can a private
individual, under the existing patent laws,
take photographic views or portraits
for his own amusement, or in pursuance
of scientific investigations? If
he cannot, then is an exquisitely beautiful
path of physics to be shut up for
fourteen years; or if he can, then is
the licensee, a purchaser for value, to
be excluded from very many sources
of pecuniary emolument? To us, the
injury to the public, in this and similar
cases, appears of incomparably
greater consequence than that to the
individual; but what the authorities
at Westminster Hall may say is another
question. Even could the patent
laws be so modified, that the
benefits derived from them could fall
upon those scientific discoverers most
justly entitled, we are still doubtful
as to their utility, or whether they
would contribute to the advancement
of science, which is the point of view in
which we here principally regard
[Pg 521]
them. It would scarcely add to the
dignity of philosophy, or to the reverence
due to its votaries, to see them
running with their various inventions
to the patent office, and afterwards
spending their time in the courts of
law, defending their several claims.
They would thus entirely lose the respect
due to them from their contemporaries
and posterity, and waste, in
pecuniary speculation, time which
might be more advantageously, and
without doubt more agreeably, employed.
If parties look to money as
their reward, they have no right to
look for fame; to those who sell the
produce of their brains, the public
owes no debt.

We have observed recently a strong
tendency in men of no mean scientific
pretensions to patent the results of
their labours. We blame them not:
it is a matter of free election on their
part, but we cannot praise them.
A writer in a recent number of the
Edinburgh Review, has the following
remarks on the subject of Mr Talbot’s
patented invention of the Calotype.
“Nor does the fate of the Calotype
redeem the treatment of her sister art,
(the Daguerreotype.) The Royal Society,
the philosophical organ of the
nation, has refused to publish its processes
in her transactions. * * * No
representatives of the people unanimously
recommended a national reward.
* * * It gives us great pleasure
to learn, that though none of his (Mr
Talbot’s) photographical discoveries
adorn the transactions of the Royal
Society, yet the president and the
council have adjudged him the Rumford
medals for the last biennial
period.”[24]

The notion of a “national reward”
for the Calotype scarcely requires a remark.
If, after a discovery is once made
and published, every subsequent new
process in the same art is to be nationally
rewarded, the income-tax
must be at least quadrupled. The
complaint, however, against the Royal
Society, is not altogether groundless.
True it is that the first paper of Mr
Talbot did not contain an account
of the processes employed by him,
and therefore should not have been
even read to the Society; but the paper
on the Calotype did contain such description,
and we see no reason why
a society for the advancement of
knowledge should not give publicity
to a valuable process, though made
the subject of a patent—but it certainly
should not bestow an honorary
reward upon an inventor who has
withheld from the Royal Society and
the public the practice of the invention
whose processes he communicates.
Mr Talbot had a perfect right to
patent his invention, but has on that
account no claim in respect of the
same invention to an honorary reward.
The Royal Society did not
publish his paper, but awarded him a
medal. In our opinion, they should
have published his paper and not
awarded him a medal.

Regarded as to her national encouragement
of science, there are some
features in which England differs not
from other countries; there are others
in which she may be strikingly contrasted
with them; and, with all our
love for her, we fear she will suffer
by the contrast. A learned writer
of the present day, has the following
passage in reference to the state of
science in England as contrasted
with other countries:—”When the
proud science of England pines in
obscurity, blighted by the absence of
the royal favour and the nation’s
sympathy; when her chivalry fall unwept
and unhonoured, how can it
sustain the conflict against the honoured
and marshalled genius of foreign
lands?”[25]

This, to be sure, is somewhat “tumultuous.”
We do not, however, cite
it as a specimen of composition, but
as an expression of a very prevalent
feeling; the opinion involved in the
concluding quære is open to doubt—England
does sustain the conflict, if
any conflict there be to sustain; but
we are bound to admit, that in no
country are the soldiers of science
militant
less honoured or rewarded.
It is no uncommon remark, that despotic
governments are the most favourable
to the cultivation of the arts
and sciences. There is, perhaps, a
general truth in this, and the causes
are not difficult of recognition. In a
republican or constitutional government,
politics are the all-engrossing
topics of a people’s thought, the
[Pg 522]
never-ending theme of conversation;—in
purely despotic states, such discussions
are prohibited, and the contemplation
of such subjects confined to a
few restless or patriotic spirits. It
must also be ever the policy of absolute
monarchs to open channels for
the public mind, which may divert it
from political considerations. Take
America and Austria as existing instances
of this contrast: in the former,
the universality of political conversation
is an object of remark to all travellers;
in the latter, even books which
touch at all on political matters are
rigidly excluded. These are among
the causes which strike us as most
prominent, but whose effects obtain
only when despotism is not so gross
as to be an incubus upon the whole
moral and intellectual energies of a
people.

We should lose sight of the objects
proposed in these pages, and also
transgress our assigned limits, were
we to enter into detail upon the present
state of science in Europe, or
trace the causes which have influenced
her progress in each state. This would
form a sufficient thesis for a separate
essay; but we will not pass over this
branch of our subject, without venturing
to express an opinion on the
delicate and embarrassing question as
to what rank each nation holds as a
promoter of physical science.

In experimental and theoretical
Physics, we should be inclined to
place the German nations in the first
rank; in pure and applied mathematics,
France. The former nations
far excel all others in the independence
and impartiality with which they
view scientific results; researches of
any value, from whatever part of the
world they emanate, instantly find a
place in their periodicals; and they generally
estimate more justly the relative
value of different discoveries than any
other European nation; the æsthetical
power which enables them to seize
and appreciate what is beautiful in art,
gives them perception and discrimination
in science; but they are not great
as originators. The French, notwithstanding
the high pitch at which they
have undoubtedly arrived in mathematical
investigation, not withstanding
the general accuracy of their experimental
researches, have more of the
pedantry of science; their papers are
too professional—too much selon les
règles
; there are too many minutiæ;
the reader is tempted to exclaim with
Jacques—”I think of as many matters
as he; but I give Heaven thanks, and
make no boast of them.” Their accuracy
frequently degenerates into affectation
and parade. We have now
before us a paper in the Annales de
Chimie
, containing some chemical researches,
in which, though the difference
of each experiment in a small
number, put together for average,
amounts to several units, the weights
are given to the fifth place of decimals.
England, which we should
place next, is by no means exempt
from these trappings of science. Many
English scientific papers seem written
as if with the resolute purpose of filling
a certain number of pages, and
many of their writers seem to think a
paper per annum, good or bad, necessary
to indicate their philosophical
existence. They write, not because
they have made a discovery, but because
their period of hybernation has
expired. Still, in England, there is a
strong vein of original thought. Competition,
if it lead to puffing and
quackery, yet stimulates the perceptions;
and, in England, competition
has done its worst and its best; in
original chemical discovery, England
has latterly been unrivalled.

Next to England we should place
Sweden and Denmark—for their population
they have done much, and
done it well; then Italy—in Italy
science is well organized, and the
rulers of her petty states seem to feel
a proper emulation in promoting scientific
merit—in which laudable rivalry
the Archduke of Tuscany deserves
honourable mention; America and
Russia come next—the former state is
zealous, ready at practical application,
and promises much for the future,
but as yet has not done enough in
original research to entitle her to be
placed in the van. Russia at present
possesses few, if any, native philosophers—her
discoverers and discoveries
are all imported; but the emperor’s
zeal and patronage (a word which we
scarcely like to apply to science) is
doing much to organize her forces, and
the mercenary troops may impart vigour,
and induce discipline into the
national body. In this short enumeration,
we have considered each country,
not according to the number of
its very eminent men; for though far
[Pg 523]
from denying the right which each
undoubtedly possesses to shine by the
reflected lustre of her stars, yet in
looking, as it were, from an external
point, it is more just to regard the
general character of each people than
to classify them according as they
may happen to be the birthplace of
those

“To whom all scenes of Europe homage owe.”

A misunderstanding of the proper
use of theory is among the prevalent
scientific errors of the present day.
Among one set of men of considerable
intelligence, but who are not habitually
conversant with physical science,
there is a general tendency to despise
theory. This contempt appears
to rest on somewhat plausible grounds;
as an instance of it, we may take the
following passage from the fitful writings
of Mr Carlyle:—”Hardened
round us, encasing wholly every notion
we form, is a wrappage of traditions,
hearsays, mere words: we call that
fire of the black thunder-cloud electricity,
and lecture learnedly about it,
and grind the like of it out of glass
and silk, but what is it? Whence
comes it? Where goes it?”[26]

However the experienced philosopher
may be convinced that in themselves
theories are nothing—that they
are but collations of phenomena under
a generic formula, which is useful only
inasmuch as it groups these phenomena;
yet it is difficult to see how,
without these imperfect generalizations,
any mind can retain the endless
variety of facts and relations which
every branch of science presents;
still less, how these can be taught,
learned, reasoned upon, or used. How
could the facts of geology be recollected,
or how, indeed, could they constitute
a science without reference to
some real or supposed bond of union,
some aqueous or igneous theory?
How could two chemists converse on
chemistry without the use of the term
affinity, and the theoretical conception
it involves? How could a name be
applied, or a nomenclature adopted,
without that imperfect, or more or
less perfect grouping of facts, which
involves theory? As far as we can
recollect, all the alterations of nomenclature
which have been introduced,
or attempted, proceed upon some alteration
of theory.

If not theory but hypothesis be objected
to—not the imperfect generalization
of phenomena, but a gratuitous
assumption for the sake of collating
them, this, although ground which
should be trodden more cautiously,
appears in certain cases unavoidable;
in fact, is scarcely separable from
theory. Had men not “lectured learnedly”
about the two fluids of electricity,
we should not now possess many
of the discoveries with which this
science is enriched, although we do
not, and probably never shall, know
what electricity is.

On the other hand, among professed
physical philosophers, the great
abuse of theories and hypotheses is,
that their promulgators soon regard
them, not as aids to science, to be
changed if occasion should require,
but as absolute natural truths; they
look to that as an end, which is in
fact but a means; their theories become
part of their mental constitution, idiosyncrasies;
and they themselves become
partizans of a faction, and cease
to be inductive philosophers.

Another injury to science, in a great
measure peculiar to the present day,
arises from the number of speculations
which are ushered into the world to
account for the same phenomena;
every one, like Sir Andrew Aguecheek,
when he wished to cudgel a
Puritan, has for his opinion “no exquisite
reasons, but reasons good enough.”
In the periods of science immediately
subsequent to the time of Bacon, men
commenced their career by successful
experiment; and having convinced the
world of their aptitude for perceiving
the relations of natural phenomena,
enounced theories which they believed
the most efficient to give a comprehensive
generality to the whole. Men
now, however, commence with theories,
though, alas! the converse does
not hold good—they do not always
end with experiment.

As, in the promulgation of theories,
every aspirant is anxious to propound
different news, so, in nomenclature,
there is a strong tendency to promiscuous
[Pg 524]
coining. The great commentator
on the laws of England, Sir
William Blackstone, observes, “As
to the impression, the stamping of
coin is the unquestionable prerogative
of the crown, * * * the king may
also, by his proclamation, legitimate
foreign coin, and make it current
here.”[27]

As coinage of money is the undoubted
prerogative of the crown; so generally
coinage of words has been the
undoubted prerogative of the kings of
science—those to whom mankind have
bent as to unquestionable authority.
But even these royal dignitaries have
generally been sparing in the exercise
of this prerogative, and used it only
on rare occasions and when absolutely
necessary, either from the discovery
of new things requiring new names, or
upon entire revolutions of theory.

“Si forte necesse est

Indiciis monstrare recentibus abdita rerum,

Fingere cinctutis non exaudita cethegis

Continget, labiturque licentia sumpta pudenter.”

But now there is no “pudor” in the
matter. Every man has his own
mint; and although their several coins
do not pass current very generally,
yet they are taken here and there by
a few disciples, and throw some standard
money out of the market. The
want of consideration evinced in these
novel vocabularies is remarkable.
Whewell, whose scientific position
and dialectic turn of mind may fairly
qualify him to be a word-maker, seems
peculiarly deficient in ear. Take, as
an instance, “idiopts,” an uncomfortable
word, barely necessary, as
the persons to whom it applies are
comparatively rare, and will scarcely
thank the Master of Trinity College
for approximating them in name to a
more numerous and more unfortunate
class—the word physicists, where four
sibilant consonants fizz like a squib.
In these, and we might add many
from other sources, euphony is wantonly
disregarded; by other authors of
smaller calibre, classical associations
are curiously violated. We may take,
as an instance, platinode, Spanish-American
joined to ancient Greek.
In chemistry there is a profusion of
new coin. Sulphate of ammonia—oxi-sulphion
of ammonium—sulphat-oxide
of ammonium—three names for
one substance. This mania is by no
means common to England. In Liebig’s
Chemistry, Vol. ii. p. 313, we
have the following passage:—”It
should be remarked that some chemists
designate artificial camphor by
the name of hydrochlorate of camphor.
Deville calls it bihydrochlorate
of térèbène, and Souberaine and
Capelaine call it hydrochlorate of
pencylène.”

So generally does this prevail, that
in chemical treatises the names of substances
are frequently given with a
tail of synonymes. Numerous words
might be cited which are names for non-existences—mere
hypothetic groupings;
and yet so rapidly are these increasing,
that it seems not impossible,
in process of time, there will be more
names for things that are not than for
things that are. If this work go on,
the scientific public must elect a censor
whose fiat shall be final; otherwise,
as every small philosopher is encouraged
or tolerated in framing ad
libitum
a nomenclature of his own, the
inevitable effect will be, that no man
will be able to understand his brother,
and a confusion of tongues will ensue,
to be likened only to that which occasioned
the memorable dispersion at
Babel.

Many of the defects to which we
have alluded in the course of this paper,
time alone can remedy. In spite
of all drawbacks, the progress of science
has been vast and rapidly increasing;
the very rapidity of its progress
brings with it difficulties. So
many points, once considered impossible,
have been proved possible, that
to some minds the suggestion of impossibility
seems an argument in favour
of possibility. Because steam-travelling
was once laughed at as
visionary, aerial navigation is to be
regarded as practicable—perhaps, indeed,
it will be so, give but the time
proportionably requisite to master its
difficulties, as there was given to steam.
What proportion this should be we
will not venture to predict. There can
be little doubt that the most effectual
way to induce a more accurate public
discrimination of scientific efforts is to
[Pg 525]
turn somewhat more in that direction
the current of national education.
Prizes at the universities for efficiency
in the physics of light, heat, electricity,
magnetism, or chemistry, could,
we conceive, do no harm. Why
should not similar honours be conferred
on those students who advance
the progress of an infant science, as
on those who work out with facility
the formulæ of an exact one; and
why should not acquirements in either,
rank equally high with the critical
knowledge of the digamma or the à
priori
philosophy of Aristotle? Is not
Bacon’s Novum Organon as much
entitled to be made a standard book
for the schools as Aldrich’s logic?
Venerating English universities, we
approve not the inconsiderate outcries
against systematic and time-honoured
educational discipline; but it would
increase our love for these seminaries
of sound learning, could we more frequently
see such men as Davy emanate
from Oxford, instead of from the
pneumatic institution of Bristol.

