
Press Edition
MY ATTAINMENT
OF THE POLE
Being the Record of the Expedition
that First Reached the Boreal Center,
1907-1909. With the Final Summary
of the Polar Controversy
By
DR. FREDERICK A. COOK
THIRD PRINTING, 60TH THOUSAND

NEW YORK AND LONDON
MITCHELL KENNERLEY
MCMXIII
By Special arrangements this edition is marketed by
The Polar Publishing Co., 601 Steinway Hall, Chicago
Copyright 1913
by
Dr. Frederick A. Cook
OTHER BOOKS BY DR. COOK
Through the First Antarctic Night
A Narrative of the Belgian South Polar Expedition.
To the Top of the Continent
Exploration in Sub-Arctic Alaska—The First Ascent of Mt. McKinley
My Attainment of the Pole
Edition de Luxe
Each of above series will be sent post paid for $5.00. All to one
address for $14.00.
| Address: | THE POLAR PUBLISHING CO. 601 Steinway Hall, Chicago |
To the Pathfinders
|
To the Indian who invented pemmican and snowshoes; To the Eskimo who gave the art of sled traveling; To this twin family of wild folk who have no flag Goes the first credit. To the forgotten trail makers whose book of experience has been a guide; To the fallen victors whose bleached bones mark steps in the ascent of the ladder of latitudes; To these, the pathfinders—past, present and future—I inscribe the first page. In the ultimate success there is glory enough To go to the graves of the dead and to the heads of the living. |
THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE POLAR CONTROVERSY
DR. COOK IS VINDICATED. HIS DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH POLE
IS ENDORSED BY THE EXPLORERS OF ALL THE WORLD.
In placing Dr. Cook on the Chautauqua platform as a lecturer, we have
been compelled to study the statements issued for and against the rival polar
claims with special reference to the facts bearing upon the present status of the
Polar Controversy.
Though the question has been argued during four years, we find that it is
almost the unanimous opinion of arctic explorers today, that Dr. Cook reached
the North Pole on April 21, 1909.
With officer Peary’s first announcement he chose to force a press campaign
to deny Dr. Cook’s success and to proclaim himself as the sole Polar Victor.
Peary aimed to be retired as a Rear-Admiral on a pension of $6,000 per year.
This ambition was granted; but the American Congress rejected his claim for
priority by eliminating from the pension bill the words “Discovery of the Pole.”
The European geographical societies, forced under diplomatic pressure to honor
Peary, have also refused him the title of “Discoverer.” By a final verdict of the
American government and of the highest European authorities, Peary is therefore
denied the assumption of being the discoverer of the Pole, though his claim
as a re-discoverer is allowed. The evasive inscriptions on the Peary medals
prove this statement.
Following the acute excitement of the first announcement, it seemed to
be desirable to bring the question to a focus by submitting to some authoritative
body for decision. Such an institution, however, did not exist. Previously,
explorers had been rated by the slow process of historic digestion and assimilation
of the facts offered, but it was thought that an academic examination would
meet the demands. Officer Peary first submitted his case to a commission appointed
by the National Geographical Society of Washington, D. C. This jury
promptly said that in their “opinion” Peary reached the Pole on April 6, 1909;
but a year later in congress the same men unwillingly admitted that in the Peary
proofs there was no positive proof.
Dr. Cook’s data was sent to a commission appointed by the University
of Copenhagen. The Danes reported that the material presented was incomplete
and did not constitute positive proof. This verdict, however, did not carry
the interpretation that the Pole had not been reached. The Danes have never
said, as they have been quoted by the press, that Dr. Cook did not reach the
Pole; quite to the contrary, the University of Copenhagen conferred the degree
of Ph. D. and the Royal Danish Geographical Society gave a gold medal, both
in recognition of the merits of the Polar effort.
This early examination was based mostly upon the nautical calculations
for position, and both verdicts when analyzed gave the version that in such
observations there was no positive proof. The Washington jury ventured an
opinion. The Danes refused to give an opinion, but showed their belief in Dr.
Cook’s success by conferring honorary degrees.[B]
It is the unfair interpretation of the respective verdicts by the newspapers
which has precipitated the turbulent air of distrust which previously rested over
the entire Polar achievement. All this, however, has now been cleared by the
final word of fifty of the foremost Polar explorers and scientific experts.
In so far as they were able to judge from all the data presented in the
final books of both claimants the following experts have given it as their opinion
that Dr. Cook reached the Pole, and that officer Peary’s similar report coming
later is supplementary proof of the first victory:
General A. W. Greely, U. S. A., commander of the Lady Franklin Bay
Expedition, who spent four years in the region under discussion.
Rear Admiral W. S. Schley, U. S. N., commander of the Greely Relief
Expedition.
Capt. Otto Sverdrup, discoverer of the land over which Dr. Cook’s route
was forced.
Capt. J. E. Bernier, commanding the Canadian Arctic Expeditions.
Prof. G. Frederick Wright, author of the “Ice Age of North America.”
Capt. E. B. Baldwin, commanding the Baldwin-Ziegler Expedition.
Prof. W. H. Brewer for 16 years president of the Arctic Club of America.
Prof. Julius Payer of the Weyprecht-Payer Expedition.
Prof. L. L. Dyche, member of various Peary and Cook Expeditions.
Mr. Maurice Connell, Greely Expedition, and U. S. Weather Bureau.
Capt. O. C. Hamlet, U. S. A. Arctic Revenue Service.
Capt. E. A. Haven, Baldwin-Ziegler Expedition.
Mr. Andrew J. Stone, Explorer of North Coast of America.
Mr. Dillon Wallace, Labrador Explorer.
Mr. Edwin Swift Balch, author of “The North Pole and Bradley Land.”
Captains Johan Menander, B. S. Osbon and Thomas F. Hall.
Messrs. Henry Biederbeck, Frederick B. Wright, F. F. Taylor, Ralph H.
Cairns, Theodore Lerner, M. Van Ryssellberghe, J. Knowles Hare, Chas. E.
Rilliet, Homer Rogers, R. C. Bates, E. C. Rost, L. C. Bement, Clarence Wychoff,
Alfred Church, Archibald Dickinson, Robert Stein, J. S. Warmbath, Geo.
B. Butland, Ralph Shainwald, Henry Johnson, S. J. Entrikin, Clark Brown,
W. F. Armbruster, John R. Bradley, Harry Whitney and Rudolph Franke.
Drs. T. F. Dedrick, Middleton Smith, J. G. Knowlton, H. J. Egbert, W. H.
Axtell, A. H. Cordier and Henry Schwartz.
Judge Jules Leclercq, and Prof. Georges Lecointe, Secretary of the International
Bureau of Polar Research.
Thus endorsed by practically all Polar Explorers, Dr. Cook’s attainment
of the Pole and his earlier work of discovery and exploration is farther established
by the following honorary pledges of recognition. (These are now in the possession
of Dr. Cook, the press reports to the contrary being untrue).
By the King of Belgium, decorated as Knight of the Order of Leopold.
By the University of Copenhagen in conferring the degree of Ph. D.
By the Royal Danish Geographical Society, presentation of a gold medal.
By the Arctic Club of America, presentation of a gold medal.
By the Royal Geographical Society of Belgium, presentation of a gold medal.
By the Municipality of the City of Brussels, presentation of a gold medal.
By the Municipality of the City of New York, with the ceremony of presenting
the keys and offering the freedom of the city.
Without denying officer Peary’s success, we note that his case rests upon
the opinion of three of his official associates in Washington. Three men acting
for a society financially interested—three men who have never seen a piece of
Polar ice—have given it as their “opinion” that Mr. Peary (a year later than
Dr. Cook) reached the Pole. By many this was accepted as a final verdict of
experts for Peary. But are such men dependable experts?
Dr. Cook now offers in substantiation of his work the support and the
final verdict of fifty of the foremost explorers and scientific experts. Each in
his own way has during the past four years examined the polar problem and
pronounced in favor of Dr. Cook.
He is therefore vindicated of the propaganda of insinuation and distrust
which his enemies forced, and his success in reaching the Pole is conceded and
endorsed by his own peers.
In his book, “My Attainment of the Pole,” Dr. Cook offers with thrilling
vividness a most remarkable series of adventures in the enraptured wilderness
at the top of the globe. And in his lectures he takes his audience step by step
over the haunts of northernmost man and beyond to the sparkling sea of death at
the pole. Above all he leaves in the hearts of his listeners the thrills of a fresh
vigor and a new inspiration, which opens the way for other worlds to conquer.
By his books and by his lectures, Dr. Cook seeks justice at the bar of public
opinion, and three million people have applauded his effort on the platform.
One hundred thousand people will read his book during the coming year. We
are inclined to agree with Capt. E. B. Baldwin and other Arctic explorers who say—”Putting
aside the academic and idle argument of pin-point accuracy, the
North Pole has been honestly reached by Dr. Cook, three hundred and fifty days
before any one else claimed to have been there.”
May 22, 1913.
THE CHAUTAUQUA MANAGERS’ ASSOCIATION,
ORCHESTRA BUILDING, CHICAGO.
| Chas. W. Ferguson, Pres. | A. L. Flude, Sec’y. |

PREFACE
This narrative has been prepared as a general outline
of my conquest of the North Pole. In it the scientific
data, the observations, every phase of the pioneer
work with its drain of human energy has been presented
in its proper relation to a strange cycle of events. The
camera has been used whenever possible to illustrate
the progress of the expedition as well as the wonders
and mysteries of the Arctic wilds. Herein, with due
after-thought and the better perspective afforded by
time, the rough field notes, the disconnected daily tabulations
and the records of instrumental observations,
every fact, every optical and mental impression, has
been re-examined and re-arranged to make a concise
record of successive stages of progress to the boreal
center. If I have thus worked out an understandable
panorama of our environment, then the mission of this
book has served its purpose.
Much has been said about absolute geographic
proof of an explorer’s work. History demonstrates that
the book which gives the final authoritative narrative is
the test of an explorer’s claims. By it every traveler
has been measured. From the time of the discovery of
America to the piercing of darkest Africa and the open[viii]ing
of Thibet, men who have sought the truth of the
claims of discovery have sought, not abstract figures,
but the continuity of the narrative in the pages of the
traveler’s final book. In such a narrative, after due
digestion and assimilation, there is to be found either
the proof or the disproof of the claims of a discoverer.
In such narratives as the one herewith presented,
subsequent travelers and other experts, with no other
interests to serve except those of fair play, have critically
examined the material. With the lapse of time
accordingly, when partisanship feelings have been
merged in calm and conscientious judgment, history has
always finally pronounced a fair and equitable verdict.
In a similar way my claim of being first to reach
the North Pole will rest upon the data presented between
the covers of this book.
In working out the destiny of this Expedition, and
this book which records its doings, I have to acknowledge
my gratitude for the assistance of many people.
First among those to whom I am deeply indebted is
John R. Bradley. By his liberal hand this Expedition
was given life, and by his loyal support and helpfulness
I was enabled to get to my base of operations at Annoatok.
By his liberal donations of food we were enabled to
live comfortably during the first year. To John R.
Bradley, therefore, belong the first fruits of the Polar
conquest.
A tribute of praise must be placed on record for
Rudolph Francke. After the yacht returned, he was
my sole civilized helper and companion. The faithful
manner in which he performed the difficult duties assigned
to him, and his unruffled cheerfulness during the[ix]
trying weeks of the long night, reflect a large measure
of credit.
The band of little people of the Farthest North
furnished without pay the vital force and the primitive
ingenuity without which the quest of the Pole would be
a hopeless task. These boreal pigmies with golden
skins, with muscles of steel, and hearts as finely human
as those of the highest order of man, performed a task
that cannot be too highly commended. The two boys,
Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shook, deserve a place on the tablet
of fame. They followed me with a perseverance
which demonstrates one of the finest qualities of savage
life. They shared with me the long run of hardship;
they endured without complaint the unsatisfied hunger,
the unquenched thirst, and the maddening isolation, with
no thought of reward except that which comes from an
unselfish desire to follow one whom they chose to regard
as a friend. If a noble deed was ever accomplished,
these boys did it, and history should record their heroic
effort with indelible ink.
At the request of Mrs. Cook, the Canadian Government
sent its ship, the “Arctic,” under Captain Bernier,
with supplementary supplies for me, to Etah.
These were left under the charge of Mr. Harry Whitney.
The return to civilization was made in comfort,
by the splendid manner in which this difficult problem
was carried out. To each and all in this combination I
am deeply indebted.
With sweet memories of the warm hospitality of
Danes in Greenland, I here subscribe my never-to-be-forgotten
appreciation. I am also indebted to the
Royal Greenland Trading Company and to the United[x]
S. S. Company for many favors; and, above all, am I
grateful to the Danes as a nation, for the whole-souled
demonstrations of friendship and appreciation at
Copenhagen.
In the making of this book, I was relieved of much
routine editorial work by Mr. T. Everett Harry, associate
editor of Hampton’s Magazine, who rearranged
much of my material, and by whose handling of certain
purely adventure matter a book of better literary
workmanship has been made.
I am closing the pages of this book with a good deal
of regret, for, in the effort to make the price of this
volume so low that it can go into every home, the need
for brevity has dictated the number of pages. My last
word to all—to friends and enemies—is, if you must
pass judgment, study the problem carefully. You are
as capable of forming a correct judgment as the self-appointed
experts. One of Peary’s captains has said
“that he knew, but never would admit, that Peary
did not reach the Pole.” Rear Admiral Chester
has said the same about me, but he “admits” it in big,
flaming type. With due respect to these men, in justice
to the cause, I am bound to say that these, and others of
their kind, who necessarily have a blinding bias, are not
better able to judge than the average American citizen.
If you have read this book, then read Mr. Peary’s
“North Pole.” Put the two books side by side. When
making comparisons, remember that my attainment of
the Pole was one year earlier than Mr. Peary’s claim;
that my narrative was written and printed months before
that of Mr. Peary; that the Peary narrative is such
that Rear Admiral Schley has said—”After reading[xi]
the published accounts daily and critically of both
claimants, I was forced to the conclusion from their
striking similarity that each of you was the eye-witness
of the other’s success. Without collusion, it would
have been impossible to have written accounts so
similar.”
This opinion, coming as it does from one of the
highest Arctic and Naval authorities, is endorsed by
practically all Arctic explorers. Captain E. B. Baldwin
goes even further, and proves my claim from the
pages of Peary’s own book. Governor Brown of
Georgia, after a critical examination of the two reports,
says, “If it is true, as Peary would like us to believe,
that Cook has given us a gold brick, then Peary has
offered a paste diamond.”
Since my account was written and printed first,
the striking analogy apparent in the Peary pages either
proves my position at the Pole or it convicts Peary of
using my data to fill out and impart verisimilitude to
his own story of a second victory.
Much against my will I find myself compelled to
uncover the dark pages of the selfish unfairness of rival
interests. In doing so my aim is not to throw doubt and
distrust on Mr. Peary’s success, but to show his incentive
and his methods in attempting to leave the sting of discredit
upon me. I would prefer to close my eye to a
long series of wrong doings as I have done in the
passing years, but the Polar controversy cannot be
understood unless we get the perspective of the man
who has forced it. Heretofore I have allowed others
to expend their argumentative ammunition. The questions
which I have raised are minor points. On the[xii]
main question of Polar attainment there is not now
room for doubt. The Pole has been honestly reached—the
American Eagle has spread its wings of glory over
the world’s top. Whether there is room for one or two
or more under those wings, I am content to let the
future decide.
Frederick A. Cook.
The Waldorf-Astoria,
New York, June 15, 1911.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
| PAGE | |
| I THE POLAR FIGHT | 1 |
| II INTO THE BOREAL WILDS | 23 |
| The Yacht Bradley Leaves Gloucester—Invades the Magic Waters of the Arctic Seas—Recollections of Boyhood Ambitions—Beyond the Arctic Circle—The Weaving of the Polar Spell | |
| III THE DRIVING SPUR OF THE POLAR QUEST | 42 |
| On the Frigid Pathway of Three Centuries of Heroic Martyrs—Meeting the Strange People of the Farthest North—The Life of the Stone Age—On the Chase With the Eskimos—Manee and Spartan Eskimo Courage | |
| IV TO THE LIMITS OF NAVIGATION | 62 |
| Exciting Hunts for Game With the Eskimos—Arrival at Etah—Speedy Trip to Annoatok, the Windy Place, Where Supplies are Found in Abundance—Everything Auspicious for Dash to the Pole—Determination to Essay the Effort—Bradley Informed—Debark for the Pole—The Yacht Returns | |
| V PREPARATIONS FOR THE POLAR DASH | 73 |
| An Entire Tribe Breathlessly and Feverishly at Work—Mapping Out the Polar Campaign | |
| VI THE CURTAIN OF NIGHT DROPS | 81 |
| Tribe of Two Hundred and Fifty Natives Busily Begin Preparations for the Polar Dash—Exciting Hunts for the Unicorn and Other Game From Annoatok to Cape York—Every Animal Caught Bearing Upon the Success of the Venture—The Gray-Green Gloom of Twilight in Which the Eskimo Women Communicate With the Souls of the Dead | |
| VII FIRST WEEK OF THE LONG NIGHT | 99 |
| Hunting in the Arctic Twilight—Pursuing Bear, Caribou and Smaller Game in Semi-Gloom[xiv] | |
| VIII THE MOONLIGHT QUEST OF THE WALRUS | 114 |
| Desperate and Dangerous Hunting, in Order to Secure Adequate Supplies for the Polar Dash—A Thrilling and Adventurous Race Is Made Over Frozen Seas and Icy Mountains to the Walrus Grounds—Terrific Explosion of the Ice on Which the Party Hunts—Success in Securing Over Seven Sled-Loads of Blubber Makes the Pole Seem Nearer—An Arctic Tragedy | |
| IX MIDNIGHT AND MID-WINTER | 130 |
| The Equipment and Its Problems—New Art in the Making of Sledges Combining Lightness—Progress of the Preparations—Christmas With Its Glad Tidings and Auguries for Success in Quest of the Pole | |
| X EN ROUTE FOR THE POLE | 149 |
| The Campaign Opens—Last Weeks of the Polar Night—Advance Parties Sent Out—Awaiting the Dawn | |
| XI EXPLORING A NEW PASS OVER ACPOHON | 162 |
| From the Atlantic Waters at Flagler Bay to the Pacific Waters at Bay Fiord—The Mecca of the Musk Ox—Battles With the Bovine Monsters of the Arctic—Sunrise and the Glory of Sunset | |
| XII IN GAME TRAILS TO LAND’S END | 176 |
| Sverdrup’s New Wonderland—Feasting on Game En Route to Svartevoeg—First Shadow Observations—Fights With Wolves and Bears—The Joys of Zero’s Lowest—Threshold of the Unknown | |
| XIII THE TRANS-BOREAL DASH BEGINS | 194 |
| By Forced Efforts and the Use of Axes Speed is Made Over the Land-Adhering Pack Ice of Polar Sea—The Most Difficult Travel of the Proposed Journey Successfully Accomplished—Regretful Parting With the Eskimos | |
| XIV OVER THE POLAR SEA TO THE BIG LEAD | 208 |
| [xv]With Two Eskimo Companions, the Race Poleward Continues Over Rough and Difficult Ice—The Last Land Fades Behind—Mirages Leap Into Being and Weave a Mystic Spell—A Swirling Scene of Moving Ice and Fantastic Effects—Standing on a Hill of Ice, a Black, Writhing, Snaky Cut Appears in the Ice Beyond—The Big Lead—A Night of Anxiety—Five Hundred Miles Already Covered—Four Hundred to the Pole | |
| XV CROSSING MOVING SEAS OF ICE | 221 |
| Crossing the Lead—The Thin Ice Heaves Like a Sheet of Rubber—Creeping Forward Cautiously, the Two Dangerous Miles are Covered—Bounding Progress Made Over Improving Ice—The First Hurricane—Dogs Buried and Frozen Into Masses in Drifts of Snow—The Ice Parts Through the Igloo—Waking to Find One’s Self Falling Into the Cold Sea | |
| XVI LAND DISCOVERED | 232 |
| Fighting Progress Through Cutting Cold and Terrific Storms—Life Becomes a Monotonous Routine of Hardship—The Pole Inspires With Its Resistless Lure—New Land Discovered Beyond the Eighty-Fourth Parallel—More Than Two Hundred Miles From Svartevoeg—The First Six Hundred Miles Covered | |
| XVII BEYOND THE RANGE OF LIFE | 248 |
| With a New Spring to Weary Legs Bradley Land is Left Behind—Feeling the Aching Vastness of the World Before Man Was Made—Curious Grimaces of the Midnight Sun—Sufferings Increase—By Persistent and Laborious Progress Another Hundred Miles is Covered | |
| XVIII OVER POLAR SEAS OF MYSTERY | 260 |
| The Maddening Tortures of a World Where Ice Water Seems Hot, and Cold Knives Burn One’s Hands—Anguished Progress on the Last Stretch of Two Hundred Miles Over Anchored Land Ice—Days of Suffering and Gloom—The Time of Despair—”It Is Well to Die,” Says Ah-We-Lah; “Beyond is Impossible” | |
| XIX TO THE POLE—LAST HUNDRED MILES | 269 |
| Over Plains of Gold and Seas of Palpitating Color the Dog Teams, With Noses Down, Tails Erect, Dash Spiritedly Like Chariot Horses—[xvi]Chanting Love Songs the Eskimos Follow With Swinging Step—Tired Eyes Open to New Glory—Step by Step, With Thumping Hearts the Earth’s Apex Is Neared—At Last! The Goal Is Reached! The Stars and Stripes are Flung to the Frigid Breezes of the North Pole! | |
| XX AT THE NORTH POLE | 286 |
| Observations at the Pole—Meteorological and Astronomical Phenomena—Singular Stability and Uniformity of the Thermometer and Barometer—A Spot Where One’s Shadow Is the Same Length Each Hour of the Twenty-Four—Eight Polar Altitudes of the Sun | |
| XXI THE RETURN—A BATTLE FOR LIFE | 314 |
| Turned Backs to the Pole and to the Sun—The Dogs, Seemingly Glad and Seemingly Sensible That Their Noses Were Pointed Homeward, Barked Shrilly—Suffering From Intense Depression—The Dangers of Moving Ice, of Storms and Slow Starvation—The Thought of Five Hundred and Twenty Miles to Land Causes Despair | |
| XXII BACK TO LIFE AND BACK TO LAND | 326 |
| The Return—Deluded by Drift and Fog—Carried Astray Over an Unseen Deep—Travel for Twenty Days in a World of Mists, With the Terror of Death—Awakened From Sleep by a Heavenly Song—The First Bird—Following the Winged Harbinger—We Reach Land—A Bleak, Barren Island Possessing the Charm of Paradise—After Days Verging on Starvation, We Enjoy a Feast of Uncooked Game | |
| XXIII OVERLAND TO JONES SOUND | 341 |
| Hours of Icy Torture—A Frigid Summer Storm in the Berg-Driven Arctic Sea—A Perilous Dash Through Twisting Lanes of Opening Water in a Canvas Canoe—The Drive of Hunger | |
| XXIV UNDER THE WHIP OF FAMINE | 355 |
| By Boat and Sledge, Over the Drifting Ice and Stormy Seas of Jones Sound—From Rock to Rock in Quest of Food—Making New Weapons | |
| XXV BEAR FIGHTS AND WALRUS BATTLES | 365 |
| [xvii]Dangerous Adventures in a Canvas Boat—On the Verge of Starvation, a Massive Brute, Weighing Three Thousand Pounds, Is Captured After a Fifteen-Hour Struggle—Robbed of Precious Food by Hungry Bears | |
| XXVI BULL FIGHTS WITH THE MUSK OX | 378 |
| An Ancient Cave Explored for Shelter—Death by Starvation Averted by Hand-to-Hand Encounters With Wild Animals | |
| XXVII A NEW ART OF CHASE | 393 |
| Three Weeks Before the Sunset of 1908—Revelling in an Eden of Game—Peculiarities of Animals of the Arctic—How Nature Dictates Animal Color—The Quest of Small Life | |
| XXVIII A HUNDRED NIGHTS IN AN UNDERGROUND DEN | 406 |
| Living Like Men of the Stone Age—The Desolation of the Long Night—Life About Cape Sparbo—Preparing Equipment for the Return to Greenland—Sunrise, February 11, 1909 | |
| XXIX HOMEWARD WITH A HALF SLEDGE AND HALF-FILLED STOMACHS | 425 |
| Three Hundred Miles Through Storm and Snow and Uplifted Mountains of Ice Troubles—Discover Two Islands—Annoatok Is Reached—Meeting Harry Whitney—News of Peary’s Seizure of Supplies | |
| XXX ANNOATOK TO UPERNAVIK | 447 |
| Eleven Hundred Miles Southward Over Sea and Land—At Etah—Overland to the Walrus Grounds—Eskimo Comedies and Tragedies—A Record Run Over Melville Bay—First News From Passing Ships—The Eclipse of the Sun—Southward by Steamer Godthaab | |
| XXXI FROM GREENLAND TO COPENHAGEN | 463 |
| Forewarning of the Polar Controversy—Banquet at Eggedesminde—On Board the Hans Egede—Cablegrams Sent From Lerwick—The Ovation at Copenhagen—Bewildered Amidst the General Enthusiasm—Peary’s First Messages—Embark on Oscar II for New York[xviii] | |
| XXXII COPENHAGEN TO THE UNITED STATES | 476 |
| Across the Atlantic—Reception in New York—Bewildering Cyclone of Events—Inside News of the Peary Attack—How the Web of Shame Was Woven | |
| XXXIII THE KEY TO THE CONTROVERSY | 507 |
| Peary and His Past—His Dealing With Rival Explorers—The Death of Astrup—The Theft of the “Great Iron Stone,” the Natives’ Sole Source of Iron | |
| XXXIV THE MT. MCKINLEY BRIBERY | 521 |
| The Bribed, Faked and Forged News Items—The Pro-Peary Money Powers Encourage Perjury—Mt. McKinley Honestly Climbed—How, for Peary, a Similar Peak Was Faked | |
| XXXV THE DUNKLE-LOOSE FORGERY | 535 |
| Its Pro-Peary Making | |
| XXXVI HOW A GEOGRAPHIC SOCIETY PROSTITUTED ITS NAME | 541 |
| The Washington Verdict—The Copenhagen Verdict | |
| Retrospect | 557 |
| The Present Status of the Polar Controversy (Preceding Preface) | (a) |
| Dr. Cook Vindicated—His Discovery of the North Pole Endorsed by the Explorers of all the World. | |
| The Peary-Parker-Brown Humbug Up To Date (To Finish Page) | 534 |
| Parker contradicts former Statement—Says he climbed Mt. McKinley by Northeast Ridge.—The Ridge used by Dr. Cook. | |
| Verdict of the Geographic Historian (By Edwin Swift Balch) | 595 |
| Dr. Cook’s Record is Accurate—It is Certified—It is Corroborated—He is the Discoverer of the North Pole. | |
| A Request for a National Investigation (By Dr. Frederick A. Cook) | 600 |
| Nation should decide—Congress Should Investigate Rival Claims—Letter to the President. | |
| Can the Government Escape the Responsibility (By Fred High, Editor of the Platform) | 605 |
| Cook Should Have a Fair Deal—An Unbiased Comparison—Letters to and from Prominent Men. |
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
| Frederick A. Cook | Frontispiece |
| FACING PAGE | |
| Rudolph Francke in Arctic Costume | 12 |
| Midnight—”A Panorama of Black Lacquer and Silver” | 13 |
| On the Chase for Bear—The Box-House at Annoatok and its Winter Environment | 76 |
| Man’s Prey of the Arctic Sea—Walrus Asleep | 77 |
| The Helpers—Northernmost Man and His Wife | 108 |
| A Mecca of Musk Ox Along Eureka Sound—A Native Helper—Ah-We-Lah’s Prospective Wife | 109 |
| The Capture of a Bear—Rounding Up a Herd of Musk Oxen | 140 |
| Svartevoeg—Camping 500 Miles from the Pole | 141 |
| “The Igloo Built, We Prepare for Our Daily Camp” | 172 |
| Camping to Eat and Take Observations—On Again | 173 |
| Dashing Forward En Route to the Pole | 204 |
| Departure of Supporting Party—A Breathing Spell—Poleward | 205 |
| Bradley Land Discovered—Submerged Island of Polar Sea—Going Beyond the Bounds of Life | 236 |
| Swift Progress over Smooth Ice—Building an Igloo—A Lifeless World of Cold and Ice | 237 |
| “Too Weary to Build Igloos, We Used the Silk Tent” “Across Seas of Crystal Glory to the Boreal Centre” | 268 |
| Mending Near the Pole | 269 |
| First Camp at the Pole, April 21, 1908 | 300 |
| At The Pole—”We Were the Only Pulsating Creatures in a Dead World of Ice” | 301[xx] |
| “With Eager Eyes We Searched the Dusky Plains of Crystal, But There Was No Land, No life, To Relieve the Purple Run of Death” | 332 |
| Record Left in Brass Tube at North Pole | 333 |
| Observation Determining the Pole—Photograph from Original Note | 364 |
| Back to Land and Back to Life—Awakened by a Winged Harbinger | 365 |
| E-Tuk-I-Shook Waiting for a Seal at a Blow Hole | 396 |
| Toward Cape Sparbo in Canvas Boat—Walrus—(Prize of 15-Hour Battle) 4,000 Lbs. of Meat and Fat | 397 |
| Punctured Canvas Boat In Which We Paddled 1,000 Miles—Famine Days, When Only Stray Birds Prevented Starvation—Den In Which We Spent 100 Double Nights | 428 |
| Bull Fights with the Musk Ox About Cape Sparbo | 429 |
| Saved from Starvation—The Result of One of Our Last Cartridges | 460 |
| “Miles and Miles of Desolation”—Homeward Bound | 461 |
| Governor Kraul In His Study—Arrival at Upernavik | 492 |
| Polar Tragedy—A Deserted Child of the Sultan of the North and Its Mother | 493 |
My Attainment of the Pole
I.
THE POLAR FIGHT
On April 21, 1908, I reached a spot on the silver-shining
desert of boreal ice whereat a wild wave of joy
filled my heart. I can remember the scene distinctly—it
will remain one of those comparatively few mental
pictures which are photographed with a terribly vivid
distinctness of detail, because of their emotional effect,
during everyone’s existence, and which reassert themselves
in the brain like lightning flashes in stresses of
intense emotion, in dreams, in the delirium of sickness,
and possibly in the hour of death.
I can see the sun lying low above the horizon,
which glittered here and there in shafts of light like
the tip of a long, circular, silver blade. The globe of
fire, veiled occasionally by purplish, silver-shot mists,
was tinged with a faint, burning lilac. Through opening
cracks in the constantly moving field of ice, cold
strata of air rose, deflecting the sun’s rays in every
direction, and changing the vision of distant ice irregularities
with a deceptive perspective, as an oar blade
seen in the depth of still water.
Huge phantom-shapes took form about me; they
were nebulous, their color purplish. About the horizon[Pg 2]
moved what my imagination pictured as the ghosts
of dead armies—strange, gigantic, wraith-like shapes
whose heads rose above the horizon as the heads of a
giant army appearing over the summits of a far-away
mountain. They moved forward, retreated, diminished
in size, and titanically reappeared again. Above them,
in the purple mists and darker clouds, shifted scintillantly
waving flashes of light, orange and crimson, the
ghosts of their earthly battle banners, wind-tossed,
golden and bloodstained.
I stood gazing with wonder, half-appalled, forgetting
that these were mirages produced by cold air
and deflected light rays, and feeling only as though I
were beholding some vague revelation of victorious
hosts, beings of that other world which in olden times, it
is said, were conjured at Endor. It seemed fitting that
they should march and remarch about me; that the low
beating of the wind should suddenly swell into throbbing
martial music. For that moment I was intoxicated.
I stood alone, apart from my two Eskimo companions,
a shifting waste of purple ice on every side,
alone in a dead world—a world of angry winds, eternal
cold, and desolate for hundreds of miles in every direction
as the planet before man was made.
