[Frontispiece:] TRIBAL MAP OF DAVAO DISTRICT”

FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY.
PUBLICATION 170.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES       
VOL. XII, No. 2.

THE WILD TRIBES
OF DAVAO DISTRICT,
MINDANAO

by

FAY-COOPER COLE

Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology

The R. F. Cummings Philippine Expedition

GEORGE A. DORSEY
Curator, Department of Anthropology

CHICAGO, U. S. A.
September, 1913

The material presented in this paper was obtained, for the most part,
during a stay of seven months among the tribes of Davao District in
Southern Mindanao of the Philippine Islands. Previous to this I had
spent a like period studying the Bukidnon, of the North-Central part of
the Island, and while thus engaged, had penetrated to within about fifty
miles of the Gulf of Davao. In order to trace migrations, relationships,
and trade routes, it was determined to continue the work from the Gulf
coast toward the interior. In pursuance of this plan I went to Davao in
July, nineteen hundred and ten.

All information to be secured from publications, settlers, or natives
was to the effect that there were at least fourteen distinct tribes to
be met with in the Gulf region. The preliminary reconnaissance of the
field made it plain that the earlier classifications were greatly at
fault. Several divisions recognized as tribes were found to be only
dialect groups, while others differing in no essential respects from one
another secured names from the districts in which they resided. It was
also found that in recent years there had been a considerable movement
of the hill people toward the coast, and that in some places they had
penetrated and established themselves in the territory formerly held by
other tribes.

The capture of slaves, intermarriage, and trade between the groups
have been powerful influences in obliterating tribal lines, thus adding
further confusion to the classification of the people.

The field offered so much of interest that I determined to make
detailed studies of the various tribes encountered. The work progressed
satisfactorily for seven months, when a severe illness caused me to
leave the tropics for a time, at least. As a result the work with the
Gulf tribes is still far from complete. The tribes living on or near the
upper waters of the Agusan river and north of Compostela were not
visited, and, hence, will not be mentioned here, while certain other
divisions received only scant attention. No attempt is here made to
treat of the Christianized or Mohammedanized people, who inhabit a
considerable part of the coast and the Samal Islands, further than to
indicate their influence on the wild tribes. Both have settled in Davao
District in historic times, and have taken many native converts into
their villages. From these settlements new ideas, types of garments, and
industries have spread toward the interior, while the extensive slave
trade carried on by the Moro has had a marked effect on all the tribes
with whom they have come in contact.

In the preparation of this paper I have, so far as possible, drawn on
the knowledge of others to fill in the gaps in my own notes. In spite of
this the information on certain groups is still so scanty that this can
be, at best, only a sketch. It is offered at this time in the hope that
it may serve as a help to other anthropologists who may plan to visit
this most interesting field.

I wish here to extend my thanks to the various civil and military
authorities who gave me valuable assistance; also to Captain James
Burchfield, H. S. Wilson, James Irwin, Otto Hanson, William Gohn, Henry
Hubbell, and Juan de la Cruz, planters, whose wide knowledge of, and
acquaintance with the interior tribes made possible my work in many
localities.

It is a pleasure and a duty to acknowledge the assistance rendered by
my wife, who accompanied me throughout my Philippine work. Her presence
made it possible to secure the complete confidence of the hill people,
and thus to gain an insight into their home life which otherwise would
have been impossible. A large part of the material here presented,
particularly that relating to the women, was gathered by her and many of
the photographs are from her camera.

The dialects spoken by the tribes of central and southern Mindanao
are to be dealt with in a separate publication, so that at this time I
shall merely give a brief description of the characters appearing in the
native names used in this paper. The consonants are pronounced as in
English, except r which is as in Spanish. c is used as
ch in church, ñ, which occurs frequently, is a
palatal nasal. There is no clear articulation and the stop is not
present, but the back of the tongue is well up on the soft palate.

The vowels are used as follows:
macron-a like a in father
macron-e like a in fate
macron-i like i in ravine
macron-o like o in note
macron-u like u in flute
a, e, i, o, u, short of the above.

[Transcriber’s note: The macron-over-vowel orthographic symbols have
regretfully not been reproducible in this document.]

E is a sound between the obscure vowel e, as e
in sun, and the ur in burrow.

The dipthongs[sic] are ai like ai in aisle,
au like ou in mouse, or final Spanish ao as
in carabao, ei like ei in eight, oi
as in boy, also Eu, eu, etc.

FAY-COOPER COLE,
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology.
CHICAGO, September, 1913.

SYNONYMS:

  (a) GUIANGA, GUANGA, GULANGA
  (b) OBO
  (c) TIGDAPAYA
  (d) ETO

The west coast of Davao Gulf between Daliao and Digos is dotted with
small villages, the inhabitants of which are largely Bagobo who have
been converted to the Christian faith and have been induced to give up
their mountain homes and settle in towns. Back of this coast line rise
densely timbered mountain peaks, lateral spurs from which often
terminate in abrupt cliffs overlooking the sea. From other peaks
extensive grass covered plains slope gently down nearly to the water’s
edge. Deep river canons cut between these mountains and across the
plains, giving evidence of active erosion for a long period of time. If
these mountain chains and river courses are followed back it is found
that they all radiate from one stupendous mass, the center of which is
Mt. Apo, the highest mountain in the Philippines and reputed to be an
active volcano. Near to its summit is a deep fissure from which, on
clear mornings, columns of smoke or steam can be seen ascending, while
the first rays of the rising sun turn into gold, or sheets of white, the
fields of sulphur which surround the cone.

Along the lower eastern and southern slopes of this mountain and its
tributary peaks live the wilder branch of this tribe, whose traditions,
religious observances, and daily life are closely related to the
manifestations of latent energy in the old volcano.

The exact number who fall under this classification is not known,
Governor Bolton, who was intimately acquainted with the wild tribes of
the District, estimated their number at sixty-five hundred, but this
count did not include the sub-division here given as Obo. One
enumeration, made by a Jesuit missionary, places the population at
fifteen thousand, while the Government report of 1900 gives them
eighteen thousand four hundred. The latter estimates are certainly
excessive. It is probable that they were determined by compiling the
population of villages reported to exist in the interior.

The wilder members of this tribe are, to a certain extent, migratory,
moving their villages from one location to another according to the
demands of their mode of agriculture. Their rice fields are made in
mountain-side clearings, and as the ever present cogon grass[1] begins
to invade the open land they substitute sweet potatoes or hemp. In time
even these lusty plants give way to the rank grass, and the people find
it easier to make new clearings in the forest than to combat the pest
with the primitive tools at their command. This results in some new
fields each year, and when these are at too great a distance from the
dwellings the old settlements are abandoned and new ones formed at more
convenient locations.

[1] Imperata koenigii.

It is probable that the total number belonging to this tribe does not
exceed ten thousand persons.

The influence of the neighboring tribes and of the white man on the
Bagobo has been considerable. The desire for women, slaves, and loot, as
well as the eagerness of individual warriors for distinction, has caused
many hostile raids to be made against neighboring tribes. Similar
motives have led others to attack them and thus there has been, through
a long period, a certain exchange of blood, customs, and artifacts.
Peaceful exchange of commodities has also been carried on for many years
along the borders of their territory. With the advent of the Moro along
the sea coast a brisk trade was opened up and new industries introduced.
There seems to have been little, if any, intermarriage between these
people, but their relations were sufficiently close for the Moro to
exert a marked influence on the religious and civil life of the wilder
tribe, and to cause them to incorporate into their language many new
words and terms.

The friendly relations with the Moro seem to have been broken off
upon the arrival and settlement of the Spaniards in Davao. The newcomers
were then at war with the followers of Mohammed and soon succeeded in
enlisting the Bagobo rulers in their cause. A Chinese plate decorated
with the picture of a large blue fish was offered for each Moro head the
tribesmen presented to the Spanish commander. The desire for these
trophies was sufficient soon to start a brisk trade in heads, to judge
from the number of these plates still to be seen among the prized
objects of the petty rulers.

After the overthrow of Moro power on the coast, Jesuit missionaries
began their labors among the Bagobo, and later established their
followers in several villages. In 1886 Father Gisbert reported eight
hundred converts living in five coast towns. Following the conflict
between Spain and the United States, and during the subsequent
insurrection, these villages were left without protection or guidance.
As a result, large numbers of the inhabitants retired to the hills where
they were again merged with their wilder brothers. Naturally, they
carried with them new ideas as well as material objects. With the
re-establishment of order under American rule many returned to the
deserted villages while others were induced by Governor Bolton to form
compact settlements midway between the coast and the mountain
fastnesses. The influence of the Government has become stronger each
year, and following the human sacrifice at Talun in 1907, that powerful
village and several of the neighboring settlements were compelled to
move down near to the sea where they could be more easily
controlled.

Schools have been opened in some localities and these, together with
the activities of Catholic and Protestant missionaries, are causing a
rapid change in the life and beliefs of the tribe.

The presence of American hemp planters, with the consequent demand
for laborers, is also proving an immense factor in wiping out old tribal
lines and in introducing new ideas.

Beyond a few letters written by the missionaries[2] we find scant
reference to this tribe in history, but their own traditions and
genealogies are well known even by the younger generation.

[2] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands.

According to the tribal historians the human race sprang from a man,
Toglái, and his wife, Toglibon, who lived on Mt. Apo.[3] “They were
there from the beginning, at a point near to the present settlement of
Cibolan. Many fruits grew on the mountains and the forests abounded in
game so that it was easy for them to secure food. There were born to
them children, who, when they grew up, married. One day Toglái and
Toglibon told their oldest boy and girl that they should go far away
across the ocean, for there was a good place for them. So the two
departed and were seen no more until their descendants, the white
people, came back to Davao. The other children remained with their
parents and were happy and prosperous until Toglái and Toglibon died and
went to the sky, where they became spirits. Soon after their death the
country suffered a great drought. This finally became so severe that the
water in the rivers dried up and there was no more food in the land. At
last the children were forced to leave their home and seek out new
habitations in other parts. They traveled in pairs, in different
directions, until they came to favorable locations where they settled
down. From them have sprung all the tribes known to the Bagobo. One pair
was too weak to make the journey from the drought-cursed land, and staid
at Cibolan. One day the man crawled out into the ruined fields to see if
he could not find some one thing alive, and when he arrived there he
saw, to his amazement, a single stalk of sugar cane growing lustily. He
cut it with his knife, and water began to come out until there was
enough for the couple to drink. The flow did not cease until the rains
came again to refresh the land. From these two the tribe has again grown
until it numbers its members in the thousands. The people have remained
true to their belief in the spirits, and each year has found them
stronger in numbers, and richer in houses, land, and slaves.”

[3] See fuller account by author, in Philippine Journal of
Science. June 1911, Vol. VI, No. 3, pp. 128-9.

The genealogy of the Bagobo rulers is traced back through ten
generations. The first ruler of whom there is record was Salingolop,
during whose reign, it seems, the Spaniards first came to the
Philippines. According to the tale[4] “Salingolop was a man of great and
prodigious force, and as tall as the Lauan, which is the tallest tree in
these forests. He had three sons called Bato, Sipongos, and Calisquisan,
and a daughter named Panugutan. When the Spaniards arrived at Manila,
and found that there existed a man so tall and powerful, they sent a
battalion of soldiers. They disembarked on the shore of Bimigao near
Daron, and ascended the mountain where Salingolop lived. He was not
found, because at the time he was on the other side of the mountain
hunting wild boars, and the soldiers returned to the shore, taking
Panugutan as a hostage. Salingolop, having found out what had happened
descended the mountain alone to fight the soldiers which were there.
These fired on him, but in vain, because the balls could make no
impression. On seeing this, they dropped their rifles and with bars of
iron they struck him on the legs, trying to overthrow him. As he fell on
the side towards the sea, the noise of the waves, it is said, reached to
the Cape of San Augustin. They cut off his head and, as he lay dead,
they cut off his legs that he might not arise again. The Spaniards
returned to Manila, taking with them Panugutan; she married in Manila a
Spaniard, by whom she had two children, who later returned to these
parts and were well received, being considered not only as friends but
as brothers of the Bagobo.”

[4] Recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J.

Salingolop was succeeded by his son Bato who, in turn, was followed
by Boas, Basian, Lumbay, Banga, Maliadi, and Taopan. Until we come to
this last mentioned ruler we learn little more of importance, but at the
beginning of his rule, we learn that the Bagobo had become a powerful
people. Under his leadership they made frequent forays into neighboring
districts and returned with many slaves and rich loot. The
datu[5] was noted as a brave warrior, but in addition to this he
was a wise and just ruler, greatly beloved by all his people. When he
died more than one thousand of his subjects attended the funeral which
lasted ten days. On the last day the house was decked, inside and out,
with red and yellow flowers; many valuable gifts were placed beside the
corpse, and the place was then abandoned.

[5] The Moro name for chief or ruler. The Bagobo name is
lagaimóda or matanem, but the Moro term is in general
use.

He was succeeded by his son Pangilan, whose administration, like that
of his father, was firm and just. Upon his death he bequeathed the
leadership of a united people to his son Manib. The new datu did
not prove to be a great warrior and his decisions in matters of dispute
were not always just, so that bad blood arose between the people of
Cibolan and Talun. He was unable to quell the disturbances, and finally
open warfare broke out, petty chiefs of other districts throwing off his
control and ruling as datu. This was the condition which
confronted the present ruler, Tongkaling, when he found himself ruler of
Cibolan.

The claims of leadership over all the Bagobo had never been
relinquished, but the actual power of the datu outside his own
district amounted to little. Tongkaling soon established his right to
the name of a great warrior, and his people so prospered under his rule
that upon the advent of the Americans he was much the most powerful
among the several chiefs. Under the administration of Governor Bolton,
Tongkaling was officially recognized as head of the Bagobo, and with
this added prestige, he has finally succeeded in gaining recognition
from all the chiefs except those about Santa Cruz, but his actual
control over them is still very slight. He has been a consistent friend
of the Americans, but has jealously guarded his people against outside
influences, so that they are much less affected than those of other
districts. For this reason we shall, in this paper, use Cibolan as a
type settlement, but where radical differences occur in other districts
they will be noted.

[6] This subject will be treated fully in a separate publication.

An idea of the general appearance of the Bagobo can best be obtained
by a study of the accompanying photographs. Plates II-VIII.

Measurements were made on thirty-three men and fifteen women. The
maximum height of the males was found to be 164.8 cm.; minimum 149.8
cm.; with an average of 158.6 cm. For the women the maximum was 152.8
cm.; minimum 141 cm.; average 147.3 cm.

The cephalic indices of the same individuals showed 84.5 as the
maximum, 74.3 minimum, and 78.8 the average for the males. The maximum
for the females was 83.1, minimum 76.2, average 80.7. The average
length-height index, taken from the tragus to the vertex, of the same
persons, was 69.8—maximum 75.6, minimum 65.1 for the men; and for
the women 73.1—maximum 76.6, minimum 70.2.

The face is long, moderately broad, and the zygomatic arches are
seldom prominent. The forehead is high and full with supra-orbital ridge
slightly developed. The crown and back of the head are rather strongly
arched. The people are seldom prognathous, yet individuals are met with
who are markedly so (Plate V).

The lips are full and bowed; the chin is round and well formed. The
root of the nose is depressed; the ridge broad and generally inclined to
be concave, although straight noses are not uncommon. The nasal wings
are moderately broad and arched or swelled. The eye slits are oblique
and moderately open, showing dark or brown-black eyes. The hair is
brown-black and generally slightly wavy or loosely curled, while in some
cases it is found curled in locks. Women comb their hair straight back
and plaster it with cocoanut oil, but even this does not prevent stray
locks from creeping out. Both face and body hairs are scanty and are
generally removed, yet occasionally a man is seen who has cultivated a
few hairs into a fair semblance of a beard.

The Bagobo, while well nourished, are inclined to be of slight build,
with very narrow waists. In color they are a light reddish brown with a
slight olive tinge which is more pronounced in the women than in the
men.

In a brief summary, we can say that they are a short, slightly built,
metsati-cephalic people, with wavy hair, long faces, and broad, full
noses and lips. Individuals are met with who exhibit many of the
physical characteristics of the Negrito;[7] while still others, both in
color and facial lines, are comparable to the Chinese.

[7] Pygmy blacks of the Philippines.

No wild tribe in the Islands gives more attention to dress than does
the Bagobo. By an intricate process hemp is colored and woven into
excellent garments, which, in turn, are decorated with embroidery,
applique, or designs in shell disks and beads. The men wear their hair
long and after twisting it around the head hold it in place with
kerchiefs, the edges of which are decorated with beads and tassels.

A close fitting undershirt is often worn, and above this is an
elaborately beaded or embroidered coat which generally opens in front.
The hemp cloth trousers scarcely reach to the knee, and the bottom of
each leg is decorated with a beaded or embroidered band. Two belts are
worn, one to hold the trousers, the other to support the fighting or
working knives which each man carries. In lieu of pockets he has on his
back an elaborately beaded hemp cloth bag bordered with tassels and
bells of native casting. Highly prized shell bracelets, worn as cuffs by
some men, are made of a large, conical sea-shell (Fig. 1) the base and
interior spirals of which have been cut away. Necklaces made of rattan
strips decorated or overlaid with alternating layers of fern and orchid
cuticle (Fig. 2) are frequently seen, while many strands of beads and
carved seeds surround the necks of both men and women. Both sexes also
wear, above the calf of the leg, plaited or beaded leglets to some of
which magical properties are ascribed.

The woman wears a jacket which is close fitting about the neck and
reaches to the skirt, so that no portion of the upper part of the body
is exposed. The cloth now used in this garment is generally secured in
trade, and in recent years decoration in applique has begun to succeed
the excellent embroidery seen on older garments. Frequently the two
types of decoration are seen on the same jacket, and to these are added
complicated designs in shell or metal disks, or beads. The narrow tube
skirt is of hemp cloth and is made like a sack with both ends open. At
the waist it is held in place by means of a cloth or beaded belt.

In addition to the many strands of beads which encircle the neck and
fall over the chest, a broad bead band is often worn over one shoulder,
passing under the opposite arm near the waist. Scarfs of colored cloth
are also worn in this manner when the ladies are on dress parade.
Leglets and brass anklets, made like tubes so as to enclose metal balls
(Fig. 3) or with bells and rattles attached, are commonly worn. The
women are fond of loading their arms with ornaments of shell or brass
(Fig. 4) and one forearm is covered with separate rings of incised brass
wire which increase in size from the centre towards the ends, forming an
ornament in the shape of an hour-glass. Their hair is generally cut so
as to leave a narrow band in front; this is brushed back, but often
falls forward on the face or in front of the ears. Back of this the hair
is kept well oiled and is combed straight to the back of the head, where
it is tied in a knot. Into this knot is pushed a wooden comb decorated
with incised lines filled with lime, or inlaid with beads. On festive
occasions more elaborate combs, with plumes or other decorations
attached, are worn. Aside from these ornaments the head is
uncovered.

Men and women are seen who have their eyebrows shaved to thin lines.
This is a matter of individual taste and is done only for beauty.

Neither sex makes use of tattooing, nor do they mutilate the lips or
nose, but what they lack in these respects they make up for in ear
ornaments.

When a child is very young a small hole is pierced in the ear lobes,
and into this opening a piece of twisted banana or hemp leaf is placed.
(Fig. 5a). This leaf acts as a spring, continually enlarging the opening
until the ear plugs can be inserted. Another method, sometimes employed,
is to fill the opening with small round sticks (Fig. 5b), adding more
from time to time, until the desired result is obtained. The plugs worn
by the women are of wood, the fronts of which are inlaid with silver or
brass in artistic designs, and are connected by strands of beads passing
under the chin (Fig. 6). Large wooden ornaments are also worn by the
men, but more prized are large ivory ear plugs made like enormous collar
buttons (Plates II-IV). These are very rare, since the ivory for their
manufacture must be secured from Borneo, and by the time it has passed
through the hands of many traders it has assumed a value which limits
the possession of articles made from it to a few wealthy men. A further
method of ear adornment, frequently seen among the women, consists of
beads sewed into a number of holes which have been pierced through the
helices of the ears.

Both men and women file and blacken the teeth. When a boy or girl has
reached the age of puberty, it is time that this beautifying should be
done. There is, however, no prohibition to having it performed earlier
if desired. The candidate places his head against the operator and grips
a stick of wood between his teeth while each tooth is filed so as to
leave only the stump, or is cut or broken to a point (Plate XIIa and b).
When this has been successfully accomplished, what is left of the teeth
is blackened.

The color is obtained in two ways. The more common method is to place
a piece of metal on one end of a bamboo[8] tube, the other extremity of
which rests on glowing coals. The smoke from the charring bamboo is
conducted through the tube to the cold metal on which it leaves a
deposit or “sweat.” This deposit is rubbed on the teeth, at intervals,
for several days until they become a shiny black. A second method is to
use a powder known as tapEl which is secured from the
lamod tree. The writer did not see this tree but, from the
description given of it, believes it to be the tamarindus. This powder
is put on leaves and is chewed. During the period of treatment the
patient is under certain restrictions. He may neither drink water, cook
or eat anything sour, nor may he attend a funeral. Should he do so his
teeth will have a poor color or be “sick.” When the teeth have been
properly beautified the young man or woman is considered ready to enter
society.

[8] A variety known as balakáyo is used for this purpose.

Boys run about quite nude until they are three or four years of age.
Until about the same age the girls’ sole garment is a little pubic
shield, cut from a coconut shell and decorated with incised lines filled
with lime (Fig. 7). Not infrequently bells are attached to the sides of
this “garment.” When children do begin to wear clothing their dress
differs in no respects from that of their elders.

Although we shall treat religion more fully in a later paragraph, it
is desirable that we now gain an idea of those beliefs which enter
intimately into every activity of the daily life of this people.

The Bagobo believes in a mighty company of superior beings who
exercise great control over the lives of men. Above all is Eugpamolak
Manobo, also called Manama, who was the first cause and creator of all.
Serving him is a vast number of spirits not malevolently inclined but
capable of exacting punishment unless proper offerings and other tokens
of respect are accorded them. Below them is a horde of low, mean spirits
who delight to annoy mankind with mischievous pranks, or even to bring
sickness and disaster to them. To this class generally belong the
spirits who inhabit mountains, cliffs, rooks, trees, rivers, and
springs. Standing between these two types are the shades of the dead
who, after they have departed from this life, continue to exercise
considerable influence, for good or bad, over the living.

We have still to mention a powerful class of supernatural beings who,
in strength and importance, are removed only a little from the Creator.
These are the patron spirits.

Guarding the warriors are two powerful beings, Mandarangan and his
wife, Darago, who are popularly supposed to make their home in the
crater of the volcano. They bring success in battle and give to the
victors loot and slaves. In return for these favors they demand, at
certain times, the sacrifice of a slave. Dissentions[sic], disasters,
and death will be sure to visit the people should they fail to make the
offering. Each year in the month of December the people are reminded of
their obligation by the appearance in the sky of a constellation known
as Balatik,[9] and soon thereafter a human sacrifice doubtless
takes place in some one or more of the Bagobo settlements.

[9] Orion.

A man to come under the protection of these two deities must first
have taken at least two human lives. He is then entitled to wear a
peculiar chocolate-colored kerchief with white patterns in it. When he
has killed four he may wear blood-red trousers, and when his score has
reached six he may don a full blood-red suit and carry a sack of the
same color. Such a man is known as magani and his clothing marks
him as a person of distinction and power in his village. He is one of
the leaders in a war party; he is chosen by the datu to inflict
the death penalty when it has been decreed; and he is one of the
assistants in the yearly sacrifice. It is not necessary that those he
kills, in order to gain the right to wear a red suit, be warriors. On
the contrary he may kill women and children from ambush and still
receive credit for the achievement, provided his victims are from a
hostile village. He may count those of his townspeople whom he has
killed in fair fight, and the murder of an unfaithful wife and her
admirer is credited to him as a meritorious deed.

The workers in iron and brass, the weavers of hemp cloth, and the
mediums or shamans—known as mabalian—are under the
protection of special deities for whom they make ceremonies at certain
times of the year.

The mabalian just mentioned are people—generally women
past middle life—who, through sufficient knowledge of the spirits
and their desires, are able to converse with them, and to make
ceremonies and offerings which will attract their attention, secure
their good will, or appease their wrath. They may have a crude knowledge
of medicine plants, and, in some cases, act as exorcists. The ceremonies
which art performed at the critical periods of life are conducted by
these mabalian, and they also direct the offerings associated
with planting and harvesting. They are generally the ones who erect the
little shrines seen along the trails or in the forests, and it is they
who put offerings in the “spirit boxes” in the houses. Although they,
better than all others, know how to read the signs and warnings sent by
the spirits, yet, all of the people know the meaning of certain omens
sent through the medium of birds and the like. The call of the
limokon[10] is recognized as an encouragement or a warning and
its message will be heeded without fail. In brief, every natural
phenomenon and every living thing is caused by or is subject to the will
of unseen beings, who in turn can be influenced by the acts of
individuals. As a result everything of importance is undertaken with
reference to these superior powers.

[10] A dove (Calcophops indica). Similar beliefs held by the
Tagalog were mentioned by Juan de Plasencia in 1589. See BLAIR and
ROBERTSON, Vol. VII, p. 189.

The houses found in the coast villages line well marked streets and
differ in few respects from those built by the Christianized natives
throughout the Islands. Even in the more isolated districts the effect
of this outside influence is marked. However, we can state with
confidence that village life is a new idea to the Bagobo. He has, from
time immemorial, built his home near to his fields, and there he and his
family reside, except during festivals or when extreme danger threatens.
At such times all go to the house of the local ruler and there unite in
the festivities or the common defense.

The smaller dwellings have but one room, the floor of which is raised
several feet above the ground and supported by many piles. A part of the
latter extend five of[sic] six feet above the floor and form supports
for the side and cross-beams. From the center of the room lighter poles
project eight or ten feet above the cross-beams and form the main
supports for the ridge timber. From beams at the end and sides of the
room similar pieces run to this central ridge; below this they are
joined together, at intervals, by means of horizontal poles and
cross-beams. To this framework are lashed strips of palma brava,
supports for a covering of closely laid runo, on which rests the
final topping of flattened bamboo. The ridge pole is always at a
sufficient height above the floor to give the roof a steep peak, and is
of such length that, at the top, the side roof overhangs the ends. The
roof generally rises in two pitches and always extends past the sides of
the room.

In house building, the roof, which is made first, is raised to the
desired height, thus serving as a shelter for the workers until the
structure is complete (Plate XIII). Resting on the cross-beams, just
below the rafters, a number of loose boards are laid to form a sort of
attic or storage room where all unused articles, and odds and ends are
allowed to accumulate.

The sides of the room, which are of flattened bamboo, are about six
feet in height, and extend only to within a foot of the roof. In the
walls small peep holes are cut so that the inhabitants can look outside
without being seen (Plate XIV).

The flooring, which is generally made of strips of palma
brava, is in two levels, forming a narrow elevated platform at one
end of the room on which a part of the family sleep.

The furniture of this house is very scanty. Near to the door is the
“stove” (Fig. 8)—a bed of ashes in which three stones are sunk to
form a support for the pots and jars and nearby stand a few native jars
and sections of bamboo filled with water. On a hanger above the fire may
be found articles of food, seeds, and the like, which need protection
from flies and insects. Against the wall is a bamboo rack (Fig. 9),
filled with Chinese plates, or half cocoanut shells which serve as
dishes. Near to the stove is a rice mortar standing on its own wooden
pedestal which reaches to the ground (Fig. 10).

FIG. 10A. RICE MORTAR.
FIG. 10B. PEDESTAL WHICH REACHES TO THE GROUND.
FIG. 10C. CIRCLE OF CORN HUSKS PLACED SO AS TO PREVENT GRAIN FROM
FALLING OUT.
FIG. 10D. WOODEN PESTLE.

A child’s cradle, made of a blanket suspended hammock-like between
the wall and a beam support, will probably be found. A few boxes and
jars, usually of Chinese make, and always a copper gong or two are
regular furnishings, while to these can be added a miscellany of
clothing, looms, spears, shields, meat blocks, spoons (Fig. 11), and the
like. Akin to furniture, since they are found in every house, are little
basket-like receptacles made by splitting one end of a bamboo pole into
several vertical strips and then weaving in other shorter horizontal
strips (Fig. 12). These are attached to walls and supporting poles, and
in them offerings are made to the various spirits.

This is our picture of a typical home. It is not a cheery place by
day, for the lack of windows, as well as a fog of smoke from the open
stove, makes it dark and gloomy. Nevertheless, since the house offers a
cool retreat from the blazing sun, and the smoke-laden air is free from
flies and mosquitoes, it is a popular resort for all members of the
family during the hottest part of the day. The little light, which
filters in through the many cracks in the floors and walls, is
sufficient to allow the women to spin, dye, weave, and decorate their
clothing, or to engage in other activities. After dark the resinous nuts
of the bitáog tree, or leaf covered resin torches are burned, and
by their uncertain light the women and men carry on their labors until
far into the night. Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of a
notched log, bamboo pole, or by a ladder of the same material. As a
protection against strong winds many props are placed against the sides
of the house, and when large trees are available the dwellings are
further secured by being anchored to them with rattan lines.

In each settlement or district will be found one large house built on
the same general plan as the smaller dwellings, but capable of housing
several hundred people (Plate XV). This is the home of the local
datu or ruler. All great ceremonies are held here, and it is the
place to which all hasten when danger threatens. It is the social center
of the community, and all who desire go there at any time and remain as
long as they wish, accepting meanwhile the food and hospitality of the
ruler.

A brief description of the house of Datu Tongkaling will give a good
idea of this type of structure. Except for size—the dimensions
being 44 x 20 ft.—the exterior does not differ greatly from the
houses already described. A long, partially covered porch leading to the
doorway is provided with benches which are always occupied by men and
boys, loitering or engaged in the absorbing task of lousing one another.
At the far end of the room is the elevated platform, but this one is
much wider than is customary, and is intended as the sleeping place for
the warriors, or illustrious guests. As the writer and his wife were
considered, by the datu, as belonging to the latter class, they
were favored with this vantage spot, from which they could view and be
viewed by the whole household. Along the sides of the room are elevated
box-like enclosures in which the datu and some of his wives and
daughters sleep and keep their belongings. At night the balance of the
family, including men, women, children, and dogs, occupy the floor.
Midway between the side walls and near to the elevated platform are two
decorated bamboo poles, which are raised in honor of the patron spirits
of the warriors; while in other parts of the room are baskets, hanging
altars, and other devices in which are placed offerings intended for the
spirits. In addition to the customary furnishings are hundreds of
objects testifying to the wealth of the datu. Clothes, boxes,
dozens of huge copper gongs, drums, ancient Chinese jars and plates,
spears and shields, beaded clothing, baskets, and last but not
least—in the estimation of the datu—a huge enameled
advertisement of an American brewery.

In the western part of the Bagobo district is a village known as
Bansalan. Recently its people have been induced to leave the old
settlement and build in a new location, midway between the mountains and
the sea. Here the writer found a very different type of house (Plate
XVIa). Small trees formed the uprights to which cross-beams were tied to
make the roof supports, and on these rested a final covering of
nipa palm. A few feet above the ground other supports were lashed
and on them strips of palma brava were laid as flooring. In the
few cases where the houses were fitted with sides, strips of nipa
palm fastened together with rattan were used. There seemed to be no
uniform type of dwelling, each house differing from its neighbor in
number of rooms, floor levels, or in other respects. Only one feature,
the elevated sleeping platform at one end of the house, was always
found. A few miles further inland, in the old settlement, the houses are
of the type already described in detail. The people have been
practically forced to their new location by governmental action. The new
careless type of structures seen in Bansalan probably represents, to
them, temporary structures in which they expect to remain only until a
change of governors will furnish an excuse for returning to the old
location.