Provided science be kept separate
from political excitement, we should
like to see an English Academy, constituted
of men having fair claims to
scientific distinction, and not “deserving
of that honour because they are
attached to science.”

It is unnecessary here to touch upon
the details of such an Academy. The
proposition is by no means new. On
the contrary, we believe a wish for
some such change pretty generally
exists. Iteration is sometimes more
useful than originality. The more
frequently the point is brought before
the public, the more probable is it that
steps will be taken by those who are
qualified to move in such a matter.
The more the present defective state
of our scientific organization is commented
on, the more likely is it to be
remedied; for the patency of error is
ever a sure prelude to its extirpation.


CHRONICLES OF PARIS.

THE RUE ST DENIS.

One of the longest, the narrowest,
the highest, the darkest, and the
dirtiest streets of Paris, was, and is,
and probably will long be, the Rue
St Denis. Beginning at the bank of
the Seine, and running due north, it
spins out its length like a tape-worm,
with every now and then a gentle
wriggle, right across the capital, till
it reaches the furthest barrier, and
thence has a kind of suburban tail
prolonged into the wide, straight road,
a league in length, that stretches to
the town of Sainct-Denys-en-France.
This was, from time immemorial, the
state-road for the monarchs of France
to make their formal entries into, and
exits from, their capital—whether
they came from their coronation at
Rheims, or went to their last resting-place
beneath the tall spire of St
Denis. This has always been the
line by which travellers from the
northern provinces have entered the
good city of Paris; and for many a
long year its echoes have never had
rest from the cracking of the postilion’s
whip, the roll of the heavy diligence,
and the perpetual jumbling of carts
and waggons. It is, as it has ever
been, one of the main arteries of the
capital; and nowhere does the restless
tide of Parisian life run more
rapidly or more constantly than over
its well-worn stones. In the pages
of the venerable historians of the
French capital, and in ancient maps,
it is always called “La Grande Rue
de Sainct Denys
,” being, no doubt,
at one time the ne plus ultra of all
that was considered wide and commodious.
Now its appellation is curtailed
into the Rue St D’nis, and it
is avoided by the polite inhabitants
of Paris as containing nothing but
the bourgeoisie and the canaille. Once
it was the Regent Street of Paris—a
sort of Rue de la Paix—lounged along
by the gallants of the days of Henri
IV., and not unvisited by the red-heeled
marquises of the Regent
d’Orleans’s time; now it sees nothing
more recherché than the cap of the
grisette or the poissarde, as the case
may be, nor any thing more august
than the casquette of the commis-voyageur,
or the indescribable shako
and equipments of the National
Guard. As its frequenters have been
changed in character, so have its
houses and public buildings; they
have lost much of the picturesque
[Pg 526]
appearance they possessed a hundred
years ago—they are forced every
year more and more into line, like a
regiment of stone and mortar. Instead
of showing their projecting,
high-peaked gables to the street, they
have now turned their fronts, as more
polite; the roofs are accommodated
with the luxury of pipes, and the
midnight sound of “Gare l’eau!
which used to make the late-returning
passenger start with all agility
from beneath the opened window to
avoid the odoriferous shower, is now
but seldom heard. A Liliputian
footway, some two feet wide, is laid
down in flags at either side; the
oscillating lamp, that used to hang on
a rotten cord thrown across the roadway
from house to house, and made
darkness visible, has given place to
the genius of gas—enfin, la Révolution
a passé par là
; and the Rue de
St Denis is now a ghost only of what
it was. Still it retains sufficient peculiarities
of dimensions and outline
to show that it is a child of the middle
ages; and, like so many other children
of the same kind, it contributes
to make its mother Paris, as compared
with the modern-built capitals of
Europe, a town of former days. Long
may it retain these oddities of appearance—long
may it remain narrow,
dark, and dirty; we rejoice that
such streets still exist—they do one’s
eye good, if not one’s nose. There
is more of colour, of light and shade,
of picturesque, fantastic outline, in a
hundred yards of the Rue St Denis,
than in all the line from Piccadilly
to Whitechapel; a painter can
pick up more food for his easel in
this queer, old street—an antiquarian
can find there more tales and crusts
for his noddle, than in all Regent
Street and Portland Place. We love
a ramshackle place like this; it does
one good to get out of the associations
of the present century, and to
retrograde a bit; it is pleasant to see
how people used to pig together in
ancient days, without any of the mathematical
formalities of the present
day; it keeps one’s eye in tone to
look back at works of the middle
ages; and we may learn the more
justly to criticize what we see arising
about us, by refreshing our recollections
of the mouldering past. Paris is
a glorious place for things of this kind.
Thank the stars, it never got burned
out of its old clothes, as London
did. Newfangled streets and quarters
of every age have been added to
it, but there still remains a mediæval
nucleus—there is still an “old Paris”—a
gloomy, filthy, old town, irregular
and inconvenient as any town
ever was yet; and a walk of twenty
minutes will take you from the elegant
uniformity of the Rue de Rivoli
into the original chaos of buildings—into
the Quartier des Halles and into
the Rue St Denis. How often have
we hurried down them on a cold winter’s
day—say the 31st of December—to
buy bons-bons in the Rue des
Lombards, once the abode of bankers,
now the paradise of confiseurs, against
the coming morrow—the grand day
of visits and cadeaux—braving the
snow some three feet deep in the
midst of the street—or, if there happened
to be no snow, the mud a foot
and a half, splashing through it with
our last new pair of boots from Legrand’s,
and the last pantalon from
Blondel’s—for cabriolet or omnibus,
none might pass that way; and there,
amid onion-smelling crowds, in a long,
low shop, with lamps lighted at two
o’clock, have consummated our purchase,
and floundered back triumphant!
Away, ye gay, seducing vanities
of the Palais Royal or the Boulevards;
your light is too garish for
our sober eyes—the sugar of your
comfitures is too chalky for our discriminating
tooth! Our appropriate
latitude is that of the Quartier St
Denis! One thing, however, we
must confess, we never did in the
Rue St Denis—we never dined there!
Oh non! il ne faut pas faire ça! ‘Tis
the headquarters of all the sausage-dealers,
the charcutiers, and the rotisseurs
of Paris. Genuine meat and
drink there is none; cats hold the
murderous neighbourhood in traditional
abhorrence, and the ruddiest
wine of Burgundy would turn pale
were the aqueous reputation of the
street whispered near its cellar-door.
Thank Heaven, we have a gastronomic
instinct that saved us from acts
of suicidal rashness! When in Paris,
gentle reader, we always dine at the
Trois Frères Provençaux; the little
room in blue, remember—time, six
P.M.; potage à la Julienne—bifteck
au vin de Champagne—poulet à la
Marengo—Chambertin, and St Péray
rosé. The next time you visit the
[Pg 527]
Palais-Royal, turn in there, and dine
with us—we shall be delighted to see
you!

There are few gaping Englishmen
who have been on the other side of
the Channel but have found their
way along the Boulevards to the
Porte St Denis, and have stared first
of all at that dingy monument of Ludovican
pride, and then have stared
down the Rue St Denis, and then
have stared up the Rue du Faubourg
St Denis; but very few are ever
tempted to turn either to the right
hand or to the left, and so they generally
poke on to the Porte St Martin,
or stroll back to the Madeleine, and
rarely make acquaintance with the
Dionysian mysteries of Paris. For
the benefit, therefore, of such travellers
as go to the French capital with
their eyes in their pockets, and of
such as stay at home and travel by
their fireside, but still can relish the
recollections and associations of olden
times, we are going to rake together
some of the many odd notes that pertain
to the history of this street and
its immediate vicinity.

The readiest way into the Rue St
Denis from the Isle de la Cité, the
centre of Paris, has always been over
the Pont-au-Change. This bridge,
now the widest over the Seine, was
once a narrow, ill-contrived structure
of wood, covered with a row of houses
on either side, that formed a dark and
dirty street, so that you might pass
through it a hundred times without
once suspecting that you were crossing
a river. These houses, built of
stone and wood, overhung the edges
of the bridge, and afforded their inhabitants
an unsafe abode between the
sky and the water. At times the
river would rise in one of its periodical
furies, and sweep away a pier or
two with the superincumbent houses;
at others the wooden supporters of the
structure would catch fire by some
untoward event, and the inhabitants
had the choice of being fried or
drowned, along with their penates and
their supellectile property. Such a
catastrophe happened in the reign of
Louis XIII., when this and another
wooden bridge, situated, oddly enough,
close by its side, were set on fire by a
squib, which some gamins de Paris
were letting off on his Majesty’s highway;
and in less than three hours 140
houses had disappeared. It was Louis
VII., in the twelfth century, who gave
it the name it has since borne; for he
ordered all the money-changers of
Paris to come and live on this bridge—no
very secure place for keeping the
precious metals; and about two hundred
years ago the money-changers,
fifty-four in number, occupied the
houses on one side, while fifty goldsmiths
lived in those on the other. In
the open roadway between, was held a
kind of market or fair for bird-sellers,
who were allowed to keep their standings
on the curious tenure of letting
off two hundred dozens of small birds
whenever a new king should pass over
this bridge, on his solemn entry into
the capital. The birds fluttered and
whistled on these occasions, the gamins
clapped their hands and shouted, the
good citizens cried “Noel!” and
“Vive le Roy!” and the courtiers
were delighted at the joyous spectacle.
Whether the birds flew away ready
roasted to the royal table, history is
silent; but it would have been a sensible
improvement of this part of the
triumphal ceremony, and we recommend
it to the serious notice of all
occupiers of the French throne.

On arriving at the northern end of
the bridge, the passenger had on his
right a covered gallery of shops,
stretching up the river side to the Pont
Notre Dame, and called the Quai de
Gesvres; here was a fashionable promenade
for the beaux of Paris, for it
was filled with the stalls of pretty milliners,
like one of our bazars, and
boasted of an occasional bookseller’s
shop or two, where the tender ballads
of Ronsard, or the broad jokes of Rabelais,
might be purchased and read
for a few livres. To the left was a
narrow street, known by the curious
appellation of Trop-va-qui-dure, the
etymology of which has puzzled the
brains of all Parisian antiquaries;
while just beyond it, and still by the
river side, was the Vieille Vallée de
Misère
—words indicative of the opinion
entertained of so ineligible a residence.
In front frowned, in all the
grim stiffness of a feudal fortress, the
Grand Chastelet, once the northern
defence of Paris against the Normans
and the English, but at last changed
into the headquarters of the police—the
Bow Street of the French capital.
Two large towers, with conical tops
over a portcullised gateway, admitted
the prisoners into a small square court,
[Pg 528]
round which were ranged the offices of
the lieutenant of police, and the chambers
of the law-officers of the crown.
Part of the building served as a prison
for the vulgar crew of offenders—a
kind of Newgate, or Tolbooth; another
was used as, and was called, the
Morgue, where the dead bodies found
in the Seine were often carried; there
was a room in it called Cæsar’s chamber,
where the good citizens of Paris
firmly believed that the great Julius
once sat as provost of Paris, in a red
robe and flowing wig; and there was
many an out-of-the-way nook and corner
full of dust and parchments, and
rats and spiders. The lawyers of the
Chastelet thought no small beer of
themselves, it seems; for they claimed
the right of walking in processions
before the members of the Parliament,
and immediately after the corporation
of the capital. The unlucky wight
who might chance to be put in durance
vile within these walls, was commonly
well trounced and fined ere he
was allowed to depart; and next to
the dreaded Bastile, the Grand Chastelet
used to be looked on with peculiar
horror. At the Revolution it was
one of the first feudal buildings demolished—not
a stone of the old pile
remains; the Pont-au-Change had
long before had its wooden piers
changed for noble stone ones, and on
the site where this fortress stood is
now the Place de Chatelet, with a
Napoleonic monument in the midst—a
column inscribed with names of
bloody battle-fields, on its summit a
golden wing-expanding Victory, and
at its base four little impudent dolphins,
snorting out water into the
buckets of the Porteurs d’Eau.

Behind the Chastelet stood the
Grande Boucherie—the Leadenhall
market of Paris an hundred years ago;
and near it, up a dirty street or two,
was one of the finest churches of the
capital, dedicated to St Jacques. The
lofty tower of this latter edifice (its
body perished when the Boucherie and
the Chastelet disappeared) still rises
in gloomy majesty above all the surrounding
buildings. It is as high as
those of Notre Dame; and from its
upper corners, enormous gargouilles—those
fantastic water-spouts of the
middle ages—gape with wide-stretched
jaws, but no longer send down the
washings of the roof on the innocent
passengers. Hereabouts lived Nicholas
Flamel, the old usurer, who made
money so fast that it was said he used
to sup nightly with his Satanic majesty,
and who thereupon built part of the
church to save his bacon. He was of
opinion that it was well to have the
mens sana in corpore sano“—that it
was no joke to be burnt; and so he stuck
close to the church, taking care that
himself and his wife, Pernelle, should
have a comfortable resting-place for
their bones within the walls of St
Jacques. When this was a fashionable
quarter of Paris, the court doctor
and accoucheur did not disdain to reside
in it; for Jean Fernel, the medical
attendant of Catharine de Medicis, lived
and died within the shade of this old
tower. He was a fortunate fellow, a
sort of Astley Cooper or Clarke in his
way, and Catharine used to give him
10,000 crowns, or something like
L.6000, every time she favoured
France with an addition to the royal
family. He and numerous other worthies
mouldered into dust within the
precincts of St Jacques; but their
remains have long since been scattered
to the winds; and where the church
once stood is now an ignoble market
for old clothes; the abode of Jews and
thieves.