I felt in my heart the thrill which any man must
feel when an almost impossible but dearly desired work
is attained—the thrill of accomplishment with which a
poet must regard his greatest masterpiece, which a
sculptor must feel when he puts the finishing touch to
inanimate matter wherein he has expressed consummately
a living thought, which a conqueror must feel
when he has mastered a formidable alien army. Stand[Pg 3]ing
on this spot, I felt that I, a human being, with all
of humanity’s frailties, had conquered cold, evaded
famine, endured an inhuman battling with a rigorous,
infuriated Nature in a soul-racking, body-sapping
journey such as no man perhaps had ever made. I
had proved myself to myself, with no thought at the
time of any worldy applause. Only the ghosts about
me, which my dazzled imagination evoked, celebrated
the glorious thing with me—a thing in which no human
being could have shared. Over and over again I repeated
to myself that I had reached the North Pole,
and the thought thrilled through my nerves and veins
like the shivering sound of silver bells.
That was my hour of victory. It was the climacteric
hour of my life. The vision and the thrill, despite
all that has passed since then, remain, and will remain
with me as long as life lasts, as the vision and the thrill
of an honest, actual accomplishment.
That I stood at the time on the very pivotal pin-point
of the earth I do not and never did claim; I may
have, I may not. In that moving world of ice, of constantly
rising mists, with a low-lying sun whose rays
are always deflected, such an ascertainment of actual
position, even with instruments in the best workable
condition, is, as all scientists will agree, impossible.
That I reached the North Pole approximately, and
ascertained my location as accurately, as painstakingly,
as the terrestrial and celestial conditions and the best instruments
would allow; that I thrilled with victory,
and made my claim on as honest, as careful, as scientific
a basis of observations and calculations as any human
being could, I do emphatically assert. That any man,[Pg 4]
in reaching this region, could do more than I did to
ascertain definitely the mathematical Pole, and that any
more voluminous display of figures could substantiate
a claim of greater accuracy, I do deny. I believe still
what I told the world when I returned, that I am the
first white man to reach that spot known as the North
Pole as far as it is, or ever will be, humanly possible to
ascertain the location of that spot.
Few men in all history, I am inclined to believe,
have ever been made the subject of such vicious attacks,
of such malevolent assailing of character, of such
a series of perjured and forged charges, of such a widespread
and relentless press persecution, as I; and few
men, I feel sure, have ever been made to suffer so bitterly
and so inexpressibly as I because of the assertion
of my achievement. So persistent, so egregious, so
overwhelming were the attacks made upon me that for
a time my spirit was broken, and in the bitterness of my
soul I even felt desirous of disappearing to some remote
corner of the earth, to be forgotten. I knew that envy
was the incentive to all the unkind abuses heaped upon
me, and I knew also that in due time, when the public
agitation subsided and a better perspective followed,
the justice of my claim would force itself to the inevitable
light of truth.
With this confidence in the future, I withdrew from
the envious, money-waged strife to the calm and restfulness
of my own family circle. The campaign of infamy
raged and spent its force. The press lined up
with this dishonest movement by printing bribed, faked
and forged news items, deliberately manufactured by
my enemies to feed a newspaper hunger for sensation.[Pg 5]
In going away for a rest it did not seem prudent to
take the press into my confidence, a course which resulted
in the mean slurs that I had abandoned my cause.
This again was used by my enemies to blacken my character.
In reality, I had tried to keep the ungracious
Polar controversy within the bounds of decent, gentlemanly
conduct; but indecency had become the keynote,
and against this, mild methods served no good purpose.
I preferred, therefore, to go away and allow the
atmosphere to clear of the stench stirred up by rival
interest; but while I was away, my enemies were
watched, and I am here now to uncover the darkest campaign
of bribery and conspiracy ever forged in a strife
for honor.
Now that my disappointment, my bitterness has
passed, that my hurt has partly healed, I have determined
to tell the whole truth about myself, about the
charges made against me, and about those by whom the
charges were made. Herein, FOR THE FIRST
TIME, I will tell how and why I believed I reached the
North Pole, and give fully the record upon which this
claim is based. Only upon such a complete account of
day-by-day traveling and such observations, can any
claim rest.
Despite the hullabaloo of voluminous so-called
proofs offered by a rival, I am certain that the unprejudiced
reader will herein find as complete a story,
and as valuable figures as those ever offered by anyone
for any such achievement in exploration as mine.
Herein, for the first time, shall I answer in toto all
charges made against me, and this because the entire
truth concerning these same charges I have not suc[Pg 6]ceeded
in giving the world through other channels. Because
of the power of those who arrayed themselves
against me, I found the columns of the press closed to
much that I wished to say; articles which I wrote for
publication underwent editorial excision, and absolutely
necessary explanations, which in themselves attacked
my assailants, were eliminated.
Only by reading my own story, as fully set down
herein, can anyone judge of the relative value of my
claim and that of my rival claimant; only by so doing
can anyone get at the truth of the plot made to discredit
me; only by doing so can one learn the reason for all of
my actions, for my failure to meet charges at the time
they were made, for my disappearing at a time when
such action was unfairly made to confirm the worst
charges of my detractors. That I have been too charitable
with those who attempted to steal the justly
deserved honors of my achievement, I am now convinced;
when desirable, I shall now, having felt the
smarting sting of the world’s whip, and in order to
justify myself, use the knife. I shall tell the truth
even though it hurts. I have not been spared, and I
shall spare no one in telling the unadorned and unpleasant
story of a man who has been bitterly
wronged, whose character has been assailed by bought
and perjured affidavits, whose life before he returned
from the famine-land of ice and cold—the world of his
conquest—was endangered, designedly or not, by a
dishonest appropriation of food supplies by one who
afterwards endeavored to steal from him his honor,
which is more dear than life.
To be doubted, and to have one’s honesty assailed,[Pg 7]
has been the experience of many explorers throughout
history. The discoverer of our own continent, Christopher
Columbus, was thrown into prison, and another,
Amerigo Vespucci, was given the honor, his name to
this day marking the land which was reached only
through the intrepidity and single-hearted, single-sustained
confidence of a man whose vision his own people
doubted. Even in my own time have explorers been
assailed, among them Stanley, whose name for a time
was shrouded with suspicion, and others who since have
joined the ranks of my assailants. Unfortunately, in
such cases the matter of proof and the reliability of any
claim, basicly, must rest entirely upon the intangible
evidence of a man’s own word; there can be no such
thing as a palpable and indubitable proof. And in the
case when a man’s good faith is aspersed and his character
assailed, the world’s decision must rest either upon
his own word or that of his detractors.
Returning from the North, exhausted both in body
and brain by a savage and excruciating struggle against
famine and cold, yet thrilling with the glorious conviction
of a personal attainment, I was tossed to the
zenith of worldly honor on a wave of enthusiasm, a
world-madness, which startled and bewildered me. In
that swift, sudden, lightning-flash ascension to glory,
which I had not expected, and in which I was as a bit of
helpless drift in the thundering tossing of an ocean
storm, I was decorated with unasked-for honors, the
laudations of the press of the world rang in my ears, the
most notable of living men hailed me as one great among
them. I found myself the unwilling and uncomfortable
guest of princes, and I was led forward to receive
the gracious hand of a King.[Pg 8]
Returning to my own country, still marveling that
such honors should be given because I had accomplished
what seemed, and still seems, a merely personal achievement,
and of little importance to anyone save to him
who throbs with the gratification of a personal success,
I was greeted with mad cheers and hooting whistles,
with bursting guns and blaring bands. I was led
through streets filled with applauding men and singing
children and arched with triumphal flowers. In a dizzy
whirl about the country—which now seems like a delirious
dream—I experienced what I am told was an ovation
unparalleled of its kind.
Coincident with my return to civilization, and while
the world was ringing with congratulations, there came
stinging through the cold air from the North, by wireless
electric flashes, word from Mr. Peary that he had
reached the North Pole and that, in asserting such a
claim myself, I was a liar. I did not then doubt the good
faith of Peary’s claim; having reached the boreal center
myself, under extremely favorable weather conditions, I
felt that he, with everything in his favor, could do as
much a year later, as he claimed. I replied with all candor
what I felt, that there was glory enough for two.
But I did, of course, feel the sting of my rival’s unwarranted
and virulent attacks. In the stress of any great
crisis, the average human mind is apt to be carried away
by unwise impulses.
Following Mr. Peary’s return, I found myself the
object of a campaign to discredit me in which, I believe,
as an explorer, I stand the most shamefully abused man
in the history of exploration. Deliberately planned,
inspired at first, and at first directed, by Mr. Peary from[Pg 9]
the wireless stations of Labrador, this campaign
was consistently and persistently worked out by a
powerful and affluent organization, with unlimited
money at its command, which has had as its allies dishonest
pseudo-scientists, financially and otherwise interested
in the success of Mr. Peary’s expedition. With
a chain of powerful newspapers, a financial backer of
Peary led a campaign to destroy confidence in me. I
found myself in due time, before I realized the importance
of underhand attacks, in a quandary which baffled
and bewildered me. Without any organization behind
me, without any wires to pull, without, at the time, any
appreciable amount of money for defence, I felt what
anyone who is not superhuman would have felt, a sickening
sense of helplessness, a disgust at the human
duplicity which permitted such things, a sense of the
futility of the very thing I had done and its little worth
compared to the web of shame my enemies were endeavoring
to weave about me.
One of the remarkable things about modern journalism
is that, by persistent repetition, it can create as a
fact in the public mind a thing which is purely immaterial
or untrue. Taking the cue from Peary, there was
at the beginning a widespread and unprecedented call
for “proofs,” which in some vague way were to consist
of unreduced reckonings. Mr. Peary had his own—he
had buried part of mine. I did not at the time instantly
produce these vague and obscure proofs, knowing, as all
scientists know, that figures must inevitably be inadequate
and that any convincing proof that can exist is to
be found only in the narrative account of such a quest. I
did not appreciate that in the public mind, because of[Pg 10]
the newspapers’ criticisms, there was growing a demand
for this vague something. For this reason, I did not
consider an explanation of the absurdity of this exaggerated
position necessary.
Nor did I appreciate the relative effect of the
National Geographic Society’s “acceptance” of Mr.
Peary’s so-called “proofs” while mine were not forthcoming.
I did not know at the time, what has since been
brought out in the testimony given before the Naval
Committee in Washington, that the National Geographic
Society’s verdict was based upon an indifferent
examination of worthless observations and a few
seconds’ casual observation of Mr. Peary’s instruments
by several members of the Society in the Pennsylvania
Railroad Station at Washington. With many lecture
engagements, I considered that I was right in doing
what every other explorer, including Mr. Peary himself,
had done before me; that is, to fulfill my lecture
and immediate literary opportunities while there
was a great public interest aroused, and to offer a narrative
of greater length, with field observations and
extensive scientific data, later.
Following the exaggerated call for proofs, there
began a series of persistently planned attacks. So
petty and insignificant did many of them seem to me
that I gave them little thought. My speed limits were
questioned, this charge being dropped when it was found
that Mr. Peary’s had exceeded mine. The use by the
newspaper running my narrative story of photographs
of Arctic scenes—which never change in character—that
had been taken by me on previous trips, was held
up as visible evidence that I was a faker! Errors which[Pg 11]
crept into my newspaper account because of hasty preparation,
and which were not corrected because there
was no time to read proofs, were eagerly seized upon,
and long, abstruse and impressive mathematical dissertations
were made on these to prove how unscrupulous
and unreliable I was.
The photograph of the flag at the Pole was put
forth by one of Mr. Peary’s friends to prove on prima
facie evidence that I had faked. Inasmuch as the original
negative was vague because of the non-actinic light
in the North, the newspaper photographers retouched
the print and painted on it a shadow as being cast from
the flag and snow igloos. This shadow was seized upon
avidly, and after long and learned calculations, was
cited as showing that the picture was taken some five
hundred miles from the Pole.
A formidable appearing statement, signed by various
members of his expedition, and copyrighted by the
clique of honor-blind boosters, was issued by Mr.
Peary. In this he gave statements of my two Eskimo
companions to the effect that I had not gotten out of
sight of land for more than one or two “sleeps” on my
trip. I knew that I had encouraged the delusion of my
Eskimos that the mirages and low-lying clouds which
appeared almost daily were signs of land. In their ignorance
and their eagerness to be near land, they believed
this, and by this innocent deception I prevented
the panic which seizes every Arctic savage when he finds
himself upon the circumpolar sea out of sight of land. I
have since learned that Mr. Peary’s Eskimos became
panic-stricken near the Big Lead on his last journey
and that it was only by the life-threatening announce[Pg 12]ment
to them of his determination to leave them alone
on the ice (to get back to land as best they might or
starve to death) that he compelled them to accompany
him.
In any case, I did not consider as important any
testimony of the Eskimos which Mr. Peary might cite,
knowing as well as he did that one can get any sort of
desired reply from these natives by certain adroit questioning,
and knowing also that the alleged route on his
map which he said they drew was valueless, inasmuch as
an Eskimo out of sight of land and in an unfamiliar
region has no sense of location. I felt the whole statement
to be what it was, a trumped-up document in
which my helpers, perhaps unwittingly, had been
adroitly led to affirm what Mr. Peary by jesuitical and
equivocal questioning planned to have them say, and
that it was therefore unworthy of a reply.

RUDOLPH FRANCKE IN ARCTIC COSTUME
I had left my instruments and part of the unreduced
reckonings with Mr. Harry Whitney, a fact
which Mr. Whitney himself confirmed in published
press interviews when he first arrived—in the heat of the
controversy and after I left Copenhagen—in Sidney.
When interviews came from Mr. Peary insinuating
that I had left no instruments in the North, this
becoming a definite charge which was taken up
with great hue and cry, I bitterly felt this to be
a deliberate untruth on Mr. Peary’s part. I have since
learned that one of Mr. Peary’s officers cross-questioned
my Eskimos, and that by showing them Mr. Peary’s
own instruments he discovered just what instruments I
had had with me on my trip, and that by describing the
method of using these instruments to E-tuk-i-shook and
[Pg 13]
Ah-we-lah, Bartlett learned from them that I did take
observations. This information he conveyed to Mr.
Peary before his expedition left Etah for America, and
this knowledge Mr. Peary and his party, deliberately
and with malicious intent, concealed on their return.
At the time I had no means of refuting this insinuation;
it was simply my word or Mr. Peary’s.

MIDNIGHT—“A PANORAMA OF BLACK LACQUER AND SILVER.”
I had no extraordinary proofs to offer, but, such
as they were, I now know, by comparison with the
published reports of Mr. Peary himself, they were as
good as any offered by anyone. I was perhaps unfortunate
in not having, as Mr. Peary had, a confederate
body of financially interested friends to back me up, as
was the National Geographic Society.
Not satisfied with unjustly attacking my claim,
Mr. Peary’s associates proceeded to assail my past career,
and I was next confronted by an affidavit made
by my guide, Barrill, to the effect that I had not scaled
Mt. McKinley, an affidavit which, as I later secured
evidence, had been bought. A widely heralded “investigation”
was announced by a body of “explorers” of
which Peary was president. One of Colonel Mann’s
muck-rakers was secretary, while its moving spirit was
Mr. Peary’s press agent, Herbert L. Bridgman. In a
desperate effort to help Peary, a cowardly side issue was
forced through Professor Herschell Parker, who had
been with me on the Mt. McKinley trip but who had
turned back after becoming panic-stricken in the crossing
of mountain torrents. Mr. Parker expressed doubt
of my achievements because he differed with me as to the
value of the particular instrument to ascertain altitude
which I, with many other mountain climbers, used. I[Pg 14]
had offered all possible proofs as to having climbed the
mountain, as full and adequate proofs as any mountaineer
could, or ever has offered.
I resented the meddlesomeness of this pro-Peary
group of kitchen explorers, not one of whom knew the
first principles of mountaineering. From such an investigation,
started to help Peary in his black-hand effort
to force the dagger, with the money power easing
men’s conscience—as was evident at the time everywhere—no
fair result could be expected. And as to the
widely printed Barrill affidavit—this carried on its face
the story of pro-Peary bribery and conspiracy. I have
since learned that for it $1,500 and other considerations
were paid. Here was a self-confessed liar. I did not
think that a sane public therefore could take this underhanded
pro-Peary charge as to the climb of Mt. McKinley
seriously. Indeed, I paid little attention to it,
but by using the cutting power of the press my enemies
succeeded in inflicting a wound in my side.
I was thus plunged into the bewildering chaos
which friends and enemies created, and swept for three
months through a cyclone of events which I believe no
human being could have stood. Before returning, I felt
weakened mentally and physically by the rigors of the
North, where for a year I barely withstood starvation.
I was now whirled about the country, daily delivering
lectures, greeting thousands of people, buffeted by
mobs of well-meaning beings, and compelled to attend
dinners and receptions numbering two hundred in sixty
days. The air hissed about me with the odious charges
which came from every direction. I was alone, helpless,
without a single wise counsellor, under the charge[Pg 15]
of the enemies’ press, mud-charged guns fired from
every point of the compass. Unlimited funds were
being consumed in the infamous mill of bribery.
I had not the money nor the nature to fight in this
kind of battle—so I withdrew. At once, howls of execration
gleefully rose from the ranks of my enemies;
my departure was heralded gloriously as a confession
of imposture. Advantage was taken of my absence
and new, perjured, forged charges were made to blacken
my name. Far from my home and unable to defend
myself, Dunkle and Loose swore falsely to having
manufactured figures and observations under my direction.
When I learned of this, much as it hurt me, I
knew that the report which I had sent to Copenhagen
would, if it did anything, disprove by the very figures
in it the malicious lying document published in the New
York Times. This, combined with the verdict rendered
by the University of Copenhagen—a neutral verdict
which carried no implication of the non-attainment of
the Pole, but which was interpreted as a rejection—helped
to stamp me in the minds of many people as the
most monumental impostor the world has ever seen.
I fully realized that under the circumstances the
only verdict of an unprejudiced body on any such proofs
to such a claim must be favorable or neutral. The
members of the University of Copenhagen who examined
my papers were neither personal friends nor members
of a body financially interested in my quest. Their
verdict was honest. Mr. Peary’s Washington verdict
was dishonest, for two members of the jury admitted
a year later in Congress, under pressure, that in the
Peary data there was no absolute proof.[Pg 16]
By the time I determined to return to my native
country and state my case, I had been placed, I am
certain, in a position of undeserved discredit unparalleled
in history. No epithet was too vile to couple with
my name. I was declared a brazen cheat who had concocted
the most colossal lie of ages whereby to hoax an
entire world for gain. I was made the subject of cheap
jokes. My name in antagonistic newspapers had become
a synonym for cheap faking. I was compelled
to see myself held up gleefully as an impostor, a liar, a
fraud, an unscrupulous scoundrel, one who had tried to
steal honors from another, and who, to escape exposure,
had fled to obscurity.
All the scientific work which scientists themselves
had accepted as valuable, all the necessary hardships
and the inevitable agonies of my last Arctic journey
were forgotten; I was coupled with the most notorious
characters in history in a press which panders to the
lowest of human emotions and delights in men’s shame.
When I realized how egregious, how frightful, how undeserved
was all this, my soul writhed; when I saw
clearly, with the perspective which only time can give,
how I, stepping aside, in errors of confused judgment
which were purely human, had seemingly contributed to
my unhappy plight, I felt the sting of ignominy greater
than that which has broken stronger men’s hearts.
For the glory which the world gives to such an
accomplishment as the discovery of the North Pole, I
care very little, but when the very result of such a victory
is used as a whip to inflict cuts that mark my future
destiny, I have a right to call a halt. I have claimed
no national honors, want no medals or money. My feet[Pg 17]
stepped over the Polar wastes with a will fired only by
a personal ambition to succeed in a task where all the
higher human powers were put to the test of fitness.
That victory was honestly won. All that the achievement
ever meant to me—the lure of it before I achieved
it, the only satisfaction that remains since—is that it is
a personal accomplishment of brain and muscle over
hitherto unconquered forces, a thought in which I have
pride. From the tremendous ovations that greeted me
when I returned to civilization I got not a single thrill.
I did thrill with the handclasp of confident, kindly people.
I still thrill with the handclasp of my countrymen.
Insofar as the earthly glory and applause are concerned,
I should be only too glad to share them, with all
material accruements, to any honest, manly rivals—those
of the past and those of the future. But against
the unjust charges which have been made against me,
against the aspersions on my personal integrity, against
the ignominy with which my name has been besmirched,
I will fight until the public gets a normal perspective.
I have never hoaxed a mythical achievement.
Everything I have ever claimed was won by hard labor,
by tremendous physical fortitude and endurance, and
by such personal sacrifice as only I, and my immediate
family, will ever know.
For this reason, I returned to my country in the
latter part of 1910, as I always intended to do, after a
year’s rest. By this time I knew that my enemies
would have said all that was possible about me; the excitement
of the controversy would have quieted, and I
should have the advantage of the last word.
In the heat of the controversy, only just re[Pg 18]turned
in a weakened condition from the North, and
mentally bewildered by the unexpected maelstrom of
events, I should not have been able, with justice to myself,
to have met all the charges, criminal and silly,
which were made against me. Even what I did say
was misquoted and distorted by a sensational press
which found it profitable to add fuel to the controversy.
Sometimes I feel that no man ever born has been so
variedly, so persistently lied about, misrepresented,
made the butt of such countless untruths as myself.
When I consider the lies, great and small, which for
more than a year, throughout the entire world, have
been printed about me, I am filled almost with hopelessness.
And sometimes, when I think how I have
been unjustly dubbed as the most colossal liar of history,
I am filled with a sort of sardonic humor.
Returning to my country, determined to state my
case freely and frankly, and making the honest admission
that any claim to the definite, actual attainment of
the North Pole—the mathematical pin-point on which
the earth spins—must rest upon assumptions, because
of the impossibility of accuracy in observations, I found
that this admission, which every explorer would have
to make, which Mr. Peary was unwillingly forced to
make at the Congressional investigation, was construed
throughout the country and widely heralded as a “confession,”
that garbled extracts were lifted from the
context of my magazine story and their meaning distorted.
In hundreds of newspapers I was represented
as confessing to a fraudulent claim or as making a plea
of insanity. A full answer to the charges made against
me, necessary in order to justly cover my case, because[Pg 19]
of the controversial nature of certain statements which
involved Mr. Peary, was prohibited by the contract I
found it necessary to sign in order to get any statement
of a comparatively ungarbled sort before a public which
had read Mr. Peary’s own account of his journey.
I found the columns of the press of my country
closed to the publication of statements which involved
my enemies, because of the unfounded prejudice
created against me during my absence and because of
the power of Mr. Peary’s friends. It is almost impossible
in any condition for anyone to secure a refutation
for an unfounded attack in the American papers. With
the entire press of the country printing misstatements,
I was almost helpless. The justice, kindliness and generous
spirit of fair dealing of the American people,
however, was extended to me—I found the American
people glad—nay, eager—to listen.
It is this spirit which has encouraged me, after the
shameful campaign of opprobrium which well-nigh
broke my spirit, to tell the entire and unalterable truth
about myself and an achievement in which I still believe—in
fairness to myself, in order to clear myself,
in order that the truth about the discovery of the North
Pole may be known by my people and in order that
history may record its verdict upon a full, free and
frank exposition. I do not address myself to any
clique of geographers or scientists, but to the great
public of the world, and herein, for the first time, shall
I give fully whatever proofs there may be of my conquest.
Upon these records must conviction rest.
Did I actually reach the North Pole? When I
returned to civilization and reported that the boreal[Pg 20]
center had been attained, I believed that I had reached
the spot toward which valiant men had strained for
more than three hundred years. I still believe that I
reached the boreal center as far as it is possible for any
human being to ascertain it. If I was mistaken in
approximately placing my feet upon the pin-point
about which this controversy has raged, I maintain that
it is the inevitable mistake any man must make. To
touch that spot would be an accident. That any other
man has more accurately determined the Pole I do
deny. That Mr. Peary reached the North Pole—or
its environs—with as fair accuracy as was possible, I
have never denied. That Mr. Peary was better fitted
to reach the Pole, and better equipped to locate this
mythical spot, I do not admit. In fact, I believe that,
inasmuch as the purely scientific ascertainment is a
comparatively simple matter, I stood a better chance of
more scientifically and more accurately marking the
actual spot than Mr. Peary. I reached my goal when
the sun was twelve degrees above the horizon, and was
therefore better able to mark a mathematical position
than Mr. Peary could have with the sun at less than
seven degrees. Mr. Peary’s case rests upon three
observations of sun altitude so low that, as proof of a
position, they are worthless.
Besides taking observations, which, as I shall explain
in due course in my narrative, cannot be adequate,
I also ascertained what I believed to be my approximate
position at the boreal center and en route by measuring
the shadows each hour of the long day. Inasmuch as
one’s shadow decreases or increases in length as the sun
rises toward the meridian or descends, at the boreal[Pg 21]
center, where the sun circles the entire horizon at practically
the same height during the entire day, one’s
shadow in this region of mystery is of the same length.
In this observation, which is so simple that a child may
understand it, is a sure and certain means of approximately
ascertaining the North Pole. I took advantage
of this method, which does not seem to have occurred to
any other Arctic traveler, and this helped to bring
conviction.
I shall in this volume present with detail the story
of my Arctic journey—I shall tell how it was possible
for me to reach my goal, why I believe I attained that
goal; and upon this record must the decision of my people
rest. I shall herein tell the story of an unfair and
unworthy plot to ruin the reputation of an innocent
man because of an achievement the full and prior credit
of which was desired by a brutally selfish, brutally unscrupulous
rival. I shall tell of a tragedy compared
with which the North Pole and any glory accruing to
its discoverer pales into insignificance—the tragedy of
a spirit that was almost broken, of a man whose honor
and pride was cut with knives in unclean hands.
When you have read all this, then, and only then,
in fairness to yourself and in fairness to me, do I ask
you to form your opinion. Only by reading this can
you learn the full truth about me, about my claim and
about the plot to discredit me, of the charges made
against me, and the reason for all of my own actions.
So persistent, so world-wide has been the press campaign
made by my enemies, and so egregious have the
charges seemed against me, so multitudinous have the
lies, fake stories, fake interviews, fake confessions been,[Pg 22]
so blatant have rung the hideous cries of liar, impostor,
cheat and fraud, that the task to right myself, explain
myself, and bring the truth into clean relief has seemed
colossal.
To return to my country and face the people in
view of all that was being said, with my enemies exultant,
with antagonistic press men awaiting me as some
beast to be devoured, required a determined gritting of
the teeth and a reserve temperament to prevent an
undignified battle.
For against such things nature dictates the tactics
of the tiger. I faced my people, I found them fair and
kindly. I accused my enemies of their lies, and they
have remained silent. Titanic as is this effort of forcing
fair play where biased abuse has reigned so long, I am
confident of success. I am confident of the honesty
and justice of my people; of their ability spiritually to
sense, psychically to appreciate the earmarks of a clean,
true effort—a worthy ambition and a real attainment.
INTO THE BOREAL WILDS
THE YACHT BRADLEY LEAVES GLOUCESTER—INVADES THE
MAGIC OF THE WATERS OF THE ARCTIC SEAS—RECOLLECTION
OF BOYHOOD AMBITIONS—BEYOND THE
ARCTIC CIRCLE—THE WEAVING OF THE POLAR SPELL
II
Over the Arctic Circle
On July 3, 1907, between seven and eight o’clock
in the evening, the yacht, which had been renamed the
John B. Bradley, quietly withdrew from the pier at
Gloucester, Massachusetts, and, turning her prow
oceanward, slowly, quietly started on her historic journey
to the Arctic seas.
In the tawny glow of sunset, which was fading in
the western sky, she looked, with her new sails unfurled,
her entire body newly painted a spotless white, like
some huge silver bird alighting upon the sunshot waters
of the bay. On board, all was quiet. I stood alone,
gazing back upon the picturesque fishing village with
a tender throb at my heart, for it was the last village of
my country which I might see for years, or perhaps ever.
Along the water’s edge straggled tiny ramshackle
boat houses, dun-colored sheds where fish are dried, and
the humble miniature homes of the fisherfolk, in the[Pg 24]
windows of which lights soon after appeared. On the
bay about us, fishing boats were lazily bobbing up and
down; in some, old bearded fishermen with broad hats,
smoking clay and corncob pipes, were drying their
seines. Other boats went by, laden with wriggling,
silver-scaled fish; along the shore I could still see tons
of fish being unloaded from scores of boats. Through the
rosy twilight, voices came over the water, murmurous
sounds from the shore, cries from the sea mixed with
the quaint oaths of fisherfolk at work. Ashore, the boys
of the village were testing their firecrackers for the morrow;
sputtering explosions cracked through the air.
Occasionally a faint fire rocket scaled the sky. But no
whistles tooted after our departure. No visiting crowds
of curiosity-seekers ashore were frenziedly waving us
good-bye.
An Arctic expedition had been born without the
usual clamor. Prepared in one month, and financed by
a sportsman whose only mission was to hunt game
animals in the North, no press campaign heralded our
project, no government aid had been asked, nor had
large contributions been sought from private individuals
to purchase luxuries for a Pullman jaunt of a large
party Poleward. For, although I secretly cherished the
ambition, there was no definite plan to essay the North
Pole.
At the Holland House in New York, a compact
was made between John R. Bradley and myself to
launch an Arctic expedition. Because of my experience,
Mr. Bradley delegated to me the outfitting of the
expedition, and had turned over to me money enough
to pay the costs of the hunting trip. A Gloucester[Pg 25]
fishing schooner had been purchased by me and was
refitted, covered and strengthened for ice navigation.
To save fuel space and to gain the advantage of a
steamer, I had a Lozier gasoline motor installed. There
had been put on board everything of possible use and
comfort in the boreal wild. As it is always possible
that a summer cruising ship is likely to be lost or delayed
a year, common prudence dictated a preparation
for the worst emergencies.
So far as the needs of my own personal expedition
were concerned, I had with me on the yacht plenty of
hard hickory wood for the making of sledges, instruments,
clothing and other apparatus gathered with
much economy during my former years of exploration,
and about one thousand pounds of pemmican. These
supplies, necessary to offset the danger of shipwreck
and detention by ice, were also all that would be required
for a Polar trip. When, later, I finally decided
on a Polar campaign, extra ship supplies, contributed
from the boat, were stored at Annoatok. There, also,
my supply of pemmican was amplified by the stores of
walrus meat and fat prepared during the long winter
by myself, Rudolph Francke and the Eskimos.
As the yacht slowly soared toward the ocean, and
night descended over the fishing village with its home
lights glimmering cheerfully as the stars one by one
flecked the firmament with dots of fire, I felt that at
last I had embarked upon my destiny. Whether I
should be able to follow my heart’s desire I did not
know; I did not dare hazard a guess. But I was leaving
my country, now on the eve of celebrating its freedom,
behind me; I had elected to live in a world of ice[Pg 26]
and cold, of hunger and death, which lay before me—thousands
of miles to the North.
Day by day passed monotonously; we only occasionally
saw writhing curves of land to the west of us;
about us was the illimitable sea. That I had started on
a journey which might result in my starting for the
Pole, that my final chance had come, vaguely thrilled
me. Yet the full purport of my hope seemed beyond
me. On the journey to Sydney my mind was full. I
thought of the early days of my childhood, of the strange
ambition which grew upon me, of my struggles, and the
chance which favored me in the present expedition.
In the early days of my childhood, of which I now
had only indistinct glimmerings, I remembered a restless
surge in my little bosom, a yearning for something
that was vague and undefined. This was, I suppose,
that nebulous desire which sometimes manifests itself in
early youth and later is asserted in strivings toward
some splendid, sometimes spectacular aim. My boyhood
was not happy. As a tiny child I was discontented,
and from the earliest days of consciousness I
felt the burden of two things which accompanied me
through later life—an innate and abnormal desire for
exploration, then the manifestation of my yearning, and
the constant struggle to make ends meet, that sting of
poverty, which, while it tantalizes one with its horrid
grind, sometimes drives men by reason of the strength
developed in overcoming its concomitant obstacles to
some extraordinary accomplishment.