Near to each farm house or settlement will be seen one or more
granaries, in which rice is stored (Plate XIV). Four poles form the
support for a rectangular base from which the sides of the structure
slope out at an angle of about 25 degrees from the perpendicular until
they meet the roof. The sides and roof are of bamboo beaten flat, the
latter covered with a topping of straw.

In the hemp fields is an occasional shed where the fiber is sometimes
stripped, but more often these buildings, thus hidden from the public
gaze, house the forges on which the smiths fashion knives and spears, or
cast the bells and betel nut boxes so dear to the heart of each
Bagobo.

Aside from the shrines or altars, which we shall describe later, the
Bagobo erects no other buildings. He sometimes encloses a rice or
cornfield with a fence, but this requires no special skill in building,
since it consists of two parallel lines of uprights, between which
bamboo tubes are laid to the desired height (Plate XVIb).

It is impossible, without including about everything edible in a
vegetable line to be found in the district, to give a full list of
foods; hence no such attempt will be made. Chief of all is the rice,
many varieties of which are grown in the mountain-side
clearings.[11]

[11] Back of the coast there are no irrigated fields to be found in
the Davao District.

Next in importance is the camote, or sweet potato, and then
follow in the order of their importance: corn, banana, sago and
cocoanut.

Fish, eels, crabs, grasshoppers, monkeys,[12] deer, pigs, and
chickens form a part of the food supply; in fact, the people seem to
draw the line at nothing but crows, snakes, mice, rats, goats, horses,
dogs, and cats. Despite the assertion of a number of worthy informants
that the last three are on the prohibited list, it is the opinion of the
writer that it is the scarcity of the supply rather than any feeling of
prejudice which causes them to be included.

[12] Some people refuse to eat monkey meat.

Salt and pepper are used as condiments. The former is secured in
trade with the coast natives and Chinese, while the latter is produced
by mashing the fruit of a small wild pepper, locally known as
katombal.

Rice, after being allowed to dry, is stored without being separated
from the straw. When a supply is needed a bundle is laid on a piece of
hide and is beaten with a wooden pestle, wielded by a woman or a slave.
This separates the grain, which is gathered up and placed in a wooden
mortar, where it is again beaten with the pestle until the outer husk
has been loosened. To remove the chaff the rice is taken from the
mortar, placed on a flat winnowing tray (Fig. 13), and tossed and
caught, until the wind has carried away the lighter husks, thus leaving
the grain free. This is placed in a pot, a small quantity of water is
added, and the vessel is placed over the fire. Here it is allowed to
remain only until it begins to boil, when it is placed on the ashes,
near enough to the fire to keep it hot. From time to time the woman
turns the jar until the contents is cooked through, wren each grain
stands out free from its fellows.[13]

[13] This is the usual way of preparing rice throughout the
archipelago.

Other vegetable foods are eaten raw, or are cooked with water and
salt, with perhaps the addition of a little meat broth or a
sour[sic].

[Transcriber’s note: “sour” should read “soup.”]

Small birds and fish are cooked without other treatment than a hasty
cleaning; but the flesh of larger fowls, deer, and pig is generally cut
into small cubes and cooked with condiments in a jar or small Chinese
caldron. Birds are sometimes prepared by placing them on a spit,
covering them with green banana leaves, and suspending them above the
fire until roasted. This primitive paper bag cooking yields a most
excellent dish.

Grasshoppers are relished, and are secured in the following manner: A
clear grass spot is selected and several deep holes are dug in one end.
Back of them, and leading toward them, is a high tight fence made in a
V. By beating the grass with boughs as they walk toward the trap, the
people drive the grasshoppers before them until they are finally forced
into the pit, from which they are collected by the bushel.

I was told that meat was sometimes salted, dried, and stored away for
future use. The climate seems to be absolutely opposed to such
foresight, and the one time that I saw the process being used, the odors
were such that I beat a hasty retreat and chose to accept, without
proof, the verdict of the natives, that venison thus prepared was
excellent.

Of almost as much importance as food is the use of the betel or areca
nut,[14] which is chewed almost constantly by young and old of both
sexes. The nut is divided into quarters and a piece of buyo
leaf[15] is wrapped about each bit. To this is added a little lime and a
pinch of tobacco, and it is ready for the mouth. The resultant deep red
saliva is distributed indiscriminately on the floor, walls, and
furniture where it leaves a permanent stain. To hold the materials
necessary for this practice brass betel nut boxes, secured from the Moro
or of their own manufacture, as well as plaited grass boxes and pouches
are constantly carried (Plates XVIIa and XLI). The brass boxes generally
have three compartments; the first for nuts, the second for leaves and
tobacco, and the third for lime. Lime is also carried in small bamboo
tubes (Fig. 14), in the decoration of which a great deal of time is
consumed. The open end is fitted with a rattan sifter so that the powder
is distributed evenly on the nut and leaf.

[14] Catechu L.

[15] Piper betel L.

Aged persons and those whose teeth have been so mutilated that they
cannot chew, make use of an outfit which includes a small mortar and
pestle (Plate XVIIb). Cutting open green betel nuts, the chewer wraps
the pieces in leaves and, after adding a liberal supply of lime, mashes
them in the mortar until all are reduced to a soft mass.

Lime is secured by placing snail shells in a fire, from which they
are taken while hot and dropped into cold water. They can then be
crushed into powder with the fingers.

Although the Bagobo raises a considerable quantity of tobacco he
seldom, if ever, smokes it unless the leaf is furnished him, already
prepared, by an outsider. Sometimes a small ball made of the green
leaves is placed between the teeth and upper lip, where it remains until
all the flavor has been extracted.

The outfits for betel nut and tobacco, aside from the brass boxes
which fasten at the side, are generally carried in the sacks worn on the
backs of the men or in the elaborate shoulder bags worn by the women.
However, a small waterproof box is frequently seen attached to a man’s
belt, and in this he carries his betel nut, tobacco, and fire-making
outfit.

The usual method of making fire is by the use of flint and steel, but
when this is not at hand a flame can be quickly obtained by rubbing two
pieces of bamboo rapidly together until the friction produces a
spark.

Since only a few domesticated animals and fowls are found in a
settlement, the greater part of the meat supply is secured by hunting
and fishing.

Deer and wild pig are taken by means of spears. The hunter either
lies in wait near the runways of the game, or the animals are driven
toward the spot where the huntsmen are concealed. For this purpose the
ordinary lance (Figs. 15a, b and c) is often used, but a more effective
weapon is the spear known as kaláwat (Fig. 15d). In this the
metal head fits loosely into a long shaft to which it is attached by a
rope. As soon as the weapon enters the body of the animal the head pulls
out of the shaft, and this trails behind until it becomes entangled in
the undergrowth, thus putting the game at the mercy of the hunter. Dead
falls and pits are put in the runways, and a frightened animal is
sometimes impaled on concealed sharpened bamboo sticks. Less frequently,
large animals are secured by means of rope loops which hang from trees
past which the game is accustomed to pass. Until recent years the
balatik, a trap which when sprung throws an arrow with great
force against the animal which releases it, was much used but so many
domestic animals have been killed by it that this sort of trap is now in
disfavor.

Wild chickens are captured by means of snares (Fig. 16). A tame
rooster is fastened in the jungle and around him is placed a snare,
consisting of running knots attached to a central band. The crowing of
this fowl soon attracts the wild birds which, coming in to fight, are
almost sure to become entangled in one of the nooses. Slip loops,
attached to a bent twig and released by disturbing the bait, are also
employed in the capture of wild fowl.

Birds of all sizes are secured by use of bows and arrows, blow guns,
or nets. Wooden decoys (Plate XVIII) are tied to the branches of trees
in which the hunters are concealed. The bows used are of palma
brava, in each end of which notches are cut to hold the rattan bow
strings (Fig. 17). The arrow shafts are of light reeds and are fitted
with one or two bamboo points. These weapons are effective only for
close range, and even then the Bagobo are far from being expert
marksmen. Boys use a reed blow gun through which they shoot light darts
tufted with cotton (Fig. 18). The missile is not poisoned and is of
little use at a distance of more than twenty feet.

By far the most effective means of securing birds is to stretch a net
between trees or poles where the birds are accustomed to fly. Wooden
decoys are attached to the net in order to attract the game which, once
enmeshed, is easily caught.

Various devices are employed in the capture of fresh water fish,[16]
but the most common is a torpedo-shaped trap of bamboo (Fig. 19). Stone
conduits lead the water from streams into the open ends of these traps,
thus carrying in fish and shrimps. The funnel-shaped opening has the
sharpened ends set close together so that it is quite impossible for the
prisoners to escape, although the water readily passes between the
bamboo strips.

[16] Along the coast the methods of the Christianized natives are
used in salt water fishing.

A hook and line is employed, especially for eels; while in clear
pools fish are secured by means of a four-pointed spear which is thrust
or thrown (Fig. 20). Perhaps the most interesting device used is a lure,
known as boro (Fig. 21). A live minnow is fastened at the end of
the rod near to a rattan noose. A cord running from the noose to the end
of the stick allows the fisherman to draw up the noose as he desires.
The struggles of the captive fish soon attract others, and when one
enters the loop the line is drawn taut, securely binding the intruder.
Several fish can be taken from a single pool by this method. A berry
(anamirta coccithis L.) is used in the capture of fish. It is
crushed to a powder, is wrapped with vines and leaves, and is thrown
into pools. The fish become stupified[sic] and float to the surface
where they are easily captured. After being cooked they are eaten
without any ill effects.

Mention has already been made of some of the daily occupations of the
people. We have found the women caring for the home and preparing the
rice and other foods which are served in the house. At no time did the
writer see a man, other than a slave, take any part in such household
duties; but when on the trail each would do his share in preparing the
meals. In the village we found the women and children carrying the water
and wood and, at rare intervals, doing laundry work. Instead of soaping
and rubbing soiled clothing, they soak the garments in water, then place
them on stones and beat them with wooden paddles or clubs. The articles
are alternately soaked and beaten until at least a part of the dirt has
been removed. It is also the privilege of any woman to engage in the
manufacture of basketry, or to act as a potter.

In the manufacture of baskets the woman makes use chiefly of bamboo
and rattan, though other materials, such as pandanus are
sometimes brought into service. Three weaves or their variants are
employed. The first is the common diagonal or twilled weave, in which
each element of the weft passes over two or more of the warp elements.
In this way most of the rice winnowers, transportation baskets, knife
sheaths, and the like are made. In the second weave (Fig. 22), the
foundation of the basket is made up of parallel horizontal rods, or
strips of bamboo. These are laced together by warp strips which pass
alternately under one and over one of the foundation rods, crossing each
other at an angle, one above the other below the rod. The trinket
baskets carried by the women, the larger waterproof receptacles known as
binota, and the covers for wild chicken snares are in this
technic. A variant of this weave is found in the rattan carrying frames
and in some fish traps (Fig. 23). Here the warp strips cross one another
at an angle, at each meeting place enclosing the horizontal foundation
strips. Unlike the second weave described, the warp strips do not pass
alternately above and below the horizontal foundation, but retain the
same relation to it throughout the entire length of each strip. A coiled
weave (Fig. 24) is used in the manufacture of tobacco boxes (Plate XIX)
and in the rims of women’s baskets. In this type the foundation consists
of a series of horizontal rattan strips or rods which are sewed together
in the following manner. A narrow strip A passes over two of
these parallel rods 2 and 3 in a left handed spiral. At
the top of the loop the strip passes under a similar strip B
which binds rod 2 to the one above. Passing downward inside the
basket, the strip A goes beneath the strip C which binds
rods 3 and 4 together. These are drawn tightly while damp,
thus forcing the foundation rods so closely together as to make the
basket practically water-tight. Pitch from the tabon-tabon nuts
may also be rubbed over the outside surface, thus making the receptacle
impervious to water.

In the great majority of baskets the surface is divided into three
parallel zones or decorative bands. These are produced by making a
slight variation in the weave, by the use of blackened strips of bamboo
and rattan, or by substituting in their place the black cuticle of a
fern.

As a rule the women of this tribe are not good potters and take
little pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely
lost, and the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking
utensils. At the village of Bansalan the women were found still to be
proficient in their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully
kneaded in order to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was
moulded with the fingers and placed on a dish which was turned on a bit
of cloth or a board and answered the purpose of a potter’s wheel. As the
dish was turned with the right hand the operator shaped the clay with
the fingers of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to
time until the desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done
with a wooden paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was
smoothed off with a stone. When ready for firing it was placed in the
midst of a pile of rubbish, over which green leaves were placed to cause
a slow fire.

Other dishes are made by splitting a cocoanut in half and removing
the “meat.” This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper fitted
with a rough iron blade (Fig. 25), over which the concave side or the
half nut is drawn. The cocoanut meat is used for food and oil.

A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the
planting and care of the fields, but now we shall take up in some detail
the industry in which she stands pre-eminent, the preparation and
weaving of hemp.

The hemp ordinarily stripped by the men is considered too fine to be
used in the manufacture of clothing, so a smaller stripping device is
employed by the woman (Plate XX). On this she cleans the outer layers of
the hemp stalk, from which a stronger and coarser thread can be
obtained. The fiber is tied in a continuous thread and is wound onto a
reel. The warp threads are measured on sharpened sticks driven into a
hemp or banana stalk, and are then transferred to a rectangular frame
(Plate XXI). The operator, with the final pattern in mind, overties or
wraps with waxed threads, such portions of the warp as she desires to
remain white in the completed garment. So carefully does she wrap these
sections, that, when the thread is removed from the frame and placed in
the liquid dye, no portion of the coloring matter penetrates to the
portions thus protected. If a red color is desired the root of the
sikarig[17] palm is scraped and the scrapings placed in bark vats
filled with cold water. The thread is first washed in, and is later
boiled with the dye for a half hour, after which it is placed in a
basket to drain and dry. The process is repeated daily for about two
weeks, or until the thread assumes a brick red color. If a purple hue is
desired a little lime is added to the dye. Black is obtained by a
slightly different method. The leaves, root, and bark of the
pinarrEm tree are crushed in water. This yields a black liquor
which is poured into a jar containing the thread and the whole is placed
over a slow fire where it remains until the liquid is near the boiling
point. When this is reached the thread is removed and placed in a gourd,
the open end of which fits over the jar so as to catch the steam coming
from the dye. After a time the thread is removed and dried, and the
process is repeated until at last a permanent black is obtained. After
the coloring is complete the thread is again placed on the rectangular
frame, the over-tying is removed and the warp is ready for the loom
(Plate XXII.) In the loom (Plate XXIII) the threads encircle a bamboo
pole attached to the wall, and are held tense by a strap which passes
around the waist of the operator. The weft threads are forced up against
the fabric by means of the comber board and are beaten in with a baton.
The warp threads are held in their relative positions, first by the
comber board, second by loops which pass under the lower threads and
over a small stick or lease rod, and lastly by passing over and under,
or around, other lease rods. These are rolled away as the work
progresses.

[17] Morinda Bracteata Roxb.

[18] Woof threads are generally of one color. A somewhat similar
process used in Java is described by SIR THOS. RAFFLES in The History of
Java, Vol. I, p. 189.

[Transcriber’s note: Although footnote 18 appears on the same page as
the above paragraph, it is not clear to what particular part of that
paragraph it refers.]

After the cloth is removed from the loom it is polished. A long pole
of palma brava is fitted into a notch in the roof. The operator
seats herself on the floor with a smooth board before her, or in her
lap, and on it places the dampened cloth. A shell is fitted over the
lower end of the pole, which is bent and made bowlike, until the shell
rests on the cloth. It is then ironed rapidly to and fro until the
fabric has received a high polish (Plate XXIV).

The woman’s duties do not end with the manufacture of cloth, for all
the garments worn by the members of the tribe are the result of her
handiwork. She sews the strips of hemp cloth into skirts, men’s
trousers, carrying bags, and sometimes into jackets. The women devote
hours of labor to these jackets, covering arms, necks, and waist bands
with colored embroidery or designs in applique, while on the better
garments they place elaborate designs in beads or shell disks.

After the evening meal is over the women of the household gather
around the flickering lights, and until far into the night work on these
garments, bead necklaces, or other ornaments.

Only a few of the weavers attempt to make the peculiar
chocolate-colored head covering worn by the magani. For these
kerchiefs the woman weaves a square cotton cloth of the desired size,
and at one corner attaches a small brass hook. Joined to the hook, by
means of a chain, is a loop which fits over the toes of the operator,
thus enabling her to keep the fabric taut while her hands are left free
for work. Small sections of this cloth are raised and are wrapped with
waxed thread, so that when the fabric is dyed these portions will not
receive the coloring matter (Plate XXV). Later the overtying is removed,
leaving small white rings or squares on a chocolate-colored background.
These cloths are meant primarily for the warriors, but expert weavers,
who are under the protection of a certain powerful spirit, are also
permitted to wear an upper garment of this material.

A considerable part of the man’s time is consumed in preparation for,
or actual participation in, hunting or warfare, but in addition to this
he does a goodly portion of the work in the fields, and is the house
builder. When a man is about to erect a dwelling he notifies his friends
to come and aid him. This they will do without pay, but when in need of
similar services they will expect and will receive similar help. All
sorts of house-furnishings, such as spoons, meat blocks, or rice mortars
are made by the man, and not infrequently, he assists in the making or
waterproofing of baskets. A few of the old men of Cibolan still engage
in the manufacture of small shell disks with which valuable suits are
decorated, but the greater part of those now in use have been inherited,
or are purchased from neighboring peoples. The men carve beads out of
“Job’s tears”[19] and make them into necklaces. For this purpose a
peculiarly carved and decorated stick is employed (Plate XXVI). This is
placed in the palm of the left hand so that the thumb and forefinger can
hold the seed which fits into a depression in the top. A knife in the
right hand of the artist is worked over the seed thus cutting a line
into which dirt is rubbed. Women’s combs are made by shaping a half
circle out of light wood and then cutting teeth into it with a saw-like
blade of tin or iron.

[19] Coix lachryma Johi L.

Among the men, as with the women, certain industries are monopolized
by a few individuals. In this community no men stand higher in the
estimation of their fellows than do the smiths and the casters of
copper. The writer spent many hours watching I-o, the brass and copper
worker of Cibolan, while he shaped bells, bracelets, and betel boxes at
his forge on the outskirts of the village (Plate XXVII). Feathered
plungers, which worked up and down in two bamboo cylinders, forced air
through a small clay-tipped tube into a charcoal fire. This served as a
bellows, while a small cup made of straw ashes formed an excellent
crucible. The first day I watched I-o, he was making bells. Taking a
ball of wax the size of a bucket shot, he put it on the end of a stick
(Fig. 26a), and over this moulded the form of a bell in damp ashes
obtained from rice straw (b). When several bells were thus fashioned
they were dipped in melted wax and were turned on a leaf until smooth,
after which an opening was cut through the wax at the bottom of each
form (c). Strips of wax were rolled out and laid in shallow grooves
which had been cut in the sides of the bells and were pressed in, at
intervals, with a small bamboo knife (d). The top stick was then
withdrawn, leaving an opening down to the wax ball inside. Into this
hole a thin strip of wax was inserted and was doubled back on itself so
as to form a hanger (e). For three days the forms were allowed to harden
and were covered with several coats of damp straw ashes. Finally they
were laid in a bed of the same material with a thin strip of wax leading
from each bell to a central core (f). [FIG. 26] The whole, with the
exception of the top of the central wax strip, was covered with a thick
coating of damp ashes, and when this had hardened pieces of copper,
secured from broken gongs, were placed in the crucible, melted and
poured into the open end of the clay form. The molten metal took the
place of the wax as it was dissolved and flowed to all parts where it
had been. After being dropped in water the form was broken open,
revealing six nearly perfect little bells which were ready for use as
soon as the ashes were removed from them. The same method was used for
all other casting. Clay forms were made as desired, were covered with
wax, and the final coating of ashes applied before the casting. The
workers in copper and brass are under the care and guidance of a spirit,
Tolus ka towangan, for whom they make a yearly ceremony, Gomek
towangan.

[Transcriber’s note: Two different figures on different pages are both
labeled FIG. 26.]

Of even greater importance are the smiths who are also under the care
of a powerful spirit for whom the Gomek-gomanan ceremony is
celebrated each year, just prior to the planting time. Their forges are
hidden away in the hemp fields, and I was repeatedly informed that no
woman might see the smith at work. Whether or no such a rule is rigidly
enforced at all times I cannot say, but at no time did I see a woman
about the forge while the fire was burning, and although I was allowed
to see and photograph the process, my wife was at all times prevented
from doing so. The forge differs in no material respects from that used
by the brass casters, except that hollowed out logs replace the bamboo
tubes, and that a metal anvil and iron hammers are used. After an iron
knife or spear head has been roughly shaped, the smith splits the edge
to a slight depth and inserts a band of steel. The iron is pounded down
on the harder metal and the whole is brought to a white heat in the
charcoal fire. Removing it to the anvil the smith gives the blade one or
two light blows and returns it to the fire. This is repeated many times
before he begins to add the heavy strokes which finally weld the iron
and steel together. The blade having been given its final shape is again
heated and is held above a tube of water until the glowing metal begins
to turn a yellowish green, when it is plunged into the cold water. This
process, repeated many times, gives a fair temper to the whole weapon.
Charcoal for the fire is secured by burning logs and chilling them
suddenly with cold water.

Brass wire, secured in trade, is made into bracelets in the following
manner. In order to soften it and make it more easily worked the roll of
wire is heated until it begins to turn grey, when it is allowed to cool
and is scraped, so as to restore the yellow color. One end is laid on an
anvil made of an iron strip on a wooden block (Plate XXVII), and is cut
into various designs by means of metal dies. A wooden cone is used as a
form, about which the wire is placed in order to shape and measure
it.

Hemp[20] grows wild in the Davao District and the Bagobo have, for
generations, used it in the manufacture of their clothing. In recent
years the demand for fiber has shown the people an easy way to secure
the trade articles which they desire and, as a result, rather extensive
plantings are found even in the more remote districts. The women strip a
large part of the fiber in local use, but all that prepared for trade is
produced by the men. When the ever-present cogon grass begins to invade
a clearing, the young hemp is planted. In about eighteen months it has
grown to a height of some sixteen feet and is ready to be cut. The man
goes to the fields, cuts down some stalks and, having removed the
leaves, splits off the outer fiber layers from the cellular matter of
the interior, using a bone knife for this purpose. When he has
accumulated a sufficient number of strips he carries them to the hemp
machine (Fig. 27). This consists of a knife which rests on a wooden
block. The handle turns on a pivot and the end is drawn upwards by means
of a bent twig, or sapling, which acts as a spring. This spring is
lowered and the knife blade raised by means of a foot treadle; a strip
of hemp is laid on the block; the foot pressure is removed, and the
knife descends. Taking a firm hold of one end of the strip, the operator
draws it toward him under the blade, thus removing the pulp and leaving
the free hemp threads. These are hung in the sun until dry, when they
are tied in bundles ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard
and, unless necessity forces him to greater effort, a man seldom engages
in it for more than three or four days in a month. He thinks his duty
ceases with this expenditure of energy and, unless he is fortunate
enough to possess animals or slaves, is quite content to allow his wife,
or wives, to carry the product to the coast trader.

[20] Musa textilis.

During ceremonies and at festivals a fermented drink made of sugar
cane is served, and in anticipation of its pleasurable effects the
Bagobo is willing to expend a considerable amount of effort. The juice
of the cane is extracted by means of a press made of two logs arranged
in parallel horizontal positions, so that the end of a wooden lever can
slip under one and rest in a groove cut in the other (Fig. 28). The cane
is placed in the groove and the operator bears his weight on the lever,
thus squeezing out the juice. After being boiled with the bark of
certain trees and lime juice, the liquor is sealed in jars or bamboo
tubes and is stored away until needed.

The sago palm is found in parts of the Bagobo territory, and in times
of need, the people make temporary camps near to the sago districts,
where they prepare the flour. This is done in the same manner as is
fully described on page 140.

The most important thing in the life of the Bagobo is the care of the
rice, for on this crop he depends for the greater part of his food
supply, and by its condition he can ascertain with what favor he is
looked upon by the spirits. So closely is the cultivation of this cereal
coupled with the religious beliefs that it is necessary, in this
relation, to describe the ceremonies connected with it.

We have previously stated that the incursion of the cogon grass into
the fields makes necessary some new clearings each year. In the month of
December a constellation known as Balatik appears in the sky.
This has a double significance; first, it is the reminder for the yearly
sacrifice; and secondly, it notifies all workers that the tools, which
are to be used in making new clearings, shall be placed in readiness.
All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are to
assist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and
there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They
carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in bamboo
tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this spirit. When
all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near to the forge,
and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives (Plate XXIX).
Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning voice, calls on the
spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to accept the
weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over the workers
during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured in the work or
be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the smith eats a little of
the food, and all the men follow his example, but no woman may so much
as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food which can be eaten by all
has been prepared. After the meal the weapons and tools which are to be
used during the clearing time are removed, but, as they now belong to
the spirit, they can never be disposed of without first recompensing
him. During this day there is a strict prohibition against music and
dancing. For three days the men abstain from work and the forge stands
idle. When the fire is again lighted the first knife made is the
property of the spirit.

With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields
and, in the center of each, place a tambara[21] fitted with a
white dish containing betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak
Manobo, who is besought to drive from the field any tigbanawa or
tagamaling[22] who may live there, to keep the workers in good
health, to allow an abundant crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich
and happy. The weeds, brush, and trees, after being cut and allowed to
dry are fired, while the logs remaining after this initial burning are
piled together and again set on fire, and the field is ready for the
planting. No soil is broken and not a seed goes into the ground until
the spirits again designate the time, by placing the constellation
Marara in the sky. This appears early in April, and is followed
by a period of great activity in the fields. If, for any reason, the
owner of the land cannot plant at this time, he has two or more
opportunities given him when the constellations Mamari and
Bwaya appear, the latter toward the end of June.

[21] See p. 66, Fig. 12.

[22] Evil spirits which are classed with the buso. See p.
107.

When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they
enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand
corner where they erect a small house or place a tambara which is
known as pEmEg’ge. As soon as it is complete, the mabalian
begin to call on the spirits. Manama[23] is called first and after him
other spirits, according to their rank and power. They are informed that
the planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this
mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with
the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a
second tambara, called parobanian, for the spirit
Taragómi/Taragomi, who owns all food. Leaves pleasing to him and
presents of food or bracelets are placed in it, as well as in his
tambara found in the house.[24] The owner of the field takes the
malayag, a large variety of rice, and plants it around the
parobanian,[25] and as the last grain is planted the
mabalian again starts her prayer, this time beginning with
Taragómi/Taragomi. She asks for good crops, and protection for the field
from all animals, blight and drought. Finally, she begs Eugpamolak
Manobo to control the sun and winds so that they will always be
favorable to the growing grain. Having thus done all in their power to
secure the cooperation of the superior beings the men take their rice
planters and real work begins.[26] The planter (Fig. 29) consists of a
long shaft at one end of which is a metal blade while at the other is a
bamboo clapper decorated with feathers. When this instrument is struck
on the ground it digs a shallow hole an inch or more in depth, the
clapper meanwhile keeping up an incessant noise. It is said by some that
the rattle is intended to please the guardian spirit of the fields, but
this does not seem to be the prevalent idea. The women follow the men,
dropping seeds into the holes and pushing the soil over them with their
feet.

[23] Eugpamolak Manobo.

[24] At Cibolan only brass objects are placed in this
tambara.

[25] At Digos the mabalian does the planting and harvesting
about the tambara, and the rice grown there is reserved as seed,
for the next season.

[26] FATHER GISBERT relates that it is the custom to sacrifice a
slave at this time, but this is denied by the datu consulted by
the writer. See letters of FATHER GISBERT in BLAIR and ROBERTSON, The
Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII; pp. 233-4.

At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed a
mabalian cooks fish and rice, which she carries to the
parobanian. Early next morning the family goes to the field and
eats this offering which “belongs to Taragómi/Taragomi, so should be
eaten at his house.” From this time until harvest the fields must be
guarded against birds and animals, but no further offerings take place
unless unusual conditions should satisfy the owner that the spirits are
demanding more gifts. When harvest time comes the owner and a few of his
friends will go to the field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which
they place in the pEmEg’ge and parobanian, meanwhile
addressing the spirits, and the cutting of the rice begins. This is done
by women who, for this purpose, employ a small knife called gElat
(Plate XXIXd). The last grain to be cut is that about the
parobanian. The mabalian cooks a little of the new rice in
the house and places a part of it in the various tambara and
shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor, she
offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished can
any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in the
sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary.

When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival
known as Gatokbia-an, or pakakaro. Ordinarily each family
will have its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a
village will join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt
is past, the food supply is assured, and the people gather to give
thanks. No New England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater
thought, or less regard for expense, than that which is made ready at
this time. The finest of the rice, cocoanuts[sic], eggs, chickens, fish,
shrimps, and many other edibles are prepared and placed in certain
dishes which are dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this
time. These plates are arranged in a row in the center of the room and
the mabalian gather around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in
her hand one of the number waves it over the offerings, while she chants
long prayers. Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the
spirits one by one, thanking them for the care they have given to the
growing grain and to the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest.
Frequently individuals will interrupt the proceedings to place near to
the mabalian a fine knife or some other prized object which they
desire to have presented to the spirits as evidence of their gratitude.
At first, it is a little hard to understand this lavishness, but it
transpires that the former owners still have possession of these
objects, and that the spirits offer no objections to their use, so long
as their ownership is not disputed, truly a case of eating the pie but
still having it.

The knives and other implements which have been used in the fields
are laid on a large basket filled with rice, “in order that they may
eat, and, therefore, have no cause to injure their owners.” Another
large dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases
this is taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives
of the host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next
morning, when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The
ceremonial eating of this rice causes the supply to last longer and
assures abundant rains for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from
the dishes is placed in the tambara and shrines, and then all the
guests are permitted to feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo
ceremonies this one lacks the music of the agongs,[27] for only
bamboo guitars, flutes, and the bolang-bolang are permitted at
this time. The last named instrument is made by placing a board on a
rice mortar; the women gather around it with their wooden pestles and
beat a rythmical[sic] tattoo. This concludes the festival proper, but
many guests will remain for two or three days to enjoy the hospitality
of their host.

[27] Copper gongs.

On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends
will celebrate BagkEs “the tying together.” The dishes in which
food was offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field
where, with great solemnity, the little dish in the parobanian is
removed and placed among the others, while the people tell it that the
other plates have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to
its home the following year. The family goes back to the village in
silence and after tying all the dishes together place them in the rice
granary.

In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another
festival following the cutting of the rice. This is known as Gomeng
ka taragomi, or bitinbagáybe. In the main it resembles the
ceremony of similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second
day of GinEm (See page 111). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and
green fruit of the areca palm is placed in the center of a room
and is surrounded with cooked food. After this has been offered to the
spirits, it is eaten by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the
decorated pole. This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the
festivities continued for sixteen days and nights. The explanation given
is that “the women wish to show Taragómi/Taragomi and the Nitos
(anitos) how happy they are because of the good harvest, for when they
see this they will be pleased and will help again next year.”