After passing round the Grand
Chastelet, and crossing the market-place,
you might enter the Rue St
Denis, the great street of Paris in the
time of the good King Henry, and you
might walk along under shelter of its
houses, projecting story above story,
till they nearly met at top, for more
than a mile. Before it was paved, the
roadway was an intolerable quagmire,
winter and summer; and, after stones
had been put down, there murmured
along the middle a black gurgling
stream, charged with all the outpourings
and filth of unnumbered houses.
Over, or through this, according as
the fluid was low or high, you had to
make your way, if you wanted to cross
the street and greet a friend; if you
lived in the street and wished to converse
with your opposite neighbour,
you had only to mount to the garret
story, open the lattice window, and
literally shake hands with him, so near
did the gables approach. The fronts
of the houses were ornamented with
every device which the skilful carpenters
of former times could invent: the
beam-ends were sculptured into queer
little crouching figures of monkeys or
[Pg 529]
angels, and all sorts of diableries decorated
the cornices that ran beneath
the windows; there were no panes of
glass, such as we boast of in these degenerate
times, but narrow latticed
lights to let in the day, and the wind,
and the cold; while the roofs were
covered commonly with shingles, or,
in the houses of the wealthy, with
sheets of lead. Between each gable
came forth a long water-spout, and
poured down a deluge into the gutter
beneath; each gable-top was
peaked into a fantastic spiry point or
flower, and the chimneys congregated
into goodly companies amidst the
roofs, removed from the vulgar gaze
or fastidious jests of the people below.
So large were the fireplaces in those
rooms that could own them, and so
ample were the chimney flues, that
smoky houses were unheard of: the
staircases, it is true, enjoyed only a
dubious ray, that served to prevent
you from breaking your neck in a
rapid descent; but the apartments
were generally of commodious dimensions,
and the tenements possessed
many substantial comforts.

Once out of doors, you might proceed
in all weather fearless of rain;
the projecting upper stories sheltered
completely the sides of the street,
and a stout cloth cloak was all that
was needed to save either sex from
the inclemency of the seasons. At
frequent intervals there opened into
the main street, side streets, and ruelles
or alleys, which showed in comparison
like Gulliver in Brobdignag:
up some of these ways a single horseman
might be able to go; but along
others—and some of them remain to
the present day—two stout citizens
could never have walked arm-in-arm.
They looked like enormous cracks
between a couple of buildings, rather
than as ways made for the convenience
of locomotion: they were pervious,
perhaps, to donkeys, but not to
the loaded packhorse—the great street
was intended for that animal—coaches
did not exist, and the long narrow
carts of the French peasantry, whenever
they came into the city, did not
occupy much more space than the
bags or packs of the universal carrier.
To many of these streets the most
eccentric appellations were given;
there was the Rue des Mauvaises Paroles—people
of ears polite had no
business to go near it; the Rue Tire
Chappe
—a spot where those who objected
to be plucked by the vests, or
to have their clothes pulled off their
backs by importunate accosters, need
not present themselves; another in
this quarter was called the Rue Tire-boudin.
Marie Stuart, when Queen
of France, was riding, it is said,
through it one day, and struck, perhaps,
by the looks of its inhabitants,
asked what the street was called.
The original appellation was so indecent
that an officer of her guards,
with courtly presence of mind, veiled
it under its present title. One was
known as the Rue Brise-miche, and
the cleanliness of its inhabitants might
instantly be judged of: a fifth was the
Rue Trousse-vache, and one of the
shops in it was adorned with an enormous
sign of a red cow, with her tail
sticking up in the air and her head
reared in rampant sauciness. A notorious
gambler, Thibault-au-dé, well
known for his skill in loading dice,
gave his name to one of these narrow
veins of the town: Aubry, a wealthy
butcher, is still immortalized in
another: and the Rue du Petit Hurleur
probably commemorated some
wicked youngster, whose shouts were
a greater nuisance to the neighbours
than those of any of his companions.

A wider kind of street was the Rue
de la Ferronerie
, opening into the Rue
St Denis, below the Church of the
Innocents: it was the abode of all the
tinkers and smiths of Paris, and had
not Henri IV. been in a particular
hurry that day, when he was posting
off to old Sully in the Rue St Antoine,
he had never gone this way, and Ravaillac,
probably, had never been able
to lean into the carriage and stab the
king. Just over the spot where the
murder was committed, the placid
bust of the king still gazes on the busy
scene beneath. The Rue de la Grande
Truanderie
, which was above the Innocents,
must have been the rendez-vous
of all the thieves and beggars of
Paris, if there be any thing in a name:
the old chronicles of the city relate,
indeed, that it took a long time to
respectabilize its neighbourhood; and
they add that the herds of rogues and
impostors who once lived in it took
refuge, after their ejection, in the famous
Cour des Miracles, a little
higher up the Rue St Denis. We
must not venture into this, the choicest
preserve of Victor Hugo, whose
[Pg 530]
graphic description of its wonders in his
Notre Dame needs hardly to be alluded
to; but we may add, that there
were several abodes of the same kind,
all communicating with the Rue St
Denis, and all equally infamous in
their day, though now tenanted only
by quiet button-makers and furniture-dealers.
The real Puits d’Amour stood
at the corner of the Rue de la Grande
Truanderie, and took its name in sad
truth from a crossing of true love. In
the days of Philip Augustus, more
than six hundred years ago, a beautiful
young lady of the court, Agnes
Hellebik, whose father held an important
post under the king, was inveigled
into the toils of love. The
object of her affections, whether of
noble birth or not, made her but a
sorry return for her confidence: he
loved her a while, and her dreams of
happiness were realized; but by degrees
his passion cooled, and at length
he abandoned her. Stung with indignation,
and broken-hearted at this
thwarting of her soul’s desire, the
unfortunate young creature fled from
her father’s house, and betaking herself
on a dark and stormy night to the
brink of the well, commended her
spirit to her Maker, and ended her
troubles beneath its waters. The name
of the Puits d’Amour was then given
to the well; and no young maiden ever
dared to draw water from it after sunset,
for fear of the spirit that dwelt
unquietly within. The tradition was
always current in people’s mouths;
and three centuries after, a young man
of the neighbourhood, who had been
jilted and mocked by an inconstant
mistress, determined to bear his ills
no longer, so he rushed to the Puits,
and took the fatal leap. The result
was not what he anticipated: he did
not, it is true, jump into a courtly assembly
of knights and gallants, but
he could not find water enough in it
to drown him; while his mistress, on
hearing of the mishap, hastened to the
well with a cord, and promising to
compensate him for his former woes,
drew him with her fair hands safely
into the upper regions. An inscription,
in Gothic letters, was then placed
over the well:—

“L’amour m’a refaict

En 1525 tout-à-faict.”

The fate of Agnes Hellebik was far
preferable to that of another young
girl who lived in this quarter, indeed
in the Rue Thibault-au-dé. Agnes
du Rochier was the only daughter of
one of the wealthiest merchants of
Paris, and was admired by all the
neighbourhood for her beauty and virtue.
In 1403 her father died, leaving
her the sole possessor of his wealth,
and rumour immediately disposed of
her hand to all the young gallants of
the quarter; but whether it was that
grief for the loss of her parent had
turned her head, or that the gloomy
fanaticism of that time had worked
with too fatal effect on her pure and inexperienced
imagination, she took not
only marriage and the male sex into utter
abomination, but resolved to quit
the world for ever, and to make herself a
perpetual prisoner for religion’s sake.
She determined, in short, to become
what was then called a recluse, and as
such to pass the remainder of her days
in a narrow cell built within the wall of
a church. On the 5th of October, accordingly,
when the cell, only a few feet
square, was finished in the wall of the
church of St Opportune, Agnes entered
her final abode, and the ceremony
of her reclusion began. The walls and
pillars of the sacred edifice had been
hung with tapestry and costly cloths,
tapers burned on every altar, the clergy
of the capital and the several religious
communities thronged the church.
The Bishop of Paris, attended by his
chaplains and the canons of Notre
Dame, entered the choir, and celebrated
a pontifical mass: he then approached
the opening of the cell,
sprinkled it with holy water, and after
the poor young thing had bidden adieu
to her friends and relations, ordered
the masons to fill up the aperture.
This was done as strongly as stone
and mortar could make it; nor was
any opening left, save only a small
loophole through which Agnes might
hear the offices of the church, and receive
the aliments given her by the charitable.
She was eighteen years old
when she entered this living tomb, and
she continued within it eighty years, till
death terminated her sufferings! Alas,
for mistaken piety! Her wealth, which
she gave to the church, and her own
personal exertions during so long a
life, might have made her a blessing
to all that quarter of the city, instead
of remaining an useless object of compassion
to the few, and of idle wonder
to the many.

[Pg 531]
Another entombment, almost as bad,
occurred in the Rue St Denis, only
five or six years ago. The cess-pools
of modern Parisian houses are generally
deep chambers, and sometimes
wells, cut in the limestone rock on which
the city stands: and in the absence of
a good method of drainage, are cleaned
out only once in every two or three
years, according to their size. Meanwhile,
they continue to receive all the
filth of the building. One night, a
large cess-pool had been emptied, and
the aperture, which was in the common
passage of the house on the
ground floor, had been left open till
the inspector appointed by the police
should come round and see that the
work had been properly executed.
He came early in the morning, enquired
carelessly of the porter if all
was right, and ordered the stone covering
to be fastened down. This
was done amid the usual noise and
talking of the workmen; and they
went their way. That same afternoon,
one of the lodgers in the house, a
young man, was missed: days after
days elapsed, and nothing was heard
of him: his friends conjectured that
he had drowned himself, but the
tables of the Morgue never bore
his body: and their despair was only
equalled by their astonishment at the
absence of every clue to his fate. On
a particular evening, however, about
three weeks after his disappearance,
the porter was sitting at the door of
his lodge, and the house as well as the
street was unusually quiet, when he
heard a faint groan somewhere beneath
his feet. After a short interval
he heard another; and being superstitious,
got up, put his chair within
the lodge, shut the door, and set about
his work. At night he mentioned
the circumstance to his wife, and going
out with her into the passage, they
had not stood there long before again
a groan was heard. The good woman
crossed herself and fell on her knees;
but her husband, suspecting now that
all was not right, and thinking that an
attempt at infanticide had been made,
by throwing a child’s body down one
of the passages leading to the cess-pool,
(no uncommon occurrence in
Paris,) resolved to call in the police.
He did so without loss of time, the
heavy stone covering was removed,
and one of the attendants stooping
down and lowering a lantern, as long
as the stench would permit him, saw
at the bottom, and at a considerable
depth, something like a human form
leaning against the side of the receptacle.
Ropes and ladders were now
immediately procured; two men went
down, and in a few minutes brought
up a body—it was that of the unfortunate
young man who had been so
long missing! Life was not quite extinct,
for some motion of the limbs
was perceptible, there was even one
last low groan, but then all animation
ceased for ever. The appearance of
the body was most dreadful; the face
was a livid green colour, the trunk
looked like that of a man drowned,
and kept long beneath the water, all
brown and green—one of the feet had
completely disappeared—the other was
nearly half decomposed and gone;
the hands were dreadfully lacerated,
and told of a desperate struggle to escape:
worms were crawling about;
all was putrid and loathsome. How
did this unfortunate young man come
into so dreadful a position? was the
question that immediately occurred;
and the only answer that could be
given was, that on the night of the
cess-pool being emptied, the porter
remembered this young man coming
home very late, or rather early in the
morning. He himself had forgotten
to warn him of the aperture being uncovered,
indeed he supposed that it
would have been sufficiently seen by
the lights left burning at its edge;—these
had probably been blown out by
the wind, and the young man had thus
fallen in. That life should have been
supported so long under such circumstances,
seems almost incredible: but
it is no less curious than true; for the
porter was tried before the Correctional
Tribunal for inadvertent homicide,
the facts were adduced in evidence,
and carelessness having been
proved, he was sentenced to imprisonment
for several weeks, and to a heavy
fine.

Of churches and religious establishments,
there were plenty in and
about the Rue St Denis. Besides the
great church of St Jacques, mentioned
before, there were in the street itself
the churches of the Holy Sepulchre,
of St Leu, and St Gilles; of the Innocents;
of the Saviour; and of St
Jacques de l’Hôpital: while of conventual
institutions, there were the
Hospitals of St Catharine; of the
[Pg 532]
Holy Trinity; of the Filles de St
Magloire; of the Filles Dieu; of the
Community of St Chaumont; of the
Sœurs de Charité; and of the great
monastery of St Lazare. The fronts,
or other considerable portions of those
buildings, were all visible in the street,
and added greatly to its antiquated
appearance. The long irregular lines
of gable roofs on either side, converging
from points high above the spectator’s
head, until they met or crossed
in a dim perspective, near the horizon,
were broken here and there by the
pointed front, or the tapering spire of
a church or convent. A solemn gateway
protruded itself at intervals into
the street, and, with its flanking turrets
and buttresses, gave broad masses
of shade in perpendicular lines, strongly
contrasted with the horizontal or
diagonal patches of dark colour caused
by the houses. At early morn and
eve, a shrill tinkling of bells warned
the neighbours of the sacred duties of
many a secluded penitent, or admonished
them that it was time to send up
their own orisons to God. Before
mid-day had arrived, and soon after
it had passed, the deeper tones of a
bourdon, from some of the parochial
churches, invited the citizens to the
sacrifice of the mass or the canticles
of vespers. Not seldom the throngs
of busy wordlings were forced to separate
and give room to some holy
procession, which, with glittering cross
at the head, with often tossed and
sweetly smelling censers at the side,
with white-robed chanting acolyths,
and reverend priests, in long line behind,
came forth to take its way to
some holy edifice. The zealous citizens
would suspend their avocations
for a while, would repeat a reverential
prayer as the holy men went by, and
then return to the absorbing calls of
business, not unbenefited by the recollections
just awakened in their minds.
On the eves and on the mornings of
holy festivals, business was totally suspended;
the bells, great and small,
rang forth their silvery sounds; the
churches were crowded, the chapels
glittered with blazing lights; the
prayers of the priests and people rose
with the incense before the high altar;
the solemn organ swelled its full
tones responsive to the loud-voiced
choir; the curates thundered from the
pulpits, to the edification of charitable
congregations; and after all had been
prostrated in solemn adoration of the
Divine presence, the citizens would
pour out into the street, and repair,
some to their homes, some to the Palace
of the Tournelles, with its towers
and gardens guarded by the Bastille;
others to the Louvre or to the Pré-aux-clercs,
and the fields by the river
side; others would stroll up the hill
of Montmartre; and some in boats
would brave the dangers of the Seine!
On other and sadder occasions, the inhabitants
of the Rue St Denis would
quit their houses in earnestly talking
groups, and would adjourn to the open
space in front of the Halles. Here,
on the top of an octagonal tower, some
twenty feet high, and covered with a
conical spire, between the openings
of pointed arches, might be seen criminals
with their heads and hands
protruding through the wooden collar
of the pillory. The guard of the
provost, or the lieutenant of police,
would keep off the noisy throng
below, and the goodwives would
discuss among themselves the enormities
of the coin-clipper, the cut-purse,
the incendiary, or the unjust
dealer, who were exposed on those
occasions for their delinquencies;
while the offenders themselves, would—a
few of them—hang down their
heads, and close their eyes in the unsufferable
agony of shame; but by
far the greater number would shout
forth words of bold defiance or indecent
ribaldry, would protrude the
mocking tongue, or spit forth curses
with dire volubility. Then would
rise the shouts of gamins, then would
come the thick volley of eggs, fish-heads,
butcher’s-offal, and all the garbage
of the market, aimed unerringly
by many a strenuous arm at the heads
of the culprits; and then the soldiers
with their pertuisanes would make
quick work among the legs of the
retreating crowd, and the jailers
would apply the ready lash to the
backs of the hardened criminals aloft;
and thus, the hour’s exhibition ended,
and the “king’s justice” satisfied, away
would the criminals be led, some on a
hurdle to Montfauçon, and there hung
on its ample gibbet, amid the rattling
bones of other wretches; some would
be hurried back to the Chastelet, or
other prisons; and others would be
sent off to work, chained to the oars
of the royal galleys.