As a very small boy, I remember being fascinated
by the lure of a forbidden swimming pool. One day,
when but little over five, I, impelled to test the depth,[Pg 27]
plunged to the center, where the water was above my
head, and nearly lost my life. I shall never forget that
struggle, and though I nearly gave out, in that short
time I learned to swim. It seems to me now I have
been swimming and struggling ever since.
Abject poverty and hard work marked my school
days. When quite a boy, after the death of my father,
I came to New York. I sold fruit at one of the markets.
I saved my money. I enjoyed no luxuries.
These days vividly occur in my mind. Later I engaged
in a dairy business in Brooklyn, and on the meager
profits undertook to study medicine.
At that time the ambition which beset me was undirected;
it was only later that I found, almost by accident,
what became its focusing point. I graduated
from the University of New York in 1890. I felt (as
what young man does not?) that I possessed unusual
qualifications and exceptional ability. An office was
fitted up, and my anxiety over the disappearing pennies
was eased by the conviction that I had but to hang
out my shingle and the place would be thronged with
patients. Six months passed. There had been about
three patients.
I recall sitting alone one gloomy winter day.
Opening a paper, I read that Peary was preparing his
1891 expedition to the Arctic. I cannot explain my
sensations. It was as if a door to a prison cell had
opened. I felt the first indomitable, commanding call
of the Northland. To invade the Unknown, to assail
the fastness of the white, frozen North—all that was
latent in me, the impetus of that ambition born in childhood,
perhaps before birth, and which had been stifled
and starved, surged up tumultuously within me.[Pg 28]
I volunteered, and accompanied Peary, on this, the
expedition of 1891-92, as surgeon. Whatever merit
my work possessed has been cited by others.
Unless one has been in the Arctic, I suppose it is
impossible to understand its fascination—a fascination
which makes men risk their lives and endure inconceivable
hardships for, as I view it now, no profitable personal
purpose of any kind. The spell was upon me
then. It was upon me as I recalled those early days on
the Bradley going Northward. With a feeling of sadness
I realize that the glamor is all gone now.
On the Peary and all my subsequent expeditions I
served without pay.
On my return from that trip I managed to make
ends meet by meager earnings from medicine. I was
nearly always desperately hard pressed for money. I
tried to organize several coöperative expeditions to the
Arctic. These failed. I then tried to arouse interest in
Antarctic exploration, but without success. Then came
the opportunity to join the Belgian Antarctic Expedition,
again without pay.
On my return I dreamed of a plan to attain the
South Pole, and for a long time worked on a contrivance
for that end—an automobile arranged to travel
over ice. Financial failure again confronted me. Disappointment
only added to my ambition; it scourged me
to a determination, a conviction that—I want you to
remember this, to bear in mind the mental conviction
which buoyed me—I must and should succeed. It is
always this innate conviction which encourages men to
exceptional feats, to tremendous failures or splendid,
single-handed success.[Pg 29]
A summer in the Arctic followed my Antarctic
trip, and I returned to invade the Alaskan wilds. I succeeded
in scaling Mt. McKinley. After my Alaskan
expeditions, the routine of my Brooklyn office work
seemed like the confinement of prison. I fretted and
chafed at the thought. Let me have a chance, and I
would succeed. This thought always filled my mind.
I convinced myself that in some way the attainment of
one of the Poles—the effort on which I had spent sixteen
years—would become possible.
I had no money. My work in exploration had
netted me nothing, and all my professional income was
soon spent. Unless you have felt the goading, devilish
grind of poverty hindering you, dogging you, you cannot
know the mental fury into which I was lashed.
I waited, and fortune favored me in that I met
Mr. John R. Bradley. We planned the Arctic expedition
on which I was now embarked. Mr. Bradley’s interest
in the trip was that of a great sportsman, eager
to seek big game in the Arctic. My immediate purpose
was to return again to the frozen North. The least
the journey would give me was an opportunity to complete
the study of the Eskimos which I had started
in 1891.
Mr. Bradley and I had talked, of course, of the
Pole; but it was not an important incentive to the
journey. Back in my brain, barely above the subconscious
realm, was the feeling that this, however, might
offer opportunity in the preparation for a final future
determination. I, therefore, without any conscious
purpose, and with my last penny, paid out of my purse[Pg 30]
for extra supplies for a personal expedition should I
leave the ship.[1]
Aboard the Bradley, going northward, my plans
were not at all definite. Even had I known before
leaving New York that I should try for the Pole, I
should not have sought any geographical license from
some vague and unknown authority. Though much has
since been made by critics of our quiet departure, I
always felt the quest of the Pole a personal ambition[2],
a crazy hunger I had to satisfy.
Fair weather followed us to Sydney, Cape Breton.
From this point we sailed over the Gulf of St.
Lawrence, then entered the Straits of Belle Isle at a
lively speed. On a cold, cheerless day in the middle of
July we arrived at Battle Harbor, a little town at the
southeastern point of Labrador, where Mr. Bradley
joined us. He had preceded us north, by rail and coasting
vessels, after watching a part of the work of outfitting
the schooner.
On the morning of July 16 we left the rockbound
coast of North America and steered straight for Greenland.
In this region a dense and heavy fog almost
always lies upon the sea. Then nothing is visible but
slow-swaying gray masses, which veil all objects in a
shroud of ghostly dreariness. Through the fog can be
heard the sound of fisher-boat horns, often the very
voices of the fishermen themselves, while their crafts
are absolutely hidden from view. On this trip, however,
from time to time, great fragments of fog slowly
lifted, and we saw, emerging out of the gray mistiness,
islands, bleak and black and weathertorn, and patches
of ocean dotted with scores of Newfoundland boats,
which invade this region to fish for cod. We entered
the Arctic current, and breasting its stream, a fancy
came that perhaps this current, flowing down from out
of the mysterious unknown, came from the very Pole
itself.
Continuing, we entered Davis Straits, where we
encountered headwinds that piled up the water in great
waves. It was a good test of the sailing qualities of the
Bradley, and well did the small craft respond.
Long before the actual coast line of Greenland
could be seen we had a first glimpse of the beauties that[Pg 32]
these northern regions can show. Like great sapphires,
blue ice floated in a golden sea; towering masses of
crystal rose gloriously, dazzling the eye and gladdening
the heart with their superb beauty. The schooner
sailed into this wonderful yellow sea, which soon became
a broad and gleaming surface of molten silver. Although
this striking beauty of the North, which it often
is so chary of displaying, possesses a splendor of color
equal to the gloriousness of tropical seas, it always
impresses one with a steely hardness of quality suggestive
of the steely hardness of the heart of the North.
And it somehow seemed, curiously enough, as if all this
wonderful glitter was a shimmering reflection from the
ice-covered mountains of the Greenland interior, although
the mountains themselves were still invisible.
We swung from side to side, dodging icebergs.
We steered cautiously around low-floating masses,
watching to see that the keel was not caught by some
treacherous jutting spur just beneath the water-line.
Through this fairyland of light and color we sailed
slowly into a region rich in animal life, a curious and
striking sight. Seals floundered in the sunbeams or
slumbered on masses of ice, for even in this Northland
there is a strange commingling and contrast of heat
and cold. Gulls and petrels darted and fluttered about
us in every direction, porpoises were making swift and
curving leaps, even a few whales added to the magic
and apparent unreality of it all.
At length the coast showed dimly upon the horizon,
veiled in a glow of purple and gold. The wind freshened,
the sails filled, and the speed of the schooner increased.
We were gradually nearing Holsteinborg,[Pg 33]
and the course was set a point more in towards shore.
The land was thrown into bold relief by the brilliancy
of lights and shadows, and in the remarkably clear air
it seemed as if it could be reached in an hour. But this
was an atmospheric deception, of the kind familiar to
those who know the pure air of the Rocky Mountains,
for, although the land seemed near, it was at least forty
miles away. The general color of the land was a frosty
blue, and there were deep valleys to be seen, gashes cut
by the slow movement of centuries of glaciers, with
rocky headlands leaping forward, bleak and cold. It
appeared to be a land of sublime desolation.
The course was set still another point nearer the
coast; the wind continued fair and strong; and, with
every possible stitch of canvas spread, the schooner
went rapidly onward.
We saw rocky islands, drenched by clouds of spray
and battered by drifting masses of ice. There the eider
duck builds its nest and spends the brief summer of
the Arctic. We saw dismal cliffs, terra cotta and buff
in color, in the crevasses of which millions of birds made
their homes, and from which they rose, frightened, in
dense clouds, giving vent to a great volume of
clamorous hoarseness.
Through our glasses we could see a surprising
sight in such a land—little patches of vegetation, seal
brown or even emerald green. Yet, so slight were these
patches of green that one could not but wonder what
freak of imagination led the piratical Eric the Red, one
thousand years ago, to give to this coast a name so suggestive
of luxuriant forests and shrubs and general
lushness of growth as “Greenland.” Never, surely, was[Pg 34]
there a greater misnomer, unless one chooses to regard
the old-time Eric as a practical joker.
Between the tall headlands there were fiords cutting
far into the interior; arms of the sea, these, winding
and twisting back for miles. Along these quiet land-locked
waters the Eskimos love to hunt and fish, just as
their forefathers have done for centuries. Shaggy looking
fellows are these Eskimos, clothed in the skins of
animals, relieved by dashes of color of Danish fabric,
most of them still using spears, and thus, to outward
appearance, in the arts of life almost like those that
Eric saw.
Although this rugged coast, with its low-lying
islands, its icebergs and floating icefields, its bleak headlands,
its picturesque scenes of animal life, is a continuous
delight, it presents the worst possible dangers to
navigation, not only from reefs and under-water ice,
but because there are no lighthouses to mark permanent
danger spots and because signs of impending storm are
ever on the horizon. While navigating the coast, our
officers spent sleepless nights of anxiety; but the shortening
of the nights and lengthening of the days, the
daily night brightening resulting from the northerly
movement, combined with an occasional flash of the
aurora, gradually relieved the tension of the situation.
By the time the island of Disco rose splendidly
out of the northern blue, the Arctic Circle had been
crossed, and a sort of celestial light-house brightened
the path of the schooner. Remaining on deck until
after midnight, we were rewarded by a sight of the
sun magnified to many times its normal size, glowing
above the rim of the frosty sea. A light wind blew[Pg 35]
gently from the coast, the sea ran in swells of gold, and
the sky was streaked with topaz and crimson.
Bathed in an indescribable glow, the towering
sides of the greatest icebergs showed a medley of ever-changing,
iridescent colors. The jutting pinnacles of
others seemed like oriental minarets of alabaster fretted
with old gold. Here and there, as though flung by an
invisible hand from the zenith, straggled long cloud ribbons
of flossy crimson and silver. Gradually, imperially,
the sun rose higher and flushed sky and sea
with deeper orange, more burning crimson, and the
bergs into vivid ruby, chalcedony and chrysophase
walls. This suddenly-changing, kaleidoscopic whirl of
color was rendered more effective because, in its midst,
the cliffs of Disco rose frowningly, a great patch of
blackness in artistic contrast. A pearly vapor now
began to creep over the horizon, and gradually spread
over the waters, imparting a gentle and restful tone of
blue. This gradually darkened into irregular shadows;
the brilliant color glories faded away. Finally we retired
to sleep with a feeling that sailing Poleward was
merely a joyous pleasure journey over wonderful
and magic waters. This, the first glorious vision of
the midnight sun, glowed in my dreams—the augury of
success in that for which my heart yearned. The glow
never faded, and the weird lure unconsciously began to
weave its spell.
Next morning, when we went on deck, the schooner
was racing eastward through heavy seas. The terraced
cliffs of Disco, relieved by freshly fallen snow, were but
a few miles off. The cry of gulls and guillemots
echoed from rock to rock. Everything was divested of[Pg 36]
the glory of the day before. The sun was slowly rising
among mouse-colored clouds. The bergs were of an
ugly blue, and the sea ran in gloomy lines of ebony.
Although the sea was high, there was little wind, but we
felt that a storm was gathering and sought to hasten
to shelter in Godhaven—a name which speaks eloquently
of the dangers of this coast and the precious
value of such a harbor.
As we entered the narrow channel, which turns
among low, polished rocks and opens into the harbor,
two Eskimos in kayaks came out to act as pilots. Taking
them aboard, we soon found a snug anchorage,
secure from wind and sea. The launch was lowered,
and in it we left the schooner for a visit to the Governor.
Coming up to a little pier, we were cordially
greeted by Governor Fenker, who escorted us to his
home, where his wife, a cultivated young Danish
woman, offered us sincere hospitality.
The little town itself was keenly alive. All the
inhabitants, and all the dogs as well, were jumping
about on the rocks, eagerly gazing at our schooner.
The houses of the Governor and the Inspector were the
most important of the town. They were built of wood
imported from Denmark, and were covered with tarred
paper. Though quite moderate in size, the houses
seemed too large and out of place in their setting of
ice-polished rocks. Beyond them were twenty Eskimo
huts, nearly square in shape, constructed of wood and
stone, the cracks of which were filled tightly with moss.
We deferred our visit to the native huts, and invited
Governor Fenker and his wife to dine aboard the
schooner. The surprise of the evening for these two[Pg 37]
guests was the playing of our phonograph, the tunes of
which brought tears of homesickness to the eyes of the
Governor’s gentle wife.
Anywhere on the coast of Greenland, the coming
of a ship is always one of the prime events of the season.
So uneventful is life in these out-of-the-way places that
such an arrival is the greatest possible social enlivener.
The instant that the approach of our schooner had been
noted, the Eskimo girls—queer little maids in queer
little trousers—decided upon having a dance, and word
was brought us that everyone was invited to take part.
The sailors eagerly responded, and tumbled ashore as
soon as they were permitted, leaving merely enough for
a watch on board ship. Then, to the sound of savage
music, the dance was continued until long after midnight.
A curious kind of midnight dance it was, with
the sun brightly shining in a night unveiled of glitter
and color glory. The sailors certainly found pleasure
in whirling about, their arms encircling fat and clumsy
waists. They did admit, however, when back on board
the schooner, that the smell of the furs within which the
maidens had spent the past winter was less agreeable
than the savor of fish. The name of this scattered settlement
of huts, Godhaven, comes, clearly enough, from
its offering fortunate refuge from storms; that the
place is also known as Lively is not in the least to be
wondered at, if one has watched a midnight dance of the
little population and their visitors.
Before hauling in anchor in the harbor of Godhaven,
we made some necessary repairs to the yacht and
filled our tanks with water. With a free wind speeding
onward to the west of Disco, we passed the narrow[Pg 38]
strait known as the Vaigat early the following morning.
As I stood on deck and viewed the passing of icebergs,
glittering in the limpid, silvery light of morning like
monstrous diamonds, there began to grow within me a
feeling—that throbbed in pulsation with the onward
movement of the boat—that every minute, every mile,
meant a nearing to that mysterious center, on the attaining
of which I had set my heart, and which, even
now, seemed unlikely, improbable. Yet the thought
gave me a thrill.
Before noon we reached the mouth of Umanak
Fiord, into the delightful waters of which we were
tempted to enter. The lure of the farther North decided
us against this, and soon the striking Svarten
Huk (Black Hook), a great rock cliff, loomed upon
the horizon. Beyond it, gradually appeared a long chain
of those islands among which lies Upernavik, where the
last traces of civilized or semi-civilized life are found.
The wind increased in force but the horizon remained
remarkably clear. Over a bounding sea we sped rapidly
along to the west, into the labyrinth of islands that are
sprinkled along the southern shore of Melville Bay.[3]
Beyond, we were to come into the true boreal wilder[Pg 39]ness
of ice, where there were only a few savage
aborigines, its sole inhabitants.
On the following day, with reduced sail and the
help of the auxiliary engine, we pushed far up into
Melville Bay, where we ran into fields of pack-ice.
Here we decided to hunt for game. With this purpose
it was necessary to keep close to land. Here also
came our first realistic experience with the great forces
of the North. The pack-ice floated close around us,
young ice cemented the broken masses together, and
for several days we were thus closely imprisoned in
frozen seas.
These days of enforced delay were days of great
pleasure, for the bears and seals on the ice afforded
considerable sport. The constant danger of our position,
however, required a close watch for the safety of the
schooner. The Devil’s Thumb, a high rock shaped like
a dark thumb pointing at the sky, loomed darkly
and beckoningly before us. A biting wind descended
from the interior.
The ice groaned; the eiderducks, guillemots and
gulls uttered shrill and disturbing cries, seemingly sensing
the coming of a storm.
For three days we were held in the grip of the relentless
pack; then the glimmer of the land ice changed
[Pg 40]to an ugly gray, the pack around us began to crack
threateningly, and the sky darkened to the southward.
The wind ominously died away. The air thickened
rapidly. A general feeling of anxiety came over us,
although my familiarity with storms in the North made
it possible for me to explain that heavy seas are seldom
felt within the zone of a large ice-pack, for the reason
that the icebergs, the flat ice masses, and even the small
floating fragments, ordinarily hold down the swells.
Even when the pack begins to break, the lanes of water
between the fragments thicken under the lower temperature
like an oiled surface, and offer an easy sea.
Furthermore, a really severe wind would be sure to release
the schooner, and it would then be possible to trust
it to its staunch qualities in free water.
Hardly had we finished dinner when we heard the
sound of a brisk wind rushing through the rigging.
Hurrying to the deck, we saw coils of what looked like
smoky vapor rising in the south as if belched from some
great volcano. The gloom on the horizon was rapidly
growing deeper. The sound of the wind changed to a
threatening, sinister hiss. In the piercing steel-gray
light we saw the ice heave awesomely, like moving hills,
above the blackening water. The bergs swayed and
rocked, and the massed ice gave forth strange, troublous
sounds.
Suddenly a channel began to open through the ice
in front of us. The trisail was quickly set, the other
sails being left tightly furled, and with the engine helping
to push us in the desired direction, we drew deep
breaths of relief as we moved out into the free water
to the westward.[Pg 41]
We felt a sense of safety now, although, clear of the
ice, the sea rose about us with a sickening suddenness.
Black as night, the water seemed far more dangerous
because the waves were everywhere dashing angrily
against walls of ice. Already strong, the wind veered
slightly and increased to a fierce, persistent gale. Like
rubber balls, the bergs bounded and rolled in the sea.
The sound of the storm was now a thunder suggestive
of constantly exploding cannons. But, fortunately, we
were snug aboard, and, keeping the westerly course,
soon escaped the dangers of ensnaring ice.
We were still in a heavy storm, and had we not
had full confidence in the ship, built as she was to withstand
the storms of the Grand Banks, we should still
have felt anxiety, for the schooner rolled and pitched
and the masts dipped from side to side until they almost
touched the water.
Icy water swept the deck. A rain began to fall,
and quickly sheathed the masts and ropes in ice. Snow
followed, giving a surface as of sandpaper to the slippery,
icy decks. The temperature was not low, but the
cutting wind pierced one to the very marrow. Our
men were drenched with spray and heavily coated with
ice. Although suffering severely, the sailors maintained
their courage and appeared even abnormally happy.
Gradually we progressed into the open sea. In the
course of four hours the storm began to abate, and, under
a double-reefed foresail, at last we gleefully rode
out the finish of the storm in safety.
THE DRIVING SPUR OF THE POLAR
QUEST
ON THE FRIGID PATHWAY OF THREE CENTURIES OF
HEROIC MARTYRS—MEETING THE STRANGE PEOPLE
OF THE FARTHEST NORTH—THE LIFE OF THE STONE
AGE—ON THE CHASE WITH THE ESKIMOS—MANEE
AND SPARTAN ESKIMO COURAGE
III
Strange Traits of Northernmost Man
I have often wondered of late about the dazzling
white, eerie glamor with which the Northland weaves
its spell about the heart of a man. I know of nothing
on earth so strange, so wonderful, withal so sad. Pursuing
our course through Melville Bay, I felt the fatal
magic of it enthralling my very soul. For hours I
stood on deck alone, the midnight sun, like some
monstrous perpetual light to some implacable frozen-hearted
deity, burning blindingly upon the horizon and
setting the sea aflame. The golden colors suffused my
mind, and I swam in a sea of molten glitter.
I was consumed for hours by but one yearning—a
yearning that filled and intoxicated me—to go on,
and on, and ever onward, where no man had ever been.
Perhaps it is the human desire to excel others, to[Pg 43]
prove, because of the innate egotism of the human unit,
that one possesses qualities of brain and muscle which
no other possesses, that has crazed men to perform this,
the most difficult physical test in the world. The
lure of the thing is unexplainable.
During those dizzy hours on deck I thought of
those who had preceded me; of heroic men who for three
centuries had braved suffering, cold and famine, who
had sacrificed the comforts of civilization, their families
and friends, who had given their own lives in the pursuit
of this mysterious, yea, fruitless quest. I remembered
reading the thrilling tales of those who returned—tales
which had flushed me with excitement
and inspired me with the same mad ambition. I
thought of the noble, indefatigable efforts of these men,
of the heart-sickening failures, in which I too had
shared. And I felt the indomitable, swift surge of
their awful, goading determination within me—to subdue
the forces of nature, to cover as Icarus did the air
those icy spaces, to reach the silver-shining vacantness
which men called the North Pole.
As we cut the shimmering waters, I felt, as it were,
the wierd, unseen presence of those who had died there—died
horribly—men whose bodies had withered, with
slow suffering, in frigid blasts and famine, who possibly
had prolonged their suffering by feeding upon their own
doomed companions—and of others who had perished
swiftly in the sudden yawning of the leprous white
mouth of the hungry frozen sea. It is said by some that
souls live only after death by the energy of great emotions,
great loves, or great ambitions generated throughout
life. It seemed to me, in those hours of intoxica[Pg 44]tion,
that I could feel the implacable, unsatisfied desire
of these disembodied things, who had vibrated with one
aim and still yearned in the spirit for what now they
were physically unable to attain. It seemed that my
brain was fired with the intensity of all these dead men’s
ambition, that my heart in sympathy beat more turbulently
with the throb of their dead hearts; I felt growing
within me, irresistibly, what I did not dare, for fear
it might not be possible, to confide to Bradley—a determination,
even in the face of peril, to essay the Pole!
From this time onward, and until I turned my
back upon the fruitless silver-shining place of desolation
at the apex of the world, I felt the intoxication,
the intangible lure of the thing exhilarating, buoying
me gladsomely, beating in my heart with a singing
rhythm. I recall it now with marveling, and am filled
with the pathos of it. Yet, despite all that I have
suffered since because of it, I regret not those enraptured
hours of perpetual glitter of midnight suns.
One morning we reached the northern shore of
Melville Bay, and the bold cliffs of Cape York were
dimly outlined through a gray mist. Strong southern
winds had carried such great masses of ice against the
coast that it was impossible to make a near approach,
and as a strong wind continued, there was such a heavy
sea along the bobbing line of outer ice as to make it
quite impossible to land and thence proceed toward
the shore.
We were desirous of meeting the natives of Cape
York, but these ice conditions forced us to proceed
without touching here, and so we set our course for the
next of the northernmost villages, at North Star Bay.[Pg 45]
By noon the mist had vanished, and we saw clearly the
steep slopes and warm color of crimson cliffs rising precipitously
out of the water. The coast line is about two
thousand feet high, evidently the remains of an old
tableland which extends a considerable distance northward.
Here and there were short glaciers which had
worn the cliffs away in their ceaseless effort to reach
the sea. The air was full of countless gulls, guillemots,
little auks and eider-ducks.
As the eye followed the long and lofty line of
crimson cliffs, there came into sight a towering, conical
rock, a well-known guidepost for the navigator. Continuing,
we caught sight of the long ice wall of Petowik
Glacier, and behind this, extending far to the eastward,
the scintillating, white expanse of the overland-ice which
blankets the interior of all Greenland.
The small and widely scattered villages of the
Eskimos of this region are hemmed in by the ice walls
of Melville Bay on the southward, the stupendous
cliffs of Humboldt Glacier on the north, an arm of the
sea to the westward, and the hopelessly desolate Greenland
interior toward the east.
There is really no reason why many Eskimos
should not live here, for there is abundant food in both
sea and air, and even considerable game on land. Blue
and white foxes are everywhere to be seen. There is
the seal, the walrus, the narwhal, and the white whale.
There is the white bear, monarch of the Polar wilds,
who roams in every direction over his kingdom. The
principal reason why the population remains so small
lies in the hazardous conditions of life. Children are
highly prized, and a marriageable woman or girl who[Pg 46]
has one or more of them is much more valuable as a
match than one who is childless.
The coast line here is paradoxically curious, for
although the coast exceeds but barely more than two
hundred miles of latitude it presents in reality a sea
line of about four thousand miles when the great indentations
of Wolstenholm Sound, Inglefield Gulf,
and other bays, sounds and fiords are measured.
We sailed cautiously now about Cape Atholl,
which we were to circle; a fog lay upon the waters,
almost entirely hiding the innumerable icebergs, and
making it difficult to pick our course among the dangerous
rocks in this vicinity.
Rounding Cape Atholl, we sailed into Wolstenholm
Sound and turned our prow toward the Eskimo
village on North Star Bay.
North Star Bay is guarded by a promontory expressively
named Table Mountain, “Oomanaq.” As
we neared this headland, many natives came out in
kayaks to meet us. Inasmuch as I knew most of them
personally, I felt a singular thrill of pleasure in seeing
them. Years before, I learned their simple-hearted
faithfulness. Knud Rasmussen, a Danish writer, living
as a native among the Eskimos, apparently for the
sake of getting local color, was in one of the canoes
and came aboard the ship.
As it was necessary to make slight repairs to the
schooner, we here had to follow the primitive method of
docking by preliminary beaching her. This was done at
high tide when the propeller, which had been bent—the
principal damage to the ship—was straightened. At
the same time we gave the yacht a general looking-over,[Pg 47]
and righted a universal joint whose loosening had disabled
the engine.
Meanwhile the launch kept busy scurrying to and
fro, our quest being occasionally rewarded with eider-ducks
or other game. Late at night, a visit was made
to the village of Oomanooi. It could hardly be called
a village, for it consisted merely of seven triangular
sealskin tents, conveniently placed on picturesque rocks.
Gathered about these in large numbers, were men,
women and children, shivering in the midnight chill.
These were odd-looking specimens of humanity.
In height, the men averaged but five feet, two inches,
and the women four feet, ten. All had broad, fat faces,
heavy bodies and well-rounded limbs. Their skin was
slightly bronzed; both men and women had coal-black
hair and brown eyes. Their noses were short, and their
hands and feet short, but thick.
A genial woman was found at every tent opening,
ready to receive visitors in due form. We entered and
had a short chat with each family. Subjects of conversation
were necessarily limited, but after all, they
were about the same as they would have been in a
civilized region. We conversed as to whether or not all
of us had been well, of deaths, marriages and births.
Then we talked of the luck of the chase, which meant
prosperity or need of food. Even had it been a civilized
community, there would have been little questioning regarding
national or international affairs, because, in
such case, everyone reads the papers. Here there
was no comment on such subjects simply because
nobody cares anything about them or has any papers
to read.[Pg 48]
That a prominent Eskimo named My-ah had disposed
of a few surplus wives to gain the means whereby
to acquire a few more dogs, was probably the most
important single item of information conveyed. I was
also informed that at the present time there happened
to be only one other man with two wives.
Marriage, among these folk, is a rather free and
easy institution. It is, indeed, not much more than a
temporary tie of possession. Men exchange partners
with each other much in the manner that men in other
countries swap horses. And yet, the position of women
is not so humble as this custom might seem to indicate,
for they themselves are permitted, not infrequently, to
choose new partners. These exceedingly primitive
ideas work out surprisingly well in practice in these
isolated regions, for such exchanges, when made, are
seemingly to the advantage and satisfaction of all
parties; no regrets are expressed, and the feuds of
divorce courts, of alimony proceedings, of damages for
alienation of affection, which prevail in so-called civilization,
are unknown.
It is certainly a curious thing that these simple
but intelligent people are able to control their own
destinies with a comfortable degree of success, although
they are without laws or literature and without any
fixed custom to regulate the matrimonial bond.
It would seem as if there ought to be a large population,
for there is an average of about three fat, clever
children for each family, the youngest as a rule picturesquely
resting in a pocket on the mother’s back. But
the hardships of life in this region are such that accidents
and deaths keep down the population.[Pg 49]
Each tent has a raised platform, upon which all
sleep. The edge of this makes a seat, and on each
side are placed stone lamps in which blubber is burned,
with moss as a wick. Over this is a drying rack, also a
few sticks, but there is no other furniture. Their dress
of furs gives the Eskimos a look of savage fierceness
which their kindly faces and easy temperament do not
warrant.
On board the yacht were busy days of barter. Furs
and ivory were gathered in heaps in exchange for guns,
knives and needles. Every seaman, from cabin boy to
captain, suddenly got rich in the gamble of trade for
prized blue-fox skins and narwhal tusks.
The Eskimos were equally elated with their part
of the bargain. For a beautiful fox skin, of less use to
a native than a dog pelt, he could secure a pocket knife
that would serve him half a lifetime!
A woman exchanged her fur pants, worth a hundred
dollars, for a red pocket handkerchief with which
she would decorate her head or her igloo for years
to come.
Another gave her bearskin mits for a few needles,
and she conveyed the idea that she had the long end
of the trade! A fat youth with a fatuous smile displayed
with glee two bright tin cups, one for himself
and one for his prospective bride. He was positively
happy in having obtained nine cents’ worth of tin for
only an ivory tusk worth ninety dollars!
With the coming of the midnight tide we lifted
the schooner to an even keel from the makeshift dry-dock
on the beach. She was then towed out into the
bay by the launch and two dories, and anchored.[Pg 50]
Our first walrus adventures began in Wolstenholm
Sound during the beautiful nightless days of mid-August.
The local environment was fascinating. The
schooner was anchored in North Star Bay, a lake of
glitter in which wild men in skin canoes darted after
seals and eider-ducks. On grassy shores were sealskin
tents, about which fur-clad women and children vied
with wolf-dogs for favorite positions to see the queer
doings of white men. A remarkable landmark made the
place conspicuous. A great table-topped rock rose suddenly
out of a low foreland to an altitude of about six
hundred feet. About this giant cliff, gulls, guillemots
and ravens talked and winged uproariously. The rock
bore the native name of Oomanaq. With the unique
Eskimo manner of name-coining, the village was called
Oomanooi.
Wolstenholm Sound is a large land-locked body of
water, with arms reaching to the narrow gorges of the
overland sea of ice, from which icebergs tumble ceaslessly.
The sparkling water reflected the surroundings
in many shades of blue and brown, relieved by strong
contrasts of white and black. On the western sky line
were the chiseled walls of Acponie and other islands,
and beyond a steel-gray mist in which was wrapped the
frozen sea of the Polar gateway. Fleets of icebergs
moved to and fro, dragging tails of drift bejeweled
with blue crystal.
Far out—ten miles from our outlook—there was
a meeting of the currents. Here, small pieces of sea-ice
slowly circled in an eddy, and upon them were herds
of walruses. We did not see them, but their shrill voices
rang through the icy air like a wireless message. This[Pg 51]
was a call to action which Mr. Bradley could not resist,
and preparations were begun for the combat.
The motor boat—the most important factor in the
chase—had been especially built for just such an encounter.
Covered with a folding whale-back top entirely
painted white to resemble ice, we had hoped to
hunt walrus under suitable Arctic cover.
Taking a white dory in tow, two Eskimo harpooners
were invited to follow. The natives in kayaks soon
discovered to their surprise that their best speed was not
equal to ours—for the first time they were beaten in
their own element. For ages the Eskimos had rested
secure in the belief that the kayak was the fastest thing
afloat. They had been beaten by big ships, of course,
but these had spiritual wings and did not count in the
race of man’s craft. This little launch, however, with
its rapid-fire gas explosions, made their eyes bulge to
a wondering, wide-open, seal-like curiosity. They
begged to be taken aboard to watch the loading of the
engines; they thought we fed it with cartridges.
After a delightful run of an hour, a pan of ice
was sighted with black hummocks on it. “Ahwek!