The Bagobo makes no use of boats or rafts, for until recent times he
has lived at a considerable distance from the sea; and the rivers, which
flow in deep cañons, may be changed in a day from tiny streams to
rushing torrents in which no craft could keep afloat. Left to his own
devices, he pays little attention to trails, but cuts his way through
the underbrush directly to his destination. The government has forced
him to clear and maintain several fairly good roads between the larger
settlements and the coast, and these are now the highways over which he
transports his hemp and other trade articles. Quite a number of carabao
and horses are to be found in the territory, where they are used as pack
and riding animals. Both men and women are excellent riders and take
great pride in the decoration of their mounts. The saddle used is carved
from wood, in exact duplication of those used by the Spaniards. The
copper bits are also copies, but are of native casting. Strings of bells
surround the neck of a prized animal, and it is further beautified by an
artificial forelock. Rattan whips, wound with braid, and decorated with
beads, are also a part of his trappings. According to Bagobo tradition,
they have had horses from the most remote times, and Professor
BLUMENTRITT is inclined to believe that they possessed these animals
prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. In support of this contention, he
points to the fact that, unlike most Philippine tribes, they use the
Malayan name.[28]

[28] The terms used are, bait koda—stallion, and
mamat koda—mare.

[Transcriber’s note: The uncontracted forms of these phrases are
bayi ta koda’ and mama ta koda’. Because bayi means
“female” and mama means “male,” the definitions of “stallion” and
“mare” appear to have been interchanged in error.]

Heavy loads of field products are transported on animals, or are
carried in cylindrical bark or rattan boxes or carrying frames (Fig.
30). Such a receptacle is supported on the back by means of a band which
passes around the forehead, or by other bands which slip over the
shoulders. Both sexes carry loads in this way, although it must be
confessed that consideration for the members of the gentler sex has not
reached such a stage that they are relieved of any great part of such
labor. When gathering grain and forest products, or when searching for
snails, the woman attaches a small basket to her belt so that it hangs
at a convenient height against her thigh. We have previously noticed the
decorated bags and baskets which serve as pockets, and also contain the
betel nut outfits.

A small child is supported at the mother’s hip by means of a broad
sash, which passes over the right shoulder and under the left arm. When
it is able to walk the scarf is discarded, and it sits astride the
mother’s hip, where it is held in place by her left arm. Older children
and the men devote considerable time to the newcomers, but at a very
early age the youngsters begin to run about as wild and carefree as only
little savages can.

The Bagobo is a keen trader and many small articles of all kinds
reach, and pass from him through trade; and to make this barter possible
he intentionally produces an excess of certain things. Chief of these is
hemp, which he now carries to the coast traders, and for which he
receives trade cloth, iron pots, copper gongs, bells, and the beads
which he prizes so highly. In exchange for the betel boxes, bells, and
knife guards, which come from his forge, he receives shell disks,
certain articles of dress, cooking pots, and various other household
articles as well as salt and some animals. The knives made by him are in
great demand and often travel far inland. While among the Bukidnon of
the North-Central part of the Island the writer secured one blade and
guard of undoubted Bagobo workmanship. In early days, Chinese and Moro
traders brought gongs, jars, plates, and other crockery, as well as many
other articles now among the prized heirlooms of wealthy men or
occupying an important place in the ceremonial life of the tribe.
Through these same channels came the Borneo ivory of which the ear plugs
are made, while other objects from more distant regions were
occasionally brought in. Two examples of this trade are now in the
collections of the Field Museum of Natural History. One is a jacket made
from Javanese cloth; the second a belt buckle which apparently
originated in Perak.

Local feuds, as well as the desire of individuals to be known as
magani, have always made it unsafe for small numbers of traders
to venture to any great distance from home, and this has been a great
hindrance to trade. However, large parties, even from other tribes,
sometimes go to a village for purposes of trade, having previously
notified the inhabitants of their intentions. While in Malilla the
writer met with a party of thirty Bila-an traders who lived three days’
march to the east. The influence of capture, intermarriage, and looting,
in carrying the artifacts of one tribe into the territory of another has
previously been mentioned.

The offensive weapons used by the Bagobo are spears, knives (Fig. 15
and Plate XXXII), and at times bows and arrows (Fig. 17). For defense
they carry shields, either round or oblong (Figs. 31-32), and cover the
body with so many strips of hemp cloth that a knife thrust is warded
off. Turning his body sideways to the enemy, the warrior crouches behind
his shield, keeping up a continuous capering, rushing forward or dancing
backward, seeking for an opening but seldom coming to close quarters.
Arrows and spears are glanced off with the shield. An attack is usually
initiated by the throwing of spears, then, if the enemy is at a
disadvantage or confused, the warriors rush in to close combat. For this
purpose they rely entirely on their knives, and as fencers they are
unexcelled. They are but indifferent shots with the bow and arrow, and
that weapon is but little used in actual combat. It has been frequently
stated that these arrows are poisoned but I was unable to discover a
single specimen so prepared. When hard-pressed, or when a camp must be
made in dangerous territory, sharpened bamboo
sticks—sogiang—are stuck into the ground with their
points directed toward the enemy. These must be carefully gathered up by
the pursuers, who otherwise run the risk of having the knife-like blades
driven into their feet. Old warriors state that in former years they not
only covered the upper part of the body with hemp cloth but wound over
this long decorated strips called gindua; they also tell of coats
of mail made of carabao horn or rattan. None of these outfits exist in
the territory today, but it is not at all improbable that they were
formerly in use, for the long decorated bands are still found among the
Bukidnon of the North, with whom some trade is carried on; and a few
coats of mail are to be seen among the neighboring Moro.

FIG 32A.—FRONT OF A DECORATED SHIELD.
FIG 32B.—BACK OF SHIELD A.

Hostile raids against the neighboring Bila-an, Tagakaolo, and Ata
seem to have been common from the most ancient times. After the arrival
of the Spaniards there were many minor conflicts with the Moro, and the
tribal history takes note of several serious feuds between Bagobo
villages. Single warriors, usually those desiring to become
magani, sometimes enter hostile territory and there lie in wait
for an opportunity to spear a passing foe. The fact that these attacks
are frequently from ambush, or that whole families are slain while
asleep on the floors of their houses, does not seem to detract in the
least from the honor due for the deed. Generally, parties of sixty or
more, under the direction of a magani, are made up to avenge the
death of their townspeople, to secure loot and slaves, or to win glory
and distinction. An ambush is formed near to a hostile village and just
at dawn an attack is made on the early risers who are scattered and
unprepared. The invaders are usually satisfied with a few victims and
then make their escape. Women and children are either killed or are
carried away as slaves. It is customary for all the warriors to make at
least one cut in the bodies, and to eat a portion of the livers of
enemies who have shown great bravery, for in this way it is thought they
gain in that quality. This seems to be the only occasion when human
flesh is tasted, despite the fact that the members of this tribe have
been frequently referred to as cannibals.

The warriors of Cibolan and Malilla formerly carried heads of enemies
to their towns and made use of them during the GinEm ceremony,
while at Bansalan and Digos a lock of hair, cut from the head of the
slain, answered the same purpose. Individual raiders sometimes carry
home a head or a hand as evidence of a successful fight, and at such
times festivals may be held to celebrate the event. However, the trophy
soon loses its value and is hung or buried at a distance from the
village. Head-hunting for the sake of the trophy itself, does not exist
here.

Peace can be effected by means of a blood compact known as
dayándi. Each principal cuts his own wrist until the blood flows
freely; this he catches in his free hand and offers to the other
participant to drink. Sometimes the blood of both is caught and mixed in
a dish from which they drink, meanwhile addressing the
tigyama,[29] saying, “We are now like brothers, like children of
the same parents, and now we cannot fight any more. We ask you to be the
witnesses.”

[29] See p. 107. [Transcriber’s note: 12 pages later in this
document.]

There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the
Bagobo. Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is
a bar to marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his
mother-in-law was received with horror, but whether this was due to
local mother-in-law stories or to an idea of relationship could not be
ascertained. However, a man may marry the sister of his wife.

Each district has its head man, or petty datu who is supposed
to be subject to the datu of Cibolan. This seems actually to have
been the case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers
withdrew their allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually passes
from the father to his eldest son. Should the datu be without an
heir, or the son be considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise
old men may choose a leader from among their number.

In his own district the power of the datu is very great, but
even he is obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the
ancestors. He is supreme judge in all matters, though he may, if he
desires, call in the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The
usual method of punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be
unwilling or unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time
as the debt is considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is
killed without further ado. The datu appoints a man for this
purpose, and he usually gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying
him in the road or by driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on
the floor of his house. When a fine is levied the datu retains a
portion as pay for his services; if the more drastic punishment follows
it serves to emphasize his power and is more valuable to him than the
payment. When his house needs repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or
his fields need attention, his followers give him assistance. In return
for these services he helps support a number of fighting men who can
always be called upon for the defence of the people. His house is
considered the property of all to the extent that anyone goes there at
any time and stays as long as he pleases, partaking meanwhile of the
datu’s food. In times of danger, or during festivals, all the
people assemble there and assist, in the defense or the
merry-making.

Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He does not
hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building or to
take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on the
part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely with
his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and guests eat
from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but the datu takes
his food alone at a considerable distance from the others.

The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman and
slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of that
class become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot be
closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the slaves of
their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pass by inheritance, like
other property. It is considered proper for a man to live with his slave
without marrying her, but should she become pregnant she is usually
given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to be upon the
death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate heirs.
Children born to a slave couple remain in their class, as do those born
to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are treated
with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their escape. In
fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this class from
the other members of the family.

The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the
blood-red clothing and to be known as magani. As stated earlier
in the paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more
persons. He is then entitled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored head
covering (Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can don
blood-red trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is
permitted to wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of the
same color.[30] From that time on his clothing does not change with the
number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life put to
his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a man who
had killed twenty or more was known as gemáwan, and was
distinguished by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing is
no longer respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire them.
The man who has never killed a person is called matálo, a rather
slighting term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at
home with the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her admirer
may count the two on his score. He may also count those of his
townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder will
be punished by the death of the offender. The candidate for
magani honors may go to an unfriendly town, or to a neighboring
tribe, and kill without fear of censure from his own people.

[30] This is the rule at Cibolan. At Malilla and Digos, the kerchief
may be worn when one life has been taken, the trousers for two, the coat
for three, and finally the sack for four.

[Transcriber’s note: matálo in the paragraph above means
“coward.”]

The magani is one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen
to inflict the death penalty when it is decreed, and it is men of this
class that assist in the human sacrifices. He is under the special
protection of Mandarangan and Darago, and all petitions to these
powerful spirits must be made through him. His clothing is considered
the property of these spirits, and when such specimens were secured for
the collection, the wearer would invariably place the garment beside
some prized article, such as a knife or spear, then taking a green betel
nut would rub the garment and object, meanwhile beseeching the spirits
to leave the one and enter the other. Later the nut was placed in the
tambara belonging to those spirits. A father may not bequeath to
his son the right to the red clothing; and such articles, together with
his weapons, should be buried with him. Should one not entitled to these
garments dare to make use of them, the spirits would straightway cause
his body to swell or turn yellow, and he would die.

In a previous paragraph we mentioned the unorganized priesthood, the
members of which are known as mabalian. Men are not barred from
this profession, but the greater number of its members are old, or
middle-aged, women.[31] A woman may live the greater part of her life
without an idea of becoming a member of this order, and then suddenly be
warned in dreams, by visions, or by other mabalian that she has
been chosen by the spirits. The one thus elected becomes a pupil of a
qualified mabalian and for several months will be drilled in the
duties of that office. She will be taught the medicines to be used at
certain times,[32] the duties of a midwife, the correct method of
building shrines and conducting ceremonies, and finally, she will learn
the prayers with which the spirits should be addressed. It seems to be
the belief that, at times during the ceremonies, the mabalian may
be possessed by a spirit and that she then speaks not as a mortal but as
the spirit itself. She also knows how to weave and dye the turban worn
by the magani, and because of this accomplishment is considered
to be under the protection of Baitpandi,[33] and is permitted to wear
garments made of red cloth, the same as the magani.

[31] There are five mabalian in Cibolan, all of whom are women
past middle life.

[32] A medicine is used with the idea that it assists in driving away
evil influences.

[33] The patron spirit of the weavers.

The workers in the various crafts are under the guidance and
protection of special spirits, but there is no bar against other members
of the tribe entering those professions.

Apparently then, Bagobo society is divided into several classes or
divisions, but with the exception of a few individuals in the slave
class, there is a possibility or an opportunity for each member of the
tribe to enter any class open to his or her sex. Even a slave woman may
become the wife of a datu, and her son may assume the leadership
of the tribe.

The laws of the people are those imposed by custom and religion, and
are equally binding on all classes. Public opinion is sufficient to
prevent most crimes; the fear of offending the spirits is a further
deterrent; while the final bar is the drastic punishment meted out by
the datu. Theft is punished by the levying of a fine if the
culprit is able to pay, or by a term of servitude if he has no property.
If a husband finds that his wife has been unfaithful, he should kill
both her and her admirer, but the spear with which he avenges his wrongs
should be left in the body of one of the victims, as a sign that the
murder was provoked by the fault. When this is done the husband cannot
be held accountable either to the datu or to the dead person’s
relatives. If, however, he withdraws the weapon, the brothers or other
male relatives of the deceased have a right and a duty to avenge the
deaths. A man who has killed his wife and her lover is allowed to count
both on his score towards becoming a magani—a further
incentive for him to avenge his wrongs. Cases are known where the
husband accepted payment for his wife’s affections, but it was
considered a sign of weakness, or cowardice, and the man lost caste.
Unprovoked murder of one from the same or a friendly village is punished
by death.

A man having illicit relations with a slave woman, not his own, is
subjected to a heavy fine or a term of servitude. Incest should be
punished by the death of the culprits for should such a crime go
unpunished the spirits would cause the sea to rise and cover the land.
Datu Tongkaling claims that on two occasions, since he became ruler, he
has put such offenders to death. In the first case he had the couple
bound and thrown into the sea, while in the second instance, they were
tied to trees in the forest and sacrificed in the presence of all the
people of the village.

Prohibitions exist against the wearing of the clothing which
distinguishes warriors and priestesses, and there are rules governing
the conduct of individuals while near shrines or during ceremonies, but
punishment for the breaking of these rules is meted out by the spirits
rather than by the datu.

Each settlement is recognized as having property rights to all
adjacent lands. Within these recognized limits, its members may take up
as much land as they need, provided it is not already in use, but when a
field is, for any reason, abandoned it again becomes the property of the
community. Individual ownership extends to houses, furnishings, and all
articles of clothing, as well as to weapons, traps, animals, and slaves.
Although bought with a price the wife is still very independent and has
undisputed rights to her baskets, cooking utensils, looms, and to the
finery with which she adorns her person.

Since all the people assist in the support of the datu they
consider his home to be, to a certain extent, their own and make use of
it and its furnishings without question.

Probably at no place in the world has borrowing gone to greater
extremes than here. When attempting to purchase clothing, or articles in
daily use, the writer frequently found that not a single garment worn by
an individual was his own; and it was usually necessary to consult
several persons in order to secure a complete outfit.

Upon the death of a man, his property is taken in charge by his first
wife, or by the old men, and is divided equally among his wives and
children, with perhaps a little extra added to the share of the first
mate. The belongings of a free-born woman go to her children, or, in
case she is barren, are given to her relatives. In cases where both the
parents are dead, the children pass into the care of the father’s
family.

Despite the fact that property is owned by individuals, a large part
of the labor, especially in house-building and in the fields, is done in
common. When a man desires to clear or plant a field or to build a
house, he summons his friends to aid him and they respond with no idea
of payment other than their food and drink, and the return of like
services when they are in similar need.

For about six months before and after the birth of a child the mother
is relieved from hard labor; she is not allowed to taste of any thing
sour, neither may she eat dried fish or flesh, lest her child be thin
and weak. The father is under no restrictions other than that he is
expected to remain near to his home for a few days following the birth
of a child. Other action on his part would be considered by the spirits
as an admission that he does not care for the child, and they would
cause the umbilical cord to decay so that the child would die. The
mother is delivered in the regular dwelling, where she is attended by
two or more midwives or mabalian.[34] She is placed with her back
against an inclined board, while in her hands she holds a rope which is
attached to the roof. With the initial pains, one of the midwives
massages the abdomen, while another prepares a drink made from leaves,
roots, and bark, and gives it to the expectant woman. The preparation of
this concoction was taught by friendly spirits, and it is supposed to
insure an easy delivery. Still another mabalian spreads a mat in
the middle of the room, and on it places valuable cloths, weapons, and
gongs, which she offers to the spirits; praying that they will make the
birth easy and give good health to the infant. The articles offered at
this time can be used by their former owners but as they are now the
property of the spirits they must not be sold or traded. The writer was
very anxious to secure an excellent weapon which had been thus offered.
The user finally agreed to part with it but first he placed it beside
another of equal value, and taking a piece of betel nut he rubbed each
weapon with it a number of times, then dipping his fingers in the water
he touched both the old and the new blades, all the time asking the
spirit to accept and enter the new weapon. The child is removed by the
mabalian who, in cutting the umbilical cord, makes use of the
kind of knife used by the members of the child’s sex, otherwise the
wound would never heal. The child is placed on a piece of soft betel
bark, “for its bones are soft and our hands are hard and are apt to
break the soft bones,” then water is poured over it and its body is
rubbed with pogonok.[35] The afterbirth is placed in a bamboo
tube, is covered with ashes and a leaf, and the whole is hung against
the side of the dwelling where it remains until it falls of its own
accord or the house is destroyed. In Cibolan the midwife applies a
mixture of clay and herbs called karamir to the eyes of all who
have witnessed the birth “so that they will not become blind.” Having
done this she gives the child its name, usually that of a relative, and
her duties are over. As payment she will receive a large and a small
knife, a plate, some cloth, and a needle.[36]

[34] In Cibolan the midwife is called taratEk-Ekn, and need
not be a mabalian.

[35] A medicine made of bark and rattan.

[36] The payment given at the birth of a boy is somewhat greater than
that for a girl.

In Malilla the naming does not take place until three clays after the
birth, and the eyes are not always anointed, although the old people
agree that it is an ancient custom and “a good thing to do.” At that
time the mat containing the gifts is spread on the floor and the
offerings are again called to the attention of the spirits, who are
urged to look to the welfare of the child. Should the infant be ailing,
or cry a great deal, it is a sign that the spirits are displeased with
the name given to it and another will be substituted; however, this does
not seem to be done with an idea of fooling the spirits, as is the case
with some other tribes. The child is nursed until two or three years of
age, or until another takes its place. There is no superstition
concerning twins, but triplets are at once put to death by filling their
mouths with ashes, otherwise “the parents would die, for they are like
dogs.”

When questioned concerning abortion, Datu Tongkaling asserted that he
considered it “very bad,” and that he would prohibit any mabalian
who assisted in such a practice from continuing her profession, but he
said that despite his orders secret medicines which produce that result
are sometimes administered. Such a practice is not common, however, as
children are greatly desired and no worse slur can be applied to a woman
than to speak of her as barren.

So far as could be learned there is no ceremony or celebration of any
kind when a child reaches the age of puberty but soon thereafter its
teeth will be filed and blackened. In some villages the boys are
circumcised, but the practice is not compulsory, neither is it general
throughout the territory.

Marriage among the Bagobo takes place much later than is common among
most Philippine tribes, the couple often being eighteen or twenty years
of age. As a rule the parents of the boy select the girl and negotiate
the match. Going to the house of the girl they casually broach the
subject and if her parents are favorable, a day is set to discuss the
details. This meeting is attended by the friends and relatives of both
families, and two head-men or datu must also be present to
represent the contracting parties. The price the girl should bring
varies according to the wealth of the interested parties and the
accomplishments of the bride. Whatever the sum paid, the father of the
girl must make a return present equal to one-half the value of the
marriage gift “so that he does not sell his daughter like a slave.”
Usually marriage does not take place until a year or more after this
settlement, and during the interval the boy must serve his father-in-law
to be. When the time for the final ceremony arrives the relatives and
friends assemble and for two or three days they feast and make merry. A
mabalian spreads a mat on the floor, places on it many valuable
articles and then offers all to the spirits, in order that they may be
pleased to give the couple a long and prosperous life together. Finally,
she puts a dish of rice on the mat and, after offering it to the
spirits, places it between the boy and the girl as they sit on the
floor. The girl takes a handful of the rice and feeds it to the boy who,
in turn, feeds her, and the ceremony is complete. The couple may then go
to their new home, but for several years the girl’s family will exact a
certain amount of service from the groom.

A slight variation of the usual order occurred recently at the
marriage of one of Datu Tongkaling’s sons. At that time all the details
were arranged by the datu, who, accompanied by his son and a
number of relatives, went to the girl’s house and proposed the union.
After the girl had brought wine, betel nut, and food, and had placed
them before the visitors, she was directed by her mother to make a
carrying bag for her lover. Had she objected to the union and refused to
make this gift, her decision would probably have been accepted as final
and all negotiations abandoned. However, it is not customary for the
young people to refuse to carry out the wishes of their elders. As the
girl offered no objections, the party fell to discussing the price the
groom should pay, and finally, after several hours of bargaining,
decided that he should furnish her father with one agong,[37] one
horse, and a double betel box.[38] Five days later, when he paid this
sum, he received a return gift of one agong and ten skirts from
the bride’s mother. About one-half the value of the groom’s gift was
distributed among the girl’s relatives, who were at the same time
admonished that, in case a separation should occur, they would be
expected to return an equal amount. In the presence of about a hundred
friends, the pair drank wine from the same dish, then submitted to
having a little hair cut from their heads, and were pronounced man and
wife. Before they retired for the night the mabalian combed their
hair, then, having directed the groom to precede his bride to their
sleeping place, she secured a child and placed it on the mat between the
pair. This, she explained, was an old custom, and was done so that the
girl might not be ashamed, for she was not the first to sleep there.
Having finished this duty, she returned to the center of the room and
placed a number of plates and a knife on the tambara, where they
were allowed to remain for four days as offerings to the anito,
Manama, Toglái and the tigyama.[39] At the end of that period the
plates were attached to the outside walls of the house, and the knife
returned to its former owner. This completed the duties of the
mabalian who returned home carrying an agong, the payment
for her services.

[37] Large copper gong.

[38] Much more is often given. One girl in Cibolan brought six
horses, five agongs, and several spears and knives.

[39] See p. 107. [Transcriber’s note: 5 pages after this.]

A man may have as many wives as he desires and can afford, but he may
not take a second mate until a child has been born to the first union,
or the wife has been proved beyond doubt to be barren. The groom renders
no services to the father of the second wife, but instead of this pays a
double price for the girl, for he not only pays her parents but is
forced also to give a like sum to his first wife, who, in turn, presents
it to her father. Should a third wife be added to the family a sum equal
to her cost is divided among the earlier wives. The first wife is
generally the lady of the house and does not particularly object to
having other girls added to the family, provided they are willing to
obey her. Datu Tongkaling has had four wives, three of whom are still
living.

If a couple cannot agree, a separation can be arranged by applying to
the local head-man, who, after listening to their troubles, decides
which one is at fault, and whether or no the marriage gifts must be
returned. When a couple parts, plates, bowls, and jars are sometimes
broken as a sign that they will never live together again and the
spirits are thus called to witness. A divorced woman may remarry, but
unless the sum originally paid for her has been returned, the new groom
must pay such an amount to the first husband.

In case of illness a mabalian administers some simple remedy
without any call on the spirits. If, however, the sickness does not
yield readily to this treatment, it is evident that the trouble is
caused by some spirit who can only be appeased by a gift, Betel nuts,
leaves, food, clothing, and some article in daily use by the patient are
placed in a dish of palm bark and on top of all is laid a roughly carved
figure of a man. This offering is passed over the body of the patient
while the mabalian addresses the spirits as follows. “Now, you
can have the man on this dish, for we have changed him for the sick man.
Pardon anything this man may have done, and let him be well again.”
Immediately after this the dish is carried away and hidden so that the
sick person may never see it again, for should he do so the illness
would return.

According to Father GISBERT a doll is carved from a piece of wood and
the spirit is addressed: “O God, Thou who has created men and trees, and
all things, do not deprive us of life, and receive in exchange this bit
of wood which has our face.”

In obstinate cases the invalid may be removed from his own house to
another, in order that he may be under the care of the good spirits
residing there. The mabalian appplies[sic] certain medicines and
then decrees a period of taboo, during which no outsiders may enter the
house. Those within at the time the medicine was given may go out if
they desire, but must return there to sleep. Should it become evident
that the patient will die he is taken back to his own place, otherwise
his family would be called upon to reimburse the owner of the house in
which the death occurs, for bringing evil or unfriendly spirits into
their dwelling.

Governor Bolton describes a somewhat different procedure among the
members of the Guianga branch of this tribe. Having learned that Datu
Angalan was ill he went to see him, but found his house deserted. The
datu was finally located in a small hut about a hundred yards
away from his own dwelling, with no attendants. The governor writes,
“When I went in the tribesmen entered. I soon found that I had broken a
charm which prevented anyone seeing him for a certain time; that he had
been placed in the hut for that reason, and to insure his not dying in
the large house. It is likely that they had a human sacrifice at that
time.”[40]

[40] Extract from letters of Gov. Bolton, in files of the Governor at
Davao.

Following a death the body is covered with good clothing and is
placed in the middle of the house. Wailers sit by the corpse, fanning it
to keep away flies, or making an occasional offering of food; while the
friends gather to talk of the virtues of the deceased, to console the
family, and to partake of the food and drink which has been provided for
the gathering. The body is kept over one night, and in the case of great
personages, for three days, or until the coffin—a large log split
in halves and hollowed out—is prepared. When this is ready the
body is placed in it, together with some prized articles of the
deceased. After the top has been fitted to the lower portion, they are
lashed together and the cracks are filled with lime.[41] The body is
buried beneath the house, and the grave is protected by a bamboo fence,
within which is placed food, small offerings, or perhaps a shield and
spear. In some instances the coffin is allowed to remain in the house,
which is then abandoned. It is said that when Datu Taopan died his
funeral lasted ten days, and on the last day the house was decked,
inside and out, with flowers and valuable gifts, and was then
deserted.

[41] When the deceased has been a person of note the coffin is
sometimes decorated or colored. The coffin of a magani should be
red, yellow, and black; while that of a mabalian should be
yellow, black, and brown.

Following the burial the family lives in the house where the death
occurred until a human sacrifice has been made. During this period they
live very quietly, eat poor food, wear old clothing, and abstain from
all amusements. If their wealth permits, they may shorten the period of
mourning by making a special sacrifice, but in most cases the bereaved
will wait until the yearly sacrifice when they will purchase a share in
the victim and thus remove the taboo. Following the offering, the old
house is abandoned and is allowed to fall to pieces for “the man has
gone and his house must go also.” The procedure is the same for women,
and for children who have survived infancy.

There is some variance, in different parts of the Bagobo area, in the
beliefs concerning the spirits or souls of a man. In Cibolan each man
and woman is supposed to have eight spirits or gimokod, which
dwell in the head, the right and left hands and feet, and other parts
not specified. At death these gimokod part, four from the right
side of the body, going up to a place called palakalángit, and
four descending to a region known as karonaronawan.These places
differ in no respects from the present home of the Bagobo, except that
in the region above it is always day, and all useful plants grow in
abundance. In these places the gimokod are met by the spirits,
Toglái and Tigyama, and by them are assigned to their future homes. If a
man has been a datu on earth, his spirits have like rank in the
other life, but go to the same place as those of common people. The
gimokod of evil men are punished by being crowded into poor
houses. These spirits may return to their old home for short periods,
and talk with the gimokod of the living through dreams, but they
never return to dwell again on earth.

In the districts to the west of Cibolan the general belief is that
there are but two gimokod, one inhabiting the right side of the
body, the other the left. That of the right side is good, while all evil
deeds and inclinations come from the one dwelling on the left. It is a
common thing when a child is ill to attach a chain bracelet to its right
arm and to bid the good spirit not to depart, but to remain and restore
the child to health. In Malilla it is believed that after death the
spirit of the right side goes to a good place, while the one on the left
remains to wander about on earth as a buso,[42] but this latter
belief does not seem to be shared by the people of other districts.

[42] See p. 107.

Aside from the gimokod the Bagobo believe that there exists a
great company of powerful spirits who make their homes in the sky above,
in the space beneath the world, or in the sea, in streams, cliffs,
mountains, or trees. The following is the list related by Datu
Tongkaling, a number of mabalian, and others supposed to have
special knowledge concerning these superior beings.

I. Eugpamolak Manobo, also called Manama and Kalayágan. The first and
greatest of the spirits, and the creator of all that is. His home is in
the sky from whence he can observe the doings of men. Gifts for him
should be white, and should be placed above and in the center of
offerings intended for other spirits. He may be addressed by the
mabalian, the datu, and wise old men.

II. Tolus ka balakat, “dweller in the balakat[43].” A male
spirit who loves the blood, but not the flesh of human beings, and one
of the three for whom the yearly sacrifice is made. Only the
magani may offer petitions to him. He is not recognized by the
people of Digos and vicinity.

[43] A hanger in which offerings are placed.

III and IV. Mandarangan and his wife Darago. This couple look after
the fortunes of the warriors, and in return demand the yearly sacrifice
of a slave. They are supposed to dwell in the great fissure of Mt. Apo,
from which clouds of sulphur fumes are constantly rising. The intentions
of this pair are evil, and only the utmost care on the part of the
magani can prevent them from causing quarrels and
dissentions[sic] among the people, or even actually devouring some of
them.

V. Taragómi/Taragomi. A male spirit who owns all food. He is the
guardian of the crops and it is for him that the shrine known as
parobanian is erected in the center of the rice field.

VI. Tolus ka towangan. The patron of the workers in brass and
copper.

VII. Tolus ka gomanan. Patron of the smiths.

VIII. Baitpandi. A female spirit who taught the women to weave, and
who now presides over the looms and the weavers.

IX. and X. Toglái, also called Si Niladan and Maniládan, and his wife
Toglibon. The first man and woman to live on the earth. They gave to the
people their language and customs. After their death they became
spirits, and are now responsible for all marriages and births. By some
people Toglái is believed to be one of the judges over the shades of the
dead, while in Bansalan he is identified with Eugpamolak Manobo.

XI. Tigyama. A class of spirits, one of whom looks after each family.
When children marry, the tigyama of the two families unite to
form one who thereafter guards the couple. While usually well disposed
they are capable of killing those who fail to show them respect, or who
violate the rules governing family life.

XII. Diwata. A class of numerous spirits who serve Eugpamolak
Manobo.

XIII. Anito. A name applied to a great body of spirits, some of whom
are said formerly to have been people. They know all medicines and cures
for illness, and it is from them that the mabalian secures her
knowledge and her power. They also assist the tigyama in caring
for the families.

XIV. Buso. Mean, evil spirits who eat dead people and have some power
to injure the living. A young Bagobo described his idea of a buso
as follows: “He has a long body, long feet and neck, curly hair, and
black face, flat nose, and one big red or yellow eye. He has big feet
and fingers, but small arms, and his two big teeth are long and pointed.
Like a dog he goes about eating anything, even dead persons.” As already
noted, the people of Malilla are inclined to identify the gimokod
of the left side with this evil class.