This was a common amusement of
[Pg 533]
the idlers of this quarter: but the
passions of the mob, if they needed
stronger excitement, had to find a
scene of horrid gratification on the
Place de Grève, opposite the Hotel
de Ville, where at rare intervals a
heretic would be burnt, a murderer
hung, or a traitor quartered; but this
spot of bloody memory lies far from
the Rue St Denis, and we are not
now called upon to reveal its terrible
recollections: let us turn back to our
good old street.

One of the most curious objects in
it was the Church of the Innocents,
with its adjoining cemetery, once the
main place of interment for all the
capital. The church lay at the north-eastern
end of what is now the Marché
des Innocents, and against it was
erected the fountain which now
adorns the middle of the market, and
which was the work of the celebrated
sculptor, Jean Goujon, and his colleague,
the architect, Pierre Lescot.
The former is said to have been seated
at it, giving some last touches to
one of the tall and graceful nymphs
that adorn its high arched sides, on
the day of the Massacre of St Bartholomew,
when he was killed by a
random shot from a Catholic zealot.
The simple inscription which it still
bears, Fontium Nymphis, is in better
taste than that of any other among
the numerous fountains of the French
capital. The church itself (of which
not the slightest vestige now remains)
was not a good specimen of mediæval
architecture, although it was large
and richly endowed. It was founded
by Philip Augustus, when he ordered
the Jews to be expelled from his dominions,
and seized on their estates—one
of the most nefarious actions committed
by a monarch of France. The
absurd accusation, that the Jews used
periodically to crucify and torture
Christian children, was one of the
most plausible pretexts employed by
the rapacious king on this occasion;
and, as a kind of testimonial that such
had been his excuse, he founded this
church; dedicated it to the Holy Innocents;
and transferred hither the remains
of a boy, named Richard, said
to have been sacrificed at Pontoise by
some unfortunate Jews, who expiated
the pretended crime by the most horrible
torments. St Richard’s remains,
(for he was canonized,) worked numerous
miracles in the Church of the Innocents,
or rather in the churchyard,
where a tomb was erected over them;
and so great was their reputation, that
tradition says, the English, on evacuating
Paris in the 15th century, carried
off with them all but the little saint’s
head. Certain it is, that nothing but
the head remained amongst the relics
of this parish; and equally certain is
it, that no Christian innocents have
been sacrificed by those “circumcised
dogs” either before or since, whether
in France or England, or any other
part of the world. It remained for
the dishonest credulity of the present
century, to witness the disgraceful
spectacle of a French consul at Damascus,
assisting at the torturing of
some Jewish merchants under a similar
accusation, and assuring his government
of his belief in the confessions
extorted by these inhuman means;
and of many a party journal in Paris
accrediting and re-echoing the tale.
Had not British humanity intervened
in aid of British policy, France had
made this visionary accusation the
ground of an armed intervention in
Syria. The false accusers of the Jews
of Damascus have indeed been punished;
but the French consul, the Count
de Ratti-Menton, has since been rewarded
by his government with a
high promotion in the diplomatic department!

Once more, “a truce to digression,”
let us see what the ancient cemetery
of the Innocents was like. Round
an irregular four-sided space, about
five hundred feet by two, ran a low
cloister-like building, called Les Charniers,
or the Charnel Houses. It had
originally been a cloister surrounding
the churchyard; but, so convenient
had this place of sepulture been
found, from its situation in the heart
of Paris, that the remains of mortality
increased in most rapid proportion
within its precincts, and it was continually
found necessary to transfer the
bones of long-interred, and long-forgotten
bodies, to the shelter of the
cloisters. Here, then, they were piled
up in close order—the bones below
and the skulls above; they reached
in later times to the very rafters of
these spacious cloisters all round, and
heaps of skulls and bones lay in unseemly
groups on the grass in the
midst of the graveyard. At one corner
of the church was a small grated
window, where a recluse, like her of
[Pg 534]
St Opportune, had worn away forty-six
years of her life, after one year’s
confinement as a preparatory experiment;
and within the church was a
splendid brass tomb, commemorating
this refinement of the monastic virtues.
At various spots about the cemetery,
were erected obelisks and crosses of
different dates, while against the walls
of the church and cloister were affixed,
in motley and untidy confusion, unnumbered
tablets and other memorials
of the dead. The suppression of this
cemetery, just at the commencement
of the Revolution, was a real benefit
to the capital; and when the contents
of the yard and its charnel-houses
were removed to the catacombs south
of the city, it was calculated that the
remains of two millions of human
beings rattled down the deep shafts
of the stone pits to their second interment.
In place of the cemetery,
we now find the wooden stalls of the
Covent Garden of Paris; low, dirty,
unpainted, ill-built, badly-drained,
stinking, and noisy; and their tenants
are not better than themselves. Like
their neighbours, the famous Poissardes,
the Dames de la Halle as they
are styled, are the quintessence of all
that is disgusting in Paris. Covent
Garden is worth a thousand of such
markets, and Père la Chaise is an admirable
substitute for the Cemetery
of the Innocents.

High up in the Rue de Faubourg
St Denis, which is only a continuation
of the main street, just as Knightsbridge
is of Piccadilly, stand the remains
of the great convent and maladrerie
of St Lazarus. In this religious
house, all persons attacked with leprosy
were received in former days,
and either kept for life, if incurable,
or else maintained until they were
freed from that loathsome disease.
From what cause we know not,
(except that the House of St Lazarus
was the nearest of any religious establishment
to the walls of the capital,)
the kings of France always made a
stay of three days within its walls on
their solemn inauguratory entrance
into Paris, and their bodies always
lay in state here before they were
conveyed to the Abbey Church of St
Denis. There was no lack of stiff
ceremonial on these occasions; and,
doubtless, the good fathers of the
convent did not receive all the court
within their walls without rubbing a
little gold off the rich habits of the
nobles. The king, on arriving at the
Convent of St Lazare, proceeded to
a part of the house allotted for this
purpose, and called Le Logis du Roy,
where, in a chamber of state, he took
his seat beneath a canopy, surrounded
by the princes of the blood-royal.
The chancellor of France stood behind
his majesty, to furnish him with
replies to the different deputations
that used to come with congratulatory
addresses, and the receptions then
commenced. They used to last from
seven in the morning, without intermission,
till four or five in the afternoon;
there were the lawyers of the
Chastelet, the Court of Aids, the
Court of Accounts, and the Parliament,
to say nothing of the city authorities
and other constituted bodies.
The addresses were no short unmeaning
things, like those uttered in our
poor cold times, but good long-winded
harangues, some in French, some
in Latin, and they went on, one after
the other, for three days consecutively.
On the third day, when the royal
patience must have been wellnigh
exhausted, and the chancellor’s talents
at reply worn tolerably threadbare,
the king would rise, and mounting on
horseback, would proceed to the cathedral
church of Notre Dame, down
the Rue St Denis. One of the best
recorded of these royal entries is that
of Louis XI. On this occasion, the
king, setting out from a suburban residence
in the Faubourg St Honoré,
got along the northern side of Paris
to the Convent of St Lazare; and
thence, after the delay and the harangues
of the three days—the real
original glorious three days of the
French monarchy—proceeded to the
Porte St Denis. Here a herald met
the monarch, and after the keys of
the city had been presented by the
provost, with long speeches and replies,
the former officer introduced to
his majesty five young ladies, all richly
clad, and mounted on horses richly
caparisoned, their housings bearing
the arms of the city of Paris. Each
young damsel represented an allegorical
personage, and the initials of the
names of their characters made up the
word Paris. They each harangued
the king, and their speeches, says an
old chronicle, seemed “very agreeable”
to the royal ears. Around the
king, as he rode through the gateway,
[Pg 535]
were the princes and highest
nobles of the land—the Dukes of
Orleans, Burgundy, Bourbon, and
Cleves: the Count of Charolois, eldest
son of the Duke of Burgundy;
the Counts of Angoulesme, St Paul,
Dunois, and others; with, as a chronicle
of the time relates, “autres
comtes, barons, chevaliers, capitaines,
et force noblesse, en très bel ordre et
posture.” All of these were mounted
on horses of price, richly caparisoned,
and covered with the finest housings;
some were of cloth of gold furred
with sable, others were of velvet or
damask furred with ermine; all were
enriched with precious stones, and to
many were attached bells of silver
gilt, with other “enjolivements.”
Over the gateway was a large ship,
the armorial bearing of the city, and
within it were a number of allegorical
personages, with one who represented
Louis XI. himself; in the street immediately
within the gate was a party
of savages and satyrs, who executed
a mock-fight in honour of the approach
of royalty. A little lower down came
forth a troop of young women representing
syrens; an old chronicle calls
them, “Plusieurs belles filles accoustrées
en syrenes, nues, lesquelles, en
faisant voir leur beau sein, chantoient
de petits motets de bergères fort doux
et charmans.” Near where these
damsels stood was a fountain which
had pipes running with milk, wine,
and hypocras; at the side of the
Church of the Holy Trinity was a
tableau-vivant of the Passion of our
Saviour, including a crucified Christ
and two thieves, represented, as the
chronicle states, “par personnages
sans parler.” A little further on was
a hunting party, with dogs and a
hind, making a tremendous noise with
hautboys and cors-de-chasse. The
butchers on the open place near the
Chastelet, had raised some lofty scaffolds,
and on them had erected a representation
of the Bastille or Chateau
of Dieppe. Just as the king
passed by, a desperate combat was
going on between the French besieging
this chateau and the English
holding garrison within; “the latter,”
adds the chronicle, “having been
taken prisoners, had all their throats
cut.” Before the gate of the Chastelet,
there were the personifications
of several illustrious heroes; and on
the Pont-au-Change, which was carpeted
below, hung with arms at the
sides, and canopied above for the occasion,
stood the fowlers with their
two hundred dozens of birds, ready to
fly them as soon as the royal charger
should stamp on the first stone. Such
was a royal entry in those days of iron
rule.

Before Louis XI.’s father, Charles
VII., had any reasonable prospect of
reigning in Paris as king, the English
troops had to be driven out of the capital;
and when the French forces
had scaled the walls, and entered the
city, A.D. 1436, the 1500 Englishmen
who defended the place, had but
little mercy shown them. Seeing that
the game was lost, Sir H. Willoughby,
captain of Paris, shut himself up
with a part of the troops in the Bastille,
accompanied by the Bishop of
Therouenne, and Morhier, the provost
of the city. The people rose to
the cry of “Sainct Denys, Vive le
noble Roy de France!” The constable
of France, the Duke de Richemont,
and the Bastard of Orleans, led them
on; those troops that had been shut
out of the Bastille, tried to make their
way up the Rue St Denis, to the
northern gateway, and so to escape
on the road to Beauvais and England
but the inhabitants stretched chains
across the street, and men, women,
and children, showered down upon
them from the windows, chairs, tables,
logs of wood, stones, and even boiling
water; while others rushed in from
behind and from the side streets, with
arms in their hands, and the massacre
of all the English fugitives ensued.
A short time after, Sir H. Willoughby,
and the garrison of the Bastille,
not receiving succours from the commanders
of the English forces, surrendered
the fortress, and were allowed
to retire to Rouen. As they
marched out of Paris, the Bishop of
Therouenne accompanied them, and
the populace followed the troops,
shouting out at the Bishop—”The
fox! the fox!”—and at the English,
“The tail! the tail!”

Another departure of a foreign garrison
from Paris, took place in 1594,
and this time in peaceable array, by
the Rue St Denis. When Henry
IV. had obtained possession of his capital,
there remained in it a considerable
body of Spanish troops, who had
been sent into France to aid the chiefs
of the League, and they were under
[Pg 536]
the command of the Duke de Feria.
The reaction in the minds of the Parisians,
after the misery of their siege,
had been too sudden and too complete,
to give the Spaniards any hope of
holding out against the king; a capitulation
was therefore agreed upon,
the foreign forces were allowed to
march out with the honours of war,
and they were escorted with their
baggage as far as the frontier. The
king and his principal officers took
post within the rooms over the Porte
St Denis—then a square turreted
building, with a pointed and portcullised
gate and drawbridge beneath—to
see the troops march out, and he stationed
himself at the window looking
down the street. First came some
companies of Neapolitan infantry,
with drums beating, standards flying,
arms on their shoulders, but without
having their matches lighted. Then
came the Spanish Guards, in the midst
of whom were the Duke de Feria,
Don Diego d’Ibara, and Don Juan
Baptista Taxis, all mounted on spirited
Spanish chargers; while behind
them marched the battalions of the
Lansquenets, and the Walloons. As
each company came up to the gateway,
the soldiers, marching by fours,
raised their eyes to the king, took off
their headpieces, and bowed; the
officers did the same, and Henry returned
the salutation with the greatest
courtesy. He was particular in showing
this politeness, in the most marked
manner, to the Duke de Feria and his
noble companions, and when they
were within hearing, cried out aloud,
“Recommend me to your master,
but never show your faces here
again!” Some of the more obnoxious
members of the League were allowed
to retire with the Spaniards;
and in the evening, bonfires were lighted
in all the streets, and the Te Deum
was sung on all the public places.
The mediæval glory of the Porte St
Denis vanished in the time of Louis
XIV., where he unfortified the city,
which one of his successors has taken
such pains again to imprison within
stone walls, and the present triumphal
arch was erected upon its site. This
modern edifice, it is well known, served
for the entrance of Charles X.
from Rheims, and, shortly after, for a
post whence the trumpery patriots of
1830 contrived to annoy some of the
cavalry who were fighting in the
cause of the legitimacy and the true
liberties of France. Many a barricade
and many a skirmish has the Rue
St Denis since witnessed!