Ahwek!” the Eskimos shouted. A similar sound floated
over the oily waters from many walrus throats. The
walruses were about three miles to the southwest. At a
slower speed we advanced two miles more. In the
meantime Mr. Bradley cleared the deck for action. The
direction of the hunting tactics was now turned over
to My-ah. The mate was at the wheel. I pushed the
levers of the gasoline kicker. Our line of attack was
ordered at right angles to the wind. As we neared the
game, the engines were stopped.[Pg 52]
Looking through glasses, the sight of the gregarious
herd made our hearts quicken. They were all
males of tremendous size, with glistening tusks with
which they horned one another in efforts for favorable
positions. Some were asleep, others basked in the sun
with heads turning lazily from side to side. Now and
then, they uttered sleepy, low grunts. They were
quivering in a gluttonous slumber, while the organs piled
up their bank account of fat to pay the costs of the
gamble of the coming winter night.
With muffled paddles the launch was now silently
propelled forward, while the kayaks stealthily advanced
to deliver the harpoons. The Eskimo reason
for this mode of procedure is based on a careful study
of the walrus’ habits. Its nose in sleep is always
pointed windwards. Its ears are at all times sensitive
to noises from every direction, while the eyes during
wakeful moments sweep the horizon. But its horizon
is very narrow. Only the nose and the ear sense the
distant alarm. We advanced very slowly and cautiously,
and that only when all heads were down. Our boat
slowly got within three hundred yards of the herd. Preparing
their implements to strike, the Eskimos had advanced
to within fifty feet. The moment was tense.
Of a sudden, a tumultuous floundering sound smote the
air. The sleeping creatures awoke, and with a start
leaped into the sea. Turning their kayaks, the Eskimos
paddled a wild retreat and sought the security of the
launch. The sport of that herd was lost to us. Although
they darted about under water in a threatening
manner, they only rose to the surface at a safe distance.
Scanning the surroundings with our glasses, about[Pg 53]
two miles to the south another group was sighted.
This time Bradley, as the chief nimrod, assumed direction.
The kayaks and the Eskimos were placed in the
dory. Tactics were reversed. Instead of creeping up
slowly, a sudden rush was planned. No heed was taken
of noise or wind. The carburetor was opened, the spark
lever of the magneto was advanced to its limit, and we
shot through the waters like a torpedo boat. As we
neared the herd, the dory, with its Eskimos, was freed
from the launch. The Eskimos were given no instructions,
and they wisely chose to keep out of the battle.
As we got to within two hundred yards, the canvas
top of the launch fell and a heavy gun bombardment
began. The walruses had not had time to wake; the suddenness
of the onslaught completely dazed them. One
after another dropped his ponderous head with a
sudden jerk as a prize to the marksmen, while the
launch, at reduced speed, encircled the walrus-encumbered
pan. Few escaped. There were heads and meat
and skins enough to satisfy all wants for a long time
to follow. But the game was too easy—the advantage
of an up-to-date sportsman had been carried to its
highest degree of perfection. It was otherwise, however,
in the walrus battles that followed later—battles
on the success of which depended the possibility of my
being able to assail the northern ice desert, in an effort
to reach the Polar goal.
Oomanooi was but one of six villages among which
the tribe had divided its two hundred and fifty people
for the current season. To study these interesting folk,
to continue the traffic and barter, and to enjoy for a
short time the rare sport of sailing and hunting in this[Pg 54]
wild region, we decided to visit as many of the villages
as possible.
In the morning the anchor was raised and we set
sail in a light wind headed for more northern villages.
It was a gray day, with a quiet sea. The speed of the
yacht was not fast enough to be exciting, so Mr.
Bradley suggested lowering the launch for a crack at
ducks, or a chase at walrus or a drive at anything that
happened to cut the waters. His harpoon gun was
taken, as it was hoped that a whale might come our
way, but the gun proved unsatisfactory and did not
contribute much to our sport. In the fleet launch we
were able to run all around the schooner as she slowly
sailed over Wolstenholm Sound.
Ducks were secured in abundance. Seals were
given chase, but they were able to escape us. Nearing
Saunders Island, a herd of walruses was seen on a pan of
drift ice far ahead. The magneto was pushed, the
carburetor opened, and out we rushed after the shouting
beasts. Two, with splendid tusks, were obtained,
and two tons of meat and blubber were turned over to
our Eskimo allies.
The days of hunting proved quite strenuous, and in
the evening we were glad to seek the comfort of our
cosy cabin, after dining on eider-ducks and other game
delicacies.
A few Eskimos had asked permission to accompany
us to a point farther north. Among them was a
widow, to whom, for herself and her children, we had
offered a large bed, with straw in it, between decks, but
which, savage as she was, she had refused, saying she
preferred the open air on deck. There she arranged a[Pg 55]
den among the anchor chains, under a shelter of seal
skins.
In tears, she told us the story of her life, a story
which offered a peep into the tragedy and at the same
time the essential comedy of Eskimo existence. It
came in response to a question from me as to how the
world had used her, for I had known her years before.
At my simple question, she buried her face in her hands
and for a time could only mutter rapidly and unintelligibly
to her two little boys. Then, between sobs,
she told me her story.
Ma-nee—such was her name—was a descendant of
the Eskimos of the American side. A foreign belle,
and, although thin, fair to look upon, as Eskimo beauty
goes, her hand was sought early by the ardent youths
of the tribe, who, truth to tell, look upon utility as more
desirable than beauty in a wife. The heart of Ma-nee
throbbed to the pleadings of one Ik-wa, a youth lithe
and brave, with brawn and sinews as resilient as rubber
and strong as steel, handsome, dark, with flashing eyes,
yet with a heart as cruel as the relentless wind and cold
sea of the North. Ma-nee married Ik-wa and bore to
him several children. These, which meant wealth of the
most valuable kind (children even exceeding in value
dogs, tusks and skins), meant the attainment of Ik-wa’s
selfish purpose. Ma-nee was fair, but her hands were
not adroit with the needle, nor was she fair in the
plump fashion desirable in wives.
Ik-wa met Ah-tah, a good seamstress, capable of
much toil, not beautiful, but round and plump. Whereupon,
Ik-wa took Ah-tah to wife, and leading Ma-nee to
the door of their igloo, ordered her to leave. Cruel as[Pg 56]
can be these natives, they also possess a persistence and
a tenderness that manifest themselves in strange,
dramatic ways. Ma-nee, disconsolate but brave, departed.
There being at the time a scarcity of marriageable
women in the village, Ma-nee was soon wooed by
another, an aged Eskimo, whose muscles had begun to
wither, whose eyes no longer flashed as did Ik-wa’s,
but whose heart was kind. To him Ma-nee bore two
children, those which she had with her on deck. To
them, unfortunately, descended the heritage of their
father’s frailities; one—now eight—being the only deaf
and dumb Eskimo in all the land; the other, the
younger, aged three, a weakling with a pinched and
pallid face and thin, gaunt arms. Ma-nee’s husband
was not a good hunter, for age and cold had sapped his
vigor. Their home was peaceful if not prosperous; the
two loved one another, and, because of their defects,
Ma-nee grew to love her little ones unwontedly.
Just before the beginning of the long winter night,
the old father, anxious to provide food and deer skins
for the coming months of continuous darkness, ventured
alone in search of game among the mountains
of the interior. Day after day, while the gloom descended,
Ma-nee, dry eyed waited. The aged father
never came back. Returning hunters finally brought
news that he had perished alone, from a gun accident, in
the icy wilderness, and they had found him, his frozen,
mummied face peeping anxiously from the mantle of
snow. Ma-nee wept broken-heartedly.
Ma-nee gazed into the faces of the two children
with a wild, tragic wistfulness. By the stern and inviolable
law of the Eskimos, Ma-nee knew her two be[Pg 57]loved
ones were condemned to die. In this land, where
food is at a premium, and where every helpless and dependent
life means a sensible drain upon the tribe’s
resources, they have evolved that Spartan law which
results in the survival of only the fittest. The one child,
because of its insufficient senses, the other because it
was still on its mother’s back and under three at the
time its father died, and with no father to support
them, were doomed. Kind-hearted as the Eskimos
naturally are, they can at times, in the working out of
that code which means continued existence, be terribly
brutal. Their fierce struggle with the elements for
very existence has developed in them an elemental
fierceness. From probable experience in long-past
losses of life from contagion, they instinctively destroy
every igloo in which a native dies, or, at times, to save
the igloo, they heartlessly seize the dying, and dragging
him through the low door, cast him, ere breath has
ceased, into the life-stilling outer world.
This inviolable custom of ages Ma-nee, with a
Spartan courage, determined to break. During the
long night which had just passed, friends had been kind
to Ma-nee, but now that she was defying Eskimo
usage, she could expect no assistance. Brutal as he
had been to her, hopeless as seemed such prospects,
Ma-nee thought of the cruel Ik-wa and determined to
go to him, with the two defective children of her second
husband, beg him to accept them as his own and to take
her, as a secondary wife, a servant—a position of
humiliation and hard labor. In this determination,
which can be appreciated only by those who know how
implacable and heartless the natives can be, Ma-nee was[Pg 58]
showing one of their marvellous traits, that indomitable
courage, persistence and dogged hopefulness which, in
my two later companions, E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah,
enabled them, with me, to reach the Pole.
I admired the spirit of Ma-nee, and promised to
help her, although the mission of reuniting the two
seemed dubious.
Ma-nee was not going to Ik-wa entirely empty-handed,
however, for she possessed some positive wealth
in the shape of several dogs, and three bundles of skins
and sticks which comprised her household furniture.
We soon reached the village where Ma-nee was to
be put ashore. Very humbly, the heroic mother and
her two frail children went to Ik-wa’s tent. Ik-wa
was absent hunting, and his wife, who had supplanted
Ma-nee, a fat, unsociable creature, appeared. Weeping,
Ma-nee told of her plight and begged for shelter.
The woman stolidly listened; then, without a word,
turned her back on the forlorn mother and entered her
tent. For the unintentional part we had played she
gave us exceedingly cold, frowning looks which were
quite expressive.
Ma-nee now went to the other villagers. They listened
to her plans, and their primitive faces lighted
with sympathy. I soon saw them serving a pot of steaming
oil meat in her honor—a feast in which we were
urgently invited to partake, but which we, fortunately,
found some good excuse for avoiding. Although she had
violated a custom of the tribe, these people, both stern-hearted
and tender, recognized the greatness of a
mother-love which had braved an unwritten law of ages,
and they took her in. Several months later, on a return[Pg 59]
to the village, I saw Ik-wa himself. Although he did not
thank me for the unwitting part I had played in their
reunion, he had taken Ma-nee back, and near his own
house was a new igloo in which the mother lived with her
children.
Resuming our journey, a snow squall soon frosted
the deck of the yacht, and to escape the icy air we retired
early to our berths. During the night the speed of the
yacht increased, and when we appeared on deck again,
at four o’clock in the morning, the rays of the August
sun seemed actually warm.
We passed the ice-battered and storm-swept cliffs
of Cape Parry and entered Whale Sound. On a sea of
gold, strewn with ice islands of ultramarine and alabaster,
whales spouted and walrus shouted. Large flocks
of little auks rushed rapidly by.
The wind was light, but the engine took us along at
a pace just fast enough to allow us to enjoy the superb
surroundings. In the afternoon we were well into
Inglefield Gulf, and near Itiblu. There was a strong
head wind, and enough ice about to make us cautious in
our prospect.
We aimed here to secure Eskimo guides and with
them seek caribou in Olrik’s Bay. While the schooner
was tacking for a favorable berth in the drift off Kanga,
the launch was lowered, and we sought to interview the
Eskimos of Itiblu. The ride was a wet one, for a short,
choppy sea poured icy spray over us and tumbled us
about.
There were only one woman, a few children, and
about a score of dogs at the place. The woman was a
remarkably fast talker, long out of practice. She told[Pg 60]
us that her husband and the other men were absent on a
caribou hunt, and then, with a remarkably rapid articulation
and without a single question from us, plunged
incessantly on through all the news of the tribe for a
year. After gasping for breath like a smothered seal,
she then began with news of previous years and a history
of forgotten ages. We started back for the launch,
and she invited herself to the pleasure of our company
to the beach.
We had gone only a few steps before it occurred to
her that she was in need of something. Would we not
get her a few boxes of matches in exchange for a narwhal
tusk? We should be delighted, and a handful of sweets
went with the bargain. Her boy brought down two
ivory tusks, each eight feet in length, the two being
worth one hundred and fifty dollars. Had we a knife
to spare? Yes; and a tin spoon was also given, just to
show that we were liberal.
The yacht was headed northward, across Inglefield
Gulf. With a fair wind, we cut tumbling seas of ebony
with a racing dash. Though the wind was strong, the
air was remarkably clear.
The great chiselled cliffs of Cape Auckland rose in
terraced grandeur under the midnight sun. The distance
was twelve miles, and it was twelve miles of submerged
rocks and shallow water.
It was necessary to give Karnah a wide berth.
There were bergs enough about to hold the water down,
though an occasional sea rose with a sickening thump.
At Karnah we went ashore. There was not a man in
town, all being absent on a distant hunting campaign.
But, though there were no men, the place was far from[Pg 61]
being deserted, for five women, fifteen children and
forty-five dogs came out to meet us.
Here we saw five sealskin tents pitched among the
bowlders of a glacial stream. An immense quantity of
narwhal meat was lying on the rocks and stones to dry.
Skins were stretched on the grass, and a general air of
thrift was evidenced about the place. Bundles of seal-skins,
packages of pelts and much ivory were brought
out to trade and establish friendly intercourse. We
gave the natives sugar, tobacco and ammunition in
quantities to suit their own estimate of value.
Would we not place ourselves at ease and stay for
a day or two, as their husbands would soon return? We
were forced to decline their hospitality, for without the
harbor there was too much wind to keep the schooner
waiting. Eskimos have no salutation except a greeting
smile or a parting look of regret. We got both at the
same time as we stepped into the launch and shouted
good-bye.
The captain was told to proceed to Cape Robertson.
The wind eased, and a descending fog soon blotted
out part of the landscape, horizon and sky. It hung
like a gray pall a thousand feet above us, leaving the air
below this bright and startlingly clear.
TO THE LIMITS OF NAVIGATION
EXCITING HUNTS FOR GAME WITH THE ESKIMOS—ARRIVAL
AT ETAH—SPEEDY TRIP TO ANNOATOK, THE
WINDY PLACE, WHERE SUPPLIES ARE FOUND IN
ABUNDANCE—EVERYTHING AUSPICIOUS FOR DASH TO
THE POLE—DETERMINATION TO ESSAY THE EFFORT—BRADLEY
INFORMED—DEBARK FOR THE POLE—THE
YACHT RETURNS
IV
Alone with Our Destiny, Seven Hundred Miles
From the Pole
We awoke off Cape Robertson early on August 13,
and went ashore before breakfast. The picturesque
coast here rises suddenly to an altitude of about two
thousand feet, and is crowned with a gleaming, silver
ice cap. Large bays, blue glacial walls and prominent
headlands give a pleasing variety. It is much like the
coast of all Greenland. On its southern exposure the
eroded Huronian rocks provide shelter for millions of
little auks. They dart incessantly from cliff to sea in a
chattering cloud of wings. Rather rich and grassy verdure
offers an oasis for the Arctic hare, while the blue
fox finds life easy here, for he can fill his winter den
with the fat feathered creatures which teem by millions.[Pg 63]
The Eskimos profit by the combination, and pitch
their camp at the foot of the cliffs, for the chase on sea
is nearly as good here as in other places, while land
creatures literally tumble into the larder.
As we approached the shore, ten men, nine women,
thirty-one children and one hundred and six dogs came
out to meet us. I count the children and dogs for they
are equally important in Eskimo economy. The latter
are by far the most important to the average Caucasian
in the Arctic.
Only small game had fallen to the Eskimos’ lot,
and they were eager to venture out with us after big
game. Mr. Bradley gathered a suitable retinue of
native guides, and we were not long in arranging a
compact.
Free passage, the good graces of the cook, and a
knife each were to be their pay. A caribou hunt was
not sufficiently novel to merit a return to Olrik’s Bay,
where intelligent hunting is always rewarded, but it
was hoped we might get a hunt at Kookaan, near the
head of Robertson Bay.[4]
Although hunting in the bay was not successful
from a practical standpoint, it afforded exciting pleas[Pg 64]ure
in perilous waters. Even during these hours of
sport, my mind was busy with tentative plans for a
Polar journey. Whenever I aimed my gun at a snorting
walrus, or at some white-winged Arctic bird, I felt a
thrill in the thought that upon the skill of my arms, of
my aim, and upon that of the natives we were later to
join, would depend the getting of food sufficient to enable
me to embark upon my dream. Everything I did
now began to have some bearing upon this glorious, intoxicating
prospect; it colored my life, day and night. I
realized how easily I might fail even should conditions
be favorable enough to warrant the journey; for this
reason, because of the unwelcome doubt which at times
chilled my enthusiasm, I did not yet confide to Bradley
my growing ambition.
Returning to the settlement, we paid our hunting
guides, made presents to the women and children, and
set sail for Etah. An offshore breeze filled the big wings
of the canvas. As borne on the back of some great
white bird, we soared northward into a limpid molten
sea. From below came the music of our phonograph,
curiously shouting its tunes, classic and popular, in that
grim, golden region of glory and death.
It is curious how ambition sets the brain on fire,
and quickens the heart throbs. As we sped over the
magical waters, the wild golden air electric about me,
I believe I felt an ecstasy of desire such as mystics
achieved from fasting and prayer. It was the surge of
an ambition which began to grow mightily within me,
which I felt no obstacle could withstand, and which,
later, I believe carried me forward with its wings of
faith when my body well nigh refused to move. We[Pg 65]
passed Cape Alexander and entered Smith Sound. We
sped by storm-chiselled cliffs, whereupon the hand of
nature had written a history, unintelligible to humans,
as with a pen of iron. The sun was low. Great bergs
loomed up in the radiant distance, and reflecting silver-shimmering
halos, seemed to me as the silver-winged
ghosts of those who died in this region and who were
borne alone on the wind and air.
Nature seemed to sing with exultation. Approaching
a highland of emerald green and seal brown, I heard
the wild shouting of hawks from the summit, and from
below the shrill chattering of millions of auks with baby
families. And nearer, from the life enraptured waters,
the minor note of softly cooing ducks and mating guillemots.
From the interior land of ice, rising above the
low booming of a sapphire glacier moving majestically
to the sea, rang the bark of foxes, the shrill notes of the
ptarmigan, and from an invisible farther distance the
raucous wolf howl of Eskimo dogs.
Before us, at times, would come a burst of spouting
spray, and a whale would rise to the surface of the sea.
Nearby, on a floating island of ice, mother walrus would
soothingly murmur to her babies. From invisible
places came the paternal voices of the oogzook, and as
we went forward, seals, white whales and unicorns appeared,
speaking perhaps the sign language of the
animal deaf and dumb in the blue submarine.
Occasionally, there was an explosion, when
thunder as from a hundred cannons echoed from cliff to
cliff. A berg was shattered to ruins. Following this
would rise the frightened voices of every animal above
water. Now and then, from ultramarine grottoes issued[Pg 66]
weird, echoing sounds, and almost continually rising to
ringing peals and shuddering into silence, reiterant, incessant,
came nature’s bugle-calls—calls of the wind,
of sundering glaciers, of sudden rushes of ice rivers, of
exploding gases and of disintegrating bergs. With
those sounds pealing in our ears clarion-like, we entered
the “Gates of Hades,” the Polar gateway, bound for
the harbor where the last fringe of the world’s humanity
straggles finally up on the globe.
As we entered Foulke Fiord, half a gale came
from the sea. We steered for the settlement of
Etah. A tiny settlement it was, for it was composed
of precisely four tents, which for this season,
had been pitched beside a small stream, just
inside of the first projecting point on the north shore.
Inside this point there was sheltered water for the
Eskimo’s kayaks, and it also made a good harbor for the
schooner. It is possible in favorable seasons to push
through Smith Sound, over Kane Basin, into Kennedy
Channel, but the experiment is always at the risk of the
vessel.
So, as there was no special reasons for us to hazard
life in making this attempt, we decided to prepare the
schooner here for the return voyage.
These preparations would occupy several days.
We determined to spend as much of this time as possible
in sport, since much game abounded in this region.
Before we landed we watched the Eskimos harpoon a
white whale. There were no unexplored spots in this
immediate vicinity, as both Doctor Kane and Doctor
Hayes, in the middle of the last century, had been
thoroughly over the ground. The little auks kept us[Pg 67]
busy for a day after our arrival, while hares, tumbling
like snowballs over wind-polished, Archæan rocks, gave
another day of gun recreation. Far beyond, along the
inland ice, were caribou, but we preferred to confine our
hunting to the seashore. The bay waters were alive
with eider-ducks and guillemots, while, just outside,
walruses dared us to venture in open contest on the
wind-swept water.
After satisfying our desire for the hunt, we prepared
to start for Annoatok, twenty-five miles to the
northward. This is the northernmost settlement of the
globe, a place beyond which even the hardy Eskimos
attempt nothing but brief hunting excursions, and
where, curiously, money is useless because it has no
value.
We decided to go in the motor boat, so the tanks
were filled with gasoline and suitable food and camp
equipment were loaded. On the morning of August 24,
we started for Annoatok.
It was a beautiful day. The sun glowed in a sky
of Italian blue. A light air crossed the sea, which
glowed dully, like ground glass. Passing inside of
Littleton Island, we searched for relics along Lifeboat
Cove. There the Polaris was stranded in a sinking
condition in 1872, with fourteen men on board. The
desolate cliffs of Cape Hatherton were a midsummer
blaze of color and light that contrasted strongly with
the cold blue of the many towering bergs.
As we went swiftly past the series of wind-swept
headlands, the sea and air became alive with seals, walruses
and birds. We did little shooting as we were
eagerly bent on reaching Annoatok.[Pg 68]
As we passed the sharp rocks of Cairn Point, we
saw a cluster of nine tents on a small bay under Cape
Inglefield.
“Look, look! There is Annoatok!” cried Tung-we,
our native guide. Looking farther, we saw that the
entire channel beyond was blocked with a jam of ice.
Fortunately we were able to take our boat as far as
we desired. A perpendicular cliff served as a pier to
which to fasten it. Here it could rise and fall with the
tide, and in little danger from drifting ice.
Ordinarily, Annoatok is a town of only a single
family or perhaps two, but we found it unusually large
and populous, for the best hunters had gathered here
for the winter bear hunt. Their summer game catch
had been very lucky. Immense quantities of meat were
strewn along the shore, under mounds of stone. More
than a hundred dogs, the standard by which Eskimo
prosperity is measured, yelped a greeting, and twelve
long-haired, wild men came out to meet us as friends.
It came strongly to me that this was the spot to
make the base for a Polar dash. Here were Eskimo
helpers, strong, hefty natives from whom I could select
the best to accompany me; here, by a fortunate chance,
were the best dog teams; here were plenty of furs for
clothing; and here was unlimited food. These supplies,
combined with supplies on the schooner, would give all
that was needed for the campaign. Nothing could have
been more ideal.
For the past several days, having realized the
abundance of game and the auspicious weather, I had
thought more definitely of making a dash for the Pole.
With all conditions in my favor, might I not, by one[Pg 69]
powerful effort, achieve the thing that had haunted me
for years? My former failures dogged me. If I did
not try now, it was a question if an opportunity should
ever again come to me.
Now every condition was auspicious for the effort.
I confess the task seemed audacious almost to the verge
of impossibility. But, with all these advantages so
fortunately placed in my hands, it took on a new and
almost weird fascination. My many years of schooling
in both Polar zones and in mountaineering would
now be put to their highest test.
Yes, I would try, I told myself; I believed I should
succeed. I informed Mr. Bradley of my determination.
He was not over-optimistic about success, but he shook
my hand and wished me luck. From his yacht he
volunteered food, fuel, and other supplies, for local
camp use and trading, for which I have been thankful.
“Annoatok” means “a windy place.” There is really
nothing there to be called a harbor; but we now planned
to bring the schooner to this point and unload her
on the rocky shore, a task not unattended with danger.
However, the base had to be made somewhere hereabout,
as Etah itself is still more windy than Annoatok.
Moreover, at Etah the landing is more difficult, and it
was not nearly so convenient for my purpose as a base.
Besides, there were gathered at Annoatok, as I
have described, with needed food and furs in abundance,
the best Eskimos[5] in all Greenland, from whom, by[Pg 70]
reason of the rewards from civilization which I could
give them, such as knives, guns, ammunition, old iron,
needles and matches, I could select a party more efficient,
because of their persistence, tough fibre, courage
and familiarity with Arctic traveling, than any party
of white men could be.
The possible combination of liberal supplies and
valiant natives left absolutely nothing to be desired to
insure success, so far as preliminaries were concerned.
It was only necessary that good health, endurable
weather and workable ice should follow. The expenditure
of a million dollars could not have placed an expedition
at a better advantage. The opportunity was
too good to be lost. We therefore returned to Etah to
prepare for the quest.
At Etah, practically everything that was to be
landed at Annoatok was placed on deck, so that the
dangerous stop beside the rocks of Annoatok could be
made a brief one. The ship was prepared for the contingency
of a storm.
Late in the evening of August 26, the entire
population of Etah was taken aboard, the anchor was
[Pg 71]tripped, and soon the Bradley’s bow put out on the
waters of Smith Sound for Annoatok. The night was
cold and clear, brightened by the charm of color. The
sun had just begun to dip under the northern horizon,
which marks the end of the summer double days of
splendor and begins the period of storms leading into
the long night. Early in the morning we were off
Annoatok.
The launch and all the dories were lowered and
filled. Eskimo boats were pressed into service and
loaded. The boats were towed ashore. Only a few
reached Annoatok itself, for the wind increased and a
troublesome sea made haste a matter of great importance.
Things were pitched ashore anywhere on
the rocks where a landing could be found for the boats.
The splendid efficiency of the launch proved equal
to the emergency, and in the course of about thirteen
hours all was safely put on shore in spite of dangerous
winds and forbidding seas. That the goods were spread
along the shore for a distance of several miles did not
much matter, for the Eskimos willingly and promptly
carried them to the required points.
Now the time had come for the return of the
schooner to the United States. Unsafe to remain
longer at Annoatok at this advanced stage of the season,
it was also imperative that it go right on with barely a
halt at any other place. The departure meant a complete
severance between the civilized world and myself.
But I do not believe, looking back upon it, that the situation
seemed as awesome as might be supposed. Other
explorers had been left alone in the Northland, and I
had been through the experience before.[Pg 72]
The party, so far as civilized men were concerned,
was to be an unusually small one. That, however, was
not from lack of volunteers, for when I had announced
my determination many of the crew had volunteered to
accompany me. Captain Bartlett himself wished to go
along, but generously said that if it seemed necessary
for him to go back with the schooner, he would need
only a cook and engineer, leaving the other men
with me.
I wanted only one white companion, however, for
I knew that no group of white men could possibly
match the Eskimos in their own element. I had the
willing help of all the natives, too, at my disposal.
More than that was not required. I made an agreement
with them for their assistance throughout the
winter in getting ready, and then for as many as I
wanted to start with me toward the uttermost North.
For my white companion I selected Rudolph Francke,
now one of the Arctic enthusiasts on the yacht. He
had shipped for the experience of an Arctic trip. He
was a cultivated young German with a good scientific
schooling. He was strong, goodnatured, and his heart
was in the prospective work. These were the qualities
which made him a very useful man as my sole
companion.
Early on the morning of September 3, I bade farewell
to Mr. Bradley, and not long afterward the yacht
moved slowly southward and faded gradually into the
distant southern horizon. I was left alone with my destiny,
seven hundred miles from the Pole.
BEGINNING PREPARATIONS FOR THE
POLAR DASH
THE ARCTIC SOLITUDE—RETROSPECTION AND INTROSPECTION—THE
DETERMINATION TO ACHIEVE—PLANNING
OUT THE DETAILS OF THE CAMPAIGN—AN
ENTIRE TRIBE BUSILY AT WORK
V
The Pole, the Route, and the Incentive
When the yacht disappeared I felt a poignant
pang at my heart. After it had faded, I stood gazing
blankly at the sky, and I felt the lure of the old world.
The yacht was going home—to the land of my family
and friends. I was now alone, and, with the exception
of Francke, there was no white man among this tribe
of wild people with whom to converse during the long
Arctic night that was approaching. I knew I should
not be lonely, for there was a tremendous lot of work to
do, although I had unstinted assistance. In every detail,
the entire six months of labor including the catching
of animals, the drying of meat, the making of such
clothes and sledges as would be necessary, and the testing
of them, would have to be managed by myself.
Turning from the rocky highland where I stood, a wild
thrill stirred my heart. The hour of my opportunity[Pg 74]
had come. After years of unavailing hopes and depressing
defeats my final chance was presented! In
the determination to succeed, every drop of blood in my
body, every fibre of me responded.
Why did I desire so ardently to reach the North
Pole? What did I hope to gain? What, if successful,
did I expect to reap as the result of my dreams? These
questions since have been asked by many. I have
searched the chambers of my memory and have tried to
resolve replies to myself. The attaining of the North
Pole meant at the time simply the accomplishing of a
splendid, unprecedented feat—a feat of brain and
muscle in which I should, if successful, signally surpass
other men. In this I was not any more inordinately
vain or seekful of glory than one who seeks pre-eminence
in baseball, running tournaments, or any other
form of athletics or sport.
At the time, any applause which the world might
give, should I succeed, did not concern me; I knew
that this might come, but it did not enter into my
speculations.
For years I had felt the lure of the silver glamor
of the North, and I can explain this no more than the
reason why a poet is driven to express himself in verse,
or why one child preternaturally develops amazing proficiency
in mathematics and another in music. Certain
desires are born or unconsciously developed in us. I,
with others before me, found my life ambition in the
conquest of the Pole. To reach it would mean, I knew,
an exultation which nothing else in life could give.
This imaginary spot held for me the revealing of
no great scientific secrets. I never regarded the feat[Pg 75]
as of any great scientific value. The real victory would
lie, not in reaching the goal itself, but in overcoming
the obstacles which exist in the way of it. In the battle
with these I knew there would be excitement, danger,
necessary expedients to tax the brain and heroic feats
to tax the muscles, the ever constant incentive which
the subduing of one difficulty after another excites.
During the first day at Annoatok, after the yacht
left, I thought of the world toward which it was going,
of the continents to the south of me, of the cities with
their teeming millions, and of the men with their multitudinous,
conflicting ambitions. I could see, in my
mind, the gigantic globe of my world swinging in cloud-swept
emerald spaces, and far in the remote, vast, white
regions in the north of it, far from the haunts of men,
thousands of miles from its populous cities, beyond the
raging of its blue-green seas, myself, alone, a wee, small
atom on its vast surface, striving to reach its hitherto
unattained goal. I felt, as I thought of my anticipation
and lonely quest, a sense of the terrible overwhelming
hugeness of the earth, and the poignant
loneliness any soul must feel when it embarks upon
some splendid solitary destiny.
Beyond and above me I visioned the unimaginable,
blinding white regions of ice and cold, about which, like
a golden-crowned sentinel, with face of flame, the
circling midnight sun kept guard. Upon this desolate,
awe-inspiring stage—unchanged since the days of its
designing—I saw myself attempting to win in the most
spectacular and difficult marathon for the testing of
human strength, courage and perseverance, of body
and brain, which God has offered to man. I could see[Pg 76]
myself, in my fancy pictures, invading those roaring
regions, struggling over icy lands in the dismal twilight
of the Arctic morning, and venturing, with a few companions,
upon the lifeless, wind-swept Polar sea. A
black mite, I saw myself slowly piercing those white
and terrible spaces, braving terrific storms, assailing
green, adamantine barriers of ice, crossing the swift-flowing,
black rivers of those ice fields, and stoutly persisting
until, successful, I stood alone, a victor, upon the
world’s pinnacle!
This thought gave me wild joy. That I, one white
man, might alone succeed in this quest gave me an impetus
which only single-handed effort and the prospect
of single-handed success can give. There was pleasure
in the thought that, in this effort, I was indebted to no
one; no one had expended money for me or my trip; no
white men were to risk their lives with me. Whether
it resulted in success or defeat, I alone should exult or
I alone should suffer. I was the mascot of no clique of
friends, nor the pawn of scientists who might find a
suppositious and mythical glory in the reflected light of
another’s achievement. The quest was personal; the
pleasure of success must be personal.