XV. Tagamaling. Evil spirits who dwell in big trees.

XVI. Tigbanua. Ill disposed beings inhabiting rocks and cliffs in the
mountains. These last two classes are frequently confused with the
buso.

In addition to these, the old men of Malilla gave the following:

1. Tagareso. Low spirits who cause people to become angry and to do
little evil deeds. In some cases they cause insanity.

2. Sarinago. Spirits who steal rice. It is best to appease them,
otherwise the supply of rice will vanish rapidly.

3. Tagasoro. Beings who cause sudden anger which results in quarrels
and death. They are the ones who furnish other spirits with human
flesh.

4 and 5. Balinonok and his wife Balinsogo. This couple love blood and
for this reason cause men and women to fight or to run amuck.

6. Siring. Mischievous spirits who inhabit caves, cliffs, and
dangerous places. They have long nails and can be distinguished by that
characteristic. They sometimes impersonate members of the family and
thus succeed in stealing women and children, whom they carry to their
mountain homes. The captives are not eaten but are fed on snakes and
worms, and should they try to escape the siring will scratch them
with their long nails.

Other spirits were named and described by individuals, but as they
are not generally accepted by the people of the tribe they are not
mentioned here.

The stars, thunder and lightning, and similar phenomena are generally
considered as “lights or signs” belonging to the spirits, yet one
frequently hears hazy tales such as that “the constellation Marara is a
one-legged and one-armed man who sometimes causes cloudy weather at
planting time so that people may not see his deformities,” or we are
told that “the sun was placed in the sky by the creator, and on it lives
an evil spirit who sometimes kills people. The sun is moved about by the
wind;” again, “the sun and moon were once married and all the stars are
their children.”

Despite repeated assertions by previous writers that the Bagobo are
fire-worshippers no evidence was obtained during our visit to support
the statement. The older people insisted that it was not a spirit and
that no offerings were ever made to it. One mabalian stated that
fire was injurious to a woman in her periods and hence it was best for
her not to cook at such times; she was also of the opinion that fire was
of two kinds, good and bad, and hence might belong to both good and bad
spirits.

A common method used by the spirits to communicate with mortals is
through the call of the limokon[44] All the people know the
meaning of its calls and all respect its warnings. If a man is starting
to buy or trade for an article and this bird gives its warning the sale
is stopped. Should the limokon call when a person is on the trail
he at ones doubles his fist and thrusts it in the direction from which
the warning comes. If it becomes necessary to point backwards, it is a
signal to return, or should the arm point directly in front it is
certain that danger is there, and it is best to turn back and avoid it.
When it is not clear from whence the note came, the traveler looks
toward the right side. If he sees there strong, sturdy trees, he knows
that all is well, but if they are cut or weaklings, he should use great
care to avoid impending danger. When questioned as to why one should
look only to the right, an old man quickly replied: “The right side
belongs to you; the left side is bad and belongs to someone else.”

[44] See p. 63, note. [Transcriber’s note: footnote above beginning,
“A dove.”]

Sneezing is a bad omen, and should a person sneeze when about to
undertake a journey, he knows that it is a warning of danger, and will
delay until another time.

Certain charms, or actions, are of value either in warding off evil
spirits, in causing trouble or death to an enemy, or in gaining an
advantage over another in trading and in games. One type of charm is a
narrow cloth belt in which “medicines” are tied. These medicines may be
peculiarly shaped stones, bits of fungus growth, a tooth, shell, or
similar object. Such belts are known as pamadan, or
lambos, and are worn soldier-fashion over one shoulder. They are
supposed to protect their owners in battle or to make it easy for them
to get the best of other parties in a trade, A little dust gathered from
the footprint of an enemy and placed in one of these belts will
immediately cause the foe to become ill.

It is a simple matter to cause a person to become insane. All that is
needed is to secure a piece of his hair, or clothing, place it in a dish
of water and stir in one direction for several hours.

Father GISBERT relates the following method of detecting theft:

“There are not, as a rule, many thefts among the Bagobo, for they
believe that a thief can be discovered easily by means of their famous
bongat. That consists of two small joints of bamboo, which
contain certain mysterious powders. He who has been robbed and wishes to
determine the robber takes a hen’s egg, makes a hole in it, puts a pinch
of the above said powder in it, and leaves it in the fire. If he wishes
the robber to die he has nothing else to do than to break the egg; but
since the thief may sometimes be a relative or a beloved person, the egg
is not usually broken, so that there may be or may be able to be a
remedy. For under all circumstances, when this operation is performed,
if the robber lives, wherever he may be, he himself must inform on
himself by crying out, ‘I am the thief; I am the thief,’ as he is
compelled to do (they say) by the sharp pain which he feels all through
his body. When he is discovered, he may be cured by putting powder from
the other joint into the water and bathing his body with it. This
practice is very common here among the heathens and Moros. A Bagobo,
named Anas, who was converted, gave me the bongat with which he
had frightened many people when a heathen.”

In Bansalan crab shells are hung over the doors of houses, for these
shells are distasteful to the buso who will thus be kept at a
distance.

I was frequently told of persons who could foretell the future by
means of palmistry, but was never able to see a palmist at work, or to
verify the information.

The music for the dances is generally furnished by one or more
persons beating on several agongs of different sizes and notes,
which are suspended in regular order from the house rafters (Plate
XXXa). The player stands in front of the line and begins to beat the
instruments with a padded stick. Oftentimes he is accompanied by a man
who strikes a wooden drum with the palm of one hand and a stick held in
the other. The music grows faster, emphasizing certain beats, until it
becomes a compelling rhythm that starts the feet of the onlookers, and
suddenly a man or woman begins to dance. At first she keeps time to the
music by raising on her toes and heels, bending the knees and twisting
the body from side to side, but soon she becomes more animated, the feet
are raised high above the floor and brought down with a sort of shuffle
which reminds one of the sound made by the feet of a clog dancer. Still
swaying her body, she begins to circle, contra-clockwise, around the
gongs, and soon she is joined by others until all the dancing space is
filled. The scene is most picturesque, for these dances usually occur at
night, in rooms illuminated only by the flickering light of torches. The
rich clothing of the participants loses nothing of its beauty in this
dim light, while the bells and rattles with which each dancer surrounds
arms, legs and ankles, add to the din and weirdness of the occasion.
Before the dance has progressed far the musicians begin to keep time
with their feet and frequently dance away from their instruments,
circle, and then return to continue the music.

With slight variation, this is the dance used on all occasions. At
certain ceremonies small gongs, or the bolang bolang,[45] replace
the agongs, and at times also a single dancer will accompany
himself on the kodloñ—a long wooden guitar with rattan
strings (Plate XXXb).

[45] An instrument made by placing a small board on a rice mortar.
This is pounded or beaten with short sticks, or with the wooden
pestles.

In this description we have named a large share of the musical
instruments used by the Bagobo. The women frequently play on a sort of
guitar made of a section of bamboo from the outside of which narrow
strings are cut. These are raised and made taut with small wooden
bridges and are then picked with a stick or the fingers (Fig. 33).
Bamboo Jew’s-harps and mouth flutes are played by the men, but the nose
flute, so common in most parts of the Philippines, was not seen in use
here.

The ceremonies and dances are so closely associated with every day
affairs that in the description of the life of the people up to this
point we have left only a few still to be discussed. These are, in the
main, very similar throughout the Bagobo belt, but to avoid confusion
the description here given of the two greatest events of the
year—the GinEm ceremony and the human sacrifice—deals
with Cibolan, unless expressly stated to the contrary.

The greatest of all Bagobo ceremonies—the
GinEm—may be given by the datu within three or four
months after the appearance of the constellation Balatik, when
the moon is new or full. Its object is to thank the spirits for success
in war or domestic affairs, to ward off sickness and other dangers, to
drive away the buso, and finally to so gratify the spirits that
they will be pleased to increase the wealth of all the people. Datu
Tongkaling expressed a belief that this ceremony is in a way related to
the rice harvest, “for it is always made when there is plenty of rice in
the granaries.” It appears to the writer, however, that this ceremony
probably originated in connection with warfare.

According to the tales of the old men, it was formerly the custom to
go on a raid before this ceremony was to take place, and successful
warriors would bring home with them the skulls of their victims which
they tied to the patan’nan.[46] It seems also to have been
closely associated with the yearly sacrifice, for it was never made
until after the appearance of the constellation Balatik, and
without doubt a sacrifice frequently did take place during the first day
of the ceremony, at the time the decorated poles were raised. However,
such an offering at this time did not relieve the datu from the
obligation of making the regular sacrifice.

[46] Ceremonial poles dedicated to Mandarangan and Darago. In Digos
and Bansalan the skulls were not taken but hair cut from the heads of
enemies was placed in the swinging altar balakat, and were left
there until the conclusion of the ceremony.

Datu Ansig of Talun informed me that, unless the death of some great
person made a special sacrifice necessary, there was only one such
offering made during the year, and that at the time the decorated poles
were placed in the dwelling.

The time for the festival having been agreed upon, messengers are
sent to other datu and head-men, inviting them and their people
to attend. Sufficient food is prepared for the guests and when all is
ready the mabalian takes one chicken from among those to be used
for food and frees it as an offering to the gimokod. It is bidden
to wander about in the forest, and no one will molest the fowl, for
should he do so he is certain to become ill.[47] The mabalian has
previously placed festoons of leaves and vines at various points in the
house and now she spreads a mat on the floor. A jar of balaba,
wine, stands at each corner, while at one end is an agong, and a
plate containing betel nut, leaf, and two varieties of rattan; at the
other end are several tambara. When all is thus prepared the
people place offerings of beautiful clothing, knives, and other costly
gifts on the mat. Two mabalian, a man and a woman call upon the
spirits,[48] urging them to look with favor on the offering made by the
people, to grant them a good year with health and plentiful harvests, to
let their journeys be without mishap, and to keep them all under their
constant care. The tambara are fastened in various parts of the
house, and the gifts are hung on or laid beside them. Later these
offerings may be removed by their former owners who now regard them as
being loaned to them by the spirits.

[47] This offering is not made at Bansalan, neither has the
mabalian any part in the ceremonies of the first day.

[48] Those called at this time are Toglái, Toglibon, tigyma,
and Kalayágan—Eugpamolak Manobo.

[Transcriber’s note: The word tigyma in the above footnote
should be spelled tigyama.]

Following the offering the magani go to a bamboo thicket and
cut two large poles, one nine sections long, the other eight. With each
stroke of the knife the men give their battle cry, then when the poles
are felled, all seize hold and carry them to the house of the
datu. Here they are decorated, first by being cut down for short
distances, thus leaving the lower part attached so that the shavings
make a sort of fringe, and then by attaching strips of palm or bamboo
leaves and cloth or palm leaf streamers. When complete these poles are
known as patan’nan and are then the property of the spirits
Mandanagan and Darago. The longer one is for the male spirit, while the
one of eight sections is for his wife. Under no circumstances may anyone
not a magani touch these poles. They are carried into the house
and are fastened near to the elevated platform at the end of the room
where the datu or leading magani stands ready to sacrifice
a chicken. He allows some of the blood from the offering to drip onto
the poles, at the same time begging the spirits not to let the people
fight or quarrel during the GinEm, “for blood is now being
offered.” In at least two recent offerings the datu urged the
spirits to be content with this offering of a fowl, since it was
impossible for them to kill a man. At this time, it is said, the skulls
of enemies should be attached to the patan’nan. As the leader
finishes his offering, the men and boys gather about the poles and yell
lustily, then sit quietly down and amuse themselves by chewing betel nut
until the chicken, just killed, and the other food has been prepared for
eating. Old dishes are placed in the center of the floor and in them
food is offered for all the spirits, but in the exact center of all is a
large plate of white food for the supreme being. A second large dish of
food is placed in a tambara at the corner of the room as an
offering to the warrior deities “so that they will not eat anyone during
the fiesta.” Again the spirits are besought to give them a good year,
with abundant crops, health, and success in war. Going to the
patan’nan each magani, beginning with the datu or
his son, takes hold of the poles, and in a loud voice, begins to confess
all his warlike deeds. He relates how and when he killed his victims,
the number of sacrifices he has participated in, the towns he has sacked
and the slaves he has captured. In short, he tells of all the manly
deeds he has performed in order to gain the right to wear his red suit
and be known as magani. When all have confessed, the men and boys
eat the chicken which was sacrificed before the poles, and from then
until near midnight, all the people may dance to the music of the
agongs or may indulge in feasting and drinking. From the middle
of the night until daybreak they chant songs or poems, many words of
which are now obsolete so that they are not fully understood.[49]

[49] Mr. Gohn informs me that at midnight during the last
GinEm made by Datu Ali in Santa Cruz, a gun was fired, and the
datu said that a sacrifice should have taken place at that
time.

The festival may last one or more days. The last held in Cibolan
(1909) extended through two days and nights. At that time no offerings
were made to the spirits on the second day, but the people feasted and
drank while the datu gathered a little apart and held a
council.

In Malilla the second day of this ceremony is called
EgbikbEgáybe and is given over almost entirely to the women. Two
tambara are erected in the house, and young betel nut buds and
women’s skirts are hung on them. The women and some men form a line and
dance in a circle around the offerings, keeping time to music furnished
by beating small gongs, or by pounding on a board resting on a rice
mortar.[50] Before each dance the mabalian informs a spirit that
this dance is for him and it is customary to add a gift of some kind to
those already on the tambara. Sixteen spirits are thus honored.
Throughout the day there is much feasting and drinking, and at some time
before sunset the women are baptized. Having filled an old agong with
water, the mabalian dips certain leaves into it and sprinkles the
heads of the women present eight times, meanwhile bidding the spirits to
grant to them a good mind and habit.

[50] See p. 110, note. [Transcriber’s note: back 3 pages, the
footnote beginning, “An instrument made by placing….”]

Mr. Gohn, a planter of Santa Cruz who has witnessed a number of these
ceremonies, says that with the Bagobo of that place it was customary for
the datu to baptize the women prior to the day of GinEm.
On the second day, a mabalian provided a long palm leaf, and a
number of betel nut buds which, she said, represented streams, rivers,
tribes, and individuals. Taking up a bud she swung the palm leaf above
it, chanting meanwhile, and, as she finished, handed it to the
datu who opened it and read the signs sent by the spirits. At the
conclusion of this act, all the women went to the river to bathe.

In the writings of the early missionary fathers stationed among the
Bagobo are found many references to human sacrifices. Since American
occupation several articles have appeared describing this custom, and
following the sacrifice held in Talun in 1907, this practice became the
subject of official communication between the Governor of the District
and his superiors. While these descriptions agree, in the main, there
are so many minor variations that it seems best to first relate the
account given to the writer by Datu Tongkaling and ten of his
magani, after which we shall take up some of the earlier
accounts, and the official correspondence of 1907.

Datu Tongkaling is a magani. He claims to have killed more
than thirty of his enemies in fair fight and to have assisted in, or to
have witnessed, an even greater number of sacrifices. Prior to his
elevation to the office of datu he had aided in several of the
yearly offerings. At the time he became datu he entertained all
his people for seven days and on the morning of the last day, in the
presence of his subjects, he alone sacrificed a decrepit Bila-an slave
for whom he had paid three agongs. Hence, probably, no man in the
tribe is better fitted to describe this event than he.

According to him, a sacrifice should be held each year following the
appearance in the sky of a constellation of seven stars known as
Balatik (“pig trap”).[51] The stars are placed there by the
spirits for two purposes:—first, to inform the people that it is
time to prepare for the clearing of new fields; second, to remind them
that they should offer a slave to Mandarangan, Darago, and Balakat as
payment for the good year they have enjoyed, and to secure their good
will for the coming season. A great epidemic or continued
calamaties[sic] might also be signs that the spirits were in need of
another offering, and this could take place at any time. Upon the death
of an adult it becomes the duty of the family to make a sacrifice, but,
unless the deceased is of very great importance, they may wait until the
yearly sacrifice[52] when they can purchase a share in it. The one other
occasion for which this offering is obligatory is the installation of a
new datu in office. For the yearly event the ruler should provide
a decrepit slave, and then invite all those who have had death or
trouble in the family and who wish a part in the sacrifice to help bear
the expense of the ceremony. Guests gather from near and far and for two
or three days, feast, dance, and make merry in the house of the
datu. On the morning of the last day they accompany their leader
to a great tree in the forest and there witness or take part in the
sacrifice. The victim is tied with his back to the tree, his arms
stretched high above his head. Meanwhile a little table or altar is
constructed near by, and on it the principals place their offerings of
betel nut, clothes, or weapons, and on top of all is a dish of white
food for Eugpamolak Manobo. When all is ready one of the magani
begins a prayer, begging the spirits to look and see that the people are
following the old custom, to give them success in battle, and to protect
their homes from sickness and enemies. The prayer being completed, the
datu places his spear below and just in front of the right
armpit; then all those who have purchased a share in the victim take
hold of the weapon, and at a signal given by the datu, thrust it
through the body. As soon as it is withdrawn, the magani who has
offered the greatest price for the privilege attempts to cut the body in
two with one blow of his fighting knife. If he fails in the attempt,
another tries, and so on until someone succeeds. The two portions are
then released from the tree and cast into a shallow grave near by.
Before the body is covered with earth any person who wishes may cut off
a portion of the flesh or hair and carry it to the grave of some
relative whom he may have reason to believe is being troubled by evil
spirits. In such a case the evil spirit will be content to eat of the
slave, and cease disturbing the other body. Returning to the house of
the datu, the people continue the dancing and merry-making
throughout another night.

[51] This is the constellation Orion which appears early in
December.

[52] We have already seen that this offering sometimes occurs during
the GinEm ceremony.

The following accounts are extracts from the official correspondence
forwarded by the Governor of Davao to the Governor of the Moro
Province:

“I have the honor to submit herewith a full report of an
investigation made by myself and the Senior Inspector of Constabulary of
Davao, regarding a human sacrifice made by the Bagobos at Talun near
Digos on Dec. 9th, 1907.

“We left Davao on the morning of the 27th of December and arrived at
Digos in the afternoon of the same day. An order was immediately sent
out to the Bagobos of Talun to come down to Digos to meet us.

“On the morning of the 30th, the entire population of
Talun—men, women and children, to the number of almost one hundred
and fifty—arrived at Digos. They were informed that it was
reported that a human sacrifice had been made at their town and that the
authorities desired to know if this was so.

“Datto[sic] Ansig replied that it was true that a sacrifice had been
held as stated and that both he and his people were ready to tell all
about it as to the best of their belief they had committed no crime, but
only followed out a religious custom practiced by themselves and their
ancestors from time immemorial.

“From the statements made by Ansig and his followers, it appears as
follows:

“That the Bagobos have several gods, ‘Bacalad,’ God of the spirits,
Agpanmole[sic] Monobo[sic], God of good and his wife the goddess Dewata;
Mandarangan, the God of evil (corresponding perhaps to our devil) and to
whom sacrifice is made to appease his wrath which is shown by
misfortune, years of drought, or evil befalling the tribe or its
members, also it is at times necessary to offer him human sacrifice so
that he will allow the spirits of the deceased to rest, etc. They say
that in case a Bagobo of rank or influence dies, and his widow be unable
to secure another husband, it is necessary for her to offer sacrifice to
appease the spirit of her departed husband in order that she may secure
another. In order that these sacrifices be not made too often, it is
customary for the old men of the town to gather together once each year
during a time when a collection of seven stars, three at right angle to
the other four, are seen in the heavens at seven o’clock in the evening,
which is said to occur once each year during the first part of the month
of December.

“This collection of stars is called by the Bagobos ‘Balatic,’ and is
the sign of the sacrifice, that is, if a sacrifice is to occur, it must
take place during the time that the stars are in this position.

“The old men meet and decide if enough misfortune has overtaken the
tribe or village during the period since the last sacrifice to render
necessary another tribute to the god of evil. It is not necessary to
offer a sacrifice for each evil, but when the misfortunes amount to a
considerable, a sacrifice is held to cover the entire lot.

“In this case it appears that two widows, Addy and Obby, went to
Datto[sic] Ansig and requested that he arrange a sacrifice to appease
the spirits of their departed husbands which were bothering them. Ansig
called a meeting of the old men at which were present besides himself
Bagobos Oling, Pandaya, and Ansig, and these four decided that as they
had not had a sacrifice since the great drought (about three years ago)
and that since that time many evils had befallen them, it would be well
to offer a sacrifice. These four men sent out to find a slave for
sacrifice, the finder becoming the chief of the sacrifice.

“Ongon, a henchman of Datto Ansig, purchased from Bagobo Ido, a Bilan
slave boy named Sacum about eight years old and who was deaf and
cross-eyed, and had other defects of vision, making him of little or no
value as a laborer. Ido originally received this slave from Duon, a
Bilan, as a wedding present when he married Duon’s daughter about a year
ago.

“Ongon agreed to pay Ido five agongs for the boy and took him to the
house of Ansig where arrangements were made for the sacrifice by calling
on all who for any reason had need to appease the evil spirits to come
and take part. Three days after the slave was brought to the house of
Ansig, the people met at Talun near the river Inolia, a short distance
from Ansig’s house, this being the regular place of sacrifice.

“Leaving the house of Ansig the boy Sacum was seated upon the ground
near the place of sacrifice. He was naked but no other preparation was
made with regard to the person. Upon a platform or bench of bamboo about
two feet high and a foot or two square was placed a small basket or
receptacle made of the bark of the bunga tree; in this each person
present and taking part in the sacrifice placed a piece of betel-nut,
over this the men placed their head handkerchiefs and the women strips
of the bark of the palma tree. Upon this the men laid their bolos, and
spears were then stuck in the ground in a circle around the platform.
Next Datto Ansig as chief of the sacrifice made an oration which was
about as follows: ‘Oh, Mandarangan, chief of evil spirits and all the
other spirits, come to our feast and accept our sacrifice. Let this
sacrifice appease your wrath and take from us our misfortunes, granting
us better times.’

“After this, the boy Sacum was brought forward by Ongon, placed
against a small tree about six feet high, his hands tied above his head,
and his body tied to the tree with bejuco strips at the waist and knees.
Ansig then placed a spear at the child’s right side at a point below the
right arm and above the margin of the ribs. This lance was grasped by
the widows Addy and Obby, who at a signal from Ansig forced it through
the child’s body, it coming out at the other side. It was immediately
withdrawn and the body cut in two at the waist by bolos in the hands of
Moesta Barraro and Ola, after which the body was cut down and chopped
into bits by the people present, each of whom was allowed to take a
small portion as a momento[sic] of the occasion, the remainder of the
body being buried in a hole prepared for it.

“It is said the child was deaf and almost blind and that it did not
realize what was to happen to it until the moment it was tied up when it
began to cry; further, that death was almost instantaneous, the only cry
being one uttered when the spear first entered the child’s body.

“Datto Ansig, a man about sixty years of age, says that in his life
he has attended or officiated at fifty human sacrifices, more or less,
both among the Bagobos and the Bilanes, and that human sacrifice is also
practiced among the Tagacolos, although he has never been present at one
held by that tribe.

“The Bagobos do not sacrifice any but old and decrepit or useless
slaves captured from other tribes, but the Bilanes sacrifice even their
own people.

“Being asked if it was customary to eat any portion of the body
sacrificed, Ansig replied that it was not customary nor did he know of
any case where such had occurred.

“The last sacrifice before this was held at Talun during the year of
the drought (about 1905) when a Bilan slave, an old man who was
paralyzed in one arm, was sacrificed by Datto Oling, his master.

“Asked if the sacrifice of an animal would not do as well as that of
a human being, they said, ‘No, better to have no sacrifice at all.’

“They appeared utterly unconscious of having committed any crime,
told their story with frankness, said it was a matter not talked about
among their own people but that if we wanted to know the facts they
would give them to the authorities. They claimed the offering of human
sacrifices by their tribe to be an old custom and, as far as they knew
the only way to appease the wrath of the evil spirits, but said if they
were ordered to give the custom up they would do so even if the devil
got them all.”

Then follows the statement of an eye-witness to the ceremony:

“My name is Modesta Barrera; I live in the town of Santa Cruz, my
father being a Visayan, my mother a Bagobo. I cannot read or write, and
I think that I am about twenty-three years old, although I am not
certain on that point.

“On the 8th instant myself, Baon, Otoy, and Oton left Santa Cruz
early in the morning to go to Talun, a day’s march from Santa Cruz, for
the purpose of trading with the natives of Talun, and also to collect
some debts which they owed Baon. We remained that night at Saculampula,
near Talun, where Ungon and Ido, two Bagobos, live with their families.
There we found two children the only persons at the house who informed
us that we should go to the house of Ambing, at Talun, where we could
sell our merchandise. On the morning of the 9th we got up about 7 or 8
o’clock and started for Ambing’s house. When within about an hour’s walk
of the house, we found a great many people congregated together. We were
told that a human sacrifice had just taken place and on approaching to
discover what had happened, we saw a little boy about eight or nine
years old, the upper half of whose body was suspended by the wrists to a
tree, the lower half lying on the ground. The child had been thus tied
up while alive and had been cut into two parts at the waist; this was
about the position of the body when we saw it.

“Immediately about twenty persons began to chop the body into small
pieces; and Ansig, the datto of Talun, came over to us and gave Baon two
pieces of the victim’s hair attached to the scalp, which is a sign of
the sacrifice. The victim was a slave owned and sacrificed by Datto
Ansig. The first bolo cut which severs the body at the waist and which
in this case we were told was done by Ansig is always performed by the
person making the sacrifice. The people present were guests of Ansig and
were not responsible for the killing, though it is the custom for the
more favored ones to assist in chopping the victim into small pieces
after death.”

In the letters written by Father GISBERT in 1886, are many references
to the religious practices of the Bagobo, from which the following are
extracts:

“The feast which they hold before the sowing is a criminal and
repugnant trago-comedy. The tragical part is the first thing that is
done. When they have assembled in the middle of the woods * * * they
tightly bind the slave whom they are going to sacrifice. All armed with
sharp knives, leap and jump about their victim striking him, one after
the other, or several at one time, amid infernal cries and shouts, until
the body of the victim sacrificed has been cut to bits. From the place
of the sacrifice they then go to the house of their chief or the master
of the feast, holding branches in their hands which they place in a
large bamboo, which is not only the chief adornment but the altar of the
house in which they meet * * * The principal part is reserved for the
old man or master of the feast, he standing near the bamboo which I have
mentioned above, holding the vessel of wine in his hand, and, talking
with his comrades, addresses the great demon called Darago, whose
feast they are celebrating, in the following words: ‘Darago, we are
making you this feast, with great good will and gladness, offering you
the blood of the sacrifice which we have made and this wine which we
drink so that you may be our friend, accompany us, and be propitious in
our wars.’ * * * * * * * * * * *

“When they marry, if the lovers think that it will be of any use they
make a human sacrifice so that they may have a good marriage, so that
the weather may be good, so that they may have no storm, sickness, etc.,
all things which they attribute to the devil. In the same way also when
they learn that there is any contagious disease, or fear death, several
of them assemble and make a human sacrifice, asking the devil to let
them live, since they generously offer him that victim. They also
believe that the disease can be conjured. But the time that it is
necessary to make a sacrifice, according to the law of the Bagobos, is
at the death of anyone of the family, before they can remove the
laláoan or mourning * * * At the point and on the day assigned,
all the sacrificers assemble, or possibly one member of each of the
families who are in mourning, at times fifty or more. The value of the
slave sacrificed is paid among them all, and he who pays most has the
right to sacrifice first.”**

**In BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII. pp. 244-51, will be found a
very interesting letter from FATHER GISBERT, in which he describes the
sacrifice of a Bagabo[sic] half-blood who had fallen in debt.

The official files in the Governor’s office at Davao contain an
account, written by Gov. Bolton, of the sacrifice at Cataloonan, July 1,
1904. This was held to secure the return to health of Chief Obo, who
later died.

[Transcriber’s note: The two paragraphs immediately above both
comprise a single footnote.]

By the side of the trail, or in the forests, little shrines or
platforms about 3 ft. high and a foot square at the top, are frequently
seen. These are known as buis and are erected for the
buso, in order to avert their displeasure and to keep them at a
distance from the dwellings. When the family has been subjected to petty
annoyances, or when for any other reason, the mabalian thinks an
offering should be made, she orders the family to provide her with betel
nut, a piece of iron, and bits of broken dishes, or castoff clothing.
These are placed on the platform and the buso are exhorted to
come and accept them. Good offerings are never made to this class of
spirits, for “they do not expect to be treated like the more powerful.”
A shrub known as dalingding is planted by the side of the shrine
so that its location may be known even after the platform has fallen,
and all passersby will make some small offering, hoping thus to keep
these evil beings in good humor.

Rain can be stopped by placing an offering of a leg ring, or prepared
betel nut beside the trail and presenting them to the Gimokod, at
the same time asking them to stop the downpour.

To a stranger entering a Bagobo house, in the absence of its owners,
it appears that the people have little artistic development. He sees no
paintings, no drawings, and few, if any, attempts to beautify the house
with carvings. The pots sitting by the fire, show no decoration nor do
the other household utensils exhibit embellishment of any kind. A closer
study of the field baskets, however, shows a slight attempt to produce
ornamentation by changing the weave of the central band from that at the
top and bottom, or by adding a few rude lines in pitch. The moment the
people enter, however, all is changed. The clothing they wear is covered
with intricate patterns, some realistic, others highly conventionalized
(Plate XXXI). Wonderful designs in beads or shell disks appear on coats,
jackets, and carrying bags, while at neck, waist, shoulder, and at the
bottom of sleeves and trousers are other figures in fine embroidery or
applique. Strands of beads and seeds exhibiting a great variety of
designs surround the necks of both men and women, while rings, armlets,
leglets, and anklets of beads, plaited material or metal, are common.
Combs are covered with pitch and inlaid with beads, or patterns are
incised in the wood and filled with lime. Ear plugs exhibit beautiful
delicate patterns inlaid with brass or silver.

A glance at the weapons carried by the man shows that his knife has
been ornamented with caps of brass (Plate XXXII), the metal guard has
cut or cast patterns in its surface, while sheath and carrying belt are
covered with thin brass plates, painted lines, or a beaded cloth (Plate
XXXIII) with bells attached. Fronts and backs of shields are covered
with incised designs, while the metal ferrule next to the spear head
seldom lacks in conventionalized figures. So the list might be extended
to cover the women’s knives and their pocket and carrying baskets, as
well as the betel boxes and lime holders used by both sexes. In short,
there seems to be no end to the list of personal ornaments and equipment
which may be improved by carvings, arrangements of beads or metal
castings and inlays. Even the horses are decorated with artificial
forelocks of hair and beads. Strings of bells surround their necks,
while saddles and whips display the aesthetic taste of their owners.

A part of this decoration is apparently realistic and will readily be
identified by any member of the tribe; another part is suggestive and
with a widely known meaning, but by far the greater number of designs
have no generally accepted signification. The writer spent many hours
securing the names of the designs on textiles, ornaments, or on lime
boxes, only to receive the reply “done to make pretty,” or to find that
no two of five or a dozen informants could agree on many patterns, while
frequently it was found that some obliging individual had volunteered
names at one time which he could not remember on the day following. It
is possible that a long residence with the people and diligent inquiry
along this line might yield more definite results, but for the present
the writer must content himself by showing some typical examples of the
decorative art, and adding a few notes to the same.