All the churches have disappeared
from the Rue St Denis except that of
St Leu and St Gilles, a small building
of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries: all the convents have been
rased to the ground except that of
St Lazare. To this a far different
destination has been given from what
it formerly enjoyed: it is now the
great female prison of the capital; and
within its walls all the bread required
for the prisons of Paris is baked, all
the linen is made and mended. The
prison consists of three distinct
portions: one allotted for carrying on
the bread and linen departments: a
second for the detention of female
criminals before conviction, or for
short terms of imprisonment; and in
this various light manufactures, such
as the making of baskets, straw-plait,
and the red phosphorus-match boxes,
are carried on: the third is an hospital
and house of detention for the prostitutes
of the capital. We were once
taken all through this immense establishment
by the governor, who had
the kindness to accompany us, and to
explain every thing in person—a favour
not often granted to foreigners—and
a strong impression did the scenes
we then saw leave. In the first two
departments every thing was gloomy,
orderly, and quiet: the prisoners were
much fewer than we had expected—not
above two hundred—many of them,
however, were mere children; but the
matrons were good kind of women
and the work of reformation was going
on rapidly to counteract the effects of
early crime. In the third, though
equal strictness of conduct on the part
of the superiors prevailed, the behaviour
of the inmates subjected to control
was far different. The great
majority had been confined there as
hospital patients, not as offenders
against the law, and they were divided
into wards, according to their sanatory
condition. Here they were very numerous;
and a melancholy thing it was
to see hundreds of wretched creatures
wandering about their spacious rooms,
or sitting up in their beds, with haggard
looks, dishevelled hair, hardly
any clothing, and a sort of reckless
gaiety in their manner that spoke volumes
as to their real condition. The
[Pg 537]
régime of this prison-hospital is found,
however, to be on the whole most salutary:
the seeds of good are sown
with a few; the public health, as well
as the public morals, has been notably
improved; and from the time when a
young painter employed in the prison
was decoyed into this portion of it and
killed within a few hours, the occurrence
of deeds of violence within its
walls has been very rare.

From the top of the Faubourg St
Denis, all through the suburb of La
Chapelle, the long line of modern habitations
extends, without offering
any points of historical interest. It
is, indeed, a very commonplace, everyday
kind of road, which hardly any
Englishman that has jumbled along
in the Messageries Royales can fail
of recollecting. Nothing poetical,
nothing romantic, was ever known to
take place between the Barrière de
St Denis and the town where the
abbey stands. We know, however, of
an odd occurrence upon this ground,
towards the end of the thirteenth
century, (we were not alive then,
gentle reader,) strikingly illustrative
of the superstition of the times. In
1274, the church of St Gervais, in
Paris, was broken into one night by
some sacrilegious dog, who ran off
with the golden pix, containing the
consecrated wafer or host. Not
thinking himself safe within the city,
away he went for St Denis—got
without the city walls in safety, and
made off as fast as he could for the
abbatial town. Before arriving there,
he thought he would have a look at
the contents of the precious vessel,
when, on his opening the lid, out
jumped the holy wafer, up it flew
into the air over his head, and there
it kept dodging about, and bobbing up
and down, behind the affrightened thief,
and following him wherever he went.
He rushed into the town of St Denis,
but there was the wafer coming after
him, and just above his head; whichever
way he turned, there was the
flying wafer. It was now broad daylight,
and some of the inhabitants
perceived the miracle. This was immediately
reported by them to the
abbot of the monastery. The holy
father and his monks sallied forth;
all saw the wafer as plain as they saw
each others’ shaven crowns. The man
was immediately arrested; the pix
was found on him, and the abbot, as
a feudal seigneur, having the right of
life and death within his own fief, had
him hung up to the nearest tree within
five minutes. The abbot then sent
word to the Bishop of Paris of what
had occurred; and the prelate, attended
by the curates and clergy of the
capital, went to St Denis to witness
the miracle. But wonders were not
to cease; there they found the abbot
and monks looking up into the air;
there was the wafer sticking up somewhere
under the sun, and none of
them could devise how they were to
get it down again. The monks began
singing canticles and litanies; the
Parisian clergy did the same; still
the wafer would not move a hair’s
breadth. At last they resolved to adjourn
to the Abbey Church; and so
they formed themselves into procession,
and stepped forwards. The
monks had reached the abbey door,
the bishop and his clergy were following
behind, and the clergy of St
Gervais were just under the spot where
the wafer was suspended, when, presto,
down it popped into the hands of the
little red-nosed curate. “Its mine!”
cried the curate: “I’ll have it!”
shouted the bishop: “I wish you
may get it,” roared the abbot—and a
regular scramble took place. But the
little curate held his prize fast; his
vicars stuck to him like good men and
true; and they carried off their prize
triumphant. The bishop and the
abbot drew up a solemn memorial and
covenant on the spot, whereby the
wafer was legally consigned to its
original consecrator and owner, the
curate of St Gervais; and it was agreed
that every 1st of September, the day
of the miracle, a solemn office and procession
of the Holy Sacrament should
be celebrated within his church. The
reverend father Du Breul, the grave
historian of Paris, adds: “L’histoire
du dit miracle est naifvement depeinte
en une vitre de la chapelle Sainct
Pierre d’icelle église, où sont aussi
quelques vers François, contenans partie
d’icelle histoire.”


[Pg 538]

THE LAST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.

In days of old it was the remark of
more than one philosopher, that, if it
were possible to exhibit virtue in a
personal form, and clothed with attributes
of sense, all men would unite in
homage to her supremacy. The same
thing is true of other abstractions,
and especially of the powers which
work by social change. Could these
powers be revealed to us in any symbolic
incarnation—were it possible
that, but for one hour, the steadfast
march of their tendencies, their promises,
and their shadowy menaces,
could be made apprehensible to the
bodily eye—we should be startled,
and oftentimes appalled, at the grandeur
of the apparition. In particular,
we may say that the advance of civilization,
as it is carried forward for
ever on the movement continually
accelerated of England and France,
were it less stealthy and inaudible
than it is, would fix, in every stage,
the attention of the inattentive and
the anxieties of the careless. Like
the fabulous music of the spheres,
once allowed to break sonorously upon
the human ear, it would render us
deaf to all other sounds. Heard or
not heard, however, marked or not
marked, the rate of our advance is
more and more portentous. Old
things are passing away. Every year
carries us round some obstructing
angle, laying open suddenly before
us vast reaches of fresh prospect, and
bringing within our horizon new
agencies by which civilization is
henceforth to work, and new difficulties
against which it is to work; other
forces for co-operation, other resistances
for trial. Meantime the velocity
of these silent changes is incredibly
aided by the revolutions, both
moral and scientific, in the machinery
of nations; revolutions by which
knowledge is interchanged, power
propagated, and the methods of communication
multiplied. And the vast
aerial arches by which these revolutions
mount continually to the common
zenith of Christendom, so as to
force themselves equally upon the
greatest of nations and the humblest,
express the aspiring destiny by which,
already and irresistibly, they are coming
round upon all other tribes and
families of men, however distant in
position, or alien by system and organization.
The nations of the planet,
like ships of war manœuvring prelusively
to some great engagement, are
silently taking up their positions, as
it were, for future action and reaction,
reciprocally for doing and suffering.
And, in this ceaseless work
of preparation or of noiseless combination,
France and England are seen
for ever in the van. Whether for
evil or for good, they must be in advance.
And if it were possible to see
the relative positions of all Christendom,
its several divisions, expressed
as if on the monuments of Persepolis
by endless evolutions of cities in procession
or of armies advancing, we
should be awakened to the full solemnity
of our duties by seeing two symbols
flying aloft for ever in the head
of nations—two recognizances for
hope or for fear—the roses of England
and the lilies of France.

Reflections such as these furnish
matter for triumphal gratulation, but
also for great depression: and in the
enormity of our joint responsibilities,
we French and English have reason
to forget the grandeur of our separate
stations. It is fit that we should keep
alive these feelings, and continually
refresh them, by watching the everlasting
motions of society, by sweeping
the moral heavens for ever with
our glasses in vigilant detection of new
phenomena, and by calling to a solemn
audit, from time to time, the
national acts which are undertaken, or
the counsels which in high places are
avowed.

Amongst these acts and these counsels
none justify a more anxious attention
than such as come forward in
the senate. It is true that great revolutions
may brood over us for a long
period without awakening any murmur
or echo in Parliament; of which we
have an instance in Puseyism, which
is a power of more ominous capacities
than the gentleness of its motions
would lead men to suspect, and is
well fitted (as hereafter we may show)
to effect a volcanic explosion—such as
may rend the Church of England by
schisms more extensive and shattering
than those which have recently
[Pg 539]
afflicted the Church of Scotland. Generally,
however, Parliament becomes,
sooner or later, a mirror to the leading
phenomena of the times. These phenomena,
to be valued thoroughly, must
be viewed, indeed, from different stations
and angles. But one of these
aspects is that which they assume
under the legislative revision of the
people. It is more than ever requisite
that each session of Parliament should
be searched and reviewed in the capital
features of its legislation. Hereafter
we may attempt this duty more
elaborately. For the present we shall
confine ourselves to a hasty survey of
some few principal measures in the
late session which seem important to
our social progress.

We shall commence our review by
the fewest possible words on the paramount
nuisance of the day—viz. the
corn-law agitation. This is that
question which all men have ceased
to think sufferable. This is that “mammoth”
nuisance of our times by which
“the gaiety of nations is eclipsed.”
We are thankful that its “damnable
iterations” have now placed it beyond
the limits of public toleration. No
man hearkens to such debates any
longer—no man reads the reports of
such debates: it is become criminal to
quote them; and recent examples of
torpor beyond all torpor, on occasion
of Cobden meetings amongst the inflammable
sections of our population,
have shown—that not the poorest of
the poor are any longer to be duped,
or to be roused out of apathy, by this
intolerable fraud. Full of “gifts and
lies” is the false fleeting Association
of these Lancashire Cottoneers. But
its gifts are too windy, and its lies are
too ponderous. To the Association is
“given a mouth speaking great things
and blasphemies;” and out of this
mouth issues “fire,” it is true, against
all that is excellent in the land, but
also “smoke”—as the consummation
of its overtures. During many reigns
of the Cæsars, a race of swindlers infested
the Roman court, technically
known as “sellers of smoke,” and
often punished under that name. They
sold, for weighty considerations of
gold, castles in the air, imaginary benefices,
ideal reversions; and, in short,
contracted wholesale or retail for the
punctual delivery of unadulterated
moonshine. Such a dealer, such a
contractor, is the Anti-Corn-Law Association;
and for such it has always
been known amongst intelligent men.
But its character has now diffused itself
among the illiterate: and we believe
it to be the simple truth at this
moment, that every working man, whose
attention has at any time been drawn to
the question, is now ready to take his
stand upon the following answer:—”We,
that is our order, Mr Cobden,
are not very strong in faith. Our
faith in the Association is limited. So
much, however, by all that reaches
us, we are disposed to believe—viz.
that ultimately you might succeed in
reducing the price of a loaf, by three
parts in forty-eight, which is one sixteenth;
with what loss to our own
landed order, and with what risk to
the national security in times of war
or famine, is no separate concern of
ours. On the other hand, Mr Cobden,
in your order there are said to
be knaves in ambush; and we take it,
that the upshot of the change will be
this: We shall save three farthings in
a shilling’s worth of flour; and the
honest men of your order—whom candour
forbid that we should reckon at
only twenty-five per cent on the whole—will
diminish our wages simply by
that same three farthings in a shilling;
but the knaves (we are given to
understand) will take an excuse out
of that trivial change to deduct four,
five, or six farthings; they will improve
the occasion in evangelical proportions—some
sixty-fold, some seventy,
and some a hundred.”

This is the settled practical faith of
those hard-working men, who care not
to waste their little leisure upon the
theory of the corn-laws. It is this
practical result only which concerns
us; for as to the speculative logic of
the case, as a question for economists,
we, who have so often discussed it in
this journal, (which journal, we take it
upon us to say, has, from time to time,
put forward or reviewed every conceivable
argument on the corn question,)
must really decline to re-enter
the arena, and actum agere, upon any
occasion ministered by Mr Cobden.
Very frankly, we disdain to do so;
and now, upon quitting the subject, we
will briefly state why.

Mr Cobden, as we hear and believe,
is a decent man—that is to say, upon
any ground not connected with politics;
equal to six out of any ten manufacturers
you will meet in the
[Pg 540]
Queen’s high road—whilst of the other
four not more than three will be found
conspicuously his superiors. He is
certainly, in the senate, not what Lancashire
rustics mean by a hammil
sconce
;[28] or, according to a saying
often in the mouth of our French emigrant
friends in former times, he
“could not have invented the gun-powder,
though perhaps he might
have invented the hair-powder.” Still,
upon the whole, we repeat, that Mr
Cobden is a decent man, wherever he
is not very indecent. Is he therefore
a decent man on this question of the
corn-laws? So far from it, that we
now challenge attention to one remarkable
fact. All the world knows
how much he has talked upon this
particular topic; how he has itinerated
on its behalf; how he has perspired
under its business. Is there a fortunate
county in England which has
yet escaped his harangues? Does that
happy province exist which has not
reverberated his yells? Doubtless,
not—and yet mark this: Not yet, not
up to the present hour, (September
20, 1843,) has Mr Cobden delivered
one argument properly and specially
applicable to the corn question. He
has uttered many things offensively
upon the aristocracy; he has libelled
the lawgivers; he has insulted the
farmers; he has exhausted the artillery
of political abuse: but where is the
economic artillery which he promised
us, and which, (strange to say!) from
the very dulness of his theme making
it a natural impossibility to read him,
most people are willing to suppose
that he has, after one fashion or other,
actually discharged. The Corn-League
benefits by its own stupidity.
Not being read, every leaguer has
credit for having uttered the objections
which, as yet, he never did utter.
Hence comes the popular impression,
that from Mr Cobden have
emanated arguments, of some quality
or other, against the existing system.
True, there are arguments in plenty
on the other side, and pretty notorious
arguments; but, pendente lite,
and until these opposite pleas are
brought forward, it is supposed that
the Cobden pleas have a brief provisional
existence—they are good for
the moment. Not at all. We repeat
that, as to economic pleas, none
of any kind, good or bad, have been
placed on the record by any orator of
that faction; whilst all other pleas,
keen and personal as they may appear,
are wholly irrelevant to any
real point at issue. In illustration of
what we say, one (and very much
the most searching) of Mr Cobden’s
questions to the farmers, was this—”Was
not the object,” he demanded,
“was not the very purpose of all corn-laws
alike—simply to keep up the
price of grain? Well; had the English
corn-laws accomplished that object?
Had they succeeded in that
purpose? Notoriously they had not;
confessedly they had failed; and every
farmer in the corn districts would
avouch that often he had been brought
to the brink of ruin by prices ruinously
low.” Now, we pause not to
ask, why, if the law already makes
the prices of corn ruinously low, any
association can be needed to make it
lower? What we wish to fix attention
upon, is this assumption of Mr
Cobden’s, many times repeated, that
the known object and office of our
corn-law, under all its modifications,
has been to elevate the price of our
corn; to sustain it at a price to which
naturally it could not have ascended.
Many sound speculators on this question
we know to have been seriously
perplexed by this assertion of Mr
Cobden’s; and others, we have heard,
not generally disposed to view that
gentleman’s doctrines with favour,
who insist upon it, that, in mere candour,
we must grant this particular
postulate. “Really,” say they, “that
cannot be refused him; the law was
for the purpose he assigns; its final
cause was, as he tells us, to keep up
artificially the price of our domestic
corn-markets. So far he is right.
But his error commences in treating
this design as an unfair one, and,
secondly, in denying that it has been
successful. It has succeeded; and it
ought to have succeeded. The protection
sought for our agriculture was
no more than it merited; and that
protection has been faithfully realized.”