Yet, I want you to understand this thing was no
casual jaunt with me. All my life hinged about it, my
hopes were bent upon it; the doing of it was part of
me. My plans of action were not haphazard and hair-brained.
Logically and clearly, I mapped out a campaign.
It was based upon experience in known conditions,
experience gathered after years of discouragement
and failure.

ON THE CHASE FOR BEAR
THE BOX-HOUSE AT ANNOATOK AND ITS WINTER ENVIRONMENT
At Annoatok we erected a house of packing
[Pg 77]
boxes.[6]
The building of the house, which was to be both
storehouse and workshop, was a simple matter. The
walls were made of the packing boxes, especially
selected of uniform size for this purpose.

MAN’S PREY OF THE ARCTIC SEA—WALRUS ASLEEP
Enclosing a space thirteen by sixteen feet, the
cases were quickly piled up. The walls were held
together by strips of wood, the joints sealed with
pasted paper, with the addition of a few long boards. A
really good roof was made by using the covers of the
boxes as shingles. A blanket of turf over this confined
the heat and permitted, at the same time, healthful
circulation of air.
We slept under our own roof at the end of the
first day. Our new house had the great advantage
of containing within it all our possessions within easy[Pg 78]
reach at all times. When anything was needed in the
way of supplies, all we had to do was to open a box
in the wall.
The house completed, we immediately began the
work of building sledges, and the equally important
work, at which a large proportion of the Eskimos were
at once set, of making up furs into clothing. According
to my plans, each one of us embarking in the Polar
journey would have to carry two suits of fur clothing.
In the Arctic regions, especially when men are marching
to the limit of their strength every day, the bodily
heat puts the clothing into such condition that the only
safe way, if health is to be preserved, is to change suits
frequently, while the perspiration-soaked furs are laid
out to dry.
The Eskimos had also to prepare for winter.[Pg 79]
Tents of sealskin are inhabitable only in the summer
time. For the coming period of darkness and bitter
cold, they made igloos of stone and snow.
Meanwhile, they were not in the least averse to
agreeable relaxation. I had with me a good supply of
tea, and was in the habit of drinking a cup of it with
Francke about four o’clock every afternoon. Observing
this, the Eskimos at once began to present themselves
at the tea hour. Fortunately, tea was one of the
supplies of which I had brought a good deal for the
sake of pleasing the natives, and it was not long before
I had a very large and gossipy afternoon tea party
every day, in this northernmost human settlement of
the globe.
I planned to superintend every detail of progress,
as far as it concerned our journey. I could watch the
men, too, and see which ones promised to be the best
to accompany me. And, what was a most important
point, I could also perfect my final plans for the advance
right at my final base.
I aimed to reach the top of the globe in the angle
between Alaska and Greenland, a promising route
through a new and lonesome region which had not been
tried, abandoning what has come to be called the
“American Route.” I should strike westward and then
northward, working new trails. With Annoatok as a
base of operations, I planned to carry sufficient supplies
over Schley Land and along the west coast of the game
lands, trusting that the game along this region would
furnish sufficient supplies en route to the shores of the
Polar sea. This journey to land’s end would also afford
a test of every article of equipment needed in the field
work, and would enable us to choose finally from a[Pg 80]
selected number of Eskimos those most able to endure
the rigors of the unlimited journey which lay before us.
I sent out a few hunters along the intended line
to seek for haunts of game, but I was not surprised that
their searching in the dark was practically unsuccessful,
and it merely meant that I must depend upon my previous
knowledge of conditions. I knew from the general
reports of the natives, and from the explorations of
Sverdrup, that the beginning of the intended route
offered abundant game, and the indications were that
further food would likewise be found as we advanced.
The readiness with which the Eskimos declared themselves
ready to trust to the food supply of the unknown
region was highly encouraging.
To start from my base with men and dogs in superb
condition, with their bodies nourished with wholesome
fresh meat instead of the nauseating laboratory stuff
too often given to men in the North, was of vital importance;
and if the men and dogs could afterwards
be supported in great measure by the game of the
region through which we were to pass, it would be of
an importance more vital still. If my information was
well founded and my general conjectures correct, I
should have advantages which had not been possessed
by any other leader of a Polar expedition. The new
route seemed to promise, also, immunity from the
highly disturbing effects of certain North Greenland
currents. In all, the chances seemed not unfavorable.
With busy people hard at work about me, I knew
that the months of the long night would pass rapidly
by. There was much to do, and with the earliest dawn
of the morning of the next year we must be ready to
start for the Pole.
THE CURTAIN OF NIGHT DROPS
TRIBE OF TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY NATIVES BUSILY
BEGIN PREPARATIONS FOR THE POLAR DASH—EXCITING
HUNTS FOR THE UNICORN AND OTHER GAME
FROM ANNOATOK TO CAPE YORK—EVERY ANIMAL
CAUGHT BEARING UPON THE SUCCESS OF THE
VENTURE—THE GREY-GREEN GLOOM OF TWILIGHT
IN WHICH THE ESKIMO WOMEN COMMUNICATE
WITH THE SOULS OF THE DEAD
VI
The Sunset of 1907
Winter, long-lasting, dark and dismal, approached.
To me it was to be a season of feverish labor in which
every hand at work and every hour employed counted
in the problem of success. While the hands of the entire
tribe would be busy, and while I should direct and help
in the making of sleds, catching of game, preparing of
meat, I knew that my mind would find continual excitement
in dreams of my quest, in anticipating and solving
its difficulties, in feeling the bounding pulse of the dash
over the ice of the Polar sea, with dogs joyously barking,
whips cracking the air, and the reappearing sun
paving our pathway with liquid gold. In the labor of
the long winter which I began to map out I knew I
should find ceaseless zest, for the pursuit of every
narwhal, every walrus, every fox I should regard with[Pg 82]
abated suspense, each one bearing upon my chances; in
the employment of every pair of hands I should hang
with an eager interest, the expediency and excellence of
the work making for success or failure. From this time
onward everything of my life, every native, every occurrence
began to have some bearing upon the dominating
task to which I had set myself.
With the advance of winter, storms of frightful
ferocity began to arise. Inasmuch as we had stored
meat and blubber in large quantities about our camp, it
was not necessary at these times to venture out to dig
up supplies from great depths of snow drift. During
these periods hands were employed busily inside the
igloos. Although a large quantity of animals and furs
had been gathered by the hunters before our arrival, we
now unexpectedly discovered that the supply was inadequate.
According to my plans, a large party of
picked natives would accompany me to land’s end and
somewhat beyond on the Polar sea when I started for
my dash in the coming spring. As spring is the best
hunting season, it was therefore imperative to secure
sufficient advance provisions for the families of these
men in addition to preparing requisites for my expedition.
So the early days of the winter would have to be
busily occupied by the men in a ceaseless hunt for game,
and later, even when the darkness had fully fallen, the
moonlight days and nights would thus have to be
utilized also.
In the Polar cycle of the seasons there are peculiar
conditions which apply to circumstances and movements.
As the word, seasons, is ordinarily understood, there are
but two, a winter season and a summer season—a winter
season of nine months and a summer of three months.[Pg 83]
But, for more convenient division of the yearly
periods, it is best to retain the usual cycle of four seasons.
Eskimos call the winter “ookiah,” which also
means year, and the summer “onsah.” Days are “sleeps.”
The months are moons, and the periods are named in accord
with the movements of various creatures of the
chase.
In early September at Annoatok the sun dips considerably
under the northern horizon. There is no
night. At sunset and at sunrise storm clouds hide the
bursts of color which are the glory of twilight, and the
electric afterglow is generally lost in a dull gray.
The gloom of the coming winter night now thickens.
The splendor of the summer day has gone. A day
of six months and a night of six months is often ascribed
to the Polar regions as a whole, but this is only true of a
very small area about the Pole.
As we come south, the sun slips under the horizon
for an ever-increasing part of each twenty-four hours.
Preceding and following the night, as we come from the
Pole, there is a period of day and night which lengthens
with the descent of latitude.
It is this period which enables us to retain the names
of the usual seasons—summer for the double days, fall
for the period of the setting sun. This season begins
when the sun first dips under the ice at midnight for a
few moments. These moments increase rapidly, yet
one hardly appreciates that the sun is departing until
day and night are of equal length, for the night remains
light, though not cheerful. Then the day rapidly shortens
and darkens, and the sun sinks until at last there is
but a mere glimmer of the glory of day. Winter is lim[Pg 84]ited
to the long night, and spring applies to the days of
the rising sun, a period corresponding to the autumn
days of the setting sun.
At Annoatok the midnight sun is first seen on
April 23. It dips in the sea on August 19. It thus encircles
the horizon, giving summer and continuous day
for one hundred and eighteen days. It sets at midday
on October 24, and is absent a period of prolonged
night corresponding to the day, and it
rises on February 19. The Arctic air, with its low
temperature and its charge of frosted humidity, so
distorts the sun’s rays that when low it is frequently
lifted one or two diameters; therefore, the exact day or
hour for sunrise or sunset does not correspond to mathematical
calculations. Then follow days of spring.
In the fall, when the harmonizing influence of the
sun is withdrawn, there begins a battle of the elements
which continues until stilled by the hopeless frost of
early night.
At this time, although field work was painful, the
needs of our venture forced us to persistent action in
the chase of walrus, seal, narwhal and white whale. We
thus harvested food and fuel.
Before winter ice spread over the sea, ptarmigan,
hare and reindeer were sought on land to supply the
table during the long night with delicacies, while bear
and fox pleased the palates of the Eskimos, and their
pelts clothed all.
Many long journeys were undertaken to secure
an important supply of grass to pad boots and
mittens and also to secure moss, which serves as wick for
the Eskimo lamp. During the months of September[Pg 85]
and October, along the entire Greenland coast, the Eskimos
were engaged in a feverish quest for reserve supplies.
Shortly after my arrival, word had been carried
from village to village that I was at Annoatok, and, intending
to make a dash for the “Big Nail,” desired the
help of the entire tribe. Intense and spontaneous
activity followed. Knowing the demands of the North,
and of such work as I planned, the natives, without specific
instructions from me and with only a brief outline
of the planned Polar campaign which was sent from
village to village, immediately got busy gathering the
needed things. They knew better than I where to go
for certain game, and where certain desirable things were
obtainable. This relieved me of a great responsibility.
Each local group of natives was to perform some important
duty, suited to its available resources, in gathering
the tremendous amount of material required for our
trip. Each village had its peculiar game advantages.
In some places foxes and hares, the skins of which
were necessary for coats and stockings, were abundant,
and the Eskimos must not only gather the greatest
number possible, but prepare the skins and make them
into properly fitting garments. In other places reindeer
were plentiful. The skin of these was needed for sleeping
bags, while the sinew was required for thread. In
still other places seal was the luck of the chase; its skin
was one of our most important needs. Of it boots were
made, and an immense amount of line and lashings
prepared.
Thus, in one way or another, every man and woman
and most of the children of this tribe of two hundred and
fifty people were kept busy in the service of the expe[Pg 86]dition.
The work was well done, and with much better
knowledge of the fitness of things than could have been
possessed by any possible gathering of alien white men.
The quest of the walrus and the narwhal came in
our own immediate plan of adventure, although the narwhal,
called by whale fishers the unicorn, does not often
come under the eye of the white man. It afforded for
a brief spell good results in sport and useful material.
Its blubber is the pride of every housekeeper, for it gives
a long, hot flame to the lamp, with no smoke to spot the
igloo finery. The skin is regarded as quite a delicacy.
Cut into squares, it looks and tastes like scallops, with
only a slight aroma of train oil. The meat dries easily,
and is thus prized as an appetizer or as a lunch to be
eaten en route in sled or kayak. In this shape it was an
extremely useful thing for us, for it took the place of
pemmican on our less urgent journeys.
Narwhals played in schools, far off shore, and
usually along the edges of some large ice field, their long
ivory tusks rising under spouts of breath and spray.
Whenever this glad sight was noted, every kayak about
camp was manned, and the skin canoes went flittering
like birds over the water. Some of the Eskimos climbed
to the ice fields and delivered their harpoons from a
secure footing. Others hid behind floating fragments
of heavy ice and made a sudden rush as the animals
passed. Still others came up in the rear, for the narwhal
cannot easily see backward, and does not often turn
to watch its enemies, its speed being so fast that it can
easily keep ahead of them.
In these exciting hunts I participated with eager
delight, and by proxy mentally engaged in every en[Pg 87]counter.
For, in this sea game, existed food supplies
which, instead of entirely confining myself to pemmican,
I planned also to use on my Polar journey. As the skin
boats, like bugs, sped over the water, I felt the movement
of them surge in my brain; with the upraising of
each swift-darting native’s arm I felt, as it were, my
heart stop with bated suspense. With every failure I
experienced a throb of dismay. With the hauling in of
each slimy beast I felt, as it were, nearer my goal.
Narwhal hunting, in itself, and without the added
spur of personal interest, which I had, is brimful of
thrilling sport. The harpoon is always delivered at
close range. Whenever the dragging float marks the
end of the line in tow of the frightened creature, the line
of skin canoes follows. Timid by nature and fearing to
rise for breath, the narwhal plunges along until nearly
strangled. When he does come up, there are likely to
be several Eskimos near with drawn lances, which inflict
deep gashes.
Again the narwhal plunges deep down, with but
one breath, and hurries along as best it can. But its
speed slackens and a line of crimson marks its hidden
path. Loss of blood and want of air do not give it a
chance to fight. Again it comes up with a spout.
Again the lances are hurled.
The battle continues for several hours, with many
exciting adventures, but in the end the narwhal always
succumbs, offering a prize of several thousands of
pounds of meat and blubber. Victory as a rule is not
gained until the hunters are far from home, and also far
from the shore line. But the Eskimo is a courageous
hunter and an intelligent seaman.[Pg 88]
To the huge carcass frail kayaks are hitched in a
long line. Towing is slow, wind and sea combining to
make the task difficult and dangerous. One sees nothing
of the narwhal and very little of the kayak, for dashing
seas wash over the little craft, but the double-bladed
paddles see-saw with the regularity of a pendulum.
Homecoming takes many hours and demands a prodigious
amount of hard work, but there is energy to
spare, for a wealth of meat and fat is the culmination of
all Eskimo ambition.
Seven of these ponderous animals were brought in
during five days, making a heap of more than forty
thousand pounds of food and fuel. The sight of this
tremulous, blubbering mass filled my heart with joy.
Our success was not too soon, for now the narwhals suddenly
disappeared, and we saw no more of them. About
this time three white whales were also obtained at Etah
by a similar method of hunting.
With the advent of actual winter, storms swept
over the land and sea with such fury that it was no longer
safe to venture out on the water in kayaks. After the
catching of several walruses from boats, sea hunting
now was confined to the quest of seal through young ice.
As such hunting would soon be limited to only a few
open spaces near prominent headlands, an industrious
pursuit was feverishly engaged in at every village from
Annoatok to Cape York, and hour by hour, day by day,
until the hunt of necessity changed from sea to land, the
husky natives engaged in seal catching. As yet we had
no caribou meat, and the little auks, which had been
gathered in nets during the summer, with the eider-duck
bagged later, soon disappeared as a steady diet. We[Pg 89]
must now procure such available land game as hare,
ptarmigan and reindeer, for we had not yet learned to
eat with a relish the fishy, liver-like substance which is
characteristic of all marine mammals.
Guns and ammunition were now distributed, and
when the winds were easy enough to allow one to venture
out, every Eskimo sought the neighboring hills.
Francke also took his exercise with a gun on his shoulder.
The combined efforts resulted in a long line of
ptarmigan, two reindeer and sixteen hares. As snow
covered the upper slopes, the game was forced down
near the sea, where we could still hope to hunt in the
feeble light of the early part of the night.
With a larder fairly stocked and good prospects
for other tasty meats, we were spared the anxiety of a
winter without supplies. Francke was an ideal chef in
the preparation of this game to good effect, for he had a
delightful way of making our primitive provisions quite
appetizing.
In the middle of October fox skins were prime, and
then new steel traps were distributed and set near the
many caches. By this time all the Eskimos had abandoned
their sealskin tents and were snugly settled in
their winter igloos. The ground was covered with
snow, and the sea was almost entirely frozen.
Everybody was busy preparing for the coming cold
and night. The temperature was about 20° below zero.
Severe storms were becoming less frequent, and the air,
though colder, was less humid and less disagreeable. An
ice-foot was formed by the tides along shore, and over
this the winter sledging was begun by short excursions
to bait the fox traps and gather the foxes.[Pg 90]
Our life now resolved itself into a systematic
routine of work, which was practically followed throughout
the succeeding long winter night. About the box-house
in which Francke and I lived were igloos housing
eight to twelve families. The tribe of two hundred and
fifty was distributed in a range of villages along the
coast, an average of four families constituting a community.
Early each morning Koo-loo-ting-wah would
bang at my door, enter, and I would drowsily awaken
while he freshened the fire. Rising, we would prepare
hot coffee and partake of breakfast with biscuits. By
seven o’clock—according to our standard of time—five
or six of the natives would arrive, and, after a liberal
libation of coffee, begin work. I taught them to help
me in the making of my hickory sleds. Some I taught
to use modern carpentering instruments, which I had
with me. Another group was schooled in bending the
resilient but tough hickory. This was done by wrapping
old cloths about the wood and steeping it in hot water.
Others engaged, as the days went by, in making dog
harness, articles of winter clothing, and drying meat.
Not an hour was lost during the day. At noon we
paused for a bite of frozen meat and hot tea. Then we
fell to work again without respite until five or six o’clock.
Meanwhile, beginning in the early morning of our
steadily darkening days, other male members of the tribe
pursued game. Others again followed a routine of
scouring of the villages and collecting all the furs and
game which had been caught. The women of the tribe,
in almost every dimly lighted igloo, were no less industrious.
To them fell the task of assisting in drying the
fur skins, preparing dried meat and making our cloth[Pg 91]ing.
Throughout the entire days they sat in their snow
and stone houses, masses of ill-smelling furs before them,
cutting the skins and sewing them into serviceable garments.
This work I often watched, passing from igloo
to igloo, with an interest that verged on anxiety; for
upon the strength, thickness and durability of these depended
my life, and that of the companions I should
choose, on the frigid days which would inevitably come
on my journey Poleward. But these broad-faced,
patient women did their work well. Their skill is quite
remarkable. They took my measurements, for instance,
by roughly sizing up my old garments and by measuring
me by sight. Garments were made to fit snugly after
the preliminary making by cutting out or inserting
patches of fur. Needles among the natives are indeed
precious. So valuable are they that if a point or eye is
broken, with infinite skill and patience the broken end
is heated and flattened, and by means of a bow drill a
new eye is bored. A new point is with equal skill shaped
on local stones. With marvelous patience they make
their own thread by drying and stripping caribou or
narwhale sinews.
Were it not for their extraordinary eyesight, such
work, under such conditions, would be impossible. But
in the dark the natives can espy things invisible to white
men. This owl-sight enables them to hunt, if necessary,
in almost pitch darkness, and to perform tedious feats
of hand skill which, in such dim light, an alien would
bungle. I noticed, with much curiosity, that when the
natives inspected any photograph or object which I gave
them they always held it upside down. All objects, as
is well known, are reflected in the retina thus, and it is[Pg 92]
our familiarity with the size and comparative relations
of things which enables the brain to visualize an object
or scene at its proper angle. This strange, instinctive
act of the natives might form an interesting chapter in
optics.
Meanwhile, busy and interested in the beginning of
our various pursuits, the great crust which was to hold
down the sea for so many months, closed and thickened.
During the last days of brief sunshine the weather
cleared, and at noon on October 24 everybody sought
the open for a last glimpse of the dying day. There
was a charm of color and glitter, but no one seemed quite
happy as the sun sank under the southern ice, for it was
not to rise again for one hundred and eighteen days.
Just prior to the falling of darkness, with that instinctive
and forced hilarity with which aboriginal beings
seek to ward off an impending calamity, the Eskimos
engaged in their annual sporting event. It is a curious
sight, indeed, to behold a number of excited, laughing
Eskimos gathering about two champion dogs which are
to fight. Although the zest of betting is unknown, the
natives regard dog fights with much the same eager excitement
as a certain type of sporting man does a cock
encounter. Sometimes the dogs do not fight fairly, a
number of the animals bunching together and attacking
a single dog. Dogs selected for the fight are, of course,
the best of the teams. A dog which maintains his fighting
supremacy becomes a king dog, and when beaten
becomes a first lieutenant to the king.
After the forced enthusiasm of this brief period of
excitement, the Eskimos begin to succumb to the inevitable
melancholia of nature, when the sun, the source of[Pg 93]
natural life, disappears and darkness descends. A
gloom descends heavily upon their spirits. A subtle
sadness tinctures their life, and they are possessed by an
impulse to weep. At this season, hour by hour, the
darkness thickens; the cold increases and chills their
igloos; the wind, exultant while the sun shines, now
whines and sobs dolorously—there is something gruesome,
uncanny, supernatural, in its siren sorrow. Outside,
the snow falls, the sea closes. Its clamant beat of
waves is silenced. Sea animals mostly disappear; land
animals are rare. Their source of physical supply vanished,
the Eskimos unconsciously feel the grim hand of
want, of starvation, which means death, upon them. The
psychology of this period of depression partly lies, undoubtedly,
in this instinctive dread of death from lack of
food and the natural depression of unrelieved gloom.
Moreover, there is a grief, born of the native superstition
that, when the sea freezes, the souls of all who have
perished in the waters are imprisoned during the long
night. Too fierce is the struggle of these people with
the elemental forces to permit them, like many other
aboriginal peoples to be obsessed greatly with superstitions.
Although their religion is a very primitive and
native one, it is usually only at the inception of night
that they feel the appalling nearness of a world
that is supernatural. As the last rim of the sun
sank over the southern ice, the natives entered upon a
formal period of melancholy, during which the bereavements
of each family, and the discomforts and disasters
of the year, were memoralized.
I shall never forget that long, sad evening, which
lasted many normal days. The sun had descended. A[Pg 94]
sepulchral, gray-green curtain of gloom hung over the
chilled earth. In the dim semi-darkness could be
vaguely seen the outlines of the igloos, of the heaving
curvatures of snow-covered land, and the blacker, snake-like
twistings of open lanes of water, where the sea had
not yet frozen. Sitting in my box-house, I was startled
suddenly by a sound that made my flesh for the instant
creep. I walked to the door and threw it open. Over
the bluish, snow-covered land, formed by the indentures
and hollows, stretched dark-purplish shapes—Titan
shadows, sepulchral and ominous, some with shrouded
heads, others with spectral arms threateningly upraised.
Nebulous and gruesome shreds of blue-fog like wraiths
shifted over the sea. Out of the sombre, heavy air began
to issue a sound as of many women sobbing. From
the indistinct distance came moaning, crooning voices.
Sometimes hysterical wails of anguish rent the air, and
now and then frantic choruses shrieked some heart-aching
despair. My impression was that I was in a
land of the sorrowful dead, some mid-strata of the spirit
world, where, in this gray-green twilight, formless
things in the distance moved to and fro.
There is, I believe, in the heart of every man, an
instinctive respect for sorrow. With muffled steps, I
left the igloo and paced the dreariness of ice, treading
slowly, lest, in the darkness, I slip into some unseen
crevasse of the open sea. A strange and eerie sight confronted
me. Along the seashore, bending over the lapping
black water, or standing here and there by inky,
open leads in the severed ice, many Eskimo women were
gathered. Some stood in groups of two or three.
Bowed and disconsolate, her arms about them, with[Pg 95]
almost every hundred steps, I saw a weeping mother and
her children. Standing rigid and stark, motionless
graven images of despair, or frantically writhing to and
fro, others stood far apart in desolate places, alone.
The dull, opaque air was tinged with a strange phosphorescent
green, suggestive of a place of dead things;
and now, like the flutterings of huge death-lamps, along
the horizon, where the sun had sunk, gashes of crimson
here and there fitfully glowed blood-red in the pall-like
sky.
To the left, as I walked along, I recognized Tung-wingwah,
with a child on her back and a bag of moss in
her hand. She stood behind a cheerless rock, with her
face toward the faint red flushes of the sun. She stood
motionless. Big tears rolled from her eyes, but not a
sound was uttered. To my low queries she made no
response. I invited her to the camp to have a cup of
tea, thinking to change her sad thoughts and loosen her
tongue. But still her eyes did not leave that last distant
line of open water. From another, I later learned that
in the previous April her daughter of five, while playing
on the ice-foot, slipped and was lost in the sea. The
mother now mourned because the ice would bury her
little one’s soul.
A little farther along was Al-leek-ah, a woman of
middle age, with two young children by her side. She
was hysterical in her grief, now laughing with a weird
giggle, now crying and groaning as if in great pain, and
again dancing with emotions of madness. I learned her
story from a chatter that ran through all her anguish.
Towanah, her first husband, had been drawn under the
ice, by the harpoon line, twenty years ago. And though[Pg 96]
she had been married three times since, she was trying
to keep alive the memory of her first love. I went on,
marveling at a primitive fidelity so long enduring.
Still farther along towards the steep slopes of the
main coast, I saw Ahwynet, all alone in the gloomy
shadow of great cliffs. Her story was told in chants
and moans. Her husband and all her children had been
swept by an avalanche into the stormy seas. There was
a kind of wild poetry in the song of her bereavement.
Tears came to my eyes. The rush of the avalanche, the
hiss of the wind, the pounding of the seas, were all indicated.
And then, in heart-breaking tones, came “blood
of her blood, flesh of her flesh, under the frozen waters,”
and other sentiments which I could not catch in the
undertone of sobs.
Cold shivers began to run up my spine, and I
turned to retreat to camp. Here was a scene that perhaps
a Dante might adequately write about. I cannot.
I felt that I, an alien, was intruding into the realm of
some strange and mystic sorrow. I felt the sombre thrill
of a borderland world not human. These women were
communicating with the souls of their dead. To those
who had perished in the sea they were telling, ere the
gates of ice closed above them, all the news of the past
year—things of interest and personal, and even of years
before, as far back as they could remember. Almost
every family each year loses someone in the sea;
almost every family was represented by these weeping
women, overburdened with their own naive sorrow, and
who yet strangely sought to cheer the souls of the disconsolate
and desolate dead.
Meanwhile, while the women were weeping and giv[Pg 97]ing
their parting messages to the dead, the male members
of the tribe, in chants and dramatic dances, were
celebrating, in the igloos, the important events of the
past year.
Inside, the igloos were dimly lighted with stone
blubber lamps. These, during the entire winter, furnish
light and heat. The lamp consists of a crescent-shaped
stone with a concavity, in which there is animal oil and a
line of crushed moss as a wick. Lighted early in the season,
for an entire winter, these lamps cast a faint, perpetual,
flickering light. Shadows dance grotesquely
about on the rounded walls. An oily stench pervades the
unventilated enclosure. In this weird, yellow-blackish
radiance the men engage in their fantastic dances. Moving
the central parts of their bodies to and fro, they utter
weird sing-song chants. They recite, in jerky, curious
singing, the history of the big events of the year; of successful
chases; of notable storms; of everything that
means much in their simple lives. As they dance, their
voices rise to a high pitch of excitement. Their eyes
flash like smoldering coals. Their arms move frantically.
Some begin to sob uncontrollably. A hysteria of
laughter seizes others. Finally the dance ends; exhausted,
they pass into a brief lethargy, from which they
revive, their melancholia departed. The women return
from the shores of the sea; they wipe their tears, and,
with native spontaneity, forget their depression and
smile again.
While I was interested in the curious spectacles presented,
the sunset of 1907 to me was inspiration for the
final work in directing the completion of the outfit with
which to begin the conquest of the Pole at sunrise of[Pg 98]
1908. Fortunately, I was not handicapped by the company
of the usual novices taken on Polar expeditions.
There were only two of us white men, and white men, at
the best, must be regarded as amateurs compared with
the expert efficiency of Eskimos in their own environment.
Our food supply contained only the prime factors
of primitive nourishment. Special foods and laboratory
concoctions and canned delicacies did not fill an
important space in our larder. Nor had we balloons,
automobiles, motor sleds or other freak devices. We
did, however, I have said, have what was of utmost importance,
an abundance of the best hickory and metal
for the making of the sleds upon which our destinies
were vitally to depend.
FIRST WEEK OF THE LONG NIGHT
HUNTING IN THE ARCTIC TWILIGHT—PURSUING BEAR,
CARIBOU AND SMALLER GAME IN SEMI-GLOOM
VII
The Glory of the Aurora
The sun had dropped below the horizon. The
gloom continued steadily to thicken. Each twenty-four
hours, at the approximate approach of what was
the noon hour when the sun had been above the horizon,
the sky to the south of us glowed with marvelous, subdued
sunset hues. By this time our work had gone
ahead by progressive stages. Furs, to protect us from
the cold of the uttermost North on my prospective trip,
had been prepared and were being made into clothing;
meat and fat, for food and fuel, were being dried and
stored in numerous caches about Annoatok; several of
the sledges and part of the equipment were ready.
We still had need of large quantities of supplies,
and, while some of the natives were busy with their
routine work, we planned that as many others as possible
should use the twilight days pursuing bear, caribou,
fox, hare and other game far beyond the usual
Eskimo haunts. Before the dawn of the sun’s afterglow,
on the morning of October 26, seven sledges with[Pg 100]
sixty dogs were on the ice-foot near our camp, ready to
start for hunting grounds near Humboldt Glacier, a
distance of one hundred miles northward.[7]
While the teamsters waited for the final password
the dogs chafed fiercely. I could barely see the outlines
of my companions in the gloom, and it was difficult, in
the irregular snow and tide-lifted ice descending to sea
level, to find footing.
The word to start was given. My companions took
up the cry.
“Huk! Huk! Huk!” (Go! Go!) they shouted.
The dogs responded in leaps and howls.
“Howah! Howah!” (Right! Right!) “Egh!
Egh!” (Stop! Stop!) “Aureti!” (Behave!) came echoingly
along the line of teams. Finally the wild dash
slackened, the dogs regulated their paces to an easy trot,
and we swept steadily along the frozen highway of the
tide-made shelf of the ice-foot. The sledges dodged
stones and ice-blocks, edged along dangerous precipices,
in the depths of which I heard the swish of water, and
glided miraculously over crevices and along deep gorges.
Jumping about the sledges, guiding, pushing, or retarding
their speed, cracking their whips in the air, the
natives, with that art which only aborigines seem to
have, picked the way and controlled the dogs, but a few
generations removed from their wolf progenitors, with
amazing dexterity.
A low wind blew down the slopes and froze our[Pg 101]
breath in lines of frost about our heads. The temperature
was 35° below zero. To the left of us was Kane
Basin, recalling its history of human strife northward.
It was filled with serried ranges of crushed ice, a berg
here and there, all in the light of the kindling sky, aglow
with purple and blue. To the far west I saw the
dim outline of Ellesmere, my promised land, over which
I hoped to force a new route to the Pole; upon its snowy
highlands was poured a soft creamy light from encouraging
skies. To the right was the rugged coast of Greenland,
its huge, ice-chiselled cliffs leaping portentously
forward in the gloom. Thrilling with the race, we made
a run of twenty miles and reached Rensselaer Harbor,
where Dr. Kane had spent his long nights of misfortune.
We pitched camp at the ice-foot at the head of the
bay. Although we found traces of hare and fox, it was
too dark to venture on the chase. The temperature had
fallen to −40°, the wind pierced with a sharp sting. For
my shelter I erected a new tent which I had invented,
and the efficiency of which I desired to test. Taking the
sledge frame work as a platform, a folding top of strong
canvas was fastened, and spread between two bars of
hickory from each end. The entrance was in front.
Inside was a space eight feet long and three and one-half
feet wide, with a round whaleback top. Inside this
a supplementary wall was constructed of light blankets,
offering an air space of an inch between the outer wall
as a non-conductor to confine the little heat generated
within. As there was ample room for only two persons,
Koo-loo-ting-wah, my leading man, was invited to share
the tent. The natives had not provided themselves with
shelter of any kind. They had counted on either build[Pg 102]ing
an igloo or seeking the shelter of the snows, as do the
creatures of the wilds.