The great majority of baskets lack in decoration, other than that
which can be obtained by a slight change in the weave. In these a
central band can be distinguished from those at top and bottom, although
the same material is used and there is only a minor variation in the
technique.

Small carrying receptacles, or trinket baskets, frequently have
designs produced by plaiting the rattan or bamboo of natural color with
that which has been blackened (Plate XXXIVa). No uniform meaning or
pattern name seems to be attached to the designs shown in this specimen,
but an incised design on the wooden rim was readily identified as a
crocodile.

The small baskets in the coiled weave sometimes have the fronts
entirely covered with beads which are woven into the basket in parallel
lines. The tobacco box shown in Plate XXXV has been covered with cloth
and pitch, in which an artistic design made from the yellow cuticle of
an orchid has been inlaid. Plate XXXVb shows the wooden tops of three
tobacco boxes. Nos. 1 and 2 are carved and inlaid with beads and buttons
in designs which “look pretty,” but number 3 depicts a hunting scene in
which two men and a dog are hunting the alligator. Several beads are
missing so that it requires quite a stretch of the imagination to secure
the impression the native artist meant to impart.

The prized trinket baskets of the women generally have the fronts
covered with cloth, to which hundreds of colored beads are sewed, in
elaborate designs (Plate XXXVI).

The patterns brought out in the weaving are as beautiful and
intricate as they are confusing. Five typical specimens of cloth used in
women’s skirts are shown in Plate XXXVII. In them can be found several
apparently different designs to some of which names were assigned, but
as there was no agreement among my informers I refrain from giving them
here. The pattern marked X in (c) was generally identified as
“alligator,” yet the weavers were by no means agreed.

The strip of cloth (Plate XXXVIII) was intended for the center
breadth in a woman’s skirt and shows the typical designs employed in the
best garments.

The extensive use of beads is shown in Plates XXXIX-XL. Carrying
bags, clothing, combs, necklaces, armlets, belts and sheath covers are
partially covered with or made up of colored beads, always in designs,
yet very few of these patterns have generally accepted meanings or
names. The same holds true of the designs in shell disks, which, on the
finer garments, take the place of beads. A few exceptions to this are
found in which realistic patterns appear in (Plate XXXIb and Fig.
34).

Like the bead work, the embroidery and applique found on many
garments are added “to make pretty.” Some of this work is quite fine,
but in general that of recent years is either inferior to that found on
old garments or is borrowed from, or made by, the Bila-an women. Some
garments, with designs produced by oversewing before dyeing, are seen
here, but they are recent importations from the Kulaman or Tagakaolo
tribes.

Necklaces and leglets are made of rattan and are decorated with
burned lines or by being overlaid with platted strips of orchid and fern
cuticle (Fig. 2).

A few rare specimens, such as personal ornaments or basket rims, have
sewed in designs in which the sewing has been done with fern cuticle
(Plate XXXIVb).

Incised patterns appear on nearly all the bamboo lime and tobacco
holders, but here individual fancy plays such an important part that a
hundred specimens might be examined without finding duplicate patterns.
Fig. 14. shows nine of these tubes covered with cut-in designs, yet only
one figure, that marked X in b could be identified. This was said
to be the familiar crocodile.

Coming to the work in brass and copper we encounter an entirely new
type of design. In some cases straight inlaid or overlaid strips and
twisted wires are used to ornament the specimen; while in the raised and
cut-in lines on the bells we find simple patterns. In the main, however,
the ornamentation on this class of material consists of complicated
scrolls (Plate XLI), designs suggesting flower or tree patterns, or
conventionalized figures. One only needs to compare these objects with
similar specimens from Borneo and the Malayan Islands of the South, to
find the source of this type of ornamentation.[53] In fact the imitation
of Moro wares is practiced today. In Plate XLIa and b are shown two
betel nut boxes—No. 1 the work of the Samal Moro, No. 2 the
imitation of the inlaid work on the top of the first specimen. This last
was made in my presence, and with the expressed intention of duplicating
the Moro box. However, in this case, as in all others, the Bagobo caster
did not attempt to exactly reproduce the work of another, but simply
borrowed a broad idea, and thus he often creates new forms.

[53] See LING ROTH, Oriental Silver Work.

Not once did the writer receive a name for any pattern or design
shown in metal work. A careful study of the method of work, of the
articles produced, and of the folk-lore and religious observances
connected with the work in brass and copper brings one to the conclusion
that this class of work is of comparatively recent introduction and that
the instructors in the art were the Samal Moro.

Mention has already been made of the designs incised on combs and
other objects which are afterwards filled with lime. Just here it is
interesting to note that, so far as is known, the southern end of
Mindanao and adjacent small islands, are the only parts of the
Philippines in which this decoration, so typical of Melanesia, is to be
found.

Realistic carvings were seen used in only two capacities. The first
in certain ceremonies, where extremely crude wooden figures were offered
to the spirits in exchange for the sick person (see p. 103), and the
second, the wooden decoys used in hunting doves (See Plate XVIII).

Summing up our present information we can say: first, that the Bagobo
makes use of certain realistic designs which in some cases have become
conventionalized but still retain their former significance; second,
that the greater part of decoration in beads, shell disks, embroidery or
applique, as well as the incised designs in lime boxes and the like,
have no meaning to the people of the present day, and are added only to
make the objects more beautiful in the eyes of the owners. In this work
there are no set patterns and each artist gives full reign to the fancy
in producing these figures. Third, that the ideas for the patterns
inlaid, incised, and cast in brass or copper, are furnished by the
examples of this work coming from the Malays to the south, but that even
in these the artist has taken great liberties in the execution of the
design. Fourth, that one type of decoration, i. e., the incised figures
filled with lime, suggests the possible influence of Melanesia on the
artistic ideas of this people.

During my stay with this tribe I heard parts of many folk-tales, some
chanted, others told with gravity, and still others which caused the
greatest levity. My limited knowledge of the dialect and pressure of
other work caused me to delay the recording of these tales until I
should begin a systematic study of the language. Owing to unforeseen
circumstances, that time never came, and it is now possible to give only
the slightest idea of a very rich body of tales.[54]

[54] Since this was written MISS BENEDICT has published an excellent
collection of Bagobo Myths (Journal of American Folklore, 1913,
XXVI. pp. 13-63.)

In the main these stories are an attempt to account for the present
order of things. In the tale which we quoted in part, at the beginning
of the paper, we are told of an all-powerful being who created the earth
and all that is. Other spirits and many animals inhabited the sky and
earth which the creator had made. Of the latter only one, the monkey, is
named. He and his kind, we are told, once inhabited and owned all the
world, but were dispossessed by two human beings, Toglái and Toglibon,
from whom all the people of the world are descended. After their death a
great drought caused the people to disperse and seek out new homes in
other parts. They journeyed in pairs and because of the objects which
they carried with them, they are now known by certain names. One couple,
for instance, carried with them a small basket called bira-an,
and for this reason their children are known as Bira-an (Bila-an). From
the time of the dispersion until the arrival of the Spaniards we learn
that certain mythical heroes performed wonderful feats, in some cases
being closely identified with the spirits themselves, in others making
use of magic, the knowledge of which seems to have been common in those
times.

The two following tales are typical of those commonly heard in a
Bagobo gathering. The first was told by Urbano Eli, a Bagobo of
Malilla.

“After the people were created a man named LumábEt was born. He could
talk when he was one day old and the people said he was sent by Manama.
He lived ninety seasons and when still a young man he had a hunting dog
which he took to hunt on the mountain. The dog started up a white deer
and LumábEt and his companions followed until they had gone about the
world nine times when they finally caught it. At the time they caught
the deer LumábEt’s hair was grey and he was an old man. All the time he
was gone he had only one banana and one camote with him for food. When
night came he planted the skin of the banana and in the morning he had
ripe bananas to eat, and the camotes came the same way. When he had
caught the deer LumábEt called the people to see him and he told them to
kill his father. They obeyed him and then LumábEt took off his headband
and waved it in the air over the dead man, and he at once was alive
again. He did this eight times and at the eighth time his father was
small like a little boy, for every time the people cut him in two the
knife took off a little flesh. So all the people thought LumábEt was
like a god.

“One year after he killed the deer he told all the people to come
into his house, but they said they could not, for the house was small
and the people many. But LumábEt said there was plenty of room, so all
entered his house and were not crowded. The next morning the
diwata, tigyama, and other spirits came and talked with
him. After that he told the people that all who believed that he was
powerful could go with him, but all who did not go would be turned into
animals and buso. Then LumábEt started away and those who stayed
back became animals and buso.

“He went to the place Binaton, across the ocean, the place where the
earth and sky meet. When he got there he saw that the sky kept going up
and down the same as a man opening and closing his jaws. LumábEt said to
the sky ‘You must go up,’ but the sky replied ‘No.’ At last LumábEt
promised the sky that if he let the others go he might catch the last
one who tried to pass; so the sky opened and the people went through;
but when near to the last the sky shut down and caught the bolo of next
to the last man. The last one he caught and ate.

“That day LumábEt’s son Tagalion was hunting and caught many animals
which he hung up. Then he said he must go to his father’s place; so he
leaned an arrow against a baliti tree and sat on it. It began to
grow down and carried him down to his father’s place, but when he
arrived there were no people there. He saw a gun, made out of gold, and
some white bees in the house. The bees said ‘You must not cry; we can
take you to the sky,’ So he rode on the gun, and the bees took him to
the sky and he arrived there in three days.

“One of the men was looking down on the land below, and all of the
spirits made fun of him and said they would take out his intestines so
that he would be like one of them and never die. The man refused to let
them, and he wanted to go back home because he was afraid; so Manama
said to let him go.

“The spirits took leaves of the karan grass and tied to his
legs, and made a chain of the grass and let him down to the earth. When
he reached the earth he was no longer a man but was an owl.”

(2) The second tale, which was recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J., is
as follows:

“In one of the torrents which has its origin at the foot of Apo,
there were two eels which, having acquired extraordinary magnitude, had
no room in so little water, on account of which they determined to
separate, each one taking a different direction in search of the sea or
the great lakes. One arrived, happily, at the sea by the Padada river,
and from it came eels in the sea. The other descending a torrent,
swimming and confining himself as well as he might, enclosed in these
narrow places, said to himself ‘I haven’t the slightest idea of what the
sea is, but it appears to me that when I see before me an extraordinary
clearness on a limpid surface, that must be the sea, and with one spring
I will jump into it.’ So saying, he arrived at a point where the torrent
formed a cascade. He noticed that it cut off the horizon and to his view
it appeared of an extraordinary clearness; he thought he could swim
there without limit, and at his pleasure, and that this, in fine, must
be the sea. He darted into it, but the unhappy one was dashed against
the rocks, and too fatigued to swim through the rough waters, he lost
his life. His body lay there inert and formed undulations which are now
the folds which the earth forms to the left of Mt. Apo.”

To the south and southwest of Mt. Apo, and west of Digos, are seven
settlements, the inhabitants of which are known as Obo or Tigdapaya. On
the south they meet the Bila-an, and, like this latter people, extend
over the watershed into the valley of the Cotabato river. On the
northwest they come in contact with the Ata. They have intermarried with
both of these tribes, have adopted many of their customs, and in some
cases their manner of dress. However, they consider themselves, and are
considered by the Bagobo, as a part of that tribe, and recognize
Tongkaling as their chief. Bagobo customs and blood predominate,
although intermarriage with the Negrito was evident in nearly every
individual of this division seen by the writer.

Immediately wrest of Daliao are three villages whose people are known
as Eto or Ata. Aside from a slightly greater percentage of individuals
showing negroid features, these people do not differ in any respect from
the Bagobo. It does not seem that they should be classed with the people
later referred to as Ata. To the north, their lands join the territory
held by the Guianga.

The habitat of the division called Guianga begins a few miles back of
the Gulf and extends west to the watershed. An east and west line drawn
through the village of Taloma marks their southern boundary, while to
the north they approach the Lasan river. They are found in a number of
scattered settlements which owe allegiance and are subject to five petty
datu. Tongkaling is not recognized as having any authority in the
district, and there seems to be no remembrance of a time when any of the
Bagobo rulers held authority over the Guianga. Physically and culturally
they do not seem to be far removed from the Bagobo, while their language
is so closely related that individuals of the two divisions, meeting for
the first time can carry on a conversation. There is, however,
considerable variation between the dialects, both in intonation and
vocabulary.

Further study may result in raising this branch to the dignity of a
tribe, but the information at hand does not justify us in considering
them other than a dialect group of the Bagobo.

SYNONYMS.

(a) TAGALÁGAD—”dwellers in the back country” is the name
generally applied to this tribe by the coast natives.
(b) TAGKOGON—”dwellers in the cogon”—The group living on the
grass plains west of Malalag.
(c) BULÚAN, BULUÁNES—The members of this tribe dwelling near to
Lake Buluan. This group is sometimes identified with the Tagabili or
Tagabulú who also reside in that region.
(d) BIRA-AN, BARA-AN—Synonym for BILA-AN, often used by the
neighboring Bagobo.
(e) VILANES, BILANES.
(f) BALUD or TUMÁNAO—name sometimes applied by early writers to
the Bila-an who live on the Sarangani Islands.

This tribe is found in the mountains on the west side of Davao Gulf
beginning at an east and west line drawn through Bulatakay and extending
south to Sarangani Point, and they also appear in small numbers in the
Sarangani Islands which lie just south of the mainland. At Bulatakay
they are a day’s march back from the coast and to reach them it is
necessary to pass for several hours through a rolling belt of forest
land, then as the mountains are approached, gently sloping cogon plains
about ten miles in width are crossed. West of Malalag they are still far
from the sea with a belt of hill Tagakaolo between them and the coast
people. In this region they have spread out in considerable numbers on
to the grass plains, and for this reason are locally known as Tagkogon
“dwellers in the cogon.” On the gulf side of the divide, south of
Malalag, they are found in small groups far back in the mountains, while
between them and the sea are Tagakaolo, Kulaman and Moro. Along the
watershed between the districts of Davao and Cotabato they possess all
the territory and even extend in some numbers into the lowlands toward
Lake Buluan. They are distinctly a mountain people, having never reached
the sea, except near Sarangani Point, until after the advent of the
American. Since then a few hundred have been induced to move to the
coast plantations, and the town of Labau has been established on the
Padada river about six miles back of the coast. According to Mr. H. S.
Wilson, tribal ward headman for the Bila-an, this tribe numbers about
ten thousand persons, of which number fifteen hundred reside on the
Sarangani Islands.

The material here presented was gathered from the people of Labau,
the Malalag cogon, and those living near the headwaters of the Ma-al and
Padada rivers.

Formerly a neutral, uninhabited belt extended between them and the
coast people, and at stated intervals they went to recognized trading
points in this territory to exchange their agricultural and forest
products for salt, fish, and other articles of barter. Beyond this
trading and an occasional fight, they had few dealings with the coast
people and seem never to have encountered the Spaniard.

They are almost unknown to history, for aside from two or three short
accounts,[55] based mostly on hearsay, we find no mention of them. The
coast natives who knew them by name only had many stories concerning
their life and prowess, and one still hears that “the Bila-an are of
small stature but agile like monkeys. One may wander for days through
their territory without encountering a person and then when in a bad
place suddenly see the little people in hundreds swarming down the sides
of impassable cliffs. They are always in such numbers that, while they
use only the bow and arrow, they are almost sure to exterminate the
intruders.” As a matter of fact, the Bila-an compare in stature with the
coast natives and differ little from them in color, although a few
individuals of decidedly lighter cast are met with.

[55] BLAIR and ROBERTSON The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, pp. 239,
282-283. Census of the Philippine Islands, 1905.

Observations were made on thirty-eight men, but no women could be
induced to submit to being measured. The maximum height of the men was
found to be 163.6 cm.; minimum 142.3 cm.; with an average of 154.7 cm.
The cephalic indices showed 87.8 cm. as the maximum; 74 cm. the minimum;
and 80.4 cm. the average. The greatest length-height index was 78.6 cm.;
the minimum 62.4 cm. and the average 69.7 cm. From these measurements it
appears that the Bila-an are somewhat shorter than the Bagobo; are more
short headed, the majority being brachycephalic; while the height from
tragus to vertex is about the same in both groups, and both have the
crown and back of the head strongly arched. The face[56] is absolutely
shorter and relatively broader than in the Bagobo. The forehead is
usually high and full, but in about one-third of the individuals
measured it was moderately retreating, while in the same proportion the
supra-orbital ridges were quite strongly marked. In other features, as
well as in hair form, eyes, body form and color, this people conform to
the description given of the Bagobo (Plates XLII-XLVIII).

[56] Measured from the chin to the hair of the forehead. The greater
part of this tribe live far back in the rugged mountains which form the
watershed between the Cotabato valley and the Gulf of Davao. Travel
through that district is entirely on foot, and is principally along the
water courses, so that in going from place to place a person is
continually crossing the stream. From time to time dim trails, scarcely
worthy of that name, lead from the river’s bank almost perpendicularly
up the mountain-side or to the summits of high hills, where will be
found one or two frail houses (Plate XLIX). The dwellings are never in
large groups, and more frequently each house is by itself. From one
habitation it is possible to look across the hills and see many others
at no great distance, to reach which would necessitate a descent of
several hundred feet and an equal climb up to each.

There is considerable variation in the architecture of the dwellings
but the following description of the home of Datu Dialum, on the
headwaters of the Ma-al river, will give the general plan of all.

Small hardwood poles about twenty feet in length formed the uprights
to which the side and crossbeams were lashed, while in the center of
each end beam smaller sticks were tied to form the king posts. From the
ridge pole small timbers extended to the side beams, thus forming the
framework on which the final topping of flattened bamboo was laid. This
roof was of one pitch and at the sides overhung the walls by about a
foot. Twelve feet above the ground other poles were lashed to the
uprights and on these rested the cross timbers of the floor, which in
turn were covered with broad strips of bark. The side walls extended
between the floor and the beams, but in no place did they extend up to
the roof. Entrance to the dwelling was gained by a notched log.

Once inside the house the arrangement impressed one as being similar
to those of the Bagobo. Just above the door, and again in the far end of
the room, poles were laid across the beams to form the floors of lofts
which, in this case, were used as sleeping rooms.

In front of the door, at the opposite side of the room, was a bed of
ashes in which three stones were sunk to form the stove, and above this
was suspended a rack which contained cooking pots, drying wood, ears of
corn, and the like. Close to the stove were a few earthen pots (Fig. 35)
and many short bamboo tubes filled with water, while against the wall
hung rattan frames filled with half cocoanut-shell dishes, spoons, and
two or three old Chinese plates. Near the center of the room stood a
rice mortar made by hollowing out a section of log. At the far end of
the room was a raised sleeping platform, such as is found in all Bagobo
houses, and extending from this to the center and on each side of the
room were narrow stalls where the women were engaged in weaving, and in
which they slept and kept their most valued possessions.

In the description of the house we have mentioned most of the
furnishings. In addition it is customary to find a few well made mats of
pandanus or buri palm leaf. These are spread on the floor
when the owners wish to retire and for the rest of the time are rolled
up and laid along the walls. Carved forked sticks which serve as
torch-holders stand in various parts of the room, while somewhere near
the stove is a miscellany of wooden meat blocks, bamboo fans and fly
swatters, gourds filled with millet, salt, or mashed peppers, and
shovel-shaped or round rice winnowers, which also serve as common eating
dishes for the family and guests. Well made baskets stand by the walls
or hang from pegs along with articles of clothing, while spears,
shields, and other weapons are fastened to side walls or roof.

Small clearings are found at no great distance from these dwellings
and in them the people raise rice, corn, millet, camotes, sugar-cane,
and a few banana and hemp plants (Plate L). As is the case with all the
wild tribes in this district, the Bila-an make new clearings as soon as
the cogon grass begins to invade their fields, and this in time causes
them to move their homes from one locality to another.

The domestic animals consist of a few chickens, dogs, an occasional
cat and pig, and in the lower cogon lands, a few families possess
horses. Some fish are secured from the river, while deer, wild pig,
jungle fowl, and other game are taken with traps or secured by
hunting.

There seems never to have been a time when this tribe was organized
under a single leader as was the case with the Bagobo. Each district is
so isolated from the others and the population so scattering that any
such development has been barred, and hence the people of each river
valley or highland plain have their local ruler. The power of this ruler
is real only so far as his personal influence can make it so. He
receives no pay for his services, but his position makes it possible for
him to secure the help of his fellows when he is in need of workers or
warriors. In return he conducts negotiations with other groups and
administers justice in accordance with the customs handed down from
bygone ages. Upon his death he is succeeded by his eldest son,
unless

the old men of the group should consider him incompetent, in which
case they will determine upon the successor.

Warriors who have killed one or more persons[57] are known as
lEbE (Plate XLII), and are permitted to wear plain red suits
decorated with embroidery. Their duties and privileges are much the same
as those of the Bagobo magani.

[57] Said to be four among the Tagkogon.

A class known as almo-os is composed mostly of middle-aged
women who are in close communication with the spirits and who, like the
mabalian of the Bagobo, conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of
the sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings for their
help and watchfulness. Unlike the mabalian, these women are
seldom midwives, such duties being performed by a group called
fandita.[58] Finally, we learn that slaves are sometimes taken
from neighboring tribes or even from unfriendly settlements of their own
people, to which class may be added offenders against the laws of the
group. Slavery, however, is not very prevalent, for men are not greatly
desired unless needed for a sacrifice, while young girls and women soon
become regular members of their master’s family.

[58] Probably a corruption of the Moro term pandita.

As has just been indicated a man may have as many wives as he can
secure by purchase or capture, provided they are not blood relations,
but a new wife cannot be added to the family until the one preceding has
borne a child.

Difficulties are generally settled between the parties concerned, but
if they carry their case to the ruler they must abide by his decision. A
thief is usually compelled to return the stolen property, but in at
least one case the culprit was sacrificed.[59]

[59] See p. 145.

Murder can be avenged by a murder so long as the trouble remains a
family affair, but if the case goes to the ruler it is probable that he
will levy a fine on the culprit. Unfaithfulness in a wife can be
punished by the death of one or both offenders if the husband exacts the
punishment, otherwise a fine is imposed.

The type of clothing worn by this tribe is practically identical with
that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by
a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there is
wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their
place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and
technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the
more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks are used in artistic
designs. The woman’s skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same
manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and
it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX).

Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the
center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck,
but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to grow
long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the men
dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a
turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with
many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken feathers
(Plate LI). Rarely is a women seen with any kind of head protection or
hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar to this tribe
(Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints drawn together
at the center but flaring at top and bottom until it forms an ornament
in the shape of an hour glass. The ear plugs worn by the men are of wood
and are undecorated, but those of the women have the fronts overlaid
with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other respects the dress of the
women differs little from that of the Bagobo. They have the same
necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, although in less
quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these are larger than
those used by the women of the other tribe and are lacking in bead and
bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated with designs in
colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted that the use of
plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of that hue which
contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite a number of
garments are seen in which white pattens appear in a red background
(Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not restricted,
but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by warriors[60]
only.

[60] See p. 155 for a description of this process. [Transcriber’s
note: 20 pages further from this one.]

Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the
people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs,
for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen
beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two
following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis.

“In the beginning was MElú—a being of such great size as
to be beyond comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold
teeth, and who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above.

“He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his
hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or
dead skin which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it
accumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of
this annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he
decided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This
he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth.

“Now, while MElú was making the first two men, and when he had the
first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished
all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau
Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of MElú that he be allowed to make the
nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his
point and did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first
two people upside down. So great had been the argument over this making
and placing of noses that MElú forgot to finish that part of the second
person and went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana
went away to his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the
two people on the earth were about to perish on account of the water
which ran off their heads into their noses. MElú seeing what was
happening came to them and changed their noses, and then told them that
they should save all the hair which came from their heads, and all the
scurf which came from their bodies to the end that when he came again he
might make more people. As time passed there came to be a great many
people, and they lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor
but the gathering of such fruits as they desired.

“One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the
near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing,
one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went
away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned
the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were
afraid. When MElú came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was
very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came,
when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died.
At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman
together, and MElú never again came to visit his people on
earth.”[61]

[61] Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson.

The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with
more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an:

“In the beginning four beings, MElú and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata and
Sawegh (or sEwE or sEweigh)-females, lived on a small earth or island as
large as a hat and called salnaoñ. There were no trees or grass
on this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent this bird
across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan and of
trees. When it returned MElú took the earth and beat it the same as a
woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted the seeds
in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time he said: ‘Of what
use is land without people’; so the others said, ‘Let us make wax into
people.’ They did so, but when they put the wax near to the fire it
melted, so they saw they could not make man that way. Next it was
decided that they should use dirt, and MElú and Fiuweigh began to make
man. All. went well until they were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who
was making this part put the nose on upside down and when MElú told him
that the people would drown if he left it that way he became very angry
and refused to change it. When he turned his back, MElú seized the nose
quickly and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste,
he pressed his fingers (at the root).

“The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These
two had children, Tapi (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants disagreed
here, part insisting that MEsa, Lakbang, and Mangarang were part of the
first people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal (female), Moáy
(male), Limbay (female), Madinda (female), Sinnamoway (male), Kamansa
(male), Gilay (female), Gomayau (male), Salau (male), Slayen (female),
BaEn (female), Kanfal (female), Latara (male).”

[Transcriber’s note: These identifications of male and female (in
parentheses above and below) are all signaled in the text using
non-ASCII symbols; the symbols for male or female were footnoted.]

The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale.
Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from
Lakbang.

It is said that MElú and Sawegh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in
the sky.

A variation of this story credits MElú and Dwata with being the
creators of Fiuweigh and SEweigh. They were the ancestors of men, for
they took earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped it
until it moved. The first people they made were Otis (male) and Lakbang
(female). Two of their children were Mastafi (male) and Lakarol (or
Landol) (female). From these two came all the Bila-an. “These two lived
in a small distant place and their one animal was Baswit—a bird.
They sent him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a piece
of earth and the fruit of a pandag tree. Lakarol planted the
fruit in the piece of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and
finally made the earth.”

From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElú, or MElE, is
the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought
in times of calamity and at very important occasions.

Duwata (Duatá, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to be
the wife of MElú and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes
identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan.

Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some
dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human.

Lamot ta Mangayó, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of
the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of
the Bagobo.

The busau are a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward
men, who live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of the
busau, is said to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in
considerable esteem by the people of the Padada region, but he is not
recognized by the Tagkogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi,
who owns the rice, is in great favor with the Padada people, but is
unknown to the latter group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose
mother died in pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times
it attacks and injures people.

These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes
interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep
their good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful,
but far more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more
to be feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the
spirits of the dead. A man’s spirit, almogol, does not live in
his body, but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it
wanders the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies.
After separating from the body the almogol goes to Kilot, a good
place below the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it
spends most of its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts
where it aids or injures the living.

The almo-os, already mentioned,[62] have considerable
influence with all the spirits, but they are particularly close to the
almogol. When a person is ill he is placed in a little house
known as lawig (Plate LII), beside which a fire is kindled.
Nearby are two decorated bamboo sticks, behind which the spirit of the
sick man stands while he watches the proceeding. The almo-os
takes a chicken in his hands and, while five or six assistants dance, he
chants, appealing to the spirit to see the good things that are being
prepared, and to be pleased to return to the sick man. Occasionally, the
music stops and one of the dancers cries “almogol, here is food
for you; you must not go away.” After a time the fowl is killed, is
cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid, while the “doctor”
continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases the spirit it will
pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick person in the
lawig, but if it is not convinced that it should remain it
departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit
house for a day and is then returned to his home.

[62] See page 133.

Little structures known as boloñ are erected for other spirits
who may be trying to injure the almogol or attempting to persuade
it to leave its owner.

Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth of
a child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are about
to start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later paragraph.
When approaching a place known to be owned by certain spirits, it is
thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to Ma-al is a large
rock which marks the divide between the mountains and the open cogon
lands. As the writer’s party approached this stone one of the men
removed some of his leg bands and placed them beside the rock, at the
same time praying the busau to “take the present and do not let
any of our party fall sick or be injured on the journey.” It is also
customary for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make a trade, first
to make an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich man, and to
ask his help in the venture.

Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the
constellation Balatik has risen out of the sea. The spirits place
this sign in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared,
but it does not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we
have previously described. At that time the men cut the trees and
underbrush, and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make
the holes into which the women drop seed rice.

When the land is ready for planting, a little house called
botabwE is built in the center of the field, and beside it is
placed a platform or table, sina-al, on which is an offering of
food. Early in the morning, while the others sleep, the owner and his
wife carry the seed rice to the field and place it on the
botabwE. After a time they eat some of the food which has
previously been offered and then begin to plant, beginning close to the
spirit house. Soon they are joined by other workers who aid them in the
planting. These assistants do not receive payment for their services
other than food while working and like help when in need. At this time a
bamboo pole, with one end split and spread open like a cup,[63] is
placed in front of the elevated platform of the family dwelling and the
guardian spirit of the fields is promised that after the harvest he will
receive the new seed rice. While the rice is growing the men attend to
the fences and the women keep down weeds or frighten birds and other
intruders away. When the crops have matured all the people of a
neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, and there celebrate a
ceremony known as Pandoman. Two bundles of rice are laid on a mat
in the center of the room, and beside them a spear is thrust into the
floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElú and Dwata who are
besought to give health to the workers while they are gathering crops.
As soon as this offering is made, the men begin to build the rice
granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the mat and gifts, for
until the new storehouses are completed there must be no dancing or
merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the wife of the owner
goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of grain, she
carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in the
sabak another on a little platform, gramso, near to the
house, as an offering to MElú and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and
eaten by the family. The following morning all the women go to the
fields to gather the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to
the house a celebration begins, agongs and EdEl[64] furnish the
music for the dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make
merry; then the workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of
cooked food or new rice.

[63] This pole which is here known as sabak is the same as the
tambara of the Bagobo. See p. 66 and Fig. 12.

[64] See p. 110 note. [Transcriber’s note: 30 pages earlier.]

Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice
crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but
leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to
the women.

A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and
herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers.
Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties.

Along the edge of the cogon lands are many large buri
palms,[65] from which a starch commercially known as sago is secured.
The men cut down a tree close to its roots and remove the hard outer
bark, thus exposing the soft fibrous interior (Plate LIII); then a
section of bamboo is bent so as to resemble an adze[sic], and with this
the men loosen or break up the soft interior portion of the trunk. This
is removed to a near-by stream, and is placed in a bark vat into which
water is led by means of bamboo tubes. Here a woman works it with her
hands until the starch grains are separated from the fibrous matter. As
the water drains slowly out the fine starch is carried with it into a
coarse cloth sieve, which retains all the larger matter but allows the
starch to be carried into another bark vat below. Fresh water passes
slowly through this lower vat, removing the bitter sap from the flour,
which is deposited on the bottom of the vat. From time to time this is
scraped up and placed in baskets where it is kept until needed. The
flour, while rather tasteless, is nutritious and in years of drought is
the chief source of food supply.

[65] Corypha umbraculifera.

Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat
making, weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time of
the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or
in search of forest products.