We, however, vehemently deny
[Pg 541]
Mr Cobden’s postulate in toto. He
is wrong, not merely as others are
wrong in the principle of refusing
this protection, not merely on the
question of fact as to the reality of
this protection, (to enter upon which
points would be to adopt that hateful
discussion which we have abjured;)
but, above all, he is wrong in assigning
to corn-laws, as their end and purpose,
an absolute design of sustaining prices.
To raise prices is an occasional means
of the corn-laws, and no end at all.
In one word, what is the end of the
corn-laws? It is, and ever has been,
to equalize the prospects of the farmer
from year to year, with the view, and
generally with the effect, of drawing
into the agricultural service of the
nation, as nearly as possible, the same
amount of land at one time as at another.
This is the end; and this end
is paramount. But the means to that
end must lie, according to the accidents
of the case, alternately through
moderate increase of price, or moderate
diminution of price. The besetting
oversight, in this instance, is
the neglect of the one great peculiarity
affecting the manufacture of corn—viz.
its inevitable oscillation as to
quantity, consequently as to price,
under the variations of the seasons.
People talk, and encourage mobs to
think, that Parliaments cause, and that
Parliaments could heal if they pleased,
the evil of fluctuation in grain. Alas!
the evil is as ancient as the weather,
and, like the disease of poverty, will
cleave to society for ever. And the
way in which a corn-law—that is, a
restraint upon the free importation of
corn—affects the case, is this:—Relieving
the domestic farmer from that
part of his anxiety which points to the
competition of foreigners, it confines
it to the one natural and indefeasible
uncertainty lying in the contingencies
of the weather. Releasing him from
all jealousy of man, it throws him, in
singleness of purpose, upon an effort
which cannot be disappointed, except
by a power to which, habitually, he
bows and resigns himself. Secure,
therefore, from all superfluous anxieties,
the farmer enjoys, from year to
year, a pretty equal encouragement
in distributing the employments of his
land. If, through the dispensations
of Providence, the quantity of his
return falls short, he knows that some
rude indemnification will arise in the
higher price. If, in the opposite
direction, he fears a low price, it comforts
him to know that this cannot
arise for any length of time but through
some commensurate excess in quantity.
This, like other severities of a
natural or general system, will not,
and cannot, go beyond a bearable
limit. The high price compensates
grossly the defect of quantity; the
overflowing quantity in turn compensates
grossly the low price. And thus
it happens that, upon any cycle of ten
years, taken when you will, the manufacture
of grain will turn out to have
been moderately profitable. Now, on
the other hand, under a system of free
importation, whenever a redundant
crop in England coincides (as often it
does) with a similar redundancy in
Poland, the discouragement cannot
but become immoderate. An excess
of one-seventh will cause a fall of
price by three-sevenths. But the simultaneous
excess on the Continent
may raise the one-seventh to two-sevenths,
and in a much greater proportion
will these depress the price.
The evil will then be enormous; the
discouragement will be ruinous; much
capital, much land, will be withdrawn
from the culture of grain; and, supposing
a two years’ succession of such
excessive crops, (which effect is more
common than a single year’s excess,)
the result, for the third year, will be
seen in a preternatural deficiency; for,
by the supposition, the number of acres
applied to corn is now very much less
than usual, under the unusual discouragement;
and according to the common
oscillations of the season according
to those irregularities that, in
effect, are often found to be regular—this
third year succeeding to redundant
years may be expected to turn out a
year of scarcity. Here, then, in the
absence of a corn-law, comes a double
deficiency—a deficiency of acres applied,
from jealousy of foreign competition,
and upon each separate acre a
deficiency of crop, from the nature of
the weather. What will be the consequence?
A price ruinously high;
higher beyond comparison than could
ever have arisen under a temperate
restriction of competition; that is, in
other words, under a British corn-law.

Many other cases might be presented
to the reader, and especially
under the action of a doctrine repeatedly
[Pg 542]
pressed in this journal, but steadily
neglected elsewhere—viz. the
devolution” of foreign agriculture
upon lower qualities of land, (and
consequently its permanent exaltation
in price,) in case of any certain demand
on account of England. But
this one illustration is sufficient. Here
we see that, under a free trade in corn,
and in consequence of a free trade,
ruinous enhancements of price would
arise—such in magnitude as never
could have arisen under a wise limitation
of foreign competition. And
further, we see that under our present
system no enhancement is, or could
be, absolutely injurious; it might be
so relatively—it might be so in relation
to the poor consumer; but in the mean
time, that guinea which might be lost
to the consumer would be gained to
the farmer. Now, in the case supposed,
under a free corn trade the rise
is commensurate to the previous injury
sustained by the farmer; and
much of the extra bonus reaped goes
to a foreign interest. What we insist
upon, however, is this one fact, that
alternately the British corn-laws
have raised the price of grain and have
sunk it; they have raised the price in
the case where else there would have
been a ruinous depreciation—ruinous
to the prospects of succeeding years;
they have sunk it under the natural
and usual oscillations of weather to be
looked for in these succeeding years.
And each way their action has been
most moderate. For let not the reader
forget, that on the system of a sliding-scale,
this action cannot be otherwise
than moderate. Does the price rise?
Does it threaten to rise higher? Instantly
the very evil redresses itself.
As the evil, i.e. the price, increases,
in that exact proportion does it open
the gate to relief; for exactly so does
the duty fall. Does the price fall
ruinously?—(in which case it is true
that the instant sufferer is the farmer;
but through him, as all but the short-sighted
must see, the consumer will
become the reversionary sufferer)—immediately
the duty rises, and forbids
an accessary evil from abroad to
aggravate the evil at home. So gentle
and so equable is the play of those
weights which regulate our whole machinery,
whilst the late correction
applied even here by Sir Robert Peel,
has made this gentle action still gentler;
so that neither of the two parties—consumers
who to live must buy, growers
who to live must sell—can, by possibility,
feel an incipient pressure before
it is already tending to relieve itself.
It is the very perfection of art to make
a malady produce its own medicine—an
evil its own relief. But that
which here we insist on, is, that it
never was the object of our own corn-laws
to increase the price of corn;
secondly, that the real object was
a condition of equipoise which abstractedly
is quite unconnected with
either rise of price or fall of price;
and thirdly, that, as a matter of fact,
our corn-laws have as often reacted
to lower the price, as directly they
have operated to raise it; whilst
eventually, and traced through succeeding
years, equally the raising
and the lowering have co-operated to
that steady temperature (or nearest
approximation to it allowed by nature)
which is best suited to a comprehensive
system of interests. Accursed
is that man who, in speaking
upon so great a question, will seek,
or will consent, to detach the economic
considerations of that question
from the higher political considerations
at issue. Accursed is that man
who will forget the noble yeomanry
we have formed through an agriculture
chiefly domestic, were it even
true that so mighty a benefit had
been purchased by some pecuniary
loss. But this it is which we are now
denying. We affirm peremptorily,
and as a fact kept out of sight only
by the neglect of pursuing the case
through a succession of years under
the natural fluctuation of seasons,
that, upon the series of the last seventy
years, viewed as a whole, we have
paid less for our corn by means of
the corn-laws, than we should have
done in the absence of such laws.
It was, says Mr Cobden, the purpose
of such laws to make corn
dear; it is, says he, the effect, to make
it cheap. Yes, in the last clause
his very malice drove him into the
truth. Speaking to farmers, he
found it requisite to assert that they
had been injured; and as he knew of
no injury to them other than a low
price, that he postulated at the cost
of his own logic, and quite forgetting
that if the farmer had lost, the consumer
must have gained in that very
ratio. Rather than not assert a failure
quoad the intention of the corn-laws,
he actually asserts a national
benefit quoad the result. And, in a
[Pg 543]
rapture of malice to the lawgivers, he
throws away for ever, at one victorious
sling, the total principles of an
opposition to the law.[29]

But enough, and more than enough,
of THE nuisance. It will be expected,
however, that we should notice two
collateral points, both wearing an air
of the marvellous, which have grown
out of the nuisance during the recent
session. One is the relaxation of our
laws with respect to Canadian corn;
a matter of no great importance in
itself, but furnishing some reasons for
astonishment in regard to the disproportioned
opposition which it has excited.
Undoubtedly the astonishment
is well justified, if we view the measure
for what it was really designed by
the minister—viz. as a momentary measure,
suited merely to the current circumstances
of our relation to Canada.
Long before any evil can arise from it,
through changes in these circumstances,
the law will have been modified.
Else, and having, regard to the remote
contingencies of the case (possible
or probable) rather than to its
instant certainties, we are disposed to
think, that the irritation which this
little anomalous law has roused
amongst some of the landholders, is
not quite so unaccountable, or so disproportionate,
as the public have been
taught to imagine. True it is, that
for the present, lis est de paupere regno.
Any surplus of grain which, at this
moment, Canada could furnish, must
be quite as powerless upon our home
markets, as the cattle, living or salted
which have been imported under the
tariff in 1842 and 1843. But the fears
of Canada potentially, were not therefore
unreasonable, because the actual
Canada is not in a condition for instantly
using her new privileges.
Corn, that hitherto had not been
grown, both may be grown, and certainly
will be grown, as soon as the
new motive for growing it, the new
encouragement, becomes operatively
known. Corn, again, that from local
difficulties did not find its way to
eastern markets, will do so by continual
accessions, swelling gradually
into a powerful stream, as the many
improvements of the land and water
communication, now contemplated, or
already undertaken, come into play.
Another fear connects itself with possible
evasions of the law by the United
States. Cross an imaginary frontier
line, and that will become Canadian
which was not Canadian by its origin.
We are told, indeed, that merely by
its bulk, grain will always present an
obstacle to any extensive system of
smuggling. But obstacles are not
impossibilities. And these obstacles,
it must be remembered, are not
founded in the vigilance of revenue
officers, but simply in the cost; an
[Pg 544]
element of difficulty which is continually
liable to change. So that upon
the whole, and as applying to the reversions
of the case, rather than to
its present phenomena, undoubtedly
there are dangers a-head to our own
landed interest from that quarter of
the horizon. For the present, it should
be enough to say, that these dangers
are yet remote. And perhaps it would
have been enough under other circumstances.
But it is the tendency of
the bill which suggests alarm. All
changes in our day tend to the consummation
of free trade: and this
measure, travelling in that direction,
reasonably becomes suspicious by its
principle, though innocent enough by
its immediate operation.

The other point connected with the
corn question is personal. Among
the many motions and notices growing
out of the dispute, which we hold
it a matter of duty to neglect, was
one brought forward by Lord John
Russell. Upon what principle, or
with what object? Strange to say, he
refused to explain. That it must be
some modification applied to a fixed
duty, every body knew; but of what
nature Lord John declined to tell us,
until he should reach a committee
which he had no chance of obtaining.
This affair, which surprised every
body, is of little importance as regards
the particular subject of the motion.
But in a more general relation, it is
worthy of attention. No man interested
in the character and efficiency
of Parliament, can fail to wish that
there may always exist a strong opposition,
vigilant, bold, unflinching, full
of partizanship, if you will, but uniformly
suspending the partizanship at
the summons of paramount national
interests, and acting harmoniously
upon some systematic plan. How
little the present unorganized opposition
answers to this description, it is
unnecessary to say. The nation is
ashamed of a body so determinately
below its functions. But Lord John
Russell is individually superior to his
party. He is a man of sense, of information,
and of known official experience.
Now, if he, so notoriously
the wise man of “her Majesty’s Opposition,”
is capable of descending to
harlequin caprices of this extreme order,
the nation sees with pain, that a
constitutional function of control is
extinct in our present senate, and that
her Majesty’s Ministers must now be
looked to as their own controllers.
With the levity of a child, Lord John
makes a motion, which, if adopted,
would have landed him in defeat;
but through utter want of judgment
and concert with his party, he does
not get far enough to be defeated: he
does not succeed in obtaining the prostration
for which he manœuvres; but
is saved from a final exposure of his
little statesmanship by universal mockery
of his miserable partizanship.
Alas for the times in which Burke
and Fox wielded the forces of Parliamentary
opposition, and redoubled the
energies of Government by the energies
of their enlightened resistance!

In quitting the subject of the corn
agitation, (obstinately pursued through
the session,) we may remark—and we
do so with pain—that all laws whatsoever,
strong or lax, upon this question
are to be regarded as provisional.
The temper of society being what it
is, some small gang of cotton-dealers,
moved by the rankest self-interest,
finding themselves suffered to agitate
almost without opposition, and the ancient
landed interest of the country,
if not silenced, being silent, it is felt
by all parties that no law, in whatever
direction, upon this great problem,
can have a chance of permanence.
The natural revenge which we may
promise ourselves is—that the lunacies
of the free-trader, when acted
upon, as too surely they will be, may
prove equally fugitive. Meantime, it
is not by provisional acts, or acts of
sudden emergency, that we estimate
the service of a senate. It is the solemn
and deliberate laws, those which
are calculated for the wear and tear
of centuries, which hold up a mirror
to the legislative spirit of the times.