Inside my tent I prepared a meal on the little
German stove, burning the vapor of alcohol. The meal
consisted of a pail of hot corn meal, fried bacon and a
liberal all-round supply of steaming tea. To accomplish
this, which included melting the snow, heating the water,
and cooking everything separately, required about two
hours. As I considered eating outside with any degree
of comfort impossible, my companions were invited to
crowd inside the tent. The vapor of their breath and
that of the cooking soon condensed into snow, and a
miniature snowstorm covered everything within. After
this was swept out, the Eskimos were invited to enter
again. All partook of the meal ravenously, and then
emerged to reconnoiter the surroundings. Tracks of
ptarmigan, hare and foxes were found, and as we moved
about with seeking, owl eyes, ravens shouted notes of
welcome.
We then retired to rest. As there was no snow
about that was sufficiently hard to cut blocks with which
to erect snow houses, the natives placed themselves in
semi-reclining positions on their sledges and slept in their
traveling clothes. After a few hours they awoke and
partook of chopped frozen meat and blubber; two hours
later, they made a fire in a tin can, with moss and blubber
as fuel, and over this prepared a pot of parboiled meat.
A crescent-shaped wall of snow was built to break the
wind; in the shelter of this they sat, grinning delightedly,
and eating savagely, with much smacking of the lips, the
steaming broth and walrus meat. All this I studied with
intense interest. I desired on this trip not only to test[Pg 103]
my tent, but to learn more of the native arts of the
Eskimo, knowing that I, on my Polar trip, must, if I
would be successful, adapt myself to just such methods
of living.
This was my first winter experience of camping out
in the night season for this year, and, with only a diet of
meal and bacon, I was miserably cold. I was now testing
also for the first time the new winter clothing with
which I and all my companions were dressed. Our
shirts were made of bird skins. Over these were coats
of blue fox or caribou skins; our trousers were of bear,
our boots of seal, and our stockings of hare skins. This
was the usual native winter costume, but under it I had
added a suit of underwear.
Retiring again for rest, I left instructions to be
called for an early start. It seemed that I had hardly
settled comfortably in my sleeping bag when the call for
action came.
We hastily partook of tea and biscuits, harnessed
our teams and started through the dark. The Eskimos,
having eaten their fill of fat and frozen meat, to which I
must yet accustom myself, were thoroughly comfortable.
I was miserably cold.
By running behind my sledge I produced sufficient
bodily heat after awhile to feel comfortable. My face
suffered severely from the cutting slant of the winds.
We passed the perpendicular walls of Cape Seiper at
dawn. We ran along the long, straight coast into Bancroft
Bay during the six hours of twilight. The journey
was continued to Dallas Bay by a forced march of fifty
miles before we halted.
The scene displayed the rare glory of twilight[Pg 104]
charms as it had the day before, but the snow was
deeper, the temperature lower. The wind steadily increased
and veered northward. We made several efforts
to cross the bay ice, but cracked ice, huge uplifted blocks
and deep snows compelled a retreat to the ice-foot.
The ice-foot along Smith Sound is a superb highway,
where otherwise sledge travel would be quite impossible
along the coast.
Along Dallas Bay we found a great deal of grass-covered
land in undulating valleys and on low hills,
which offered grazing for caribou and hare. The preceding
glimmer of the new moon, which was to rise a
few days hence, offered sufficient light to search for
game.
We now fed our dogs for the first time since leaving
Annoatok. After a liberal drink of snow water, we
started to seek our luck in the chase. In the course of
an hour my companions returned with four hares which,
when dressed, weighed about forty-eight pounds. Two
of these were cached. The others were eaten later.
Before dawn of the day-long twilight the wind
increased to a full gale. The sky to the north, smoky
all night, now blackened as with soot. The wind came
with a howl that brought to mind the despairing cries of
the dying explorers whose bleached bones were strewn
along the shore. The gloomy outline of the coast remained
visible for awhile; but soon the air thickened
and came weighted with snow that piled up in huge
drifts.
The Eskimos took a few of their favorite dogs and
sought shelter to the lee of the tent, where drift covered
their blankets with snow. Breathing holes were kept[Pg 105]
open over their faces. Buried in snow drifts, they were
imprisoned for twenty-eight hours. But this tent sled
sheltered Koo-loo-ting-wah and myself. When the rush
of the storm had abated we began digging our way out.
In this effort we dug up men and dogs like potatoes
from a patch. The northern sky had paled, the south
was brightening. The pack was lined with long lines
beyond each hummock; the snow was covered with a
strong crust. But the ice-foot was a hopeless line of
drifts which made travel over it quite impossible.
The work of pounding snow from the dogs and
freeing the sledges brought to our faces beads of perspiration
which rolled off and froze in lines of ice on our
furs. We were none the worse as a result of the storm,
and although hungry as wolves, time was too precious to
stop for a full meal.
We now pushed out of the bay, on to the sea ice.
At this point the dogs scented a bear and soon crossed
its track. Rested and hungry, they were in condition
for a desperate chase. Their sharp noses pointed keenly
into the huge bear foot-prints, their little ears quivered,
while, with howls, they started onward in a mad rush.
Neither our voices nor the whips made an impression
on their wild speed. We crossed banks and ridges
of snow and swirled about slopes of ice, gripping
sledges violently. Now we were thrown to one side,
again to the other, dragging resistlessly beside the sleds.
Rising, we gripped the rear upstanders with fierce
determination.
Just how we escaped broken limbs, and our sledges
utter destruction, is a mystery to me. After a run of an
hour we sighted the bear. The animal had evidently[Pg 106]
sighted us, for he was galloping for the open water
toward the northwest. We cut the fleetest dogs loose
from each team. Freed, they rushed over the snow like
race-horses. But the bear had an advantage. As
the first dog nipped his haunches he plunged into the
black waters. We advanced and waited for him to rise.
But this bruin had sense enough to emerge on the opposite
shore, where he shook off the freezing waters
vigorously, and then sat down as if to have a
laugh at us.
I knew that to plunge into the waters would have
been fatal to dog or man and equally fatal to a boat, as
ice, in the intense cold, would form about it so rapidly
that it could not be propelled.
The dogs sat down and howled a chorus of sad disappointment.
For miles about, the men sought fruitlessly
for a way to cross. Outwitted, we returned to
continue our journey Northward.
Advance Bay and its islands were in sight. Among
these, we aimed to place our central camp. The light
was fading fast, and a cold wind came from Humboldt
Glacier, which at this time was located by a slight darkening
of the sky. Many grounded icebergs were about,
and the sea ice was much crossed. The hummocks and
the snow were not as troublesome as farther south.
Two ravens followed us, their shrill cries echoing
from berg to berg. The Eskimos inferred from their
presence that bears were near, but we saw no tracks.
The cries of the ravens were nearly as provoking
to the dogs as the bear tracks, and we moved along
rapidly to Brook’s Island. This was rather high, with a
plateau and sharp cliffs. Bonsall Island near by was[Pg 107]
rounded by glacial action. Between them we found a
place to camp somewhat sheltered from the wind.
While eating our ration of corn meal and bacon,
howls of the dogs rose to a fierce crescendo. I supposed
they were saluting the coming of the moon, as is their
custom, but the howls changed to tones of increasing
excitement. We went out to inquire, but saw nothing.
It was so dark that I could not see the dogs twenty feet
away, and the cold wind made breathing difficult.
“Nan nook” (Bear), the Eskimos said in an undertone.
I looked around for some position of defense.
But the dense night-blackness rendered this hopeless, so
we took our position behind the tent, rifles in hand. The
bear, of an inquisitive turn of mind, deliberately advanced
upon us. “Taokoo! taokoo! igloo dia oo-ah-tonie!”
(Look! look! beyond the iceberg!) said the
Eskimos. Neither the iceberg nor the bear was visible.
After a cold and exciting wait, the bear turned and hid
behind another iceberg. We separated a few of the
best bear dogs from each other. Bounding off, they
disappeared quietly in the darkness. The other dogs
were fastened to the sledges, and away we started.
I sat on To-ti-o’s sledge, as he had the largest team.
We jumped crevasses, and occasionally dipped in open
water.
The track of the bear wound about huge bergs
which looked in the darkness like nebulous shadows.
The dogs, of themselves, followed the invisible line of
tracks.
Soon the wolfish dogs ahead began to shout the
chorus of their battle. We left the track in an air-line
course for the dark mystery out of which the noise came.[Pg 108]
To-ti-o took the lead. As we neared the noise, all but
two dogs of his sledge were cut loose. The sledge overturned,
I under it. As Koo-loo-ting-wah came along,
he freed all his dogs. I passed him my new take-down
Winchester.
Hurrying after To-ti-o, he had advanced only a few
steps when To-ti-o fired. Koo-loo-ting-wah, noting an
effort of the bear to rise, fired the new rifle.
A flash of fire lit the darkness. Koo-loo-ting-wah
rushed to me, asking for the folding lantern. The
smokeless powder had broken the new gun. To-ti-o had
no more cartridges. The bear, however, was quiet. We
advanced, lances in hand.
The dogs danced wildly about the bear, but he
managed to throw out his feet with sufficient force to
keep the canine fangs disengaged. The other Eskimos
now came, with rushing dogs in advance. To-ti-o dashed
forward and delivered the lance under the bear’s
shoulder. The bear was his. He thereby not only
gained the prize for the expedition, but, by the addition
of the bear to his game list, completed his retinue of accomplishments
whereby he could claim the full privileges
of manhood.

THE HELPERS—NORTHERNMOST MAN AND HIS WIFE
Among other things, it gave him the right to marry.
He had already secured a bride of twelve, but, without
this bear conquest, the match would not have been permanent.
He danced with the romantic joy of a young
lover. We drove the dogs off from the victim with
lashes, and fell to and skinned and dressed the carcass.
A taste was given to each dog. The balance was placed
on the sledges. Soon we were to camp, waiting for the
sled loads of bear meat.

A MECCA OF MUSK OX ALONG EUREKA SOUND
A NATIVE HELPER
AH-WE-LAH’S PROSPECTIVE WIFE
On the day following we started to hunt caribou.
The sky was beautifully clear; the glacial wind was lost
as we left the ice. The party scattered among numerous
old bergs of the glacier. Koo-loo-ting-wah accompanied
me. We aimed to rise to a small tableland from
which I might make a study of the surroundings.
We had not gone inland more than a mile when we
saw numerous fresh caribou tracks. Following these,
we moved along a steep slope to the tableland above at
an altitude of about one thousand feet. We peeped
over the crest. Below us were two reindeer digging
under the snow for food. The light was good, and they
were in gun range. An Eskimo, however, gets very near
his game before he chances a shot, so, winding about
under the crest of a cliff or a snow-covered shelf of rocks,
we got to their range and fired.
The creatures fell. They were nearly white, young,
and possessed long fur and thick skins, which we needed
badly for sleeping bags. With pocket knives, the
natives skinned the animals and divided the meat in three
packs while I examined the surroundings.
Part of the face of Humboldt Glacier, which extends
sixty miles north, was clearly visible in cliffs
of a dark blue color. The interior ice ran in waves like
the surface of stormy seas, perfectly free of snow, with
many crevasses. An odd purplish-blue light upon it was
reflected to the skies, resembling to some extent a water
sky. The snow of the sea ice below was of a delicate
lilac. Otherwise, sky and land were flooded with the
usual dominant purple of the Arctic twilight.
This glacier, the largest in Arctic America, had at
one time extended very much farther south. All the[Pg 110]
islands, including Brook’s, had at one time been under
its grinding influence. As a picture it was a charming
study in purple and blue, but the temperature was too
low and the light too nearly spent to venture a further
investigation.
The Eskimos fixed for me an extremely light pack.
This was comfortably placed on my back, with a bundle
of thongs over the forehead. The natives took their
huge bundles, and, together, we started for camp. At
every rest we cut off slices of caribou tallow. I was surprised
to find that I had acquired a taste for a new
delicacy. At camp we found the natives, all in good
humor, awaiting us beside heaps of meat and skins. All
had been successful in securing from one to two animals
each in regions nearer by. In a further search they
had failed to find promising tracks, so we proposed to
return on the morrow, hoping to meet bears en route.
With the stupor of the gluttony of reindeer meat
and the fatigue of the long chase, we slept late. Awaking,
we partook each of a cup of tea, and packed and
loaded the meat. Drawing heavy loads, the dogs gladly
leaped forward. The twilight flush already suffused
the sky with incandescence. Against the southeastern
sky, glowing with rose, the great glaciers of Humboldt
loomed in walls of violet, while the sea displayed many
shades of rose and lilac, according to the direction of the
light on the slope of the drifts.
Knowing that their noses pointed to a land of walrus,
the dogs kept up a lively pace. Not a breath of
air was stirring. The temperature was -42°. Aiming
to make Annoatok in two marches, we ran behind the
sledges to save dog energy as much as possible. The[Pg 111]
cold enforced vigorous exercise. But, weighted down
by furs, the comfort of the sledges was often sought
to escape the tortures of perspiration. The source of
light slowly shifted along shadowed mountains under
the frozen sea. Our path glowed with electric, multi-colored
splendor.
By degrees, the rose-colored sky assumed the hue of
old gold, the violet embroideries of clouds changed to
purple. The gold, in running bands, darkened; the
purple thickened. Soon new celestial torches lighted
the changing sheen of the snows. Into the dome of
heaven swam stars of burning intensity, each of which
rivalled the sun in a miniature way. In this new illumination
the twilight fires lost flame and color. Cold
white incandescence electrically suffused the frigid sky.
I strode onward, in that white, blazing air, the joy
and beauty of it enthralling my soul. I felt as though
I were walking in a world of heatless fire, a half supernatural
realm such as that wherein reigned the gods of
ancient peoples. I felt as an old Norseman must have
felt when the glory of Valhalla burst upon him. For a
long time I was unconscious of the fatigue which was
growing upon me. Finally, overcome by the long
forced march, I sank on my sled. The Eskimos, chanting
songs, loomed ahead, their forms magnified in the
unearthly light. Slowly a subtle change appeared along
the horizon. Silent and impressed, I watched the changing
scenes and evolving lights as if all were some divine
and awe-inspiring stage arranged by God for some
heroic drama of man.
New and warm with shimmering veils of color, attended
by four radiant satellites, the golden face of the[Pg 112]
moon rose majestically over the sparkling pinnacles of
the Greenland glaciers. Below, the lovely planet-deflected
images formed rainbow curves like rubied necklaces
about her invisible neck. As the moon ascended
in a spiral course the rose hues paled, the white light
from the stars softened to a rich, creamy glow.
We continued our course, the Eskimos singing, the
dogs occasionally barking. Hours passed. Then we
all suddenly became silent. The last, the supreme,
glory of the North flamed over earth and frozen sea.
The divine fingers of the aurora,[8] that unseen and intangible
thing of flame, who comes from her mysterious
throne to smile upon a benighted world, began to
touch the sky with glittering, quivering lines of glowing
silver. With skeins of running, liquid fire she wove
over the sky a shimmering panorama of blazing beauty.
Forms of fire, indistinct and unhuman, took shape and
vanished. From horizon to zenith, cascades of milk-colored
fire ascended and fell, as must the magical fountains
of heaven.
In the glory of this other-world light I felt the in[Pg 113]significance
of self, a human unit; and, withal I became
more intensely conscious than ever of the transfiguring
influence of the sublime ideal to which I had set
myself. I exulted in the thrill of an indomitable determination,
that determination of human beings to essay
great things—that human purpose which, throughout
history, has resulted in the great deeds, the great art, of
the world, and which lifts men above themselves. Spiritually
intoxicated, I rode onward. The aurora faded.
But its glow remained in my soul.
We arrived at camp late on November 1.

THE MOONLIGHT QUEST OF THE
WALRUS
DESPERATE AND DANGEROUS HUNTING, IN ORDER TO
SECURE ADEQUATE SUPPLIES FOR THE POLAR DASH—A
THRILLING AND ADVENTUROUS RACE IS MADE OVER
FROZEN SEAS AND ICY MOUNTAINS TO THE WALRUS
GROUNDS—TERRIFIC EXPLOSION OF THE ICE ON
WHICH THE PARTY HUNTS—SUCCESS IN SECURING
OVER SEVEN SLED-LOADS OF BLUBBER MAKES THE
POLE SEEM NEARER—AN ARCTIC TRAGEDY
VIII
Five Hundred Miles Through Night and Storm
The early days of November were devoted to routine
work about Annoatok. Meat was gathered and
dried in strips by Francke; a full force of men were put
to the work of devising equipment; the women were
making clothing and dressing skins; and then a traveling
party was organized to go south to gather an additional
harvest of meat and skins and furs. For this purpose
we planned to take advantage of the November moon.
Thus, in the first week of the month, we were ready for
a five-hundred-mile run to the southern villages and to
the night-hunting grounds for walrus.
A crack of whips explosively cut the taut, cold air.
The raucous, weird and hungry howl of the wolf-dogs[Pg 115]
replied: “Ah-u-oo, Ah-u-oo, Ah-u-oo!” rolled over
the ice; “Huk-huk!” the Eskimos shouted. There was a
sudden tightening of the traces of our seven sledges;
fifty lithe, strong bodies leaped forward; and, holding
the upstanders, the rear upright framework of the native
sledges, I and my six companions were off. In a few
moments the igloos of the village, with lights shining
through windows where animal membranes served as
glass, had sped by us. The cheering of the natives behind
was soon lost in the grind of our sledges on the irregular
ice and the joyous, unrestrained barking of the
leaping, tearing, restless dog-teams.
To the south of us, a misty orange flush suffused
the dun-colored sky. The sun, which we had not seen
for an entire month, now late in November far below
the horizon, sent to us the dim radiance of a far-away
smile. After its setting it had, about noon time of each
day, set the sky faintly aglow, this radiance decreasing
until it was lost in the brightness of the midday moon.
Rising above the horizon, a suspended lamp of frosty,
pearl-colored glass, the moon for ten days of twenty-four
hours, each month, encircled about us, now lost
behind ice-sheeted mountains, again subdued under
colored films of frost clouds, but always relieving the
night of its gloom, and permitting, when the wind was
not too turbulent, outside activity.
A wonderful animal is the sea-horse, or whale-horse,
as the Icelanders and Dutch (from whom we have
borrowed “walrus”) call it. In the summer its life is
easy and its time is spent in almost perpetual sunny
dreams, but in winter it would be difficult to conceive
of a harder existence than its own. Finding food in[Pg 116]
shallow Polar seas, it comes to permanent open water,
or to the crevasses of an active pack for breath. With
but a few minutes’ rest on a storm-swept surface, it explores,
without other relief for weeks, the double-night
darkness of unknown depths under the frozen sea. At
last, when no longer able to move its huge web feet, it
rises on the ice or seeks ice-locked waters for a needed
rest. In winter, the thump of its ponderous head keeps
the young ice from closing its breathing place. If on ice,
its thick skin, its blanket of blubber, and an automatic
shiver, keep its blood from hardening. This is man’s
opportunity to secure meat and fuel, but the quest involves
a task to which no unaided paleface is equal. The
night hunt of the walrus is Eskimo sport, but it is nevertheless
sport of a most engaging and exciting order.
So that I might not be compelled to start on my
dash stintedly equipped, we now prepared for such an
adventure by moonlight. Before this time there had
not been sufficient atmospheric stability and ice continuity
to promise comparative safety. My heart exulted
as I heard the crack of the whips in the electric
air and felt the earth rush giddily under my feet as I
leaped behind the speeding teams. The fever of the
quest was in my veins; its very danger lent an indescribable
thrill, for success now meant more to me than
perhaps hunting had ever meant to any man.
Not long after we started, darkness descended. The
moon slowly passed behind an impenetrable curtain of
inky clouds; the orange glow of the sun faded; and we
were surrounded on every side by a blackness so thick
that it was almost palpable.
As I now recall that mad race I marvel how we[Pg 117]
escaped smashing sledges, breaking our limbs, crushing
our heads. We tumbled and jumped in a frantic
race over the broken, irregular pack-ice from Annoatok
to Cape Alexander, a distance of thirty miles as the
raven moves, but more than forty miles as we follow the
sledge trail. Here the ice became thin; we felt cold mist
rising from open water; and now and then, in an occasional
breaking of the darkness, we could discern
vast sheets or snaky leads of open sea ahead of us.
To reach the southern waters where the walrus were
to be found, we now had to seek an overland route,
which would take us over the frozen Greenland mountains
and lead us through the murky clouds, a route of
twisting detours, gashed glaciers, upturned barriers of
rock and ice, swept by blinding winds, unmarked by any
trail, and which writhed painfully beyond us for forty-seven
miles.
Arriving at the limit of traversable sea-ice, we
now paused before sloping cliffs of glacial land-ice
which we had to climb. Picture to yourself a vast glacier
rising precipitously, like a gigantic wall, thousands
of feet above you, and creeping tortuously up its glassy,
purple face, if such that surface could be called, formed
by the piling of one glacial formation upon the other
in the descent through the valleys, a twisting, retreating
road of jagged ice strata, of earth and stone,
blocked here and there by apparently impassable impediments,
pausing at almost unscalable, frozen cliffs,
and at times no wider than a few yards. Imagine yourself
pausing, as we suddenly did, and viewing the perilous
ascent, the only way open to us, revealed in the
passing glimmer of the pale, circling moon, despair,[Pg 118]
fear and hope tugging at your heart. Whipped across
the sky by the lashing winds, the torn clouds, passing
the face of the moon, cast magnified and grotesquely
gesticulating shadows on the glistening face of the icy
Gibraltar before us. Some of these misty shapes
seemed to threaten, others shook their rag-like arms,
beckoning forward. Upon the face of the towering,
perpendicular ice-wall, great hummocks like the
gnarled black limbs of a huge tree twisted upwards.
I realized that the frightful ascent must be made.
The goal of my single aim suddenly robbed the climb
of its terrors. I dropped my whip. Six other whips
cracked through the air. Koo-loo-ting-wah said, “Kah-Kah!”
(Come, come!) But Sotia said, “Iodaria-Iodaria!”
(Impossible, impossible!) The dogs emitted
shrill howls. Holding the rear upstanders of the
sledges, we helped to push them forward.
Before us, the fifty dogs climbed like cats through
narrow apertures of the ice, or took long leaps over the
serried battlements that barred our way. We stumbled
after, sometimes we fell. Again we had to lift the
sledges after the dogs.
From the top of the glacier a furious wind brushed
us backwards. We felt the steaming breath of the
laboring dogs in our faces. My heart thumped painfully.
Now and then the moon disappeared; we followed
the unfailing instinct of the animals. I realized
that a misstep might plunge me to a horrible death in
the ice abysm below. With a howl of joy from drivers,
the dogs finally leaped to the naked surface of the
wind-swept glacier. Panting in indescribable relief,
we followed. But the worst part of the journey lay[Pg 119]
before us. The sable clouds, like the curtain of some
cyclopean stage, seemed suddenly drawn aside as if
by an invisible hand.
Upon the illimitable stretch of ice rising before
us like the slopes of a glass mountain, the
full rays of the moon poured liquid silver. Only in
dreams had such a scene as this been revealed to me—in
dreams of the enchanted North—which did not now
equal reality. The spectacle filled me with both awed
delight and a sense of terror.
Beyond the fan-shaped teams of dogs the eyes ran
over fields of night-blackened blue, gashed and broken
by bottomless canyons which twisted like purple serpents
in every direction. Vast expanses of smooth
surface, polished by the constant winds, reflected the
glow of the moon and gleamed like isles of silver in
a motionless, deep, sapphire sea; but all was covered
with the air of night. In the moonlight, the jagged irregular
contours of the broken ice became touched with
a burning gilt. A constant effect like running quicksilver
played about us as the moon sailed around the
heavens.
Above us the ice pinnacles were lost in the clouds,
huge billowy masses that were blown in the wind
troublously, like the heavy black tresses of some Titan
woman. I thrilled with the beauty of the magical spectacle,
yet, when I viewed the perilous pathway, I felt
the grip of terror again at my heart.
I was aroused from my brief reverie by the familiar
“Huk-huk! Ah-gah! Ah-gah!” of the Eskimos, and
placing our hands upon the sledges, we leaped forward
into the purple-gashed sea, with its blinding sheets of[Pg 120]
silver. I seemed carried through a world such as the
old Norsemen sang of in the sagas.
Of a sudden, as though extinguished, the moonlight
faded, huge shadows leaped onto the ice before us,
frenziedly waved their arms and melted into the pitch-black
darkness which descended. I had read imaginative
tales of wanderings in the nether region of the
dead, but only now did I have a faint glimmering of
the terror (with its certain, exultant intoxication)
which lost souls must feel when they wander in a darkness
beset with invisible horrors.
Over the ice, cut with innumerable chasms and
neck-breaking irregularities, we rushed in the dark.
The wind moaned down from the despairing cloud-enfolded
heights above; it tore through the bottomless
gullies on every side with a hungry roar. Beads of
perspiration rolled down my face and froze into icicles
on my chin and furs. The temperature was 48° below
zero.
Occasionally we stopped a moment to gasp for
breath. I could hear the panting of my companions,
the labor of the dogs. A few seconds’ inaction was
followed by convulsive shivering; the pain of stopping
was more excruciating than that of climbing. In the
darkness, the calls of the invisible Eskimos to the dogs
seemed like the weird appeals of disembodied things. I
felt each moment the imminent danger of a frightful
death; yet the dogs with their marvelous intuition,
twisting this way and that, and sometimes retreating,
sensed the open leads ahead and rushed forward safely.
At times I felt the yawning depth of ice canyons
immediately by my side—that a step might plunge me[Pg 121]
into the depths. Desperately I held on to the sledges,
and was dragged along. Such an experience might
well turn the hair of the most expert Alpinist white in
one night; yet I did not have time to dwell fully upon
the dangers, and I was carried over a trip more perilous
than, later, proved the actual journey on sea-ice to the
Pole.
Occasionally the moon peered forth from its clouds
and brightened the gloom. In its light the ice fields
swam dizzily by us, as a landscape seen from the window
of a train; the open gashed gullies writhed like
snakes, pinnacles dancing like silver spears. By alternate
running and riding we managed to keep from
freezing and sweating. We finally reached an altitude
of inland ice exceeding two thousand feet. Silver fog
crept under our feet. We were traveling now in a
world of clouds.
We paced twelve miles at a rapid speed. In the
light of the moon-burned clouds which rolled about our
heads, I could see the forms of my companions only
indistinctly. The dogs ahead were veiled in the argent,
tremulous mists; the ice sped under me; I was no longer
conscious of an earthly footing; I might have been
soaring in space.
We began to descend. Suddenly the dogs started
in leaps to fly through the air. Our sleds were jerked
into clouds of cutting snow. We jabbed our feet into
the drift to check the mad speed. On each side we saw
a huge mountain, seemingly thousands of feet above us,
but ahead was nothing but the void of empty space.
Soon the sledges shot beyond the dogs. We threw ourselves
off to check the momentum. With dog intelli[Pg 122]gence
and savage strength judiciously expended, we
reached the sea level by flying flights over dangerous
slopes, and, like cats, we landed on nimble feet in
Sontag Bay.
A bivouac was arranged under a dome of snow-blocks,
and exhausted by the mad journey, a sleep of
twenty-four hours was indulged in.
Now, for a time, our task was easier. A course
was set along the land, southward. Each of the native
settlements was visited. The season’s gossip was exchanged.
Presents went into each household, and a
return of furs and useful products filled our sledges.
Thus the time was occupied in profitable visits during
the feeble light of the November moon. With the
December moon we returned northward to Ser-wah-ding-wah.
Then our struggle began anew for the walrus
grounds. The Polar drift, forcing through Smith
Sound, left an open space of water about ten miles
south of Cape Alexander. This disturbed area was our
destination. It was marked by a dark cloud, a “water-sky”—against
the pearly glow of the southern heavens.
The ice surface was smooth. We did not encounter
the crushed heaps of ice of the northern route, but
there were frequent crevasses which, though cemented
with new ice, gave us considerable anxiety, for I realized
that if a northwesterly storm should suddenly strike
the pack we might be carried helplessly adrift.
The urgency of our mission to secure dog food,
however, left no alternative. It was better to brave
death now, I thought, than to perish from scant supplies
on the Polar trip. We had not gone far before the[Pg 123]
ever-keen canine noses detected bear tracks on the ice.
These we shot over the pack surface in true battle spirit.
As the bears were evidently bound for the same hunting
grounds, this course was accepted as good enough
for us. Although the trail was laid in a circuitous
route, it avoided the most difficult pressure angles. We
traveled until late in the day. The moon was low,
and the dark purple hue of the night blackened the
snows.
Of a sudden we paused. From a distance came
a low call of walrus bulls. The bass, nasal bellow was
muffled by the low temperature, and did not thump the
ear drums with the force of the cry in sunny summer.
My six companions shouted with glee, and became
almost hysterical with excitement. The dogs, hearing
the call, howled and jumped to jerk the sledges. We
dropped our whips, and they responded with all their
brute force in one bound. It was difficult to hold to
the sledges as we shot over the blackening snows.
The ice-fields became smaller as we advanced;
dangerous thin ice intervened; but the owl-eyes of the
Eskimos knew just where to find safe ice. The sounds
increased as we approached. We descended from the
snow-covered ice to thin, black ice and for a time I
felt as if we were flying over the open surface of the
deep. With a low call, the dogs were stopped. They
were detached from the sledges and tied to holes drilled
with a knife in ice boulders.
Pushing the sledges upon which rested the harpoon,
the lance, the gun and knives, each one of us
advanced at some distance from his neighbor. Soon,
lines of mist told of dangerous breaks, and the ice was[Pg 124]
carefully tested with the spiked shaft before venturing
farther. I was behind Koo-loo-ting-wah’s sledge.
While he was creeping up to the water’s edge, there
came the rush of a spouting breath so near that we
seemed to feel the crystal spray. I took his place and
pushed the sledge along.
Taking the harpoon, with stealthy strides Koo-loo-ting-wah
moved to the water’s edge and waited for the
next spout. We heard other spouts in various directions,
and in the dark water, slightly lighted by the
declining moon, we saw other dark spots of spray.
Suddenly a burst of steam startled me. It was near
the ice where Koo-loo-ting-wah lay. I was about to
shout, but the Eskimo turned, held up his hand and
whispered “Ouit-ou.” (Wait.)
Then, very slowly, he lowered his body, spread out
his form on the ice, and startlingly imitated the walrus
call. His voice preternaturally bellowed through
the night. Out of the inky water, a walrus lifted its
head. I saw its long, white, spiral, ivory tusk and two
phosphorescent eyes. Koo-loo-ting-wah did not stir.
I shivered with cold and impatience. Why did he not
strike? Our prey seemed within our hands. I uttered
an exclamation of vexed disappointment when, with a
splash, the head disappeared, leaving on the water a
line of algae fire.
For several minutes I stood gazing seaward. Far
away on the black ocean, to my amazement, I saw
lights appearing like distant lighthouse signals, or the
mast lanterns on passing ships. They flashed and
suddenly faded, these strange will-o’-the wisps of the
Arctic sea. In a moment I realized that the lights were[Pg 125]
caused by distant icebergs crashing against one another.
On the bergs as on the surface of the sea, as it happened
now, were coatings of a teeming germ life, the same
which causes phosphorescence in the trail of an ocean
ship. The effect was indescribably weird.
Suddenly I jumped backward, appalled by a noise
that reverberated shudderingly under the ice on which
I stood. The ice shook as if with an earthquake. I
hastily retreated, but Koo-loo-ting-wah, lying by the
water’s edge, never stirred. A dead man could not have
been less responsive. While I was wondering as to the
cause of the upheaval, the ice, within a few feet of Koo-loo-ting-wah,
was suddenly torn asunder as if by a submarine
explosion. Koo-loo-ting-wah leaped into the
air and descended apparently toward the distending
space of turbulent open water. I saw him raise his arm
and deliver a harpoon with amazing dexterity; at the
same instant I had seen also the white tusk and phosphorescent
eyes of a walrus appear for a moment in the
black water and then sink.