The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the
hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in brass
and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all inferior to
those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as well as their
manufactures are identical with those of the Bagobo from whom they
probably learned the art. So far as could be learned no iron work is
done by members of this tribe, and the few spears and knives possessed
by the warriors seem to be trade articles.

The old men claim that until recent years the bow and arrow was their
sole offensive weapon. It is certain that today they have a greater
variety of arrows and are more skillful in the use of this type of
weapon than are any of their neighbors. None of the weapons found on the
gulf side of the divide appeared to be poisoned, but a number secured by
Major Porter from the Lake Buluan region seem to have been so treated
(Fig. 38). Different types of arrows have been developed for different
purposes; one for fighting, another for deer and pig, another for
monkeys, and still others for fish and birds (Fig. 39). Birds are killed
also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with those shown on
page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used by boys. Pitch sticks
(Fig. 40), chicken snares, and fish traps are in common use, but bird
nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown.

When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and
arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-LV). They are in bad
repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and
troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve
as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult
to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when
urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for
real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that
great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy
the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and
placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon
them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as
follows: “Now listen Lamot ta Mangayó, let the person who killed my
brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer
to you. Give us good fortune in the fight.” Upon returning from the fray
they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and
having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElú
saying: “If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my
brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a
present to you.”

There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as a
rule, continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery.[66]
When the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of
betel nut to MElú, and to the spirit of the child’s grandfather, if
deceased. The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the
delivery, and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo
knife. She also assists about the house for a time, and for these
services receives two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings
for the right arm, and some needles. The father is not under any
restrictions at this time, but for a day of two he will gather young
patina palms and from them prepare food for his wife.

[66] A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared
by her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition.

From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special
event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend
either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty.

As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years
of age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having
decided upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he
may wish to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit.
Arrived at the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that
his son wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his
wife. In reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither
agongs, animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an
offering of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may
be, a return present equal to half its value must be made.[67] Should
the girl’s parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off
and the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware
of and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of
the groom’s parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished
first to the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all
the friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as
husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with
the girl’s family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the
birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the
husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these
new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first
mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies,
she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a
second wife share equally with those by the first marriage.

[67] Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101.

The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the
night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The
body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is
watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from
music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving
and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would
result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead
man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those
who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is
buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to
the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having
placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets
it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.[68] This removes
the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular
occupations.

[68] See pp. 157 and 161. [Transcriber’s note: This is page 144.]

If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death
should be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite,
while less common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and
may be occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance,
if a person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become
convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune,
they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their
own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this
manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this
important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the
descriptions of two eye-witnesses.

The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau
named Lantingan. His account is as follows:

“Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos,
died and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos
of Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was
necessary both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth,
and fame of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a
Bila-an of Latian (now deceased), caught a man named Saligon stealing
camotes, sugar-cane, and corn from the land.[69] He bound and tied the
man, and after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his
prisoner for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun.

[69] The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to
have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from
the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had
anything to do with later developments.

“The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau
during the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet
apart, and a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The
culprit was tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal
pole so that his arms were high above his head, and his feet were
fastened to a stake.

“The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children
stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of
the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed
their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElú and Lamot
ta Mangayó to look and see that they were killing the man because of his
great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him.[70]
At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid
to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if
they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan
and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed
to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just
below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in
back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege
then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down
and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were
carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of
the victim and sew them in the designs on the men’s trousers in place of
black thread.”[71]

[70] The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty,
Karan and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since
they were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had
taken his body up and would not punish his murderers.

[71] The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a
sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE
was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the
details.

Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly a
resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is not a
yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does it follow
each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance or
a member of the ruler’s family it should take place in eight days,
regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He
further insists that neither Balatik nor any other constellation
governs the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better
crops or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death
of Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows:

“A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made
for a sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the
forest some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles
which supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them
and inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was
brought in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on
each side of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place
only near the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in
the yard. After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta Mangayó, MElú, and
Dwata, I placed my spear to the man’s side, and then all the male
relatives took hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon
through the body. Other men then cut at the body with their knives,
finally releasing it from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women
and boys were allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after
which it was buried.”

Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an
sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of
Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of
these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two
just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate
account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see.

In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the
same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered
with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the people
will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater
portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained.
Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41
the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the
conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures
marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one
garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are
realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are
lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have
lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and
spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on
clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true
also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen
on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers,
tobacco tubes, and the like.

The language of this tribe, while quite uniform among its divisions,
varies considerably from that of any of their coast neighbors. There is
at once noticeable a more common use of obscure vowel and consonant
sounds, such as b, f, E, a, and k, in the beginning, end or even in the
body of the word; while the letter f, seldom found in Philippine
dialects, is here very common; and finally, there is wide variation in
vocabulary.

There are certain ill-defined tales to the effect that this tribe
once lived about Lake Buluan, and one writer[72] has attempted to show
that the tribal name is derived from that early home. Today they are
still in considerable numbers in that region, and this together with the
fact that they are now, and have been since the advent of the white man,
primarily an interior mountain people, helps to give credence to the
belief that they have spread to their present homes from the lake
district. Their language is a further proof that they have long been
separated from the people of the Davao Gulf region, for it differs more
from all the other dialects studied than did any of these vary among
themselves. Despite the foregoing statement, this brief sketch has shown
that in material culture, religion, and even physical type this tribe
does not differ radically from the Bagobo.

[72] BLUMENTRITT, Smithsonian Report for 1899.

SYNONYMS.

(a) CULAMANES.
(b) MANOBO.

According to Governor Bolton this tribe numbers about thirty-five
hundred individuals and occupies a considerable portion of the coast,
and adjacent mountains, from the Padada river on the north to Sarangani
Bay on the south. On the east side of Davao Gulf its members are found
along the beach and in the mountains, from Sigaboy to Cape San Agustin,
and also in a few scattered villages on the southeastern Pacific
Coast.

By their neighbors they are known as Kulaman or Manobo. The former
designation is translated as “bad man,” but it is probable that they
received the name from the town of Kulaman, where they formerly resided.
They are equally well known as Manobo—a word meaning “man.”
Earlier writers, misled by these two names, have generally treated this
people as forming two distinct groups, but this is quite incorrect, both
names being applied to a part or to the whole of the tribe. It has also
been customary to describe them as a part of the great Manobo tribe
which inhabits a large portion of Central and Northeastern Mindanao. The
writer is of the opinion that there is not sufficient evidence to
justify such a classification and that for the present we must consider
them as distinct from the Manobo of the northern district as are the
other tribes of Davao Gulf.

According to their own tales, the Kulaman once held all the coast
from the Padada River to Sarangani Bay, but did not extend far back from
the sea, since in the mountains lived the Tagakaolo and Bila-an with
whom they were constantly at war. When the Moro appeared on their coasts
and offered help against the hill tribes in return for land, they were
gladly received and were given several village sites near to the mouths
of various rivers. Aside from a few minor quarrels, the Kulaman have
always lived on friendly terms with these later comers, and not a few of
the tribe have been converted to Mohammedism.

Influenced by their new allies they organized under several petty
rulers who were subservient to the datu at Kulaman, and with this
superior organization they were able to carry on such successful warfare
against the hill tribes that the Tagakaolo were, for a time, partially
under their rule.

When the Spaniards arrived and undertook to subdue the Moro, the
Kulaman cast their lot with their Mohammedan allies, and even after the
power of the Moro was broken, they remained irreconcilable and
frequently raided the settlements under the care of the Spanish
priests.

The recent history of the tribe, as told by Datu Bongkalasan of
Padada, as is follows: “About a hundred years ago when Gogo became
datu, he left Kulaman and settled at Piapi, not far from Padada,
and planted the cocoanut trees which can still be seen there. He was a
man with a very small head, but his arms were as large as a man’s legs.
He lived until very old, and during his lifetime never did any work but
was always a great warrior. Under him the tribe became strong and all
the other datu feared him. When he died his son Kolatau my uncle,
succeeded him. Like his father, he was a great warrior and all the
neighboring tribes paid him slaves and other tribute. His two sons died
during his lifetime; so upon his death the leadership fell to me,
Bongkalasan.”

By the time Bongkalasan became ruler, the influence of the Spaniards
was strong enough to break the power of any coast datu, and after
a hostile demonstration by the new ruler his town was destroyed and his
following scattered. A part of the people took to the hills while others
migrated to the east side of the Gulf and settled near Sigaboy. It is
not believed that any members of this tribe were in that vicinity prior
to this time. A further migration took place shortly after the arrival
of the Americans, when a brother of Bongkalasan took a number of the
Kulaman over to Sigaboy. A certain amount of communication is kept up
between the people on both sides of the Gulf and the dialects are still
so similar that it is certain the separation has not been for any great
period of time.

Upon the establishment of American rule a number of hemp planters
settled along the coast and soon their inducements to laborers began to
scatter the people, until today members of this tribe can be found as
far north as Santa Cruz. The power and influence of the datu has
waned until he now has a following of less than two hundred people. Only
that portion of the tribe which retired to the hills still maintains any
semblance of their old prowess and even those groups are growing smaller
year by year.

At the height of their power the men of the tribe were noted as
boat-builders[73] and fishermen. Fighting also took up a considerable
portion of their time, for added to their desire for loot and slaves was
a demand for victims imposed by the warrior deity. The women cultivated
little patches of corn, camotes, and some cocoanuts, and at certain
seasons all the members of the tribe went to the forest to gather sago,
but aside from this the sea furnished most of their food supply.
According to their own stories they did not cultivate rice until recent
years, and Datu Bongkalasan insists that none of the people planted rice
when he was a boy. It is his belief that all the ceremonies connected
with the rice culture were learned from the Tagakaolo and Bila-an.

[73] This art is now practically lost and their boats are secured
from the Moro.

From the Spanish writers[74] we hear little but evil of this people.
They are spoken of as warlike, superstitious, treacherous, and vengeful
as head-hunters “who expose the heads of their enemies on poles,” and as
slavers. From Father GISBERT[75] we learn that in 1886, about twelve
hundred members of the tribe were converted to Christianity; but during
the period following the departure of the Spaniards most of them
deserted the faith and returned to the old life. Since American
occupation they have been among the most troublesome people of Southern
Mindanao, and only as late as 1911 were responsible for the death of a
number of planters and the destruction of the plantations in the
neighborhood of Nuin. They are rapidly breaking up as a tribe, and are
intermarrying with the coast natives and hill tribes, from both of whom
they are adopting artifacts and ideas. Already they have so altered
their dwellings that we cannot refer to a typical Kulaman home; their
house-hold utensils[76] are those of their neighbors, and this is true
also of most of the clothing, although one special type will be
mentioned later on.

[74] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. LV, p. 556.

[75] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 242.

[76] Long narrow hemp cloth pillows (fig. 43) and round waterproof
boxes with infitting, tray-like tops (fig. 44) are found in nearly every
house. The use of these two articles is not confined to this people, but
is typical of them. The same type of box is found among the Manobo of
the Agusan river valley.

As a result of their slave raids, and the adoption of captive women
and their offspring into the family, we find great variation in the
members of the tribe (Plates LXI-LXII).

Measurements on twenty-seven men gave the following results:
Height:—Maximum 169.0 cm.; minimum 146.0 cm.; average 158.3
cm.
Cephalic Index:—Maximum 86.4; minimum 71.7; average
78.1.
Length-Height. Index:—Maximum 76.5; minimum 61.9;
average 68.4.

If these figures are compared with those of the Bagobo it will be
seen that there is little difference in the averages; however, this
similarity is less real than the figures indicate, for with the Kulaman
there are more individuals at both extremes. For example: the cephalic
indices of eight out of the twenty-seven were 80 or above, while six
were less than 75; again, in the length-height indices six were above 70
and an equal number less than 65. In other respects there is such
variation that it is hard to generalize. It is noticeable that there is
a greater tendency toward prognathism than we have heretofore met with;
the forehead, while high, is moderately retreating and the supra-orbital
ridges prominent in most individuals; the hair is brown-black and is
inclined to curl in locks. The wide variation of type within the tribe
is to be expected when we know that its members have been constantly
recruited from the neighboring tribes. It is even possible that a
considerable number of slave women from distant islands may have been
added to the group by purchase from the Moro.[77]

[77] According to early writers, the Moro of the Gulf carried on a
lucrative slave trade with this and other tribes. As the Moro raids were
made by water and often reached as far as the Northeastern coast of this
island and south to the Celebes it is quite possible that these remote
districts have helped in the upbuilding of the tribe under
discussion.

The religious beliefs have many points in common with those of the
neighboring tribes, but there are some which require special notice.

Two powerful beings, TimanEm and his wife Diwata[78] are above all
other spirits.

[78] The Padada people say the term diwata is a name which may
be applied to the timanEm, of whom there are two, a male and a
female.

Mandalangan, also called Siling or Manobo Siring, is much like the
Bagobo divinity of similar name. He is fond of war and bloodshed and
when there has been a great slaughter he feasts on the flesh and drinks
of the blood of the slain. Only warriors can address him and make the
offerings of red food which he demands. Once a year, usually after the
rice harvest and when the moon is full, a raid must be made and victims
slain so that this spirit can feast.[79] If the Warriors fail to render
him this service Mandalangan will cause their bodies to swell up and
many will die, while sickness will visit all other members of the
tribe.[80]

[79] Data Bongkalasan says it was formerly the custom to make a foray
at each full moon.

[80] This was the reason given for the raid on the coast plantations
in 1911.

The many spirits who inhabit rocks and large trees are generally
favorable to man and are collectively known as magintalonan.

Tamà owns the deer and wild pigs, and no one hunts or traps in the
forest until he has made an offering of betel nut to this spirit. When
game is secured its tail and ears are strung on rattan and are hung in a
tree, in exchange for the live animal.

The maniokan, generally evil spirits, resemble snakes, and
like them live in the ground. People are frequently made lame by simply
stepping over their homes.

Each man and woman has a spirit, kalaloa,[81] dwelling in his
body during lifetime. At death this spirit goes into the sky, unless it
deserves punishment, in which case it is hurried to Kilot, a region
below. In either place these spirits keep close watch over the living
and bring success or disaster according to their will. They have come to
be looked upon as the guardians of the fields, and suitable offerings
are made to them at planting and harvest time.

[81] The Kulaman of Santa Cruz insist that each person has two
kalaloa, one on the right side and one on the left. At death the
one on the right side goes to a good place in the sky, where there is no
work and “thoughts come easy.” The kalaloa of the left side goes
into the ground to a poor place called Kilot. It is probable that the
neighboring Bagobo have influenced the beliefs of this group.

A few old men, makating, are thought to be able to address the
spirits with greater probability of success than the others; but they do
not stand in the same relation to the spirit world as do the
mabalian of the Bagobo. The nearest approach to that class is a
group of women known as lokEs[82], who act as midwives and make
use of roots and herbs in curing sickness.

[82] In Santa Cruz known as bagbabolan or
mananagámeni.

The people are warned of disaster or impending danger by various
signs. A snake crossing the trail is an imperative order for the
traveler to turn back; the call of the limokon[83] is likewise a
warning, while should one of the principals to any agreement sneeze
during the negotiations the project would be delayed or abandoned.

[83] See p. 63 note.

There is only slight development of beliefs and ceremonies in
connection with the cultivation of field crops, due probably to the
recent adoption of agriculture by the members of this tribe. A field is
seldom planted to rice for more than one season, after which the land is
used for corn, camotes, and the like, until the invasion of cogon
grass makes further cultivation impossible.

As a result new land must be broken for each planting. When the
constellation layag “a sail” and balangay “a boat” appear
in the month of December, the people go to the desired plot, cut down
the trees, and when these are dry, fire them.

Before the planting can be begun the seed rice must be carried to the
center of the field where a bamboo pole, talabinian, and a stalk
of sugar-cane have previously been placed, as an offering to the
kalaloa who guard the land. Again at harvest time an offering of
food is taken to this spot and the spirits of the dead are besought as
follows: “Do not take our rice, but let it last for a long time, for now
we give a part to you.” A meal and dance follow the offering and then
all who desire may aid in cutting the new rice.

No offerings are associated with the planting or harvesting of other
field crops, but the gathering of sago flour is attended by gifts to the
spirits of the dead and prayers for the health of the workers. The
method of obtaining and preparing the flour is the same as that already
described. Offerings are made before and after a hunt, and a man never
goes to fish without first placing a leg ring and some betel nut on the
sand close to the water, meanwhile saying, “You TimanEm must give us
some food; and you shall have your part.” Upon his return he places a
small fish beside the first offering and is then free to take his catch
to the village.

In addition to the pursuits already outlined, we find that some of
the men are expert workers in iron (Fig. 45), copper, and brass, while
the women are weavers. Their weaving does not differ from that
previously described, but a peculiar type of decoration has been
developed by this tribe, and from them has spread somewhat to their
neighbors. Waxed threads are used to work designs into cloth so that
when the fabric is placed in dye the liquid will not reach the portions
thus covered. Later, when the threads are removed, white patterns appear
on the red background (See Plate LXIII).

Slaves are kept, but their duties are so similar to those of the
freeborn that it is impossible for the casual observer to pick out the
members of this class.

Until recent years a large part of the man’s time was taken up in
preparation for or active participation in the inter-tribal fights.
There are several incentives for these raids. First is the desire for
loot and slaves; then comes the ambition of the young men to be
recognized as successful warriors; and finally, and most compelling is
the demand of the spirit Mandalangan for victims.

A man who has killed five or more persons is entitled to wear a red
suit covered with peculiar white designs (See Plate LXIII), and is
henceforth known as mabolot. When his score has reached
twenty-five he receives the still more honorable title of maisEg
and is then allowed to dress entirely in black and to deck his hair with
red flowers.[84]

[84] The flowers used are Celosia cristata L., Graptophyllum
hortense nees; Coleus atropurpeus Benth.

A raid is made only when the moon is full. A dish of red rice is
decorated with red flowers and is placed in the center of the room.
Around it the warriors stick their spears and then one of the oldest of
the company takes up a handful of the food and offers it to the spirit,
saying: “Mandalangan come and eat, for we are ready to fight; go with us
and help us.” As he finishes his prayer each warrior takes a portion of
the rice and throws it out of doors, for “they are not yet worthy to eat
what Mandalangan has left.” Returning to the room they all eat of white
rice and are ready for the raid. In addition to their spears they should
carry shields and fighting knives, and in recent years quite a number
have come into possession of firearms.

Although the warriors are bold in their attack and do not hesitate to
assault strong villages, they have no scruples against seizing or
killing members of small parties or the inhabitants of isolated
dwellings.[85] It is necessary that the raiders secure at least one
victim, otherwise another foray must be made at once. The body of the
slain is opened, the liver is extracted and is eaten by the warriors who
thus “become like Mandalangan.”[86] The head, forearms, and lower part
of the legs are carried back to the village where they are cut to pieces
by the women and children. The men take no part in this mutilation of
the body, but as soon as the fragments are buried they begin to dance,
meanwhile holding their unsheathed knives high above their heads. After
a time the head-man blows loudly on a decorated bamboo trumpet (Fig.
46), while all the men unite in shouting “to announce their victory.” At
last they have fulfilled all the commands of Mandalangan and without
fear they enter the house and partake of the red food which has been
offered to him.

[85] Should water fall by accident on a warrior who is on a raid, it
is considered a bad omen and the plans may be changed or delayed. In one
instance the owner of a place marked for attack fastened dishes of water
so that the marauders unwittingly knocked them over on themselves, and,
as a result, the place was left unharmed.

[86] At times the skull is opened and the brain eaten.

The events just preceding and following the birth of a child are very
similar to those of the Bagobo, except that there are no restrictions of
any kind placed on the father and mother, neither are there any
ceremonies connected with the birth or naming of a child unless unusual
events have convinced the people that the spirits are in some way
displeased.[87]

[87] Triplets are killed, as with the Bagobo.

The afterbirth is placed in the care of an old woman who carries it
directly to a sturdy molave[88] tree and there attaches it to the
branches “so that the child may become strong like the tree.” While on
this mission the bearer looks neither to the right nor to the left, nor
does she hesitate, for such actions on her part might influence the
disposition of the child or cause it to have physical deformities.[89]
No special attention is given to youths when they reach the age of
puberty, although it is customary to file and blacken their teeth at
about that period.

[88] Vitex littoralis Decne.

[89] Similar beliefs are held by the Tinguian of Northern Luzon.

Marriage is attended by gifts and ceremonies, such as we have
previously described. We find the groom paying a price for his bride,
but receiving a return gift from her parents; the couple feed one
another with rice and are thereby legally married; and finally we learn
that a child is kept with them until they have had intercourse. It is
customary for the youth to serve his father-in-law-to-be for two or
three years preceding the wedding, after which he is released from such
service.

As is the case with the neighboring tribes, polygamy is practiced,
the only bar to marriage being blood relationship. Upon the death of the
head of the family one-half of his property goes to his wife and half to
the children. If there are two or more wives, the first wife still
retains half, while all the children share equally in the balance of the
estate, thus leaving the second and succeeding wives without a
portion.

Sickness may be caused by evil spirits, or it may be due to a desire
on the part of the kalaloa to leave its present abode. In either
case the man becomes ill and it behooves him to take immediate steps to
placate the evil spirits or to convince his kalaloa to remain
with him. This last can best be accomplished by bathing the sick person
with water which has been heated in a good agong. A fine dish
would do equally well, but should the hot water cause it to break the
spirit would depart at once. In extreme cases the lokEs will
gather certain roots and brew them into a drink which she gives to the
sick person. At each tree or shrub visited in her search for medicines
she leaves an offering of betel nuts and leg rings, and when the drink
has been prepared she makes a further gift, meanwhile begging TimanEm to
aid her in effecting a cure. If all efforts fail and the spirit leaves,
the corpse is placed in the center of the house, where it is kept from
two to nine days according to the wealth and prominence of the deceased.
During this time no one should sleep in the dwelling, for the spirit
might be resentful and turn the face of the sleeper black.

Usually, the body is buried in the ground at a distance from the
house. The coffin is made out of a split log, in which weapons, jars,
and the like are placed for the use of the spirit. If the dead man has
been a warrior he is dressed in the clothing distinctive of his rank,
and his grave is covered with red flowers. At times the coffins are
shaped to resemble small boats and are then placed on high poles near to
the beach.

For a month following a funeral the relatives refrain from all
merrymaking. At the expiration of this period all go to a near-by river
and with their knives, cut to pieces a braided cord, which has been made
since the burial, and as they destroy it they shout “This is a man we
are killing. This is a man we are killing.” Finally, the pieces are
thrown into the river and the period of taboo is past.

SYNONYMS.

(a) TAGAKAOLA.
(b) SAKA—”head of the river.”
(c) KAGAN, KALAGAN, CALAGANES, CALAGARS.
(d) LAOC. According to the account of PASTELL,[90] this name is given to
a small, degraded division of the Tagakaolo who live in the mountains of
Haguimitan on San Augustin peninsula.

[90] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 259.

The present habitat and general condition of this tribe is nearly the
same as that of the Kulaman.

Prior to Spanish times they held the hill region back of the coast,
between Malalag and Lais. On the Gulf side they were barred from the sea
by the Kulaman and Moro, while in the mountains they encountered the
powerful Bila-an tribe.

About fifty years ago that part of the tribe living furthest to the
north united under the leadership of a brave warrior named Paugok, and
made war on the Bagobo. They were successful in this conflict and drove
their enemies from the rich valleys of the Padada and Bulatakay rivers,
where they established themselves. This brought them in close contact
with the Kulaman and Moro of the coast, with whom they lived on friendly
terms. The influence of the latter group was so great that the newcomers
not only adopted their style of dress, but also substituted cotton for
hemp in the manufacture of their garments. Today the members of this
tribe can still be recognized by their close fitting suits of red and
yellow striped cloth, from which they have received the name of
Kagan.[91] They have also been constant borrowers, from all their
neighbors, of ideas for house-building and utensils. They have
intermarried to some extent with the Kulaman, and in times past Bila-an
and Bagobo slave women have been added to the tribe.

[91] The general name applied to red cotton trade cloth.

Today practically all the members of the Kagan division are found
living on the American plantations along the Padada and Bulatakay
rivers. They are on friendly terms with their Tagakaolo kinsmen, and are
still so like them in language, social customs, and religious beliefs,
that one description will suffice for both.

At some unrecorded date a considerable, portion of the tribe migrated
to the east side of Davao Gulf, and settled near Cape San Agustin,
where, it is said, they now number more than two thousand.

The name Tagakaolo signifies “those who dwell at the head of the
river,” and is applied to all the hill people living between the coast
and the country of the Bila-an. They have always been broken up into
small groups, often at war with one another, yet they appear to be quite
uniform in type, language, and religious beliefs. In recent years many
of them have been induced to come down to the coast plantations, but the
great majority still remain in the mountains. They are of a turbulent,
warlike disposition, and have been a constant source of trouble to the
Spanish and American authorities.[92] At the time of the writer’s visit
they had joined with the Kulaman in raiding the coast settlements, and,
as a result, were being vigorously pursued by the American troops; for
this reason it was only possible to gain information from those
remaining on the plantations.

[92] Members of this tribe were responsible for the murder of
Governor Bolton.

The total number of persons making up the tribe is estimated at six
thousand, but this is at best a mere guess.

There is scarcely any variation in physical type between the Kagan
branch and the Tagakaolo proper, while for the whole tribe there is less
variation between its members than in any group so far discussed.

The following results were obtained by measurements on twenty-seven
men:
Maximum height 166.6 cm.; minimum 151.3 cm.; average 157.4
cm.
Cephalic indices—Maximum 89.7; minimum 76.3; average
81.5.
Length-height indices—Maximum 79.0; minimum 63.1,
average 70.0.

These tables show that aside from being more short-headed, this tribe
differs little from the Bagobo, Bila-an, and Kulaman. Like the Kulaman,
they have high foreheads, often full and vaulted but quite as frequently
retreating from well-marked supra-orbital ridges. They are slightly more
prognathous than the Kulaman, and in the majority of cases the hair is
curled in locks. The teeth are usually mutilated and blackened, while
shaving of the eyebrows and tattooing of the left forearm and breast are
quite common.

The historians of the tribe tell us that all the Tagakaolo are
descended from Lakbang, MEngEdan, and his wife Bodek. In the beginning
these three persons lived on a small island in the sea. Two children,
Linkanan and Lampagan, were born to them and they in turn were parents
of two birds—the kalau and sabitan. These birds flew
away to other places and returned with bits of soil which their parents
patted and moulded with their hands until they had formed the earth.
Other children were born and from them have come all the people who now
inhabit the land.

Two powerful spirits, Diwata and TimanEm, watched the
formation of the world, and when it was completed the latter spirit
planted trees upon it. He still takes considerable interest in the
affairs of men and each year sends the spirits Layag and Bangay,[93] as
stars, to tell the people when to prepare their land for the planting of
crops.

[93] See page 154.

Other spirits, less friendly, have existed from the first time. Of
these one named Siling causes much trouble by confusing travelers
through the forest. Spirits of unborn
children—mantianak[94]—wander through the forest
crying “ina-a-a” (mother), and often attack human beings. The only way
persons thus assailed can hope to escape is by running to a stream and
throwing water on the abdomens of their pursuers.

[94] Frequently called busau.

The powerful spirit Tamà owns the deer and wild pig, and is usually
kind to hunters who offer him proper gifts. Should they fail in this
duty he may cause them to become lost or injured. Mandalangan
(Mandangan) is known as a powerful spirit who loves war and bloodshed,
but he is so closely interwoven in the minds of the people with TimanEm
that it is doubtful if he should be classed as a separate spirit.

In addition to these beings are the kawE, or shades of the
dead, the chiefs of whom are the people who created the earth. During
life the kawE live in the body, but after death they go to the
sky where they remain the greater part of the time. They do return to
earth at certain seasons, to aid or injure the living, and it is usually
one of their number who keeps guard over the rice-fields. Certain
persons known as balian can talk to these spirits and from them
have learned the ceremonies which the people should perform at certain
seasons, and at the critical periods of life. In the main these
ceremonies are so similar to those just described that it is useless to
repeat. The proceedings at a birth, marriage, or death are practically
identical with the Kulaman, as are also those at planting and harvest
time. A slight variation was noticed after the rice planting at Padada,
when all the workers placed their planting sticks on an offering of rice
and then poured water over them “so as to cause an abundance of rain.”
Another difference is noticed following the death of a warrior. His
knife lies in its sheath beside the body for seven days and during that
time can only be drawn if it is to be used in sacrificing a slave. If
such an offering is made it is carried out in much the same way as the
Bagobo sacrifice, except that the bereaved father, son, or brother cuts
the body in halves.

If it is impossible to offer a slave, a palm leaf cup is filled with
water and is carried to the forest. Here the relatives dance and then
dip the knife and some sticks in the water for “this is the same as
dipping them in blood.” Later they are carried back and hung up in the
house of mourning.

According to the long established custom, warriors must go to fight
once each year, when the moon is bright. Spears, fighting knives, bows
and arrows, sharpened bamboo sticks, and shields have long been used,
and to these several guns have been added in recent years.

The attack is from ambush and the victims are generally cut to
pieces, although women and children are sometimes taken captive. Tufts
of hair taken from the slain are attached to the shields of the
warriors, and an arm is carried back to the home town “so that the women
and children can cut it to pieces and become brave.”

The foregoing account shows that the Kagan and Tagakaolo living on
the hemp plantations differ very little from their neighbors, whom we
have previously described. It may be that an investigation, carried on
in peaceful times, far back in the mountains, will show that more
radical differences exist in the great body of the tribe.

The people classed under this name are the least known of any of the
wild inhabitants of Mindanao. They probably receive their name from the
word atás which signifies “those up above” or “the dwellers in
the uplands.” It does not appear that they form a single tribe, or that
they are even of uniform type.

The writer did no intensive work with them, and the following notes
make no pretense of being first-hand knowledge. I have drawn on all
possible sources for this scanty information, but am mostly indebted to
the letters and reports of the late Governor Bolton, who, without doubt,
knew more of this people than any other white man.

I am thus compelled to make my descriptions vague; indeed, my one
excuse for dealing with the Ata is to bring together such information as
we possess in the hope that it may be of value to some other worker who
may later take up the task of studying this little known people.

According to Governor Bolton, the Ata inhabit the regions west and
northwest of Mt. Apo, the headwaters of the Davao river—north and
west of the Guianga—as well as the headwaters of the Lasan,
Tuganay, and Libagawan rivers. In all these regions they extend over the
watershed, converging toward the center of the island at the headwaters
of the Pulangi river.

It should be noted at the outset that the Eto or Ata, living between
the Guianga and Bagobo, should not be included in this division.

In the region about Mt. Apo they are closely allied to the Obo and
Tigdapaya,[95] while in the region adjoining the Guianga they have
intermarried with that people and have adopted many of their customs as
well as dress. On the headwaters of the Lasan river we are told that
they are known as Dugbatang or Dugbatung; that they are a timid
degenerate branch having no fixed habitations and very little clothing;
they are small, with crispy hair, and often decorate their bodies with
tattooed designs. About twenty miles up the Tuganay river Governor
Bolton encountered a similar group of Ata whom he describes as being
very wild. From the headwaters of this river he crossed over near to the
source of the river Libagawan where he discovered a hitherto unknown
people—the Tugauanum. These he believed were mixed Malay and
Negrito, with crispy or curly hair and sharp features.

[95] See p. 128.