Of laws bearing this character, if
we except the inaugural essays at
improving the law of libel, and at
founding a system of national education,
of which the latter has failed
for the present in a way fitted to cause
some despondency, the last session
offers us no conspicuous example, beyond
the one act of Lord Aberdeen
for healing and tranquillizing the
wounds of the Scottish church. Self-inflicted
these wounds undeniably
were; but they were not the less
severe on that account, nor was the
contagion of spontaneous martyrdom
on that account the less likely to
[Pg 545]
spread. In reality, the late astonishing
schism in the Scottish church
(astonishing because abrupt) is, in one
respect, without precedent. Every
body has heard of persecutions that
were courted; but in such a case, at
least, the spirit of persecution must
have had a local existence, and to some
extent must have uttered menaces—or
how should those menaces have been
defied? Now, the “persecutions,” before
which a large section of the Scottish
church has fallen by an act of spontaneous
martyrdom, were not merely needlessly
defied, but were originally self-created;
they were evoked, like phantoms
and shadows, by the martyrs
themselves, out of blank negations.
Without provocation ab extra, without
warning on their own part, suddenly
they place themselves in an attitude of
desperate defiance to the known law of
the land. The law firmly and tranquilly
vindicates itself; the whole series of
appeals is threaded; the original judgment,
as a matter of course, is finally
re-affirmed—and this is the persecution
insinuated; whilst the necessity
of complying with that decision, which
does not express any novelty even to
the extent of a new law, but simply
the ordinary enforcement of an old
one, is the kind of martyrdom resulting.
The least evil of this fantastic
martyrdom, is the exit from the pastoral
office of so many persons trained,
by education and habit, to the effectual
performance of the pastoral duties.
That loss—though not without
signal difficulty, from the abruptness
of the summons—will be supplied.
But there is a greater evil which cannot
be healed—the breach of unity in
the church. The scandal, the offence,
the occasion of unhappy constructions
upon the doctrinal soundness of the
church, which have been thus ministered
to the fickle amongst her own
children—to the malicious amongst her
enemies, are such as centuries do not
easily furnish, and centuries do not
remove. In all Christian churches
alike, the conscientiousness which is
the earliest product of heartfelt religion,
has suggested this principle,
that schism, for any cause, is a perilous
approach to sin; and that, unless
in behalf of the weightiest interests or
of capital truths, it is inevitably criminal.
And in connexion with this consideration,
there arise two scruples to
all intelligent men upon this crisis in
the Scottish church, and they are scruples
which at this moment, we are
satisfied, must harass the minds of the
best men amongst the seceders—viz.
First, whether the new points contended
for, waiving all controversy
upon their abstract doctrinal truth,
are really such, in practical virtue,
that it could be worth purchasing them
at the cost of schism? Secondly, supposing
a good man to have decided
this question in the affirmative for a
young society of Christians, for a
church in its infancy, which, as yet,
might not have much to lose in credit
or authentic influence—whether the
same free license of rupture and final
secession could belong to an ancient
church, which had received eminent
proofs of Divine favour through a long
course of spiritual prosperity almost
unexampled? Indeed, this last question
might suggest another paramount
to the other two—viz. not whether
the points at issue were weighty
enough to justify schism and hostile
separation, but whether those points
could even be safe as mere speculative
credenda, which, through so long a
period of trial, and by so memorable
a harvest of national services, had
been shown to be unnecessary?

Very sure we are, that no eminent
servant of the Scottish church could
abandon, without anguish of mind,
the multitude of means and channels,
that great machinery for dispensing
living truths, which the power and
piety of the Scottish nation have matured
through three centuries of pure
Christianity militant. Solemn must
have been the appeal, and searching,
which would force its way to the conscience
on occasion of taking the last
step in so sad an exodus from the Jerusalem
of his fathers. Anger and
irritation can do much to harden the
obduracy of any party conviction, especially
whilst in the centre of fiery
partisans. But sorrow, in such a case,
is a sentiment of deeper vitality than
anger; and this sorrow for the result
will co-operate with the original
scruples on the casuistry of the questions,
to reproduce the demur and the
struggle many times over, in consciences
of tender sensibility.

Exactly for men in this state of
painful collision with their own higher
nature, is Lord Aberdeen’s bill likely
to furnish the bias which can give rest
to their agitations, and firmness to
[Pg 546]
their resolutions. The bill, according
to some, is too early, and, according
to others, too late. Why too early? Because,
say they, it makes concessions to
the church, which as yet are not proved
to be called for. These concessions
travel on the very line pursued by the
seceders, and must give encouragement
to that spirit of religious movement
which it has been found absolutely
requisite to rebuke by acts of
the legislature. Why, on the other
hand, is Lord Aberdeen’s bill too
late? Because, three years ago, it
would, or it might, have prevented
the secession. But is this true? Could
this bill have prevented the secession?
We believe not. Lord Aberdeen, undoubtedly,
himself supposes that it
might. But, granting that this were
true, whose fault is it that a three
years’ delay has intercepted so happy
a result? Lord Aberdeen assures us
that the earlier success of the bill was
defeated entirely by the resistance of
the Government at that period, and
chiefly by the personal resistance of
Lord Melbourne. Let that minister
be held responsible, if any ground has
been lost that could have been peacefully
pre-occupied against the schism.
This, however, seems to us a chimera.
For what is it that the bill concedes?
Undoubtedly it restrains and modifies
the right of patronage. It grants a
larger discretion to the ecclesiastical
courts than had formerly been exercised
by the usage. Some contend,
that in doing so the bill absolutely alters
the law as it stood heretofore, and
ought, therefore, to be viewed as
enactory; whilst others maintain that
is simply a declaratory bill, not altering
the law at all, but merely expressing,
in fuller or in clearer terms,
what had always been law, though silently
departed from by the usage,
which, from the time of Queen Anne,
had allowed a determinate preponderance
to the rights of property in the
person of the patron. Those, indeed,
who take the former view, contending
that it enacts a new principle of law,
very much circumscribing the old
right of patronage, insist upon it that
the bill virtually revokes the decision
of the Lords in the Auchterarder case.
Technically and formally speaking,
this is not true; for the presbytery, or
other church court, is now tied up to
a course of proceeding which at Auchterarder
was violently evaded. The
court cannot now peremptorily challenge
the nominee in the arbitrary
mode adopted in that instance. An
examination must be instituted within
certain prescribed limits. But undoubtedly
the contingent power of the
church court, in the case of the nominee
not meeting the examination satisfactorily,
is much larger now, under
the new bill, than it was under the old
practice; so that either this practice
must formerly have swerved from the
letter of the law, or else the new law,
differing from the old, is really more
than declaratory. Yet, however this
may be, it is clear that the jurisdiction
of the church in the matter of patronage,
however ample it may seem as
finally ascertained or created by the
new bill, falls far within the extravagant
outline marked out by the seceders.
We argue, therefore, that it
could not have prevented their secession
even as regards that part of their
pretensions; whilst, as regards the
monstrous claim to decide in the last
resort what shall be civil and what spiritual—that
is, in a question of clashing
jurisdiction, to settle on their own
behalf where shall fall the boundary
line—it may be supposed that Lord
Aberdeen would no more countenance
their claim in any point of practice,
than all rational legislators would
countenance it as a theory. How,
therefore, could this bill have prevented
the rent in the church, so
far as it has yet extended? On
the other hand, though apparently
powerless for that effect, it is well calculated
to prevent a second secession.
Those who are at all disposed to follow
the first seceders, stand in this
situation. By the very act of adhering
to the Establishment when the
ultra party went out, they made it
abundantly manifest that they do not
go to the same extreme in their requisitions.
But, upon any principle
which falls short of that extreme being
at all applicable to this church
question, it is certain that Lord Aberdeen’s
measure will be found to satisfy
their wishes; for that measure, if it
errs at all, errs by conceding too much
rather than too little. It sustains all
objections to a candidate on their own
merit, without reference to the quarter
from which they arise, so long as they
are relevant to the proper qualifications
of a parish clergyman. It gives
effect to every argument that can
[Pg 547]
reasonably be urged against a nominee—either
generally, on the ground of his
moral conduct, his orthodoxy, and his
intellectual attainments; or specially,
in relation to his fitness for any local
varieties of the situation. A Presbyterian
church has always been regarded
as, in some degree, leaning to a
republican character, but a republic
may be either aristocratic or democratic:
now, Lord Aberdeen has favoured
the democratic tendency of the
age by making the probationary examination
of the candidate as much
of a popular examination, and as open
to the impression of objections arising
with the body of the people, as could
be done with any decent regard either
to the rights yet recognised in the
patron, or, still more, to the professional
dignity of the clerical order.

Upon the whole, therefore, we
look upon Lord Aberdeen as a national
benefactor, who has not only
turned aside a current running headlong
into a revolution, but in doing
this exemplary service, has contrived
to adjust the temperament very equitably
between, 1st, the individual
nominee, having often his livelihood
at stake; 2dly, the patron, exercising
a right of property interwoven with
our social system, and not liable to
any usurpation which would not
speedily extend itself to other modes
of property; 3dly, the church, considered
as the trustee or responsible
guardian of orthodoxy and sound learning;
4thly, the same church considered
as a professional body, and, therefore,
as interested in upholding the
dignity of each individual clergyman,
and his immunity from frivolous cavils,
however much against him they
are interested in detecting his insufficiency;
and, 5thly, the body of the
congregation, as undoubtedly entitled
to have the qualifications of their future
pastor rigorously investigated.
All these separate claims, embodied
in five distinct parties, Lord Aberdeen
has delicately balanced and fixed in a
temperate equipoise by the machinery
of his bill. Whilst, if we enquire for
the probable effects of this bill upon
the interests of pure and spiritual religion,
the promise seems every way
satisfactory. The Jacobinical and
precipitous assaults of the Non-intrusionists
upon the rights of property
are summarily put down. A great
danger is surmounted. For if the
rights of patrons were to be arbitrarily
trampled under foot on a pretence
of consulting for the service of religion;
on the next day, with the same
unprincipled levity, another party
might have trampled on the patrimonial
rights of hereditary descent, on
primogeniture, or any institution
whatever, opposed to the democratic
fanaticism of our age. No patron
can now thrust an incompetent or
a vicious person upon the religious
ministrations of the land. It must be
through their own defect of energy,
if any parish is henceforth burdened
with an incumbent reasonably obnoxious.
It must be the fault of the
presbytery or other church court, if
the orthodox standards of the church
are not maintained in their purity.
It must be through his own fault, or
his own grievous defects, if any qualified
candidate for the church ministry
is henceforth vexatiously rejected.
It must be through some scandalous
oversight in the selection of presentees,
if any patron is defeated of his
right to present.

Contrast with these great services
the menaces and the tendencies of the
Non-Intrusionists, on the assumption
that they had kept their footing in
the church. It may be that, during
this generation, from the soundness
of the individual partisans, the orthodox
standards of the church would
have been maintained as to doctrine.
But all the other parties interested in
the church, except the church herself,
as a depositary of truth, would
have been crushed at one blow. This
is apparent, except only with regard
to the congregation of each parish.
That body, it may be thought, could
not but have benefited by the change;
for the very motive and the pretence
of the movement arose on their behalf.
But mark how names disguise
facts, and to what extent a virtual
hostility may lurk under an apparent
protection. Lord Aberdeen, because
he limits the right of the congregation,
is supposed to destroy it; but in the
mean time he secures to every parish
in Scotland a true and effectual influence,
so far as that body ought to
have it, (that is, negatively,) upon the
choice of its pastor. On the other
hand, the whole storm of the Non-intrusionists
was pointed at those who
refused to make the choice of a pastor
altogether popular. It was the people,
[Pg 548]
considered as a congregation, who
ought to appoint the teacher by whom
they were to be edified. So far, the
party of seceders come forward as
martyrs to their democratic principles.
And they drew a colourable sanction
to their democracy from the great
names of Calvin, Zuinglius, and John
Knox. Unhappily for them, Sir William
Hamilton has shown, by quotations
the most express and absolute
from these great authorities, that no
such democratic appeal as the Non-intrusionists
have presumed, was ever
contemplated for an instant by any
one amongst the founders of the Reformed
churches. That Calvin, whose
jealousy was so inexorable towards
princes and the sons of princes—that
John Knox, who never “feared the
face of man that was born of woman”—were
these great Christian champions
likely to have flinched from installing
a popular tribunal, had they believed
it eligible for modern times, or warranted
by ancient times? In the learning
of the question, therefore, Non-intrusionists
showed themselves grossly
wrong. Meantime it is fancied that
at least they were generously democratic,
and that they manifested their
disinterested love of justice by creating
a popular control that must have
operated chiefly against their own
clerical order. What! is that indeed
so? Now, finally, take another instance
how names belie facts. The
people were to choose their ministers;
the council for election of the pastor
was to be a popular council abstracted
from the congregation: but how? but
under what conditions? but by whom
abstracted? Behold the subtle design:—This
pretended congregation
was a small faction; this counterfeit
“people” was the petty gathering of
COMMUNICANTS; and the communicants
were in effect within the appointment
of the clergyman. They
formed indirectly a secret committee
of the clergy. So that briefly, Lord
Aberdeen, whilst restraining the popular
courts, gives to them a true popular
authority; and the Non-intrusionists,
whilst seeming to set up a
democratic idol, do in fact, by dexterous
ventriloquism, throw their own
all-potential voice into its passive
organs.

We may seem to owe some apology
to our readers for the space which we
have allowed to this great moral
émeute in Scotland. But we hardly
think so ourselves. For in our own
island, and in our own times, nothing
has been witnessed so nearly bordering
on a revolution. Indeed, it is
painful to hear Dr Chalmers, since
the secession, speaking of the Scottish
aristocracy in a tone of scornful
hatred, not surpassed by the most
Jacobinical language of the French
Revolution in the year 1792. And,
if this movement had not been checked
by Parliament, and subsequently
by the executive Government, in its
comprehensive provision for the future,
by the measure we have been
reviewing, we cannot doubt that the
contagion of the shock would have
spread immediately to England, which
part of the island has been long prepared
and manured, as we might say,
for corresponding struggles, by the
continued conspiracy against church-rates.
In both cases, an attack on
church property, once allowed to
prosper or to gain any stationary footing,
would have led to a final breach
in the life and serviceable integrity of
the church.