The harpoon had gone home; the line was run out;
a spiked lance shaft was driven into the ice through
a loop in the end of the line, and the line was thus
fastened. We knew the wounded beast would have to
rise for air. With rifle and lance ready, we waited,
intending, each time a spout of water arose, to drive
holes into the tough armor of skin until the beast’s
vitals were tapped. By feeling the line, I could sense
the struggles of the wild creature below in the depths
of the sea. Then the line would slacken, a spout of
steam would rise from the water, Koo-loo-ting-wah
would drive a spear, I a shot from my gun. The air[Pg 126]
would become oppressive with the creature’s frightful
bellowing. Then would come an interval of silence.
For about two hours we kept up the battle. Then
the line slackened, Koo-loo-ting-wah called the others,
and together we drew the huge carcass, steaming with
blood, to the surface of the ice. Smelling the odorous
wet blood, the dogs exultantly howled.
Falling upon the animal, the natives, trained in
the art, with sharp knives had soon dressed the thick
meat and blubber from the bones and lashed the weltering
mass on a sledge. This done, with quick despatch,
they separated, dashed along the edge of the ice, casting
harpoons whenever the small geysers appeared on the
water. We were in excellent luck. One walrus after
another was dragged lumberingly on the ice, and in the
course of several hours the seven sledges were heavily
loaded with the precious supplies which would now
enable me, liberally equipped, to start Poleward. We
gave our dogs a light meal, and started landward, leaving
great piles of walrus meat behind us on the ice.
Although we were tired on reaching land, we began
to build several snow-houses in which to sleep. Not far
away was an Eskimo village. Summoning the natives
to help us bring in the spoils of the hunt which had been
left on the ice, we first indulged in a gluttonous feast
of uncooked meat, in which the dogs ravenously joined.
The meat tasted like train-oil. The work of bringing
in the meat and blubber and caching it for subsequent
gathering was hardly finished when, from the ominous,
glacial-covered highlands, a winter blast suddenly began
to come with terrific and increasing fury.
Blinding gusts of snow whipped the frozen earth.[Pg 127]
The wind shrieked fiendishly. Above its roar, not three
hours after our last trip on the ice, a resounding, crashing
noise rose above the storm. Braving the blasts, I
went outside the igloo. Through the darkness I could
see white curvatures of piling sea-ice. I could hear the
rush and crashing of huge floes and glaciers being carried
seaward. Had we waited another day, had we been
out on the ice seeking walrus just twenty-four hours
after our successful hunt, we should have been carried
away in the sudden roaring gale, and hopelessly perished
in the wind-swept deep.
During the night, or hours usually allotted to rest,
the noise continued unabated. I failed to sleep. Now
and then, a crashing noise shivered through the storm.
An igloo from the nearby settlement was swept into
the sea. During the gale many of the natives who had
retired with their clothes hung out to dry, awoke to
find that the wind had robbed them of their valuable
winter furs.
Some time along in the course of the night, I
heard outside excited Eskimos shouting. There was
terror in the voices. Arising and dressing hastily, I
rushed into the teeth of the storm. Not far away were
a number of natives rushing along the land some
twenty feet beneath which the sea lapped the land-ice
with furious tongues. They had cast lines into the sea
and were shouting, it seemed, to someone who was
struggling in the hopeless, frigid tumult of water.
I soon learned of the dreadful catastrophe. Ky-un-a,
an old and cautious native, awakened by the storm
a brief while before, after dressing himself, ventured
outside his stone house to secure articles which he had[Pg 128]
left there. As was learned later, he had just tied his
sledge to a rock when a gust of wind resistlessly rushed
seaward, lifted the aged man from his feet, and dropped
him into the sea. Through the storm, his dreadful
cries attracted his companions. Some who were now
tugging at the lines, were barely covered with fur rugs
which they had thrown about them, and their limbs
were partly bare. Now and then, a blinding gust of
wind, filled with freezing snow crystals, almost lifted
us from our feet. The sea lapped its tongues sickeningly
below us.
Finally a limp body, ice-sheeted, dripping with
water, yet clinging with its mummied frozen hands to
the line, was hauled up on the ice. Ky-un-a, unconscious,
was carried to his house about five hundred feet
away. There, after wrapping him in furs, in a brave
effort to save his life, the natives cut open his fur garments.
The fur, frozen solid by the frigid blasts in the
brief period which had elapsed since his being lifted from
the water, took with it, in parting from his body, long
patches of skin, leaving the quivering raw flesh exposed
as though by a burn. For three days the aged man lay
dying, suffering excruciating tortures, the victim of
merely a common accident, which at any time may happen
to anyone of these Spartan people. I shall never
forget the harrowing moans of the suffering man piercing
the storm. Perhaps it had been merciful to let him
perish in the sea.
Ky-un-a’s old home was some forty miles distant.
To it, that he might die there, he desired to go. On the
fourth day after the accident, he was placed in a litter,
covered with warm furs, and borne over the smooth ice[Pg 129]fields.
I shall never forget that dismal and solemn
procession. A benign calm prevailed over land and sea.
The orange glow of a luxurious moon set the ice coldly
aflame. Long shadows, like spectral mourners, robed
in purple, loomed before the tiny procession. Now and
then, as they dwindled in the distance, I saw them, like
black dots, crossing areas of polished ice which glowed
like mirror lakes of silver. From the distance, softly
shuddered the decreasing moans of the dying man; then
there was silence. I marvelled again upon the lure of
this eerily, weirdly beautiful land, where, always imminent,
death can be so terrible.

MIDNIGHT AND MID-WINTER
THE EQUIPMENT AND ITS PROBLEMS—NEW ART IN THE
MAKING OF SLEDGES COMBINING LIGHTNESS—PROGRESS
OF THE PREPARATIONS—CHRISTMAS, WITH ITS
GLAD TIDINGS AND AUGURIES FOR SUCCESS IN QUEST
OF THE POLE
IX
The Coming of the Eskimo Stork
In planning for the Polar dash I appreciated fully
the vital importance of sledges. These, I realized,
must possess, to an ultimate degree, the combined
strength of steel with the lightness and elasticity of
the strongest wood. The sledge must neither be flimsy
nor bulky; nor should it be heavy or rigid. After a
careful study of the art of sledge-traveling from the
earliest time to the present day, after years of sledging
and sledge observation in Greenland, the Antarctic and
Alaska, I came to the conclusion that success was dependent,
not upon any one type of sledge, but upon
local fitness.
All natives of the frigid wilds have devised sledges,
traveling and camp equipment to fit their local needs.
The collective lessons of ages are to be read in this development
of primitive sledge traveling. If these wild
people had been provided with the best material from[Pg 131]
which to work out their hard problems of life, then it is
probable that their methods could not be improved.
But neither the Indian nor the Eskimo was ever in
possession of either the tools or the raw material to fit
their inventive genius for making the best equipment.
Therefore, I had studied first the accumulated results
of the sledge of primitive man and from this tried to
construct a sledge with its accessories in which were included
the advantages of up-to-date mechanics with the
use of the most durable material which a search of the
entire globe had afforded me.[9]
The McClintock sledges, made of bent wood with
wide runners, had been adopted by nearly all explorers,
under different names and with considerable modifications,
for fifty years. This sledge is still the best type
for deep soft snow conditions, for which it was originally
intended. But such snow is not often found on
the ice of the Polar sea. The native sledge which Peary
copied, although well adapted to local use along the ice-foot
and the land-adhering pack, is not the best sledge
for a trans-boreal run. This is because it is too heavy
and too easily broken, and breakable in such a way that
it cannot be quickly repaired.[Pg 132]
For the Arctic pack, a sledge must be of a moderate
length, with considerable width. Narrow runners offer
less friction and generally give sufficient bearing surface.
The other qualities vital to quick movement and
durability are lightness, elasticity and interchangeability
of parts. All of these conditions I planned to meet in
a new pattern of sledge which should combine the durability
of the Eskimo sledges and the lightness of the
Yukon sledge of Alaska.
The making of a suitable sledge caused me a good
deal of concern. Before leaving New York I had
taken the precaution of selecting an abundance of the
best hickory wood in approximately correct sizes for
sledge construction. Suitable tools had also been provided.
Now, as the long winter with its months of
darkness curtailed the time of outside movement, the
box-house was refitted as a workshop. From eight to
ten men were at the benches, eight hours each day,
shaping and bending runners, fitting and lashing interchangeable
cross bars and posts, and riveting the iron
shoes. Thus the sledge parts were manufactured to
possess the same facilities to fit not only all other
sledges, but also other parts of the same sledge. If,
therefore, part of a sledge should be broken, other parts
of a discarded sledge could offer repair sections easily.
The general construction of this new sledge is
easily understood from the various photographs presented.
All joints were made elastic by seal-thong
lashings. The sledges were twelve feet long and thirty
inches wide; the runners had a width of an inch and an
eighth. Each part and each completed sledge was
thoroughly tested before it was finally loaded for the[Pg 133]
long run. For dog harness, the Greenland Eskimo
pattern was adopted. But canine habits are such
that when rations are reduced to minimum limits
the leather strips disappear as food. To obviate this
disaster, the shoulder straps were made of folds of
strong canvas, while the traces were cut from cotton
log line.
A boat is an important adjunct to every sledge
expedition which hopes to venture far from its base
of operations. It is a matter of necessity, even when
following a coast line, as was shown by the mishap of
Mylius Erickson, for if he had had a boat he would
himself have returned to tell the story of the Danish
Expedition to East Greenland.
Need for a boat comes with the changing conditions
of the advancing season. Things must be carried
for several months for a chance use in the last stages
of the return. But since food supplies are necessarily
limited, delay is fatal, and therefore, when open water
prevents advance, a boat is so vitally necessary as to
become a life preserver. Foolish indeed is the explorer
who pays slight attention to this important problem.
The transportation of a boat, however, offers many
serious difficulties. Nansen introduced the kayak, and
most explorers since have followed his example. The
Eskimo canoe serves the purpose very well, but to carry
it for three months without hopeless destruction requires
so tremendous an amount of energy as to make
the task practically impossible.
Sectional boats, aluminum boats, skin floats and
other devices had been tried, but to all there is the same
fatal objection on a Polar trip, of impossible trans[Pg 134]portation.
But it seems odd that the ordinary folding
canvas boat has not been pressed into this service.
We found such a canoe boat to fit the situation
exactly, and selected a twelve-foot Eureka-shaped boat
with wooden frame. The slats, spreaders and floor-pieces
were utilized as parts of sledges. The canvas
cover served as a floor cloth for our sleeping bags. Thus
the boat did useful service for a hundred days and never
seemed needlessly cumbersome. When the craft was
finally spread for use as a boat, in it we carried the
sledge, in it we sought game for food, and in it or under
it we camped. Without it we could never have returned.
Even more vital than the choice of sledges, more
vital than anything else, I knew, in such a trip as I
proposed, is the care of the stomach. From the published
accounts of Arctic traveling it is impossible to
learn a fitting ration, and I hasten to add that I well
realized that our own experience may not solve the
problem for future expeditions. The gastronomic
need differs with every man. It differs with every expedition,
and it is radically different with every nation.
Thus, when De Gerlache, with good intentions, forced
Norwegian food into French stomachs, he learned that
there is a nationality in gastronomics. Nor is it safe
to listen to scientific advice, for the stomach is arbitrary,
and stands as autocrat over every human sense and
passion and will not easily yield to dictates.
In this respect, as in others, I was helped very
much by the natives. The Eskimo is ever hungry, but
his taste is normal. Things of doubtful value in nutrition
form no part in his dietary. Animal food, con[Pg 135]sisting
of meat and fat, is entirely satisfactory as a
steady diet without other adjuncts. His food requires
neither salt nor sugar, nor is cooking a matter of necessity.
Quantity is important, but quality applies only
to the relative proportion of fat. With this key to
gastronomics, pemmican was selected as the staple food,
and it would also serve equally well for the dogs.
We had an ample supply of pemmican, which was
made of pounded dried beef, sprinkled with a few
raisins and some currants, and slightly sweetened with
sugar. This mixture was cemented together with
heated beef tallow and run into tin cans containing six
pounds each.
This combination was invented by the American
Indian, and the supply for this expedition was made by
Armour of Chicago after a formula furnished by Captain
Evelyn B. Baldwin. Pemmican had been used before
as part of the long list of foodstuffs for Arctic expeditions,
but with us there was the important difference
that it was to be almost entirely the whole bill of fare
when away from game haunts. The palate surprises
in our store were few.
By the time Christmas approached I had reason
indeed for rejoicing. Although this happy season
meant little to me as a holiday of gift-giving and feasting,
it came with auguries for success in the thing my
heart most dearly desired, and compared to which earth
had nothing more alluring to give.
Our equipment was now about complete. In the
box house were tiers of new sledges, rows of boxes and
piles of bags filled with clothing, canned supplies,[Pg 136]
dried meat, and sets of strong dog harness. The
food, fuel and camp equipment for the Polar dash were
ready. Everything had been thoroughly tested and put
aside for a final examination. Elated by our success,
and filled with gratitude to the faithful natives, I declared
a week of holidays, with rejoicing and feasting.
Feasting was at this time especially desirable, for we
had now to fatten up for the anticipated race.
Christmas day in the Arctic does not dawn with the
glow which children in waking early to seek their bedecked
tree, view outside their windows in more southern
lands. Both Christmas day and Christmas night
are black. Only the stars keep their endless watch in
the cold skies.
Standing outside my igloo on the happy night, I
gazed at the Pole Star, the guardian of the goal I
sought, and I remembered with a thrill the story of that
mysterious star the Wise Men had followed, of the
wonders to which it led them, and I felt an awed reverence
for the Power that set these unfaltering beacons
above the earth and had written in their golden traces,
with a burning pen, veiled and unrevealed destinies
which men for ages have tried to learn.
I retired to sleep with thoughts of home. I thought
of my children, and the bated expectancy with which
they were now going to bed, of their hopefulness of the
morrow, and the unbounded joy they would have in gifts
to which I could not contribute. I think tears that
night wet my pillow of furs. But I would give them,
if I did not fail, the gift of a father’s achievement, of
which, with a glow, I felt they should be proud.
The next morning the natives arrived at the box[Pg 137]
house early. It had been cleared of seamstresses and
workmen the day before, and put in comparatively
spick and span order. I had told the natives they were
to feed to repletion during the week of holiday, an injunction
to the keeping of which they did not need
much urging.
Early Christmas morning, men and women began
working overtime on the two festive meals which were
to begin that day and continue daily.
About this time, the most important duty of our
working force had been to uncover caches and dig up
piles of frozen meat and blubber. Of this, which possesses
the flavor and odor of Limburger cheese, and also
the advantage, if such it be, of intoxicating them, the
natives are particularly fond. While a woman held a
native torch of moss dipped in oils and pierced with a
stick, the men, by means of iron bars and picks, dug up
boulders of meat just as coal is forced from mines.
A weird spectacle was this, the soft light of the
blubber lamp dancing on the spotless snows, the soot-covered
faces of the natives grinning while they worked.
The blubber was taken close to their igloos and placed
on raised platforms of snow, so as to be out of reach
of the dogs. Of this meat and blubber, which was
served raw, partially thawed, cooked and also frozen,
the natives partook during most of their waking hours.
They enjoyed it, indeed, as much as turkey was being
relished in my far-away home.
Moreover they had, what was an important delicacy,
native ice cream. This would not, of course,
please the palate of those accustomed to the American
delicacy, but to the Eskimo maiden it possesses all the[Pg 138]
lure of creams, sherberts or ice cream sodas. With us,
sugar in the process of digestion turns into fat, and fat
into body fuel. The Eskimo, having no sugar, yearns
for fat, and it comes with the taste of sweets.
The making of native ice cream is quite a task. I
watched the process of making it Christmas day with
amused interest. The native women must have a mixture
of oils from the seal, walrus and narwhal. Walrus
and seal blubber is frozen, cut into strips, and
pounded with great force so as to break the fat cells.
This mass is now placed in a stone pot and heated to
the temperature of the igloo, when the oil slowly separates
from the fibrous pork-like mass. Now, tallow from
the suet of the reindeer or musk ox is secured, cut into
blocks and given by the good housewife to her daughters,
who sit in the igloo industriously chewing it until
the fat cells are crushed. This masticated mass is placed
in a long stone pot over the oil flame, and the tallow
reduced from it is run into the fishy oil of the walrus
or seal previously prepared.
This forms the body of native ice cream. For
flavoring, the housewife has now a variety from which
to select. This usually consists of bits of cooked meat,
moss flowers and grass. Anticipating the absence of
moss and grass in the winter, the natives, during the
hunting season, take from the stomachs of reindeer and
musk oxen which are shot, masses of partly digested
grass which is preserved for winter use. This, which
has been frozen, is now chipped in fragments, thawed,
and, with bits of cooked meats, is added to the mixed
fats. It all forms a paste the color of pistache, with occasional
spots like crushed fruit.[Pg 139]
The mixture is lowered to the floor of the igloo,
which, in winter, is always below the freezing point, and
into it is stirred snow water. The churned composite
gradually brightens and freezes as it is beaten. When
completed, it looks very much like ice cream, but it has
the flavor of cod liver oil, with a similar odor. Nevertheless,
it has nutritive qualities vastly superior to our
ice cream, and stomach pains rarely follow an engorgement.
With much glee, the natives finished their Christmas
repast with this so-called delicacy. For myself a
tremendous feast was prepared, consisting of food left
by the yacht and the choicest meat from the caches. My
menu consisted of green turtle soup, dried vegetables,
caviar on toast, olives, Alaskan salmon, crystallized potatoes,
reindeer steak, buttered rice, French peas, apricots,
raisins, corn bread, Huntley and Palmer biscuits,
cheese and coffee.
As I sat eating, I thought with much humor of
the curious combinations of caviar and reindeer steak,
of the absurd contradiction in eating green turtle soup
beyond the Arctic circle. I ate heartily, with more
gusto than I ever partook of delicious food in the Waldorf
Astoria in my far-away home city. After dinner
I took a long stroll on snow shoes. As I looked at the
star-lamps swung in heaven, I thought of Broadway,
with its purple-pale strings of lights, and its laughing
merry-makers on this festive evening.
I did not, I confess, feel lonely. I seemed to be
getting something so much more wholesome, so much
more genuine from the vast expanse of snow and the
unhidden heavens which, in New York, are seldom seen.[Pg 140]
Returning to the box-house, I ended Christmas evening
with Edgar Allen Poe and Shakespeare as companions.
The box-house in which I lived was amply comfortable.
It did not possess the luxury of a civilized
house, but in the Arctic it was palatial. The interior
fittings had changed somewhat from time to time, but
now things were arranged in a permanent setting. The
little stove was close to the door. The floor measured
sixteen feet in length and twelve feet in width. On one
side the empty boxes of the wall made a pantry, on the
other side were cabinets of tools, and unfinished sledge
and camp material.
With a step we rose to the next floor. On each
side was a bunk resting on a bench. The bench was
used as a bed, a work bench and seat. The long rear
bench was utilized as a sewing table for the seamstresses
and also for additional seating capacity. In the center
was a table arranged around a post which supported
the roof. Sliding shelves from the bunks formed table
seats. A yacht lamp fixed to the post furnished ample
light. There was no other furniture. All of our needs
were conveniently placed in the open boxes of the wall.

THE CAPTURE OF A BEAR
ROUNDING UP A HERD OF MUSK OXEN
The closet room therefore was unlimited. In the
boxes near the floor, in which things froze hard, the
perishable supplies were kept. In the next tier there
was alternate freezing and thawing. Here we stored
lashings and skins that had to be kept moist. The tiers
above, usually warm and dry under the roof, were used
for various purposes. There, fresh meat in strips, dried
crisp in three days. Taking advantage of this, we had
made twelve hundred pounds of dog pemmican from
[Pg 141]
walrus meat. In the gable we placed furs and instruments.

SVARTEVOEG—CAMPING FIVE HUNDRED MILES FROM THE POLE
The temperature changed remarkably as the thermometer
was lifted. On the floor in the lower boxes,
it fell as low as -20°. Under the bunks on the floor, it
was usually -10°. The middle floor space was above
the freezing point. At the level of the bunk the temperature
was +48°. At the head, standing, +70°, and
under the roof, -105°.
We contrived to keep perfectly comfortable. Our
feet and legs were always dressed for low temperature,
while the other portions of our body were lightly clad.
There was not the usual accumulation of moisture except
in the lower boxes, where it reinforced the foundation
of the structure and did no harm. From the hygienic
standpoint, with the material at hand, we could
not have improved the arrangement. The ventilation
was by small openings, mostly along the corners, which
thus drew heat to remote angles. The value of the long
stove pipe was made evident by the interior accumulation
of ice. If we did not remove the ice every three or four
days the draft was closed by atmospheric humidity condensed
from the draft drawn through the fire. From
within, the pipe was also a splendid supplementary
heater, as it led by a circuitous route about the vestibule
before the open air was reached, thus keeping the workshop
somewhat warm. Two Eskimo lamps gave the
added heat and light for the sledge builders.
From Christmas Day until New Year’s there were
daily feasts for the natives. I luxuriated in a long rest,
spending my time taking walks and reading. I got a
sort of pleasure by proxy in watching the delight of these[Pg 142]
primal people in real food, food which, although to us
horribly unpalatable, never gives indigestion. This
period was one of real Christmas rejoicing in many snow
homes, and the spirit, although these people had never
heard of the Christ child, was more truly in keeping with
this holiday than it often is in lands where, in ostentatious
celebration, the real meaning is lost.
Wandering from igloo to igloo, to extend greetings
and thanks for their faithful work, I was often touched
by the sounds of thin, plaintive voices in the darkness.
Each time a pang touched my heart, and I remembered
the time when I first heard my own baby girl’s wee
voice. The little ones had begun to arrive. The Eskimo
stork, at igloo after igloo, was leaving its Christmas
gift.
For some time before Christmas, Cla-you, easily
our best seamstress, had not come for her assignment
of sewing. To her had been given the delicate
task of making hare skin stockings; but she had lost
interest in needle-work and complained of not feeling
well. E-ve-lue (Mrs. Sinue) was completing her task.
Ac-po-di-soa (the big bird), Cla-you’s husband, whom
we called Bismark, had also deserted the bench where
he had been making sledges. For his absence there was
no explanation, for neither he nor his wife had ever
shirked duties before. To solve the mystery I went to
his igloo during Christmas week. There I first got
news from the stork world. The boreal stork comes at
a special season of the year, usually a few weeks after
midnight when there is little else to interest the people.
This season comes nine months after the days of
budding passions in April, the first Arctic month of[Pg 143]
the year when all the world is happy. In the little
underground home, the anticipated days of the stork
visit were made interesting by a long line of preparations.
A prospective mother is busy as a bee in a
charming effort to make everything new for the
coming little one. All things about must be absolutely
new if possible. Even a new house must be built. This
places the work of preparation quite as much on the
father as on the mother. There is in all this a splendid
lesson in primitive hygiene.
To examine, first, the general home environment;
there is a little girl four years old still taking nature’s
substitute for the bottle. She looks about for a meaning
of all the changes about the home, but does not
understand. You enter the new house on hands and
knees through an entrance twelve or fifteen feet long,
crowding upwards into an ever-open door just large
enough to pass the shoulders. You rise into a dungeon
oblong in shape. The rear two-thirds of this is raised
about fifteen inches and paved with flat-rock. Upon
this the furs are spread for a bed. The forward edge
forms a seat. The space ahead of this is large enough
for three people to stand at once. On each side there
is a semi-circular bulge. In these are placed the crescent-shaped
stone dishes, in which moss serves as a wick
to burn blubber. Over this blubber flame, there is a
long stone pot in which snow is melted for water and
meats are occasionally cooked. Over this there is a
drying rack for boots and furs. There is no other
furniture. This house represents the home of the Eskimo
family at its best. Do what she will, the best house[Pg 144]wife
cannot free it of oil and soot. It is not, indeed, a
fit place for the immaculate stork to come.
For months, the finest furs have been gathered to
prepare a new suit for the mother. Slowly one article
of apparel after another has been completed and put
aside. The boots, called kamik, are of sealskin, bleached
to a spotless cream color. They reach halfway up
the thigh. The inner boot, called atesha, of soft caribou
fur, is of the same length; along its upper edge there is
a decorative run of white bear fur. The silky fur pads
protect the tender skin of limb and foot, for no stockings
are used. Above these, there are dainty little pants
of white and blue fox, to protect the body to a point
under the hips, and for protection above that there is a
shirt of birdskins or aht-tee. This is the most delicate of
all garments. Hundreds of little auk skins are gathered,
chewed and prepared, and as the night comes the garment
is built blouse-shaped, with hood attached. It fits
loosely. There are no buttons or openings. For the
little one, the hood is enlarged and extended down the
back, as the pocket for its future abode. The coat of
fine blue fox skins, or amoyt, is of the same shape, but
fits loosely over all.
The word amoyt, or amoyt docsoa, in its application,
also covers the entire range of the art and function
of pregnancy. This is regarded as an institution
of the first order, second only to the art of the chase.
All being ready for the mother, for the baby only a
hood is provided, while bird-skins and grass are provided
to take the place of absorbent cotton. For the first year,
the child has absolutely no other wrap or cover but its
little hood.[Pg 145]
The Eskimo loves children. If the stork does not
come in due time, he is likely to change his life partner.
For this reason he looks forward to the Christmas season
with eager anticipation. Seeking the wilds far and
near for needed furs, in bitter winds and driving snows,
he endures all kinds of hardships during the night of
months for the sake of the expected child. Brave, good
little man of iron, he fears nothing.
From a near-by bank of hard snow he cuts blocks
for a new igloo. In darkness and wind he transports
them to a point near the house. When enough have
been gathered, he walls a dome like a bee-hive. The interior
arrangement is like the winter underground home.
The light is put into it. By this he can see the open
cracks between snow blocks. These are filled in to keep
wind and snow out. When all is completed, he cuts a
door and enters. The bed of snow is flattened.
Then he seeks for miles about for suitable grass
to cover the cheerless ice floor. To get this grass, he
must dig under fields of hardened snow. Even then he
is not always rewarded with success. The sledge, loaded
with frozen grass, is brought to the little snow dome.
The grass is carefully laid on the bed of leveled snow.
Over it new reindeer skins are spread. Now the new
house of snow blocks in which the stork is to come is
ready.
As the stork’s coming is announced the mother’s
tears give the signal. She goes to the new snowhouse
alone. The father is frightened and looks serious. But
she must tear herself away. With her new garments,
she enters the dark chamber of the snowhouse, strikes
a fire, lights the lamp. The spotless walls of snow are[Pg 146]
cheerful. The new things about give womanly pride.
But life is hard for her. A soul-stirring battle follows
in that den of ice.
There is a little cry. But there is no doctor, no
nurse, no one, not a kindly hand to help. A piece of
glass is used as a surgical knife. Then all is over. There
is no soap, no water. The methods of a mother cat are
this mother’s. Then, in the cold, cheerless chamber of
ice, she fondly examines the little one. Its eyes are blue,
but they turn brown at once when opened. Its hair
is coal black, its skin is golden. It is turned over and
over in the search for marks or blemishes. The
mother’s eyes run down along the tiny spine. At its
end there is a blue shield-shaped blot like a tattoo mark.
This is the Eskimo guarantee of a well-bred child. If
it is there, the mother is happy, if not, there are doubts
of the child’s future, and of the purity of the parents.
Now the father and the grandmother come. All rejoice.
If misfortune at the time of birth befalls a mother,
as is not infrequent, the snow mound becomes her grave;
it is not opened for a long time.
After a long sleep, into which the mother falls after
her first joy, she awakes, turns over, drinks some ice-water,
eats a little half-cooked meat, and then, shaking
the frozen breath from the covers, she wraps herself
and her babe snugly in furs. Again she sleeps, perhaps
twenty-four hours, seemingly in perfect comfort, while
the life-stilling winter winds drive over the feeble wall
of snow which shelters her from the chilly death outside.
One day during Christmas week there was a knock
at our door. The proud Ac-po-di-soa walked in, fol[Pg 147]lowed
by his smiling wife, with the sleeping stork gift
on her back. The child had been born less than five
days before. We walked over and admired the little
one. It suddenly opened its brown eyes, screwed up
its little blubber nose, and wrinkled its chin for a cry.
The mother grabbed her, plunged out of the door,
pulled the undressed infant out, and in the wind and
cold served the little one’s want.
New Year’s Day came starlit and cold. The year
had dawned in which I was to essay the task to which
I had set myself, the year which would mean success or
failure to me. The past year had been gracious and
bountiful, so, in celebration, Francke prepared a feast
of which we both ate to gluttonous repletion. This
consisted of ox-tail soup, creamed boneless cod, pickles,
scrambled duck eggs with chipped smoked beef, roast
eider-duck, fresh biscuits, crystallized potatoes, creamed
onions, Bayo beans and bacon, Malaga grapes,
(canned), peach-pie, blanc-mange, raisin cake, Nabisco
biscuits and steaming chocolate.
The day was spent in making calls among the
Eskimos. In the evening several families were given
a feast which was followed by songs and dances. This
hilarity was protracted to the early hours of morning
and ended in an epidemic of night hysteria. When thus
afflicted the victims dance and sing and fall into a trance,
the combination of symptoms resembling insanity.
In taking account of our stock we found that our
baking powder was about exhausted. This was sad
news, for a breakfast of fresh biscuits, butter and coffee
was one of the few delights that remained for me in
life. We had bicarbonate of soda, but no cream of[Pg 148]
tartar. I wondered whether we could not substitute for
cream of tartar some other substance.
Curious experiments followed. The juice of sauerkraut
was tried with good results. But the flavor, as a
steady breakfast food, was not desirable. Francke had
fermented raisins with which to make wine. As a wine
it was a failure, but as a fruit acid it enabled us to make
soda biscuits with a new and delicate flavor. Milk, we
found, would also ferment. From the unsweetened
condensed milk, biscuits were made that would please
the palate of any epicure. My breakfast pleasure therefore
was still assured for many days to come.
EN ROUTE FOR THE POLE
THE CAMPAIGN OPENS—LAST WEEKS OF THE POLAR
NIGHT—ADVANCE PARTIES SENT OUT—AWAITING
THE DAWN
X
The Start with Sunrise of 1908
Two weeks of final tests and re-examination of
clothing, sledges and general equipment followed the
New Year’s festivities. On January 14 there was
almost an hour of feeble twilight at midday. The moon
offered light enough to travel. Now we were finally
ready to fire the first guns of the Polar battle. Scouts
were outside, waiting for the signal to proceed. They
were going, not only to examine the ice field for the
main advance, but to offer succor to a shipwrecked crew,
which the natives believed was at Cape Sabine.
The smoke of a ship had been seen late in the fall,
and much wood from a wrecked ship had been found.
The pack was, therefore, loaded with expedition supplies,
with instructions to offer help to anyone in want
that might be found.
I had just finished a note to be left at Cape
Sabine, telling of our headquarters, our caches and
our willingness to give assistance. This was handed to
Koo-loo-ting-wah, standing before his restless dogs,[Pg 150]
whip in hand, as were his three companions, who volunteered
as scouts. They jumped on the sledges, and soon
the dogs were rushing toward the Polar pack of Smith
Sound.
It was a beautiful day. A fold of the curtain of
night had been lifted for a brief spell. A strong mixed
light, without shadows, rested on the snow. It changed
in quality and color with the changing mystery of the
aurora. One might call it blue, or purple, or violet, or
no color at all, according to the color perception of the
observer.
In the south the heavens glowed with the heralds
of the advancing sun. The light was exaggerated by
the blink of the ice over which the light was sent, for the
brightness of the heavens was out of proportion to its
illuminating effect upon the surface snows. In the
north, the half-spent moon dispelled the usual blackness
Poleward, while the zenith was lighted with stars of the
first and second magnitude.
The temperature was -41° F. The weather was
perfectly calm—all that could be expected for the important
event of opening the campaign.
In the course of a few hours the cheerful light
faded, the snows darkened to earthy fields, and out of
the north came a smoky tempest. The snow soon piled
up in tremendous drifts, making it difficult to leave the
house without climbing new hills. The dogs tied about
were buried in snow. Only the light passing through
the membrane of intestines, which was spread over the
ports to make windows for the native houses, relieved
the fierce blackness.