While in the central part of Mindanao, on the headwaters of the
Pulangi river, the writer saw about fifty people known as Tugauanum who
came over the mountains to trade. They were certainly of mixed ancestry,
showing a distinct infusion of Negrito blood, and in other respects
conforming to the description of Governor Bolton. Among articles of
barter carried by them were the typical knives and hemp cloth of the
west side of the Davao gulf region, showing that they are at least in
the line of trade with the tribes we have already studied.

According to their own stories, the original home of the tribe was
along the river Mapula which flows into the Tuganay near its source.
Governor Bolton tells of hearing, while in this section, of a people
called Dedaanum “who were small and black and had curly hair,” but who
had all been killed by the Tugauanum. He was also informed that a
numerous tribe of very small black people called Tugniah lived on the
headwaters of the river Omiern, which flows north of the Libagawan. They
were said to live in trees, to plant nothing, and to subsist on sago
flour. “Their bolos are like sabers and they use lances, bows, and
arrows.”

The Governor classes the Tugauanum as Ata “since they speak the same
language” but he adds “they are probably the same race as the
Libabaoan.” This latter people are elsewhere in his notes referred to as
Guibabauon or Dibabaoan. They live along the headwaters of the Tagum
river and are, he believes, a mixture of Ata and Mandaya.[96]

[96] The writer believes that the Libabaoan are probably the same as
the Divavaoan who are classed as a branch of the Mandaya. See p.
165.

From one source we learn that the Ata are small, in many respects
resembling the Negrito; that they are timid and are either nomads or
build their houses high in the branches of trees. Another writer tells
us that they are a superior type, with aquiline noses, thick beards, and
are tall. “They are very brave and hold their own with the Moro.” We are
also told that they cultivate the soil and build good houses.

The estimates concerning their numbers are equally conflicting.
Governor Bolton gives the population as six thousand; the report of the
Philippine Commission for 1900 credits them with eight thousand, while
Father Gisbert believed that they aggregated “not less than twenty
thousand souls.”

The divergent reports are due to the fact that up to the year 1886
only one village of this people had been visited,[97] and since that
time only a few hasty trips have been made into their territory.

[97] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 242-3.

From our present information it seems probable that the Ata are
descendants of an early invading people who intermarried first with the
early Negrito inhabitants, and later with other tribes with which they
came in contact. They have been free borrowers from their neighbors in
all respects, and hence we find them occupying all the steps from the
nomad condition of the pygmy blacks to the highly specialized life of
the Guianga.

The following account of their beliefs was extracted from letters
written by Governor Bolton. He fails to designate the section from which
the information was gathered, but its similarity to Bagobo and Guianga
makes it probable that the account comes from the Ata dwelling near
those people. Considerable variation will doubtless be found in other
districts.

“The greatest of all the spirits is Manama[98] who made the first men
from blades of grass, weaving them together until they resembled a human
form. In this manner he made eight persons—male and
female—who later became the ancestors of the Ata and all the
neighboring tribes. Long after this the water covered the whole earth
and all the Ata were drowned except two men and a woman. The waters
carried them far away and they would have perished had not a large eagle
come to their aid. This bird offered to carry them to their homes on its
back. One man refused, but the other two accepted its help and returned
to Mapula.

[98] See page 106.

“The other deities are Mandarangan, Malalayug, god of agriculture;
Mabalian, the spirit who presides over childbirth; Tarasyub and
Taratuan, the guardian spirits of the brass and iron workers;
Boypandi—the spirit who guards over the weavers.”

While in the Ata country the Governor observed certain customs of the
people. As his party approached the palisaded house of Madundun they
stopped for twenty minutes to perform a ceremony called
anting-anting. “An old man waved his shield and a cloth,
meanwhile repeating mysterious words. Then each man was given a chew of
betel-nut and was well rubbed with a charm.” “At Tuli a swarm of bees
passed over the house just as the party was ready to start. This was
taken as a sign that some of the party would be killed by the arrows of
the enemy, hence they refused to go.” “Likewise, if the dove
limokan calls on the left side of the trail the party will refuse
to proceed, unless another limokan answers the call from the
right side of the path.”

SYNONYMS.

(a) MANSAKA (“Inhabitants of the mountain clearings”). This name is
applied to those Mandaya who formerly dwelt far back in the
mountains. Many of this division have recently emigrated to the coast
and are now found at the north and east part of Davao Gulf.
(b) PAGSUPAN. The appellation by which the members of this tribe,
living near the Tagum and Hijo rivers, are known.
(c) MANGWANGA or MANGRANGAN (“Dwellers in the forests”). A name by which
are designated those Mandaya who live in the heavily forested mountains
skirting the coast.
(d) MANAGOSAN or MAGOSAN. The members of the tribe living on the
headwaters of the Agusan river bear this name.
(e) DIVAVAOAN. A division which inhabits a small district to the south
and west of Compostela. Very little is known of this people, but from
the information now at hand it seems that they should be classed as a
branch of the Mandaya.

This tribe occupies both slopes of the mountain range which borders
the Pacific ocean, from about 9 degrees of North latitude south nearly
to Cape San Agustin. Its members are also found in considerable numbers
from the head of the Agusan drainage nearly to the town of Compostela,
and several settlements of this people are to be found along the Hijo
and Tagum rivers, while in recent years a number have established
themselves on the eastern side of Davao Gulf.

Generally speaking, this whole region is extremely mountainous and at
the same time heavily wooded. It is only when the Agusan, Hijo, and
Tagum rivers are approached that the country becomes more open. On the
Pacific coast there are few harbors, for the mountains extend down
almost to the water’s edge forming high sheer cliffs. Aside from the
three rivers mentioned the water courses are, for the greater part,
small and unnavigable and a short distance back from the coast appear as
tiny rivulets at the bottom of deep cañons.

There is no organization of the tribe as a whole, since each district
has its local ruler who is subject to no other authority. These
divisions I are seldom on good terms, and are frequently in open warfare
with one another or with neighboring tribes.

Despite this lack of unity and the great area they inhabit, their
dialects are mutually intelligible, and in other respects they are so
similar that I believe we are justified in regarding them as one group
linguistically, physically, and culturally.

Measurements made on fifteen men and five women gave the following
results:
Height—Men: Maximum 161.3 cm., minimum 145.1 cm., average 153.9
cm.
Women: Maximum 152.3 cm., minimum 144.1 cm., average 146.8 cm.
Cephalic index—Men: Maximum 89.1, minimum 76.3, average 84.6.
Women: Maximum 84.8, minimum 75.2, average 81.3.
Length-height index—Men: maximum 78.7, minimum 64.5, average
74.2.
Women: Maximum 81.8, minimum 75.0, average 77.4.

From these figures it appears that there is considerable variation
between individuals, but a closer study of the charts shows that the
majority of those measured come closer to the averages than do the
members of any other group here mentioned (Plates LXIV-LXIX).

Both sexes wear the hair long and comb it to a knot at the back of
the head. The women generally bang the hair over the forehead, while the
men allow a lock to fall in front of each ear. The hair is brown-black
and generally slightly wavy, although four individuals with straight
hair were seen.

The forehead is high, and in about half the persons observed somewhat
retreating; however, full, vaulted foreheads are by no means uncommon.
The distance from the vertex to the tragus is uniformly great.

The cheek bones are quite prominent, while the whole face tapers from
above so as to be somewhat angular. In twenty per cent of the men the
root of the nose seemed to be continuous with the supra-orbital ridge,
which, in such cases, was strongly marked. In general the root of the
nose is broad, low, and depressed, and there is a tendency for the ridge
to be somewhat concave. The lips are thick and bowed, but there is
little or no prognathism.

The skin of the body is not tattooed or mutilated in any other way,
but the eyebrows are often shaved to a thin line, and the teeth are
filed and blackened. Filing was formerly done with small stones but
imported files are now used for this purpose. The coloring is effected
by chewing the roots of the anmoñ vine and applying to the teeth
the “sweat” caught on a steel blade, held above burning bark of the
magawan tree. This practice seems to have no significance other
than that of beautifying the person and saving the youth from the
ridicule of his fellows. To keep the teeth black, tobacco treated with
lemon juice which has stood on rusty iron is chewed frequently.

Despite constant statements to the effect that the members of this
tribe are light-colored and the assertion of one writer[99] that at
least one division is white, observations made with the V. Luschan color
table on more than fifty individuals showed that while certain persons
are somewhat lighter than their fellows, as was also the case in other
tribes, there is not an appreciable difference in color between this
tribe and the others of the Gulf region.

[99] LANDOR, The Gems of the East. It should be noted that the
district from which the white tribe was reported is now fairly well
known and there seems to be no reason to believe that the people
residing there differ materially in color from the other natives of the
island.

The ordinary man of the tribe wears a loosely fitting shirt and wide
trousers made of white or blue cotton cloth. (Plate LXIX-LXX). These
garments are frequently decorated with embroidered designs and are
finished at the shoulders and knees with a cotton fringe. The trousers
are supported at the waist by means of a belt, and below reach nearly to
the ankles.[100] An incised silver disk is attached to the front of the
jacket, while ornaments of beads, seeds, and alligators’ teeth encircle
the neck.

[100] Along the coast this type of garment is now seldom seen, for
the men are adopting the close-fitting dress of the Moro.

When on the trail the man covers his head with a little palm bark hat
(Fig. 47). This is sometimes conical, but more frequently is narrow and
turned up at the front and back. Painted designs, betel wings, and
chicken feathers make the hat a striking decoration which compensates
for its lack of utility.

A class of warriors known as bagam[101] dress in red and wear
turbans of the same hue, while women mediums, ballyan,[102] may
also make use of red cloth.

[101] See p. 180. [Transcriber’s note: This is page 167.]

[102] See p. 174.

Other women wear blue cotton jackets, in the fronts and back of which
are many artistic embroidered designs. Their hemp cloth skirts, like
those of the Bagobo, are made tube-like and are held at the waist by
means of belts. They are very careless about the hang of these garments
and one side may be above the calf of the leg while the other drags on
the ground (Plate LXVII). No head coverings are worn, but quite
elaborate combs (Fig. 48) are thrust into the knots of hair at the back
of the head. Wooden ear plugs (Fig. 49) ornamented with incised silver
plates and with bead and silver pendants fit into openings in the lobes
of the ears. Like the men they wear necklaces of beads, sweet smelling
herbs, and seeds. Many of the latter are considered to have medicinal
value and are eaten to cure pains in the stomach. One or more silver
disks are worn on the chest or over the breasts, while anklets, such as
are used by the women of the other tribes, are frequently seen. Both
sexes are fond of bracelets of brass, shell, or vines, as well as of
finger rings of tortoise shell and silver (Plate LXXI).

None of the garments contain pockets, and in order to make up for
this deficiency the men carry bags (Plate LXX) suspended on their backs
by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In these they carry
their betel-nut outfits, tobacco, and the like. Small covered waterproof
baskets (Plate LXVIII) serve the same purpose for the women and are
carried at the back or at the side.

Probably no wild tribe in Mindanao has received so much mention in
histories, reports, and books of travel as have the Mandaya, but these
references have been, in the main, so vague and often so misleading that
they are of little value for our purposes. Quite in contrast with this
mass of material are the excellent reports of the late Governor Bolton,
and Mr. Melbourne A. Maxey,[103] who for a number of years has been
closely associated with the members of the tribe residing in the
vicinity of Cateel. In the preparation of this paper frequent use has
been made of the notes gathered by these two gentlemen.

[103] Published in the Mindanao Herald.

When the first white men visited the tribe they found that the
neighboring Moro were making frequent raids on their villages and were
carrying away women and children whom they sold to the Bagobo and other
tribes of the Gulf.[104] At the same time it was learned that they, in
turn, were slave holders and were eager to purchase captives from the
Mohammedan raiders. The great distances traveled by the Moro in their
raids make it possible that slaves from distant islands may thus have
been introduced into the tribe. Later we shall see that it was difficult
for a slave or a descendant of a slave to become a freeman, yet it was
by no means impossible, and it is likely that a considerable part of the
tribe are descendants of people brought to the district through purchase
and capture. Another possible source of outside blood is suggested by
well verified stories of castaways on the east coast of Mindanao and
adjacent islands.[105] While working with the Mandaya in the region of
Mayo bay the writer was frequently told that three times, in the memory
of the present inhabitants, strange boats filled with strange people had
been driven to their coasts by storms. The informants insisted that
these newcomers were not put to death but that such of them as survived
were taken into the tribe. These stories are given strong substantiation
by the fact that only a few months prior to my visit a boat load of
people from the Carolines was driven to the shores of Mayo bay and that
their boat, as well as one survivor, was then at the village of Mali.
(Plate LXXII). I am indebted to Mr. Henry Hubbel for the following
explicit account of these castaways: “One native banca of castaways
arrived at Lucatan, N. E. corner of Mayo Bay, Mindanao, on January 2nd,
1909. The banca left the Island of Uluthi for the Island of Yap, two
days’ journey, on December 10th, 1908. They were blown out of their
course and never sighted land until January 2nd, twenty-two days after
setting sail. There were nine persons aboard, six men, two boys, and one
woman, all natives of Yap except one man who was a Visayan from Capiz,
Panay, P. I., who settled on the Island of Yap in 1889. These people
were nineteen days without food or water except what water could be
caught during rain storms. The Visayan, Victor Valenamo, died soon after
his arrival, as a result of starvation. The natives recovered at once
and all traces of their starvation disappeared within two weeks. The men
were powerfully built, nearly six feet high. Their bodies were all
covered with tattoo work. The woman was decorated even more than the
men. Fever soon took hold of these castaways and in a year’s time all
died except one small boy who seems to have become acclimated and will
become identified with the natives in Mati. I took care of these people
until they died.

[104] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, p.
203.

[105] FOREMAN. The Philippine Islands, pp. 257-9. JAGOR. Travels in
the Philippines, Ch. XX.

“The clothing worn by the men and woman was nothing but the
‘lavalava,’ a scarf of sea-grass fiber about 18 inches wide and five
feet long. This was worn around the loins.

“The banca, which was of very curious construction, was taken to
Zamboanga last year by General Pershing, to be placed in Moro Province
Museum.”

After the advent of the Spaniards into their territory a considerable
number of this people were converted to the Christian faith and were
induced to settle in villages. There they met and intermarried with
Visayan and other emigrants who had followed the Spaniards to the South.
During the time of the Spanish rule these settlements were partially
destroyed by Moro raiders, and following the Spanish-American war these
attacks became so frequent that many of the inhabitants deserted their
homes and returning to their mountain kinsmen again took up the old
life. The effect of this return is especially noticeable in the vicinity
of Caraga where as late as 1885 there were 596 Mandaya converts.

Several attempts were also made to colonize the Mandaya near the
mouths of the Tagum and Hijo rivers, but the restlessness of the natives
or the hostility of the Moro was always sufficient to cause the early
break up of the new settlements.

The last great influence on this tribe has come through American
planters who have prevailed upon the more venturesome members to come
down to the coast plantations and there adopt the life of the
Christianized natives. Many of these adventurers have returned to their
mountain homes, carrying with them new ideas and artifacts and, in some
cases, wives from other tribes. With all these influences at work there
has been considerable modification of the life in many districts,
particularly along the Pacific coast. This description will attempt to
give the old life of the tribe as it still exists in the more isolated
districts, or as it was related by older people of the coast
settlements.

In order to enter into a full understanding of the social, economic,
and aesthetic life we must have some knowledge of the mythology and
religious beliefs, for these pervade every activity.

Several stories accounting for natural phenomena and the origin of
the tribe were heard. One of these relates that the sun and moon were
married and lived happily together until many children had been born to
them. At last they quarreled and the moon ran away from her husband who
has since been pursuing her through the heavens. After the separation of
their parents the children died, and the moon gathering up their bodies
cut them into small pieces and threw them into space. Those fragments
which fell into water became fish, those which fell on land were
converted into snakes and animals, while “those which fell upward”
remained in the sky as stars.

A somewhat different version of this tale agrees that the quarrel and
subsequent chase occurred, but denies that the children died and were
cut up. It states that it is true that the offspring were animals, but
they were so from the time of their birth. One of these children is a
giant crab named tambanokaua who lives in the sea. When he moves
about he causes the tides and high waves; when he opens his eyes
lightning appears. For some unknown reason this animal frequently seeks
to devour his mother, the moon, and when he nearly succeeds an eclipse
occurs. At such a time the people shout, beat on gongs, and in other
ways try to frighten the monster so that he can not accomplish his
purpose.[106] The phases of the moon are caused by her putting on or
taking off her garments. When the moon is full she is thought to be
entirely naked.

[106] The writer found almost identical beliefs and practices among
the Batak and Tagbanua of Palawan.

According to this tale the stars had quite a different origin than
that just related, “In the beginning of things there was only one great
star, who was like a man in appearance. He sought to usurp the place of
of the sun and the result was a conflict in which the latter was
victorious. He cut his rival into small bits and scattered him over the
whole sky as a woman sows rice.”

The earth was once entirely flat but was pressed up into mountains by
a mythical woman, Agusanan. It has always rested on the back of a great
eel whose movements cause earthquakes. Sometimes crabs or other small
animals annoy him until, in his rage, he attempts to reach them, then
the earth is shaken so violently that whole mountains are thrown into
the sea.

A great lake exists in the sky and it is the spray from its waves
which fall to the earth as rain. When angered the spirits sometimes
break the banks of this lake and allow torrents of water to fall on the
earth below.

According to Mr. Maxey, the Mandaya of Cateel believe that many
generations ago a great flood occurred which caused the death of all the
inhabitants of the world except one pregnant woman. She prayed that her
child might be a boy. Her prayer was answered and she gave birth to a
son whose name was Uacatan. He, when he had grown up, took his mother
for his wife and from this union have sprung all the Mandaya.

Quite a different account is current among the people of Mayo. From
them we learn that formerly the limokon,[107] although a bird,
could talk like a man. At one time it laid two eggs, one at the mouth
and one at the source of the Mayo river. These hatched and from the one
at the headwaters of the river came a woman named Mag,[108] while a man
named BEgenday[109] emerged from the one near the sea. For many years
the man dwelt alone on the bank of the river, but one day, being lonely
and dissatisfied with his location, he started to cross the stream.
While he was in deep water a long hair was swept against his legs and
held him so tightly that he narrowly escaped drowning. When he succeeded
in reaching the shore he examined the hair and at once determined to
find its owner. After wandering many days he met the woman and induced
her to be his wife. From this union came all the Mandaya.

[107] See p. 63 note.

[108] Also known as Manway.

[109] Also known as Samay.

A variant of this tale says that both eggs were laid up stream and
that one hatched a woman, the other a snake. The snake went down the
current until it arrived at the place where the sea and the river meet.
There it blew up and a man emerged from its carcass. The balance of the
tale is as just related. This close relationship of the limokon
to the Mandaya is given as the reason why its calls are given such heed.
A traveler on the trail hearing the cooing of this bird at once doubles
his fist and points it in the direction from whence the sound came. If
this causes the hand to point to the right side it is a sign that
success will attend the journey.[110] If, however, it points to the
left, in front, or in back, the Mandaya knows that the omen bird is
warning him of danger or failure, and he delays or gives up his mission.
The writer was once watching some Mandaya as they were clearing a piece
of land, preparatory to the planting. They had labored about two hours
when the call of the limokon was heard to the left of the owner.
Without hesitation the men gathered up their tools and left the plot,
explaining that it was useless for them to plant there for the
limokon had warned them that rats would eat any crop they might
try to grow in that spot.

[110] Maxey states exactly the opposite, for the Mandaya of Cateel,
i. e., the right side is bad, the left good.

The people do not make offerings to this bird, neither do they regard
it as a spirit, but rather as a messenger from the spirit world. The old
men were certain that anyone who molested one of these birds would
die.

Another bird known as wak-wak “which looks like a crow but is
larger and only calls at night” foretells ill-fortune. Sneezing is also
a bad omen, particularly if it occurs at the beginning of an
undertaking. Certain words, accompanied by small offerings, may be
sufficient to overcome the dangers foretold by these warnings. It is
also possible to thwart the designs of ill-disposed spirits or human
enemies by wearing a sash or charm which contains bits of fungus growth,
peculiarly shaped stones, or the root of a plant called gam.
These charms not only ward off ill-fortune and sickness, but give
positive aid in battle and keep the dogs on the trail of the
game.[111]

[111] The use of these magic sashes, known as anting-anting,
is widespread throughout the southern Philippines both with the pagan
and Mohammedan tribes.

There is in each community one or more persons, generally women, who
are known as ballyan. These priestesses, or mediums, are versed
in all the ceremonies and dances which the ancestors have found
effectual in overcoming evil influences, and in retaining the favor of
the spirits. They, better than all others, understand the omens, and
often through them the higher beings make known their desires. So far as
could be learned the ballyan is not at any time possessed, but
when in a trance sees and converses with the most powerful spirits as
well as with the shades of the departed. This power to communicate with
supernatural beings and to control the forces of nature, is not
voluntarily sought by the future ballyan, but comes to the
candidate either through one already occupying such a position or by her
being unexpectedly seized with a fainting or trembling fit, in which
condition she finds that she is able to communicate with the inhabitants
of the spirit world. Having been thus chosen she at once becomes the
pupil of some experienced ballyan from whom she learns all the
secrets of the profession and the details of ceremonies to be made.

At the time of planting or reaping, at a birth or death, when a great
celebration is held, or when the spirits are to be invoked for the cure
of the sick, one or more of these women take charge of the ceremonies
and for the time being are the religious heads of the community. At such
a time the ballyan wears a blood-red waist,[112] but on other
occasions her dress is the same as that of the other women, and her life
does not differ from their’s in any respect.

[112] PEDRO ROSELL, writing in 1885, says that the ballyan
then dressed entirely in red. BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p.
217.

When about to converse with the spirits the ballyan places an
offering before her and begins to chant and wail. A distant stare comes
into her eyes, her body begins to twitch convulsively until she is
shivering and trembling as if seized with the ague. In this condition
she receives the messages of the spirits and under their direction
conducts the ceremony.

Rosell gives the following description of the possession of a
ballyan.[113] Nothing of this nature was seen by the writer.

[113] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 218.

“They erect a sort of small altar on which they place the
manaúgs or images of the said gods which are made of the special
wood of the bayog tree, which they destine exclusively for this
use. When the unfortunate hog which is to serve as a sacrifice is placed
above the said altar, the chief bailana approaches with
balarao or dagger in hand which she brandishes and drives into
the poor animal, which will surely be grunting in spite of the gods and
the religious solemnity, as it is fearful of what is going to happen to
it; and leaves the victim weltering in its blood. Then immediately all
the bailanas drink of the blood in order to attract the prophetic
spirit to themselves and to give their auguries or the supposed
inspirations of their gods. Scarcely have they drunk the blood, when
they become as though possessed by an infernal spirit which agitates
them and makes them tremble as does the body of a person with the ague
or like one who shivers with the cold.”

The following spirits are known to the ballyan of the Mayo
district:

I. DIWATA. A good spirit who is besought for aid against the
machinations of evil beings. The people of Mayo claim that they do not
now, nor have they at any time made images of their gods, but in the
vicinity of Cateel Maxey has seen wooden images called manaog,
which were said to represent Diwata on earth. According to his account
“the ballyan dances for three consecutive nights before the
manaog, invoking his aid and also holding conversation with the
spirits. This is invariably done while the others are asleep.” He
further states that with the aid of Diwata the ballyan is able to
foretell the future by the reading of palms. “If she should fail to read
the future the first time, she dances for one night before the
manaog and the following day is able to read it clearly, the
Diwata having revealed the hidden meaning to her during the night
conference.”[114]

[114] In the Mayo district palmistry is practiced by several old
people who make no claim of having the aid of the spirits. Bagani
Paglambayon read the palms of the writer and one of his assistants, but
all his predictions were of an exceedingly general nature and on the
safe side.

Spanish writers make frequent mention of these idols,[115] and in his
reports[116] Governor Bolton describes the image of a crocodile seen by
him in the Mandaya country “which was carved of wood and painted black,
was five feet long, and life-like. The people said it was the likeness
of their god.” Lieutenant J. R. Youngblood, when near the headwaters of
the Agusan River, saw in front of a chief’s house “a rude wooden image
of a man which seemed to be treated with some religious awe and
respect.” Mr. Robert F. Black, a missionary residing in Davao, writes
that “the Mandaya have in their homes wooden dolls which may be
idols.”

[115] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XII, 269, XLIII, p. 217, etc.

[116] Filed in the office of the Governor of Davao.

From this testimony it appears that in a part of the Mandaya
territory the spirit Diwata, at least, is represented by images.

2. Asuáng. This name is applied to a class of malevolent spirits who
inhabit certain trees, cliffs and streams. They delight to trouble or
injure the living, and sickness is usually caused by them. For this
reason, when a person falls ill, a ballyan offers a live chicken
to these spirits bidding them “to take and kill this chicken in place of
this man, so that he need not die.” If the patient recovers it is
understood that the asuang have agreed to the exchange and the
bird is released in the jungle.

There are many spirits who are known as asuang but the five
most powerful are here given according to their rank, (a) Tagbanua, (b)
Tagamaling, (c) Sigbinan, (d) Lumaman, (e) Bigwa. The first two are of
equal importance and are only a little less powerful than Diwata. They
sometimes inhabit caves but generally reside in the bud-bud
(baliti) trees. The ground beneath these trees is generally free from
undergrowth and thus it is known that “a spirit who keeps his yard clean
resides there.” In clearing ground for a new field it sometimes becomes
necessary to cut down one of these trees, but before it is disturbed an
offering of betel-nut, food, and a white chicken is carried to the plot.
The throat of the fowl is cut and its blood is allowed to fall in the
roots of the tree. Meanwhile one of the older men calls the attention of
the spirits to the offerings and begs that they be accepted in payment
for the dwelling which they are about to destroy. This food is never
eaten, as is customary with offerings made to other spirits. After a
lapse of two or three days it is thought that the occupant of the tree
has had time to move and the plot is cleared.

In former times it was the custom for a victorious war party to place
the corpses of their dead, together with their weapons, at the roots of
a baliti tree. The reason for this custom seems now to be
lost.

3. Busau. Among the Mandaya at the north end of Davao Gulf this
spirit is also known as Tuglinsau, Tagbusau, or Mandangum. He looks
after the welfare of the bagani, or warriors, and is in many
respects similar to Mandarangan of the Bagobo.[117] He is described as a
gigantic man who always shows his teeth and is otherwise of ferocious
aspect. A warrior seeing him is at once filled with a desire to kill. By
making occasional offerings of pigs and rice it is usually possible to
keep him from doing injury to a settlement, but at times these gifts
fail of their purpose and many people are slain by those who serve
him.

[117] p. 106.

4. OMAYAN, OR KALALOA NANG OMAY, is the spirit of the rice. He
resides in the rice fields, and there offerings are made to him before
the time of planting and reaping.

5. MUNTIANAK is the spirit of a child whose mother died while
pregnant, and who for this reason was born in the ground. It wanders
through the forest frightening people but seldom assailing
them.[118]

[118] The belief in a similar spirit known as Mantianak is widespread
throughout the southern Philippines.

6. Magbabaya. Some informants stated that this is the name given to
the first man and woman, who emerged from the limokon eggs. They
are now true spirits who exercise considerable influence over worldly
affairs. Other informants, including two ballyan denied any
knowledge of such spirits, while still others said magbabaya is a
single spirit who was made known to them at the time of the
Tungud movement.[119] Among the Bukidnon who inhabit the central
portion of the island the magbabaya are the most powerful of all
spirits.

[119] p. 179.

7. Kalaloa. Each person has one spirit which is known by this name.
If this kalaloa leaves the body it decays, but the spirit goes to
Dagkotanan—”a good place, probably in the sky.” Such a spirit can
return to its former haunts for a time and may aid or injure the living,
but it never returns to dwell in any other form.

In addition to those just mentioned Governor Bolton gives the
following list of spirits known to the Mandaya of the Tagum river
valley. None of these were accepted by the people of Mayo district.
According to rank they are Mangkokiman, Mongungyahn, Mibucha Andepit,
Mibuohn, and Ebu—who made all people from the hairs of his
head.

For the neighboring Mangwanga he gives, Likedanum as the creator and
chief spirit, Dagpudanum and Macguliput as gods of agriculture, and
Manamoan—a female spirit who works the soil and presides over
childbirth. All of these are unknown to the Mandaya of the Pacific
coast.

While in the Salug river valley Governor Bolton witnessed a most
interesting ceremony which, so far as the writer is aware, is quite
unknown to the balance of the tribe. His quotation follows: “One
religious dance contained a sleight of hand performance, considered by
the people as a miracle, but the chiefs were evidently initiated. A man
dressed himself as a woman, and with the gongs and drums beaten rapidly
he danced, whirling round and round upon a mat until weak and dizzy, so
that he had to lean on a post. For a time he appeared to be in a trance.
After resting a few minutes he stalked majestically around the edge of
the mat, exaggerating the lifting and placing of his feet and putting on
an arrogant manner. After walking a minute or two he picked up a red
handkerchief, doubled it in his hand so that the middle of the kerchief
projected in a bunch above his thumb and forefinger; then he thrust this
into the flame of an almaciga torch. The music started anew and
he resumed his frantic dance until the flame reached his hand when he
slapped it out with his left hand, and stopped dancing; then catching
the kerchief by two corners he shook it out showing it untouched by
fire. The daughter of Bankiaoan next went into a trance lying down and
singing the message of Tagbusau and other gods to the assemblage. The
singing was done in a small inclosed room, the singer slipping in and
out without my seeing her.”

The letters of Pedro Rosell written at Caraga in 1885 contain many
references to the duties of the ballyan. In one account he
records the following song which he says is sung by the priestesses when
they invoke their gods Mansilátan and Badla.[120]

[120] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 217-21, and Vol. XII, p.
270.

“Miminsad, miminsad si Mansilátan
Opod si Badla nga magadayao nang dumia
Bailan, managunsayao,
Bailan, managunliguit.”

This means:
“Mansilátan has come down, has come down.
Later (will come) Badla, who will preserve the earth.
Bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about.”

This Rosell takes as “a confirmation of the most transcendental
questions of our true religion,” for in Mansilátan he finds the
principal god and father of Balda, “who descended from the heavens where
he dwells, in order to create the world. Afterwards his only son Badla
came down also to preserve and protect the world—that is men and
things—against the power and trickery of the evil spirits
Pudaugnon and Malimbung.” The writer made persistent inquiry among the
Mandaya to the south of Caraga, but could not find a trace of a belief
in any one of the four spirits named; neither are these spirits
mentioned in the notes of Governor Bolton, nor in the excellent
description of the people about Cateel, furnished by such a careful
observer as Mr. Maxey. It seems that this account, together with the
song and its translation, must have been gathered from other than
Mandayan sources. Long before 1885 the town of Caraga had become one of
the strongholds of the church on the east coast of Mindanao, and
Christianized settlers from all the southern islands had come to the
vicinity.[121] It is probable that Rosell’s information was secured from
Christianized or Moro emigrants, and the first spirits named refer to
Badhala—Bathala, or Batala—”the all powerful,” and Dian
Mansalanta—”the patron of lovers and generation.”[122]

[121] They are often referred to as Caragas in the early
writings.

[122] Further information regarding these spirits will be found in
the Relations of Loarca, 1582 (BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. V, p. 171), and
the Relation of Juan de Plasencia, 1589 (ibid, Vol. VII, pp.
189-96, Vol. XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note that the Bagobo spirit
Toglái, who is one of the pair responsible for marriages and births, is
sometimes addressed as Maniládan.