Of the Factory bill, we are sorry
that we are hardly entitled to speak.
In the loss of the educational clauses,
that bill lost all which could entitle it
to a separate notice; and, where the
Government itself desponds as to any
future hope of succeeding, private
parties may have leave to despair.
One gleam of comfort, however, has
shone out since the adjournment of
Parliament. The only party to the
bitter resistance under which this
measure failed, whom we can sincerely
compliment with full honesty of
purpose—viz. the Wesleyan Methodists—have
since expressed (about the
middle of September) sentiments very
like compunction and deep sorrow
for the course they felt it right to pursue.
They are fully aware of the
malignity towards the Church of England,
which governed all other parties
to the opposition excepting themselves;
and in the sorrowful result of
that opposition, which has terminated
in denying all extension of education
to the labouring youth of the nation,
they have learned (like the conscientious
men that they are) to suspect
the wisdom and the ultimate principle
of the opposition itself. Fortunately,
they are a most powerful body; to
express regret for what they have done,
[Pg 549]
and hesitation at the casuistry of those
motives which reconciled them to their
act at the moment is possibly but the
next step to some change in their counsels;
in which case this single body,
in alliance with the Church of England,
would be able to carry the great
measure which has been crushed for
the present by so unexampled a resistance.
Much remains to be said, both
upon the introductory statements of
Lord Ashley, with which (in spite of
our respect for that nobleman) we do
not coincide, and still more upon the
extensive changes, and the principles
of change, which must be brought to
bear upon a national system of education,
before it can operate with that
large effect of benefit which so many
anticipate from its adoption. But this
is ample matter for a separate discussion.

Lastly, let us notice the Irish Arms’
bill; which, amongst the measures
framed to meet the momentary exigence
of the times, stands foremost in
importance. This is one of those fugitive
and casual precautions, which, by
intense seasonableness, takes its rank
amongst the permanent means of pacification.
Bridling the instant spirit
of uproar, carrying the Irish nation
over that transitional state of temptation,
which, being once gone by, cannot,
we believe, be renewed for generations,
this, with other acts in the same
temper, will face whatever peril still
lingers in the sullen rear of Mr
O’Connell’s dying efforts. For that
gentleman, personally, we believe
him to be nearly extinct. Two months
ago we expressed our conviction, so
much the stronger in itself for having
been adopted after some hesitation,
that Sir Robert Peel had taken the
true course for eventually and finally
disarming him. We are thankful that
we have now nothing to recant. Progress
has been made in that interval
towards that consummation, quite equal
to any thing we could have expected
in so short a lapse of weeks. Mr
O’Connell is now showing the strongest
symptoms of distress, and of conscious
approach to the condition of
“check to the king.” Of these symptoms
we will indicate one or two. In
January 1843, he declared solemnly
that an Irish Parliament should instal
itself at Dublin before the year closed.
Early in May, he promised that on the
anniversary of that day the great
change should be solemnized. On a
later day in May, he proclaimed that
the event would come off (according
to a known nautical mode of advertising
the time of sailing) not upon a
settled day of that month but “in all
May” of 1844. Here the matter
rested until August 12, when again he
shifted his day to the corresponding
day of 1844. But September arrived,
and then “before those shoes were
old” in which he had made his
promise, he declares by letter, to some
correspondent, that he must have forty-three
months
for working out his plan.
Anther symptom, yet more significant,
is this: and strange to say it has
been overlooked by the daily press.
Originally he had advertised some
pretended Parliament of 300 Irishmen,
to which admission was to be
had for each member by a fee of
L.100. And several journals are
now telling him that, under the Convention
Act, he and his Parliament
will be arrested on the day of assembling.
Not at all. They do not attend
to his harlequin motions. Already
he has declared that this assembly,
which was to have been a Parliament,
is only to be a conciliatory committee,
an old association under some
new name, for deliberating on means
tending to a Parliament in some future
year, as yet not even suggested.

May we not say, after such facts,
that the game is up? The agitation
may continue, and it may propagate
itself. But for any interest of Mr
O’Connell’s, it is now passing out of
his hands.

In the joy with which we survey
that winding up of the affair, we can
afford to forget the infamous display
of faction during the discussion of the
Arms’ bill. Any thing like it, in pettiness
of malignity, has not been witnessed
during this century: any thing
like it, in impotence of effect, probably
will not be witnessed again during our
times. Thirteen divisions in one
night—all without hope, and without
even a verbal gain! This conduct
the nation will not forget at the next
election. But in the mean time the
peaceful friends of this yet peaceful
empire rejoice to know, that without
war, without rigour, without an effort
that could disturb or agitate—by mere
silent precautions, and the sublime
magnanimity of simply fixing upon the
guilty conspirator one steadfast eye
[Pg 550]
of vigilant preparation, the conspiracy
itself is melting into air, and the relics
of it which remain will soon
become fearful only to him who has
evoked it.

The game, therefore, is up, if we
speak of the purposes originally contemplated.
This appears equally from
the circumstances of the case without
needing the commentary of Mr O’Connell,
and from the acts no less than
the words of that conspirator. True
it is—and this is the one thing to be
feared—that the agitation, though extinct
for the ends of its author, may
propagate itself through the maddening
passions of the people, now perhaps
uncontrollably excited. Tumults
may arise, at the moment when further
excitement is impossible, simply
through that which is already in operation.
But that stage of rebellion is
open at every turn to the coercion of
the law: and it is not such a phasis
of conspiracy that Mr O’Connell
wishes to face, or can face. Speaking,
therefore, of the real objects pursued
in this memorable agitation, we cannot
but think that as the roll of possible
meetings is drawing nearer to
exhaustion, as all other arts fail, and
mere written addresses are renewed,
(wanting the inflammatory contagion
of personal meetings, and not accessible
to a scattered peasantry;) but above
all, as the day of instant action is once
again adjourned to a period both remote
and indefinite, the agitation must
be drooping, and virtually we may
repeat that the game is up. But
the last moves have been unusually
interesting. Not unlike the fascination
exercised over birds by the eye of
the rattlesnake, has been the impression
upon Mr O’Connell from the
fixed attention turned upon him by
Government. What they did was silent
and unostentatious; more, however,
than perhaps the public is aware
of in the way of preparation for an
outbreak. But the capital resource
of their policy was, to make Mr O’Connell
deeply sensible that they were
watching him. The eye that watched
over Waterloo was upon him: for
six months that eagle glance has
searched him and nailed him: and the
result, as it is now revealing itself,
may at length be expressed in the two
lines of Wordsworth otherwise applied—

“The vacillating bondsman of the Pope

Shrinks from the verdict of that steadfast eye.”

Edinburgh: Printed by Ballantyne and Hughes, Paul’s Work.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive; being a connected view of the
Principles of Evidence, and the Methods of Scientific Investigation. By John
Stuart Mill. In two volumes. London: Parker.

[2] Necessary truths multiply on us very fast. “We maintain,” says Mr Whewell,
“that this equality of mechanical action and reaction is one of the principles
which do not flow from, but regulate, our experience. A mechanical pressure,
not accompanied by an equal and opposite pressure, can no more be given by experience
than two unequal right angles. With the supposition of such inequalities,
space ceases to be space, form ceases to be form, matter ceases to be matter.”
And again he says, “That the parallelogram of forces is a necessary truth;” a law
of motion of which we surely can conceive its opposite to be true. In some of
these instances Mr Whewell appears, by a confusion of thought, to have given to
the physical fact the character of necessity which resides in the mathematical formula
employed for its expression. Whether a moving body would communicate
motion to another body—whether it would lose its own motion by so doing—or
what would be the result if a body were struck by two other bodies moving in
different directions—are questions which, if they could be asked us prior to experience,
we could give no answer whatever to—which we can easily conceive
to admit of a quite different answer to that which experience has taught us
to give.

[3] Travels of Kerim Khan; being a narrative of his Journey from Delhi to Calcutta,
and thence by Sea to England: containing his remarks upon the manners, customs,
laws, constitutions, literature, arts, manufactures, &c., of the people of the British
Isles. Translated from the original Oordu—(MS.)

[4] Shalwarlek—”tight trousers”—was a phrase used, under the old Turkish régime,
as equivalent to a blackguard.

[5] The Moslems, and other natives of India descended from foreign races, are properly
called Hindustanis, while the aborigines are the Hindus—a distinction not well
understood in Europe. The former take their name from the country, as natives of
Hindustan
, which has derived its own name from the latter, as being the country of
the Hindus
.

[6] Journal of a Residence of Two Years and a Half in Great Britain, by Jehangeer
Nowrojee and Hirjeebhoy Merwanjee of Bombay, Naval Architects. London: 1841.

[7] Many of our readers must have seen the beautiful ivory model of this far-famed
edifice, lately exhibited in Regent Street, and now, we believe, in the Cambridge University
museum. It is fortunate that so faithful a miniature transcript of the beauties
of the Taj is in existence, since the original is doomed, as we are informed, to
inevitable ruin at no distant period, from the ravages of the white ants on the woodwork.

[8] These sacred footmarks are more numerous among the Buddhists than the Moslems—the
most celebrated is that on the summit of Adam’s Peak, in Ceylon.

[9] Most of the principal cities of India, in addition to the ancient name by which
they are popularly known, have another imposed by the Moslems:—thus Agra is
Akbarabad, the residence of Akbar—Delhi, Shahjehanabad; and Patna, Azimabad.
In some instances, as Dowlutabad in the Dekkan, the Hindu name of which is
Deogiri, the Mohammedan appellation has superseded the ancient name; but, generally
speaking, the latter is that in common use.

[10] “So called from Kali, the Hindu goddess, and kata, laughter; because human
victims were formerly here sacrificed to her.”

[11] From the sanctity attached by Oriental ideas to the privacy of the harem, it is a
high crime and misdemeanour, punishable by law in all Moslem countries, to erect
buildings overlooking the residence of a neighbour. At Constantinople, there is an
officer called the Minar Aga, or superintendent of edifices, whose especial duty it is to
prevent this.

[12] “Almost immediately on leaving Allahabad,” (on his way from Calcutta to the
Upper Provinces,) “I was struck with the appearance of the men, as tall and muscular
as the largest stature of Europeans; and with the fields of wheat, almost the only
cultivation.”—Heber’s Journal, vol. iii. “Some of our boatmen passing through a
field of Indian corn, plucked two or three ears, certainly not enough to constitute a
theft, or even a trespass. Two of the men, however, who were watching, ran after
them, not as the Bengalis would have done, to complain with joined hands, but with
stout bamboos, prepared to do themselves justice par voye de faict. The men saved
themselves by swimming off to the boat; but my servants called out to them—’Ah!
dandee folk, beware, you are now in Hindustan; the people here know well how to
fight, and are not afraid.'”

[13] “I told his (Pertab Chund’s) father, that it was wrong to keep him where he
then was, and he told me to take him down to the river. He was lifted up on his bedding;
his speech was not very distinct at that time, but sufficiently so to call on the
name of his T’hakoor, (spiritual guide,) which he did as desired; he then began to
shiver, and complained of being very cold. I was one of those who went with the
rajah to the river side. Jago Mohun Dobee pressed his legs under the water, and
kept them so; and about 10 p.m. his soul quitted the body. When he died, his
knees were under water, but the rest of his body above.” Evidence of Radha Sircar
and Sham Chum Baboo, before the Mofussil Court of Hoogly, September 1838, in the
enquiry on the impostor Kistololl, who personated the deceased Pertab.

[14] Tazîya, literally grief, is an ornamental shrine erected in Moslem houses during
the Mohurrum, and intended to represent the mausoleum of Hassan and Hussein, at
Kerbelah in Persia. On the 10th and last day of the mourning, the tazîyas are carried
in procession to the outside of the city, and finally deposited with funeral rites in the
burying-grounds.—See Mrs Meer Hassan Ali’s Observations on the Mussulmans of
India. Letter I.

[15] Reminiscences of Syria. By Colonel E. Napier.

[16] Modern Painters—their Superiority in the Art of Landscape Painting to all the
Ancient Masters, &c. &c. By a Graduate of Oxford.

[17] From a rough calculation taken from the returns of those left dead on the fields
of battle in which Napoleon commanded, from Montenotte to Waterloo, we make
the amount 1,811,500; and if we add those who died subsequently of their wounds in
the petty skirmishes, the losses in which are not reported, and in the naval fights, of
which, though Napoleon was not present, he was the cause, the number given in the
text will be far under the mark. A picture of the fathers, mothers, wives, children,
and relatives of these victims, receiving the news of their death, would give a lively
idea of the benefits conferred upon the world by Napoleon.

[18] Nov. Org. Aph. 29.

[19] Impetus Philosophici, p. 681.

[20] In any thing we have above said, we trust it is unnecessary to disclaim the
slightest intention of discouraging those whose want of conventional advantages only
renders their merit more conspicuous; we find fault not with the uneducated for cultivating
science, but with the educated for neglecting it.

[21] Cours de Philosophie Positive, vol. ii. p. 409.

[22] Each Fellow can, indeed, by express permission of the Society, take with him two
friends.

[23] An anonymous author, who has attracted some attention in France, in commenting
on the rejection of Victor Hugo, and the election of a physician, says—that nothing
could be more natural or proper, as the senility and feebleness of the Académie made
it more in want of a physician than a poet.

[24] Edin. Rev. No. 159.

[25] Brewster’s Life of Newton, p. 35.

[26] Carlyle on Hero Worship.

[27] Commentaries, vol. i. p. 277.

[28] A hammil sconce, or light of the hamlet, is the picturesque expression in secluded
parts of Lancashire for the local wise man, or village counsellor.

[29] Those who fancy a possible evasion of the case supposed above, by saying, that if
a failure, extensive as to England, should coincide with a failure extensive as to Poland,
remedies might be found in importing from many other countries combined, forget
one objection, which is decisive—these supplementary countries must be many,
and they must be distant. For no country could singly supply a defect of great extent,
unless it were a defect annually and regularly anticipated. A surplus never designed
as a fixed surplus for England, but called for only now and then, could never be more
than small. Therefore the surplus, which could not be yielded by one country, must
be yielded by many. In that proportion increase the probabilities that a number will
have no surplus. And, secondly, from the widening distances, in that proportion
increases the extent of shipping required. But now, even from Mr Porter, a most prejudiced
writer on this question, and not capable of impartiality in speaking upon any
measure which he supposes hostile to the principle of free trade, the reader may learn
how certainly any great hiatus in our domestic growth of corn is placed beyond all
hope of relief. For how is this grain, this relief, to be brought? In ships, you reply.
Ay, but in what ships? Do you imagine that an extra navy can lie rotting in docks,
and an extra fifty thousand of sailors can be held in reserve, and borne upon the books
of some colossal establishment, waiting for the casual seventh, ninth, or twelfth year
in which they may be wanted—kept and paid against an “in case,” like the extra
supper, so called by Louis XIV., which waited all night on the chance that it might
be wanted? That, you say, is impossible. It is so; and yet without such a reserve,
all the navies of Europe would not suffice to make up such a failure of our home crops
as is likely enough to follow redundant years under the system of unlimited competition.—See
Porter.


Transcriber’s Note

Minor typographic errors have been corrected. Please note there is
some archaic spelling, which has been retained as printed. There are a
few snippets of Greek, a few instances of the letter a with macron
(straight line) over it, and some oe ligatures; you may need to adjust
your settings for these to display correctly.

Scroll to Top