In 1908 a religious movement known as tungud started among the
Manobo[123] at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over
practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally
reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. Garvan,
of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was instigated by a
Manobo named Mapakla. This man was taken ill, probably with cholera, and
was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three days later he appeared among the
terrified people and explained, that a powerful spirit named Magbabaya
had entered his body and cured him. He further stated that the world was
about to be destroyed and that only those persons who gave heed to his
instructions would survive. These instructions bade all to cease
planting and to kill their animals for, he said, “if they survive to the
end they will eat you.” A religious house or shrine was to be built in
every settlement, and was to be looked after by divinely appointed
ministers. Those persons who were at first inclined to be skeptical as
to the truth of the message, were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya
enter the bodies of the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic
dances, interrupted only by trembling fits during which their eyes
protruded and gave them the semblance of dead men.

[123] Not the Kulaman.

By the time the tungud had reached the Mayo district it had
lost most of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to
cause many of the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious
dances. The coast Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage
of the movement to further a plan to drive American planters and
Christianized natives from the district. The leading Mandaya were
invited to the house of the Moro pandita[124] “to see the spirit
Diwata.” During several nights the son of the pandita
impersonated the spirit and appeared in the darkened room. Over his
chest and forehead he had stretched thin gauze and beneath this had
placed many fire-flies, which to the imaginative people made him appear
superhuman. His entrance into the room was attended by a vigorous
shaking of the house, caused by a younger brother stationed below. A
weird dance followed and then the spirit advised the people to rise and
wipe out the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had become so
impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more than
probable they would have joined the Moro in their project had not an
American planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the leaders,
thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given new
attributes to at least one of the spirits.

[124] The religious head of the settlement.

The before-mentioned ballyan direct the religious observances
of the tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among
their fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local
ruler.

The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is
governed by a bagani. To reach this coveted position a man must
have distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten
persons with his own hand.[125] The victims need not be killed in
warfare and may be of any sex or age so long as they come from a hostile
village. When the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant
appeals to the neighboring bagani for the right to be numbered in
their select company. They will assemble to partake of a feast prepared
by the candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The
petition may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the
exploits related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as
a half bagani. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth,
but if he is granted the full title he is permitted to don a blood-red
suit and to wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly
sought by the more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many
lives are taken each year.

[125] At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but
the two bagani living there had each killed more than twice that
number. Among the Mansaka the number required is often as high as
thirty.

A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on the
east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same section
are now living five bagani who have gained this title by similar
exploits.[126] Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result of
these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man’s family to
seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the
offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In
some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not
allowed to wed until the death is avenged.

[126] These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan;
Kasicknan, Lewanan, and Malañgit, in the mountains between Taguanan and
Piso.

Instances are known where the old men have conferred the title of
bagani upon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the
recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of
election, for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his
own settlement the oldest of the bagani becomes supreme ruler,
and if powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable
distance. In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the title have
so instilled fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they
have been able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianized natives. War
parties are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also
enforce the laws handed down from their forefathers.

The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure
cut away from his fellows. He no longer associates with them as equals
but eats his meals alone, unless it happens that other bagani are
present.

Below the bagani in rank come the warriors, a class which
includes practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them
are the slaves. Slavery was an ancient institution with this people when
the Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to
flourish up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the
influence of the white man. The great majority of slaves are secured by
capture, but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a
lucrative slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of
their master’s household, but their children are treated as slaves.
Captive boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields,
and in most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant
from master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom one of
their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his old
home or he may become a free member of the community in which he has
been serving.

The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has
caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees,
often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only
from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV).

Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest rest
on the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature of
the supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have horizontal
sides and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which slopes
directly from a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform does
away with the necessity of side walls.

The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate LXXIV.
Here the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or twenty feet
above the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the foundation.
Many smaller poles help support the floor and then extend upward to form
the wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten bark rests on
cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. Above it are
occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which the walls of
nipa palm are fastened. In some houses two or three of the
foundation poles extend above the floor to such a height that they are
used as the supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts rest
on the beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. From the
ridge a number of smaller rods extend to or project out over the side
walls, and on them rests the roofing of nipa palm. A space of
several inches often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. The
whole structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is
capable of withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives
and creaks with every wind. During violent storms the house is further
secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.

Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan
ladders. These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access thus
removed the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. If
enemies do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage of
their elevated position in the use of their weapons.

Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size
according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three families
are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, and
often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the girls’
people.

Near the door, or in one comer of the room, is a small box of earth
in which several stones are imbedded. This constitutes the hearth, about
which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen vessels.
The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each end of the
roof, or through the narrow space under the eaves. There is no
recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils[127] are scattered
promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they
occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily
cleared.

[127] These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving
outfits, bark dye vats, as well as traps and weapons, nearly all of
which are so similar to those already described for the Bagobo that they
do not call for special notice here.

The people of a community build their houses within a short distance
of one another, yet seldom so close together as to form a village.
However, village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of
Cateel Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by
palisades, perched on the top of a conical hill.

Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the people
and dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan river:

“The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far as
intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was
concerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which
they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen.
They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by
the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear each
other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north of the
headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives coloring
to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least unwonted sound.
They make their clearings on the steep mountainsides and in these build
two or three of their houses in strategic positions. In the very
construction of their dwellings the idea of security in case of attack
is predominant.

“The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the
sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some forty
or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance to
which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held in
place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed
outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires a
considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door to
these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn plank,
hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope during the
day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor throughout the
house.

“The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and sides
of hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than seven
feet from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. The
largest house visited in this locality was that of Chief Leuanan, and
this was some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one room and
are inhabited by two or more families.”

About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes,
sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised.
However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of
game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering
on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for
the primitive tools[128] with which the people work are ill-fitted to
combat the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon grass. Only
the exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the
prevalence of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will
cause the people to move their homes from one district to another.

[128] These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting
stick.

We have already referred to the important part the limokon
plays in the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,[129] and to
the offerings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down
certain trees.[130] The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and
harvested without further reference to the spirit world, but the
cultivation and care of this cereal can only be carried on according to
certain fixed conditions.

[129] See pages 173 and 177.

[130] Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of
cords. A number of strings are tied together in the center and the knot
is buried. The loose ends are then joined and if it happens that the two
ends of a cord have been tied together it is taken as a sign that the
spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing.

About November first, when a group of seven stars called poyo
poyo appears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear
new land to begin their labors. By December first this constellation
rises straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further
confirmed by the appearance of a star known as sabak. If any have
delayed their planting until the middle of December they are given a
last warning when the stars forming Bayatik[131] appear.

[131] This is the same as balatik, page 62.

As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center
of the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known as
tagbinian and seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan,
although by some it is insisted that it is intended for his residence.
The seed rice is deposited inside the enclosure[132] and the men begin
to prepare the soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks
into the ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice
from the tagbinian the women follow, dropping seeds into the
holes.

[132] Maxey relates that at planting and harvest tune the Mandaya of
Cateel carry offerings to the baliti trees and there offer it to
Diwata, in supplication or thanks for an abundant crop.

When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old
granaries or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old
man or woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and
there cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop
is sure to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as
an offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has
been harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that
time a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish,
together with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary,
where it is presented to the spirit “in order that the granary may
always be full.” When the grain is needed for use it is removed from the
straw by pounding it with wooden pestles, it is then placed in a wooden
mortar and is again pounded until the husks are loosened. This
accomplished, the grain is freed from chaff by tossing it in a winnower.
If a greater amount has been cleared than is needed it is stored in
gourds or water-proof baskets (Fig. 50). A month or two after the
harvest a great celebration is held, the principal features of which are
a feast and dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits.

The small crop of sugar-cane is made into an alcoholic drink, which
is sometimes indulged in at meal time but is generally reserved for
festive occasions. The juice is boiled with a plant called palba,
similar to ginger, and is stored away in bamboo tubes until it has
reached a suitable stage of fermentation. Another drink is made by
boiling strained honey with the palba and allowing it to
ferment.

A considerable portion of the food supply is secured by hunting and
fishing. Small birds are captured by placing a sticky substance on bare
limbs of fruit-bearing trees, or by fastening gummed sticks in places
frequented by birds. When a victim alights on this it is held securely
until captured by the hunter. Fig. 51 shows another method of securing
such small game. A cord with a noose at one end is attached to a bent
limb. In the center of this cord is tied a short stick which acts as a
trigger. This trigger is placed with the top end pressing against an
arched twig a, while the other end draws b against the
sides of the arch. Other sticks rest on b and on them is a
covering of leaves on which is placed bait and the open noose. The
weight of a bird or small animal on the cross-piece is sufficient to
release the trigger and then the bent limb draws the noose taut.

The series of slip nooses attached to a central cord which surrounds
a tame decoy is also found in use here, and boys frequently secure birds
by means of blow-guns. The latter do not differ from those already
described on p. 73, but with this tribe they are regarded only as a
boy’s plaything.

Deer and pig are sometimes hunted by large parties with the aid of
dogs. In such cases an attempt is made to drive the animals past
concealed hunters, or to dispatch them with spears when brought to bay
by the dogs. The more successful method, however, is by means of traps
several types of which were seen by the writer. The first and most
common is a dead fall consisting of a heavy log so arranged in the
runway of the game that a passing animal will cause it to fall. Next in
favor with the hunters is the bayatik. One end of a sapling is
tied horizontally to a tree and is then bent back like a spring. It is
held in place by means of a trigger which is released when an animal
disturbs a vine stretched across the runway. Against the free end of the
spring a long bamboo spear or arrow is placed in such a manner that it
is thrown with great force against the animal which has released the
trigger. This trap is frequently used in warfare to protect the retreat
of a war party, or to surprise an enemy.

Sharpened bamboo sticks, two or three feet long, planted at points
where animals are accustomed to jump or run down steep inclines, are
wonderfully efficient in securing game. Sticks and leaves cover pits in
which sharpened poles are planted and into these unsuspecting animals or
members of a hostile party often fall. All these last named devices are
exceedingly dangerous and it is unadvisable for a traveler in the jungle
to try to penetrate a strange region unless accompanied by a native who
knows the position of the traps and pits.

Fish are secured by means of bamboo traps through which a part of the
water of a stream is diverted. These traps do not differ in any respect
from those shown in Fig. 19. Along the coast metal fishhooks and dip and
throw nets are in common use, but these are at present largely obtained
from the Moro. The easiest and hence the most popular method of securing
fish is to mash together the poisonous roots of the tobli tree
and the fruit of the oliskEb. The pulp is then sunk into still
pools of water and in a short time, the stupified[sic] fish begin to
float to the surface, where they are quickly seized by the
fishermen.

Mention has already been made of the use of pits and traps in
warfare. In addition to these it is customary for a returning war party
to conceal in the trail many saoñag, small stiletto-shaped bamboo
sticks, which pierce the feet of those in pursuit. A night camp is
effectively protected in the same manner against barefooted enemies.

The arms used are spears, fighting knives with wide bellied blades,
daggers, narrow shields with which weapons are defected (Fig. 52), and
in some sections bows and arrows. The fighting knives and daggers
(Plates LXXV-LXXVI) deserve more than casual notice. The heavy bellied
blades of the knives are highly tempered, and not infrequently are bored
through and inlaid with silver, in which instances they are known as
binuta,—blind (Plate LXXVa). The sheaths, with their
sharply upturned ends, are made of light wood on which are carved
decorations, attached or inlaid bands of silver, or stained designs. The
handles of the weapons are also decorated with incised silver bands.

Much as the fighting knives are prized, the dagger, bayadau or
bádau, is in even greater favor. It is worn on the front
left-hand part of the body in ready reach of the right hand, and is
never removed unless the owner is in the company of trusted relatives. A
light thread, easily broken, holds the dagger in its sheath and the
slightest disturbance is enough to cause the owner to draw his
weapon.

The older warriors claim that it formerly was their custom to protect
themselves with strips of hemp cloth, limbotung, which they wound
many times around their bodies in order to ward off knife thrusts, but
this method of protection seems to have fallen into disuse.[133]

[133] This type of protective armor is still used by the Bukidnon of
Central Mindanao.

Individual warriors lie in ambush for their foes, but when a great
raid is planned the party is under the command of a bagani. These
attacks are arranged to take place during the full moon and the warriors
usually assault a settlement which they think can be taken by surprise,
and hence unprepared. It is very seldom that these people fight in the
open, and invaders do not attempt a combat unless they feel sure of the
outcome. If they find a house well protected they may attempt to fire it
by attaching a torch to an arrow and shooting it into the grass roof,
the occupants being slaughtered as they rush out. If one of the enemy
puts up an especially good fight his body is opened and the warriors eat
a portion of his heart and liver, thinking thus to gain in valor.

Mr. Maxey mentions the use of poisoned weapons in the neighborhood of
Cateel, but the Mandaya of the south seem to be entirely ignorant of
this custom, Maxey’s account of the preparation of the poison is as
follows:

“The poison is, according to the writer’s informant, prepared as
follows: A long bamboo is cut and carried to a tree called
camandag.[134] The bamboo must be long enough to reach to the
limit of the shadow cast by the tree to the trunk of the same, as the
tree is so poisonous that it even affects those who stand beneath it.
The bamboo has a sharp point which is stuck into the tree and receives
the milk which exudes from the cut. After several days the bamboo is
removed and the contents emptied into another bamboo which serves for a
sheath or quiver for the arrows, these being placed in it point down.
The slightest scratch will cause death. A peculiar thing about the tree
from which the poison is extracted, is that the person extracting must
not only not get under the tree, but must approach it from the windward,
as the effects of even the odor are unpleasant and dangerous.”

[134] Croton tiglium L.

In the description of the tribe up to this point we have touched upon
those pursuits which engross the greater part of the time. In addition
to these, it falls to the lot of the women to manufacture and decorate
all the clothing worn by members of the tribe. Some cotton is grown and
is used in the manufacture of jackets, but the bulk of the garments are
of hemp. In the description of the Decorative Art we shall deal with the
decoration of the hemp cloth skirts worn by the women. Here it is only
necessary for us to observe that this cloth is produced and colored by
exactly the same process as is employed by the Bagobo women.[135]

[135] See p. 79.

A very little brass casting is done by the Mandaya of one district,
but it is evidently a crude copy of Moro work. By far the greater part
of the brass betel boxes, and ornaments of that metal, as well as spear
heads, are purchased from the coast Mohammedans.

Iron working is an ancient art with this people and the beauty and
temper of their knives and daggers is not excelled by the output of any
other Philippine tribe. In the manufacture of these weapons they employ
the same methods as their neighbors to the south and west.

No wild tribe in the archipelago has made so much use of silver in
the production of ornaments as has the Mandaya. Thin silver plates are
rolled into small tubes and are attached to the woman’s ear plugs (Fig.
49), finger rings of the same metal are produced in great numbers, but
the finest work appears in the large silver ornaments worn on the
breasts by both sexes (Fig. 53). Silver coins are beaten into thin

disks, in the center of which a hole is cut. About this opening
appear beautiful intricate designs, some engraved, others stamped with
metal dies.

All work in metal is limited to a few skilled men, but many lesser
industries, such as shaping tortoise shell rings and shell bracelets,
carving of spoons, and making baskets, are carried on by other members
of the tribe during their leisure hours.

In each district there are one or two mid wives, known as
managámon. They are women past middle life who are versed in the
medicines and rites which should be employed at the time of birth. They
are not considered as ballyan, yet they talk to the spirits upon
certain occasions.

When a pregnant woman is about to be delivered the midwife crushes
the bark of the dap-dap tree and makes a medicine called
tagaúmo, which she gives to the patient. It is claimed that this
causes the muscles to relax so that they allow an easy delivery. The
umbilical cord is cut with a bamboo knife and as soon as the child has
been bathed it is given to the mother. The afterbirth is placed in a
specially prepared basket and is either hung against the side of the
house or in a nearby tree. For a few days the midwife assists about the
house and then, if all is well with the child, she takes her payment of
rice, chicken, and fish, and returns to her home. Should the child be
ailing she will return, and having placed rice and betel-nut on banana
leaves she carries these to the top of the house and there offers them
to the asuang,[136] meanwhile asking those spirits to accept the
offering and to cease troubling the child. No ceremony takes place at
the time of naming or at the age of puberty, but at the latter period
the teeth are filed and blackened so that the young person may be more
beautiful and, therefore, able to contract a suitable marriage.

[136] See p. 176. [Transcriber’s note: This is page 192.]

Frequently parents arrange matches for their children while they are
still very young, but in the majority of cases the matter is left until
after the age of puberty when the wishes of the young people are taken
into consideration. The youth or his father having chosen a suitable
girl takes or sends a spear, knife, or other acceptable present to her
father. If this offering is accepted it indicates approval of the match,
and soon thereafter a feast is prepared to which friends of both
families are invited. At this feast the price to be paid for the girl
and the time of marriage are agreed upon, and at least partial payment
is made. As is the case with the neighboring tribes, a part of the value
of this gift is returned. Following the agreement the boy enters the
service of his fiancee’s father and for a year or more lives as a member
of the family. Even after the marriage a considerable amount of service
is expected from him at the time of planting, harvesting, or
building.

The marriage ceremony proper follows a feast, and consists of the
young couple feeding each other with rice and drinking from a common
cup.

Should anything occur to prevent the marriage, after the payment for
the girl has been made, the gifts must be returned or service equal to
their value must be rendered.

Unfaithfulness on the part of the woman seems to be the one cause for
a separation and this is uncommon, for unless her admirer purchases her
for a sum equal to the amount her husband spent in obtaining her, the
divorced woman remains as a slave in the home of her former husband.

Polygamy is permitted and is quite common, but a man may not take a
second wife until a child has been born to the first. In addition to his
wives a man may have as many concubines as he can afford to
purchase.

It is said to be a grave offense for a man to embrace a married
woman, or even to touch the breasts, elbows, or heels of any woman he
does not intend to marry. An unmarried woman who permits such
familiarities is considered as good as married. Despite this assertion,
the writer knows of several cases where young people openly lived
together without being considered married, and later the parents
arranged marriages between these girls and other suitors.

According to several informants, incest is punished by the sacrifice
of the guilty parties. They are tied to a tree with their hands drawn
backward around the trunks and are then speared to death. This seems to
be the one and only occasion when human sacrifice is practiced by
members of this tribe.

When a person is seriously ill a ballyan is summoned and she,
after securing prepared rice, betel-nuts, and a live chicken, enters
into communication with the spirits. First she converses with the dead
father or other deceased relative of the sick person and requests his
aid in effecting a cure, next she presents food to Diwata and implores
his aid, and finally calls upon the asuang to whom she offers the
live fowl on the condition that they will cease trying to injure the
patient. Having thus done all in her power to influence the spirits she
may administer some simple remedy, after which she begins to dance
contra-clockwise, around a bamboo pole on which leaves and betel-nut
have been hung.[137]

[137] This ceremony usually takes place in the house, but if the man
was taken ill in the forest or in his field it may be conducted
there.

If this treatment proves to be of no avail and the patient dies his
body is placed in the center of the house and for two days and nights is
guarded by relatives and friends. During the time that the body remains
in the dwelling the family is required to fast and all the people of the
settlement are prohibited from playing on agongs, from singing or
indulging in other signs of merriment. Finally, the body is wrapped in a
mat and is buried in the forest.[138]

[138] Maxey gives the following account of burial near Cateel: “The
dead person is dressed in his best clothes, wrapped in a piece of
abaca cloth, and placed in a coffin of bamboo poles, or one hewn
from a solid log, if the person was one of means, and buried. If of the
poorer class he is merely wrapped in a piece of matting-, and either
buried or covered over with stones, sticks, and the like. If of high
rank, the body is not buried, but after preparation is taken into the
forest and placed in a small hut under a balete tree. Food,
spears, bolos, hats, shields, and some articles of furniture are placed
on the graves to placate the spirits who might otherwise bring harm to
the surviving members of the clan or family. There is no fixed period of
mourning, but the members of the family must wear black for some time
after the death. The sick are never abandoned prior to death, but slaves
nearing death are sometimes killed to stop their sufferings. The owner,
however, must first consult with others of the clan.”

Returning from the burial all the people partake of a feast and then
set fire to the dwelling “because we do not like the asuang which
killed the man in that house.” During the ensuing nine days the spouse
of the dead dresses in black and for a month following, or until they
can purchase a slave, the whole family is barred from merry-making. Two
reasons for the purchase of this slave were advanced by members of the
tribe. One was that the family could be happy if they were still rich
enough to purchase a slave. The second, that they thus replaced the dead
man with another, “for the slaves are like members of our own
family.”

The decorative art of the Mandaya is similar in many respects to that
of the Bagobo and Bila-an, yet in part it differs greatly from both. As
is true with the other tribes, the weavers make use of many figures
which they do not associate with any living forms, but which,
nevertheless, strongly suggest that they may have been derived from
realistic designs. In addition to such patterns they frequently employ
figures which are intentional copies of human or animal forms. Of these
the most common are those representing a man and a crocodile; these
sometimes appear together, sometimes alone. The requirements of the
space to be filled, as well as readiness of the worker to alter any part
in order to give a more pleasing effect to the design have resulted in
many distorted and conventionalized figures which can only be explained
by the artist. The accompanying drawings are taken from articles
collected by the writer and now in the Field Museum of Natural
History.

Patterns A to H in Fig. 54 appear in hemp cloth skirts.
These show the steps in the conventionalization of the human
figure,[139] as explained by the weavers. In the first four the forms
are so realistic that they need no explanation, but E is more
complicated. Here two greatly conventionalized figures have been used,
one erect, the other with head down. The size of the head has been
increased while the body is represented by a small diamond-shaped
pattern with outstretched arms attached. The legs and feet of both
figures help to form a pattern similar to a head, except that it lacks
the “hair” shown in the end designs. F resembles the preceding
quite closely. In it the central head-like pattern does not appear and
the legs and feet of one figure help to form the head of the other. This
design has been doubled, thus necessitating some alteration of the
figures at the points of union. In G and H nearly all the
realistic elements have vanished, yet certain resemblance to D
and E can be discerned.

[139] One weaver insisted that this figure represents a frog, because
of its webbed feet, but none of the others agreed with her.

We have already learned that the crocodile is held in great regard
and in some sections there is evidence of its more or less sacred
character. Its importance in the minds of the people is well shown by
the frequency with which it appears in their decorative designs. Fig.
55A shows one of these animals which has just eaten a man. Both
figures are so realistic that the intention of the weaver is apparent.
In B, D, E, and F, the animal is still
realistic, but the man disappears, and in his place is a formless object
or straight lines which are identified as “something eaten.”

The pattern G is given as the next step in the
conventionalization. Here the legs, feet, and “something eaten” have
assumed undue proportions, while nearly every trace of likeness has
vanished. This figure is multiplied five times to obtain the highly
conventionalized form shown in H.

By referring to G it is possible to see how the complicated
designs in I and J have been derived, although they bear
little resemblance to the original crocodile form.

Fig. 56 was identified as a crocodile but was not regarded as a step
in the conventionalization shown. Many other figures such as 57 appear
so closely related to the designs just described that it seems certain
they must have had a common origin, yet this was denied by all the
weavers, who insisted that such decorations were added only to make the
garments pretty.

Going from weaving to designs cut in wood, something of the same
state of affairs is encountered. Pattern a on the bamboo comb
(Fig. 48) is identified as the crocodile, yet the very similar figures
shown on a bamboo lime holder (Fig. 58) and on a wooden clothes-hanger
(Fig. 59) are not so recognized.

Figs. 60 and 61 show characteristic designs which are embroidered on
jackets or carrying bags. All these are added with the one idea of
beautifying the garment, without any thought of copying some living
form. This is true also of the incised zigzag lines, scrolls, and
meander patterns seen on the silver breast disks (Fig. 53), and those
stained on palm bark hats (Fig. 47).

FIGS. 60 AND 61. EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING
BAGS.

FIGS. 60 AND 61. EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING
BAGS.

Tobacco pouches (Fig. 62) are often completely covered with bright
colored geometrical designs embroidered in trade yarn. This work, which
is quite unlike the other decoration used by this people, was probably
introduced along with trade yarn and analine[sic] dyes.

From the material now at our disposal certain general conclusions can
be drawn.

A comparison of the physical measurements indicates that no group is
of pure race. There are significant variations between members of
different tribes, but these occur also between individuals of the same
village. The average person in each group is short-headed, yet
long-headed individuals are found in every tribe and variations just as
great as this appear in the other measurements and observations.

We have previously noted the evidences of an aboriginal pygmy
population, that has been partially absorbed by intermarriage with the
later comers.[140] In all the groups, except the Bila-an, the percentage
of individuals showing evidences of Negrito blood increases as we go
from the coasts toward the interior, until in such divisions as the Obo
and Tigdapaya of the Bagobo, and the Tugauanum of the Ata, practically
all the people show traces of this admixture.

[140] Negrito are reported from the Samal Islands in the Gulf of
Davao.

In addition to the types already described there are found in each
tribe individuals who in all but color might readily pass as white men.
These persons freely intermarry with the rest of the population, and it
is no uncommon thing to find in one family children of this sort as well
as those showing Negrito characteristics or those conforming to the
average type.[141]

[141] This will be discussed in a forthcoming publication on Physical
Types. That paper will present a full series of measurements accompanied
by photographs, including the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao in
which tribe this type is more frequently seen than in Davao
District.

The facts indicate that the tribes now found in Davao District did
not reach the coasts of Mindanao at the same time, but rather that they
represent several periods of migration, of which the Kulaman is the
last. This tribe, which only a few generations ago seems to have been
made up of seafarers, has not yet entirely adapted itself to a settled
existence and it is only within the lifetime of the present generation
that its members have taken seriously to agriculture.

It appears that the Bila-an once inhabited the district about Lake
Buluan, but the pressure of the Moro has forced most of them from that
region toward the mountains to the south and east. They have taken
possession of both sides of this mountain range, except for the lower
eastern slopes where they have encountered the Tagakaolo.

The other tribes probably landed on the southern or southeastern
coast of the Island, from whence they have gradually moved to their
present habitats.

Intermarriage between the tribes, Moro raids, warfare with the
accompanying capture of slaves, and the possible influence of boat-loads
of castaways, all have to be considered in dealing with the types found
in Davao District. We have already seen that the physical measurements
indicate a complex racial history.

After giving full credit to all these influences, however, it does
not appear to the writer that such radical differences exist between the
tribes as will justify us in assigning to them different ancestry or
places of origin. The summarized description of the Bagobo given on page
56 would, with only, slight modification, apply to all the other tribes,
with the exception of certain groups of the Ata in which the Negrito
element is very pronounced. In brief, the various influences that have
been at work on one group have influenced all the others, since their
arrival on the island of Mindanao.

This conclusion is further justified by the language in which a large
per cent of the words in daily use are common to all the groups. Even
the Bila-an dialect, which differs more from all the others than do any
of those from one another, has so many words in common with the coast
tongues and is so similar in structure that one of my native boys, who
never before had seen a Bila-an, was able freely to carry on a
conversation within a few days after his arrival in one of their most
isolated settlements.

Similar as are the people and their dialects, the cultural agreements
are even more noticeable. Taking the Bagobo as a starting point, we find
a highly developed culture which, with a few minor changes, holds good
for the tribes immediately surrounding. These in turn differ little from
their neighbors, although from time to time some new forms appear. The
Cibolan type of dwelling, with its raised platform at one end and
box-like enclosures along the side walls, is met with until the Mandaya
territory is approached, while, with little variation, the house
furnishings and utensils in daily use are the same throughout the
District. The same complicated method of overtying, dyeing, and weaving
of hemp employed in the manufacture of women’s skirts is in use from
Cateel in the north to Sarangani Bay in the south, while in the
manufacture of weapons the iron worker in Cibolan differs not at all
from his fellow-craftsman among the Mandaya. Here we are confronted by
the objection that, so far as is known, no iron work is done by the
Bila-an and Ata, but this is a condition which is encountered throughout
the archipelago. In the interior of Luzon are found isolated villages,
the inhabitants of which are expert workers in iron and steel, while
their neighbors seem to be ignorant of the process.[142] The writer
holds to the opinion that iron working is an ancient art throughout the
Philippine archipelago and that its use for various reasons, such as
lack of material, has died out in certain sections. Brass workers are
found among most of the tribes, but, as was observed earlier in this
paper, there is sufficient evidence that the industry is of recent
introduction, and the amount and excellence of the work done by the
brass casters is governed by the nearness or remoteness of Moro
settlements.

[142] The process used in Northern Luzon is very similar to that
employed in Southern Mindanao.

Except for the cotton garments recently adopted by the Kagan branch
of the Tagakaolo, and the suits worn by the Mandaya men, the clothing
seen throughout the District is very similar. A few ornaments, such as
the silver rings and breast disks of the Mandaya, have only a limited
distribution, but for the most part the decorations worn by the
different tribes differ only in the number of beads, bells, and shell
disks used in their manufacture.

In the ornamentation of their garments certain groups have
specialized until the bead work of the Bagobo excels all such work found
in the Philippines. The same can be said of the intricate and
beautifully embroidered designs seen in the garments of the Bila-an or
the oversewed fabrics of the Kulaman, while the crudely embroidered
patterns of the Mandaya are wonderfully effective. Yet, despite apparent
dissimilarities, there is such a likeness in many forms of
ornamentation, as well as in the technique of the methods of production,
that there seems to be ample proof of free borrowing, or of a common
origin.

On the non-material side the similarities between the groups are even
more marked. In each tribe the warriors gain distinction among their
fellows, the protection of certain spirits, and the privilege of wearing
red garments, by killing a certain number of persons. Except among the
Kulaman, mediums much like the mabalian of the Bagobo make known
the wishes of the superior beings and direct the ceremonies. The people
are instructed when to plant by the spirits who place certain
constellations in the skies. These are the same for all the groups,
although often known by different names. The limokon warns or
encourages the traveler, while certain acts of the individual, such as
sneezing, are looked upon as warnings from unseen beings. Many of these
beings having like attributes, although often bearing different names,
are known to each group. The idea of one or more spirits dwelling in
different parts of a man’s body is widespread, while the belief that the
right side of the body is under the care of good influences and the left
subject to the bad, is well nigh universal in the District.

In conclusion note should be made of oft repeated assertions to the
effect that a part of the people of Davao District are white, and that
they are also cannibals and headhunters. The first can be dismissed with
the statement that so far as the writer has been able to observe or to
learn from trustworthy sources, there is no justification for such a
story. It can be just as positively stated that neither the Mandaya nor
any other tribe here described practice cannabalism[sic]. Warriors do
eat a part of the livers and hearts of men who have shown great valor,
the eaters thus securing some of the good qualities of the victims. The
Kulaman warriors always taste of the liver of the slain “in order to
become like Mandalangan,” but they expressed the greatest disgust when
it was suggested that the balance of the body might make good food.

While it is true that the Kulaman take the heads, and some times the
arms,[143] of slain foes, and that the same custom is some times
followed by individual warriors of the other tribes, head-hunting for
the sake of the trophy is not practiced here, as is the case in Northern
Luzon. The skull or other portions of the body are kept only long enough
to prove the murder, or until they can be mutilated by the women and
children, “who thus become brave.”

[143] This is also the custom of the Bukidnon.