The run to Cape Sabine, under fine conditions, was[Pg 151]
about forty miles, and could be made in one day, but
Smith Sound seldom offers a fair chance. Insufficient
light, impossible winds or ice make the crossing hazardous
at best. The Eskimos cross every year, but
they are out so much after bears that they have a good
knowledge of the ice before they start to reach the other
shores.
Coming from the north, with a low temperature
and blowing snow, the wind would not only stop our
scouts, but force the ice south, leaving open spaces of
water. A resulting disruption of the pack might greatly
delay our start with heavy sledges. Furthermore,
there was real danger at hand for the advance. If the
party had been composed of white men there surely
would have been a calamity. But the Eskimo
approaches the ventures of the wild with splendid endurance.
Moreover, he has a weather intelligence which
seldom finds him unprepared.
At midnight of the second night the party returned.
They were none the worse for the storm. The main
intent of their mission had failed. The storm had forced
them into snow embankments, and before it was quite
spent a bear began to nose about their shelter places.
The dogs were so buried with drift that they were not on
watch until the bear had destroyed much of their food.
Then their mad voices aroused the Eskimos.
As they dug out of their shelter, the bear took a big
walrus leg and walked off, man-like, holding the meat in
his forepaws. In their haste to free the dogs, they cut
their harness to pieces, for snow and ice cemented the
creatures. Oo-tah ran out in the excitement to head
off the bear—not to make an attack, but simply to stop[Pg 152]
his progress. The bear dropped the meat and grabbed
Oo-tah by the seat of his trousers. The dogs, fortunately,
came along in time to save Oo-tah’s life, but he
had received a severe leg wound, which required immediate
surgical attention.
The bear was captured, and with loads of bear meat
and the wounded scout the party returned as quickly as
possible. In the retreat it was noticed that the ice was
very much broken.
In the wreck of an Arctic storm there is always a
subsequent profit for someone. The snow becomes
crusted and hardened, making sledge travel easy. The
breaking of the ice, which was a great hindrance to our
advance, offered open water for walrus and bear hunting.
At this time we went to Serwahdingwah for the
last chase. Some of the Eskimos took their families,
so Annoatok became depopulated for a while. But on
our return, visitors came in numbers too numerous for
our comfort.
Dogs and skins, bargained for earlier in the season,
were now delivered. Each corps of excursionists required
some attention, for they had done noble work for
the expedition. We gave them dinners and allowed
them to sit about our stove with picture-books in hand.
Another storm came, with still more violent force,
a week later. This caused us much anxiety, for we
counted on our people being scattered on the ice along
the shores of Cape Alexander. In a storm this would
probably be swept from the land and carried seaward.
There was nothing that could be done except wait for
news. Messengers of trouble were not long in reaching
headquarters after the storm. None of the men were[Pg 153]
on the ice, but a hurricane from the land had wrecked
the camps.
Our men suffered little, but many of the natives in
neighboring villages were left without clothing or sleeping
furs. In the rush of the storm the ice left the land,
and the snowhouses were swept into the sea. Men and
women, without clothing, barely escaped with their lives.
Two of our new sledges, some dogs, and three suits of
winter furs were lost. A rescue party with furs had to
be sent to the destitute people. Fortunately, our people
were well supplied with bed-furs, out of which new
suits were made.
Sledge loads of our furs were also coming north,
and instructions were sent to use these for the urgent
needs of the sufferers. Other things were sent from
Annoatok, with returning excursionists, and in the
course of a week the damage was replaced. But the
loss was all on the expedition, and deprived many of the
men in their northern journey of suitable sleeping-furs.
Walruses were obtained after the storm, and the natives
now had no fear of a famine of meat or fat.
By the end of January most of the natives had returned,
and new preparations were made for a second
effort to cross the Sound. Francke asked to join the
party, and prepared for his first camp outing. Four
sledges were loaded with two hundred pounds each of
expedition advance supplies. Four good drivers volunteered
to move the sledges to the American side.
The light had gradually brightened, and the storms
passed off and left a keen, cold air, which was as clear as
crystal. But at best the light was still feeble, and could
be used for only about four hours of each twenty-four.[Pg 154]
If, however, the sky remained clear, the moon and stars
would furnish enough illumination for a full day’s travel.
There was a little flush of color in the southern skies,
and the snows were a pale purple as the sledges groaned
in their rush over the frosty surface.
The second party started off as auspiciously as the
first, and news of its luck was eagerly awaited.
They reached Cape Sabine after a long run of
twenty hours, making a considerable detour to the north.
The ice offered good traveling, but the cold was bitter,
the temperature being -52° F., with light, extremely
humid and piercing winds.
Along the land and within the bays the snow was
found to be deep, and a bitter wind came from the west.
Two of the party could not be persuaded to go farther,
but Francke, with two companions, pushed on for another
day along the shore to Cape Veile. Beyond, the
snow was too deep to proceed. The supplies were cached
in a snowhouse, while those at Cape Sabine were left in
the old camp. The party returned at the end of four
days with their object accomplished. Nothing was seen
of the rumored shipwrecked crew.
The next party, of eight sledges, led by Es-se-you,
Kud-la, and Me-tek, started on February 5. The
object was to carry advance supplies to the head of
Flagler Bay, and hunt musk ox to feed the sledge teams
as they moved overland. We were to meet this party at
an appointed place in the bay.
The light was still too uncertain to risk the fortunes
of the entire force. With a hundred dogs, a delay of a
day would be an expensive loss, for if fed upon the carefully
guarded food of the advance stores, a rapid reduc[Pg 155]tion
in supplies would follow, which could not be replaced,
even if abundant game were secured later. It
was, therefore, desirable to await the rising sun.
We made our last arrangements, fastened our last
packs, and waited impatiently for the sunrise, here at
this northernmost outpost of human life, just seven hundred
miles from the Pole. And this was the problem
that now insistently and definitely confronted us after
the months of planning and preparation: Seven hundred
miles of advance, almost a thousand miles as our
route was planned; one thousand miles of return; two
thousand miles in all; allowing for detours (for the line
to be followed could not be precisely straight), more
than two thousand miles of struggling travel across icy
and unknown and uninhabitable wastes of moving ice.
On the morning of February 19, 1908, I started on
my trip to the North Pole.
Early, as the first real day of the year dawned,
eleven sledges were brought to the door of our box-house
and lashed with supplies for the boreal dash.
There were four thousand pounds of supplies for use on
the Polar sea, and two thousands pounds of walrus skin
and fat for use before securing the fresh game we anticipated.
The eleven sledges were to be driven by
Francke, nine Eskimos, and myself. They were drawn
by one hundred and three dogs, each in prime condition.
The dogs had been abundantly fed with walrus
skin and meat for several weeks, and would now be fed
only every second day on fresh supplies.
My heart was high. I was about to start on the
quest which had inspired me for many years! The
natives were naturally excited. The dogs caught the[Pg 156]
contagious enthusiasm, and barked joyously. At eight
o’clock in the morning our whips snapped, the spans of
dog teams leaped forward, and we were off.
My Polar quest had begun!
Most of the tribe had seemed willing to go with
me, and to take all their dogs, but the men and the dogs
finally selected were the pick of the lot. All were in
superb physical condition, this matter of condition
being something that I had carefully looked out for during
the winter months. I regard this as having been
highly advantageous to me, that I have always been able
to win the friendship and confidence of the Eskimos; for
thus I found them extremely ready to follow my advice
and instructions, and to do in general anything I desired.
That I could speak Eskimo fairly well—well enough to
hold ordinary conversations—was also a strong asset in
my favor.
When we started, a few stars were seen between
thin clouds, but the light was good. A soft wind came
from the south; the temperature was -36° F. The
Greenland ice-cap was outlined; a belt of orange in the
south heralded the rising sun. The snow still retained
the purple of twilight. The ice was covered with about
three inches of soft snow over a hard crust, which made
speed difficult. Before noon the sky was gray, but the
light remained good enough for traveling until 4 P. M.
A course was made about northwest, because a more
direct line was still impractical.
A water sky to the west and south denoted open
water. At 3 P. M. we ran into bear tracks, and the
sledges bounced along as if empty. The tracks were
making a good course for us, so the dogs were[Pg 157]
encouraged. By four o’clock the feeble light made it
dangerous to proceed. Two hunters still followed the
bear tracks, while the others built three snowhouses for
camp. Nothing was seen of the bears.
The dogs were tied to holes cut in the ice, and we
crept into our snow-mounds, tired, hungry and sleepy.
The night was extremely uncomfortable—the first
nights from camp always are.
The next day brought a still air with a temperature
of -42° F., and brilliant light at eight o’clock. We had
made twenty miles through the air-line distance from
Annoatok, and Cape Sabine was but thirty miles away.
We had been forced so far north that we still had thirty
miles before us to the Cape. The dogs, however, were in
better trim, and we had no doubt about reaching the
off-shores for the next camp. We followed the edge of
ice which had been made in a wide open space in December.
Here the traveling was fairly level, but above was
a hopeless jungle of mountains and ridges of ice. We
made about three miles an hour, and were able to ride
occasionally.
At noon of February 20th we stopped, and coffee
was served from our ever-hot coffee box. A can had
been placed in a box, and so protected by reindeer skins
that the heat was retained for twelve hours during the
worst weather. This proved a great luxury.
While we sat regaling ourselves, a great ball of fire
rose along the icy horizon. Our hearts were glad. The
weather was bitterly cold; the temperature was 51° F.:
but the sun had risen; the long night was at end. There
was little else to mark the glory of sunrise. The light
was no brighter than it had been for two hours. The[Pg 158]
sky remained a purple blue, with a slight grayness in the
south, darkening toward the horizon. The snows were
purple, with just a few dashes of red in the road before
us. This unpretentious burst of the sun opened our
spirits to new delights. Even the dogs sat in graceful
rows and sounded a chorus of welcome to the coming of
the day.
Although Cape Sabine, on February 20, was in
sight, we still headed for Bache Peninsula. Impossible
ice and open water pushed us farther and farther
north. It was three o’clock before the Cape was
seen over the dogs’ tails. Soon after four the light
failed, the land colored to purple and gold toward the
rim of the horizon, and we were left to guess the direction
of our course. But Eskimos are somewhat better
than Yankees at guessing, for we got into no troubles
until 9 P. M., when we tried to scale the rafted ice
against Cape Sabine. With only the camp equipment
and dog food, the dogs crept up and down in the black
hills of ice, while we followed like mountain-sheep.
Here had been the camp of the ill-fated Greely
expedition. It recurred to me that it was a curious whim
of fate that this ill-starred camp of famine and death, in
earlier days, should have marked the very outset of our
modern effort to reach the Pole. But later we were to
learn that under similar conditions a modern expedition
can meet the same fate as that of the Lady Franklin
Bay Expedition.
We turned about, took the advance supplies, and
picked a course through Rice Strait, to avoid the rough
ice northward. Here the surface was good, but a light
wind, with a temperature of -52° F., came with great[Pg 159]
bitterness. The dogs refused to face the wind, and required
someone to lead the way. The men buried their
faces in the fur mittens, leaned on the upstanders, and
ran along.
Passing Cape Rutherford on February 22, we followed
the coast. Here the wind came from the right,
caught the tip of the nose, burning with a bleaching
effect, which, in camp later, turned black. At Cape
Veile the cache igloo was sighted, and there camp was
pitched.
In the morning the minimum thermometer registered
-58° F. We were evidently passing from the
storms and open water of Smith Sound, from warm,
moist air to a still, dry climate, with very low temperature.
The day opened beautifully with a glow of rose
to the south, which colored the snows in warm tones.
At noon the sun showed half of its face over the cliffs
as we crossed the bay and sought better ice along
Bache Peninsula. That night we camped near the
Weyprecht Islands. The day, although bright, proved
severe, for most of the natives had frostbites about the
face. Along Bache Peninsula we saw hares staring at
us. Four were secured for our evening meal. In the
very low temperature of -64° F. the hunters suffered
from injuries like burns, due to the blistering cold metal
of their guns.
Dog food had also to be prepared. In efforts to
divide the walrus skin, two hatchets were broken. The
Eskimo dog is a tough creature, but he cannot be expected
to eat food which breaks an axe. Petroleum and
alcohol were used liberally, and during the night the
skin was sufficiently softened by the heat to be cut with[Pg 160]
the hatchets. This skin seems to be good food for the
dogs. It is about one inch thick, and contains little
water, the skin fibre being a kind of condensed nutriment,
small quantities of which satisfy the dogs. It
digests slowly, and therefore has lasting qualities.
The lamps, burning at full force, made the igloos
comfortable. The temperature fell to -68° F. It was
the first satisfying sleep of the journey for me. The
economy of the blue fire stoves is beyond conception.
Burning but three pounds of oil all night, the almost
liquid air was reduced to a normal temperature of freezing
point.
Francke used alcohol stoves, with a double consumption
of fuel. The natives, in their three igloos,
used the copper lamp, shaped after the stone devices,
but they did no cooking.
In the morning of the 23d we heard sounds to the
south, which at first we thought to be walrus. But after
a time the noise was interpreted as that of the dogs of
the advance party. They were camped a few miles
beyond, and came to our igloos at breakfast. One musk
ox and eleven hares had been secured. The valley had
been thoroughly hunted, but no other game was sighted.
The ground was nearly bare, and made sledge
travel impossible. They were bound for Annoatok at
once. This was sad news for us. We had counted on
game with which to feed the dog train en route to the
Polar sea. If animals were not secured, our project
would fail at the very start, and this route would be impossible.
To push overland rapidly to the west coast
was our only chance, but the report of insufficient snow
seemed to forbid this. Something, however, must be[Pg 161]
tried. We could not give up without a stronger fight.
The strong probability of our failing to find musk ox,
and extending the expedition for another year, over
another route, made it necessary to send Francke back
to headquarters to guard our supplies. There was no
objection to the return of most of the other party, but
we took their best dogs and sledges, with some exchange
of drivers.
With this change in the arrangements, and the advance
supplies from Cape Sabine and Cape Viele, each
sledge now carried eight hundred pounds. Beyond, in
Flagler Bay, the ice luckily became smooth and almost
free of snow. An increased number of dogs, with good
traveling, enabled us to make satisfactory progress,
despite the steadily falling temperature.
The head of Flagler Bay was reached late at night,
after an exhausting march of twenty-five miles. A hard
wind, with a temperature of -60° F., had almost paralyzed
the dogs, and the men were kept alive only by
running with the dogs. Comfortable houses were built
and preparations made for a day of rest. On the morrow
we aimed to explore the land for an auspicious route.
Many new frostbites were again noted in camp. One of
the dogs died of the cold.
The party was by no means discouraged, however.
We were as enthusiastic as soldiers on the eve of a
longed-for battle. The reduced numbers of the return
party gave us extra rations to use in times of need, and
the land did not seem as hopeless as pictured by the
returning natives. A cache was made here of needful
things for use on the return. Other things, which we
had found useless, were also left here.
EXPLORING A NEW PASS OVER ACPOHON
FROM THE ATLANTIC WATERS AT FLAGLER BAY TO THE
PACIFIC WATERS AT BAY FIORD—THE MECCA OF THE
MUSK OX—BATTLES WITH THE BOVINE MONSTERS OF
THE ARCTIC—SUNRISE AND THE GLORY OF SUNSET
XI
Breaking a Trail Beyond the Haunts of Man
Early in the morning of February 25 the dogs were
spanned to sledges with heavy loads, and we pushed into
the valley of mystery ahead. Our purpose was to cross
the inland ice and descend into Cannon Bay. The
spread of the rush of glacial waters in summer had dug
out a wide central plain, now imperfectly covered with
ice and snow. Over this we lined a trail.
On each side of us were gradual slopes rising to
cliffs, above which I noted the blue wall of the overland
sea of ice, at an altitude of about two thousand feet.
Nowhere did this offer a safe slope for an ascent. We
now explored the picturesque valley, for I knew that
our only hope was to push overland to Bay Fiord. The
easy slopes were enlivened with darting, downy hares.
Some sat motionless, with their long ears erect, while
they drank the first golden air of sunrise and watched
the coming of new life. Others danced about in frisky
play.[Pg 163]
As we pushed along, the ascent of the slope was
gradual. The necessity for crossing from side to side
to find ice or snow lengthened our journey. Only the
partially bare earth gave us trouble. The temperature
was -62° F., but there was no wind. The upper slopes
glittered with bright sunshine. Winding with a stream,
we advanced twenty miles. Beyond there was the
same general topography. The valley looked like a
pass. Clouds of a different kind were seen through the
gorges. At various places we noted old musk ox paths.
I knew that where game trails are well marked on mountains
one is certain to find a good crossing. This rule is
equally good in the Arctic as elsewhere. At any rate,
there was no alternative. The tortures of the top had to
be risked. Pushing onward, we found no fresh signs of
musk ox. A few bear tracks were seen, and a white fox
followed us to camp. We shot sixteen hares, and for the
evening meal unlimited quantities of savory hare meat
made an appetizing broth.
On the day following, everything was advanced to
this point. A prolonged search for musk ox was made,
with negative results.
On the morning of the 27th, full loads were taken
on our sledges. With slow progress we advanced on the
rising bed of the stream, the valley moved, and the river
ice was found in one channel, making better travel.
Hare and fox tracks increased in number. The side
slopes were grassy, and mostly swept bare of snow by
strong winter winds. Sand dunes and gravel lines were
also piled up, while huge drifts of pressed snow indicated
a dangerous atmospheric agitation. Here, I
knew, were excellent feeding grounds for musk ox and[Pg 164]
caribou. But a careful scrutiny gave no results for a
long time.
To us the musk ox was now of vital importance.
The shorter way, over Schley Land and northward
through Nansen Sound, was possible only if game in
abundance was secured en route. If the product of
the chase gave us no reward, then our Polar venture was
doomed at the outset.
One day, with a temperature of -100° below the
freezing point, and with a light but sharp Arctic wind
driving needles of frost to the very bone, we searched
the rising slopes of ice-capped lands in the hope of
spotting life.
For three days the dogs had not been fed. They
sniffed the air, searched the horizon, and ranged the
wilds with all the eagerness of their wolf progenitors.
The hare and the fox were aroused from their winter’s
sleep, but such game was not what we now desired.
Only meat and fat in heaps could satisfy the wants of
over a hundred empty stomachs.
After a hard pull, ascending miniature, ice-covered
hills, winding about big, polished boulders, we
entered a wider section of the narrow gorge-like valley.
Here the silurian rocks had broken down, and by the
influence of glacier streams and glaciers, now receding,
a good deal of rolling, grass-covered land spread from
cliff to cliff. Strong winter gales had bared the ground.
We sat down to rest. The dogs did likewise.
All searched the new lands with eager eyes. The
dog noses pointed to a series of steep slopes to the
north. They were scenting something, but were too
tired to display the usual animation of the chase. Soon[Pg 165]
we detected three dark, moving objects on a snowy sun-flushed
hill, under a huge cliff, about a thousand feet
above us. “Ah-ming-mah!” shouted E-tuk-i-shook.
The dogs jumped; the men grasped glasses; in a second
the sledge train was in disorder.
Fifty dogs were hitched to three sledges. Rushing
up three different gulches, the sledges, with tumbling
human forms as freight, advanced to battle. The musk
oxen, with heads pointed to the attacking forces, quietly
awaited the onrush.
Within an hour three huge, fat carcasses were down
in the river bed. A temporary camp was made, and
before the meat froze most of it had passed palates
tantalized by many days of gastronomic want.
Continuing our course, we crossed the divide in a
storm. Beyond, in a canyon, the wind was more uncomfortable
than in the open. Something must be done.
We could not long breathe that maddening air, weighted
by frost and thickened by snows. The snow-bank gave
no shelter whatever, and a rush of snow came over,
which quickly buried the investigators. But it was our
only hope.
“Dig a hole,” said Koo-loo-ting-wah.
Now, to try to dig a hole without a shovel, and with
snow coming more rapidly than any power of man
could remove, seemed a waste of needed vital force.
But I had faith in the intelligence of my savage companions,
and ordered all hands to work. They gathered
at one corner of the bank, and began to talk and shout,
while I allowed myself to be buried in a pocket of the
cliffs to keep my tender skin from turning to ice. Every
few minutes someone came along to see if I was safe.[Pg 166]
The igloo was progressing. Two men were now
inside. In the course of another hour they reported
four men inside; in another hour seven men were inside,
and the others were piling up the blocks, cut with knives
from the interior. A kind of vestibule was made to
allow the wind to shoot over the entrance. Inside, the
men were sweating.
Soon afterward I was told that the igloo was completed.
I lost no time in seeking its shelter. A square
hole had been cut, large enough for the entire party if
packed like sardines. Our fur clothing was removed,
and beaten with sticks and stones.
The lamps sang cheerily of steaming musk ox
steaks. The dogs were brought into the canyon. A
more comfortable night was impossible. We were fifty
feet under the snow. The noise of the driving storm
was lost. The blinding drift about the entrance was
effectually shut out by a block of snow as a door. Two
holes afforded ventilation, and the tremendous difference
between the exterior and the interior air assured
a circulation.
When we emerged in the morning the sky was
clear. A light wind came from the west, with a temperature
of -78° F. Two dogs had frozen during the
storm. All were buried in the edge of a drift that was
piled fifteen feet. An exploration of the canyon showed
other falls and boulders impossible for sledge travel.
A trail was picked over the hills to the side. The
day was severe. How we escaped broken legs and
smashed sleds was miraculous. But somehow, in our
plunges down the avalanches, we always landed in a
soft bed of snow. We advanced about ten miles, and[Pg 167]
made a descent of five hundred feet, first camping upon
a glacial lake.
The temperature now was -79° F., and although
there were about nine hours of good light, including twilight,
we had continued our efforts too long, and were
forced to build igloos by moonlight. Glad were we,
indeed, when the candle was placed in the dome of snow,
to show the last cracks to be stuffed.
In the searchlight of the frigid dawn I noticed that
our advance was blocked by a large glacier, which tumbled
barriers of ice boulders into the only available line
for a path. A way would have to be cut into this barrier
of icebergs for about a mile. This required the full
energy of all the men for the day. I took advantage of
the halt to explore the country through which we were
forcing a pass. The valley was cut by ancient glaciers
and more modern creeks along the meeting line of two
distinct geological formations. To the north were
silurian and cambro-silurian rocks; to the south were
great archæan cliffs.
With the camera, the field-glass, and other instruments
in the sack, I climbed into a gorge and rose to the
level of the mountains of the northern slopes. The
ground was here absolutely destitute of vegetation, and
only old musk ox trails indicated living creatures. The
snow had all been swept into the ditches of the lowlands.
Climbing over frost-sharpened stones, I found
footing difficult.
The average height of the mountains proved to be
nineteen hundred feet. To the northeast there was land
extending a few miles further, with a gradual rising
slope. Beyond was the blue edge of the inland ice. To[Pg 168]
the northwest, the land continued in rolling hills, beyond
which no land-ice was seen. The cliffs to the south were
of about the same height, but they were fitted to the
crest with an ice-cap. The overflow of perpetual snows
descended into the gorges, making five overhanging
glaciers.
The first was at the divide, furnishing in summer
the waters which started the vigorous stream to the
Atlantic slopes. It was a huge stream of ice, about a
mile wide, and it is marked by giant cliffs, separated by
wide gaps, indicating the roughness of the surface over
which it pushes its frozen height. To the stream to
which it gives birth, flowing eastward from the divide,
I will give the name of Schley River, in honor of Rear-Admiral
Schley.
The stream starting westward from the divide,
through picturesque rocks, tumbles in icy falls into a
huge canyon, down to the Pacific waters at Bay Fiord.
To this I will give, in honor of General A. W. Greely,
the name Greely River.
The second and third glaciers were overhanging
masses about a half-mile wide, which gave volume in
summer time to Greely River.
The fourth was a powerful glacier, with a discharging
face of blue three miles long, closing up a valley
and damming up a lake about four miles long and one
mile wide. The lake was beyond the most precipitous
of the descending slopes. The upper cliffs of the walled
valley to Flagler Bay were still visible, while to the west
was seen a line of mountains and cliffs which marked the
head of Bay Fiord, under which was seen the ice covering
the first water of the Pacific upon which our future[Pg 169]
fortunes would be told. To this sea level there was an
easy descent of four hundred feet on the river ice and
snowdrifts, making, with good luck, a day’s run of
twenty miles.
Returning, at camp I was informed that not only
had a trail been cut, but many of the sledges had been
advanced to the good ice beyond. Two of the sledges,
however, had been badly broken, and must be mended
at dawn before starting.
The day was beautiful. For the first time I felt
the heat of the sun. It came through the thick fur of
my shoulders with the tenderness of a warm human
hand. The mere thought of the genial sunbeams
brought a glow of healthful warmth, but at the same
time the thermometer was very low, -78½° F. One’s
sense of cold, under normal conditions, is a correct instrument
in its bearing upon animal functions, but as an
instrument of physics it makes an unreliable thermometer.
If I had been asked to guess the temperature of
the day I should have placed it at -25° F.
The night air had just a smart of bitterness. The
igloo failed to become warm, so we fed our internal fires
liberally with warming courses, coming in easy stages.
We partook of superheated coffee, thickened with sugar,
and biscuits, and later took butter chopped in squares,
which was eaten as cheese with musk ox meat chopped
by our axes into splinters. Delicious hare loins and
hams, cooked in pea soup, served as dessert.
The amount of sugar and fat which we now consumed
was quite remarkable. Fortunately, during the
journey to the edge of the Polar sea, there was no
urgent limit to transportation, and we were well sup[Pg 170]plied
with the luxury of sugar and civilized foods, most
of which later were to be abandoned.
In this very low temperature I found considerable
difficulty in jotting down the brief notes of our day’s
doings. The paper was so cold that the pencil barely
left a mark. A few moments had to be spent warming
each page and pencil before beginning to write. With
the same operation, the fingers were also sufficiently
warmed to hold the pencil. All had to be done by the
light and heat of a candle.
To economize fuel, the fires later were extinguished
before retiring to sleep. In the morning we were buried
in the frost falling from our own breath.
It was difficult to work at dawn with fur-covered
hands; but the Eskimo can do much with his glove-fitting
mitten. The broken sledges were soon repaired.
After tumbling over irregular ice along the face of the
glacier, the river offered a splendid highway over which
the dogs galloped with remarkable speed. We rode
until cold compelled exercise. The stream descended
among picturesque hills, but the most careful scrutiny
found no sign of life except the ever-present musk ox
trails of seasons gone by.
As we neared the sea line, near the mouth of the
river, we began to see a few fresh tracks of hare and
musk ox. Passing out on the south of Bay Fiord, we
noted bear and wolf tracks. Then the eyes of the hunter
and the dog rolled with eager anticipation.
The sun flushed the skies in flaming colors as it was
about to sink behind a run of high peaks. The western
sky burned with gold, the ice flashed with crimson inlets,
but the heat was very feeble. The temperature was[Pg 171]
-72° F. We had already gone twenty-five miles, and
were looking forward to a point about ten miles beyond
as the next camping place, when all my companions,
seemingly at once, espied a herd of musk ox on the sky
line of a whale-backed mountain to the north.
The distance was about three miles, but the eagle
eyes of the natives detected the black spots.
We searched the gorge with our glasses. Suddenly
one of the Eskimos cried out in a joyous tone: “Ah-ming-ma!
Ah-ming-ma!“
I could detect only some dark specks on the snow,
which looked like a hundred others that I knew to be
rocks. I levelled my glasses on the whale-backed mountain
at which the Eskimo was staring, and, sure enough,
there were three musk oxen on a steep snow slope.
They seemed to be digging up the winter snow fields
to get “scrub” willows. They were not only three miles
away, but at an altitude of perhaps a thousand feet
above us.
The cumbersome loads were quickly pitched from
three sledges. Rifles and knives were securely fastened.
In a few moments the long lashes snapped, and away
we rushed, with two men on each of the sledges and
with double teams of twenty dogs.
The dogs galloped at a pace which made the sledges
bound like rubber balls over irregularities of rocks, slippery
ice, and hard-crusted snow, and our hold tightened
on the hickory in the effort to keep our places. It disturbed
the dogs not at all whether they were on rock or
snow, or whether the sledge rested on runners or turned
spirally; but it made considerable difference to us, and
we lost much energy in the constant efforts to avoid[Pg 172]
somersaults. We did not dare release our grip for a
moment, for to do so would have meant painful bumping
and torn clothes, as well as being left behind in the
chase.
It took but a brief time to cover the three miles.
We made our final advance by three separate ravines,
and for a time the musk oxen were out of sight. When
we again saw them they had not taken the alarm, nor
did they until we were ready to attack them from three
separate points.
All but five dogs from each sledge were now freed
from harness. They darted toward the oxen with fierce
speed.
The oxen tried to escape through a ravine, but it
was too late. The dogs were on every side of them, and
all the oxen could do was to grunt fiercely and jump
into a bunch, with tails together and heads directed at
the enemy. There were seven musk oxen in all, and they
tried to keep the dogs scattered at a safe distance.
The dogs would rush up to within a few feet, showing
their teeth and uttering wolfish sounds, and every
now and then an ox would rush out from its circle, with
head down, in an effort to strike the dogs; but the dogs
were always too quick to be caught by the savage thrust,
and each time the ox, in its retreat, would feel canine
fangs closing on its haunches.
After a few such efforts, the bulls, with lowered
horns, merely held to the position, while the dogs, not
daring actually to attack under such circumstances, sat
in a circle and sent up blood-chilling howls. Meanwhile,
the Eskimos and myself were hurrying up.

“THE IGLOO BUILT, WE PREPARE FOR OUR DAILY CAMP”
The strife was soon over. I snapped my camera at
[Pg 173]
an old bull which at that moment broke through the
dogs and, followed by a group of them, was driven
madly over a cliff in a plunge of five thousand feet. The
other oxen were soon killed by the hunters.

CAMPING TO EAT AND TAKE OBSERVATIONS
ON AGAIN!
The sun settled under mountains of ice, and the
purple twilight rapidly thickened. It was very cold.
The breath of each man came like jets of steam from a
kettle. The temperature was now -81° F. No time
could be lost in dressing the game. But the Eskimos
were equal to the task, and showed such skill as only
Indians possess.
While this was being done by my companions, I
strolled about to note the ear-marks of the home of the
musk ox. The mountain was in line of the sweep of the
winds, and was bared of snows. Here were grass,
mosses, and creeping willows in abundance, descending
into the gullies. I found fossil-stumps of large trees
and bits of lignite coal. The land in pre-glacial times
had evidently supported a vigorous vegetation; but now
the general aspect offered a scene of frosty hopelessness.
Still, in this desolation of snowy wastes, nature had supplied
creatures with food in their hard pressure of life.
Fox and wolf tracks were everywhere, while on
every little eminence sat an Arctic hare, evincing ear-upraised
surprise at our appearance. With the glasses
I noted on neighboring hills three other herds of musk
ox. This I did not tell the hunters, for they would not
have rested until all were secured. Living in a land of
cold and hunger, the Eskimo is insatiable for game. We
had as much meat as we could possibly use for the next
few days, and it was much easier to fill up, and secure
more when we needed it, than now to carry almost im[Pg 174]possible
loads. In a remarkably short time the skins
were removed and the meat was boned and cut in small
strips in such a way that the axe would break it when
frozen. Neatly wrapped in skins, the loads did not
seem large.
Selecting a few choice bits for later use, the balance
was separated and allowed to cool. I looked at the
enormous quantity of meat, and wondered how it could
be transported to camp, but no such thought troubled
the Eskimos. Piece after piece went down the canine
throats with a gulp. No energy was wasted in mastication.
With a drop of the jaws and a twist of the neck,
the task of eating was finished and the stomach began to
spread. The dogs had not yet reached their limit when
the snow was cleared of its weight of dressed meat and
a canine wrangle began for the possession of the cleaned
bones.
With but little meat on the sledges, we began the
descent, but the spirit of the upward rush was lost.
The dogs, too full to run, simply rolled down the slopes,
and we pushed the sledges ourselves. The ox that had
made the death plunge was picked up and taken as
reserve meat. It was midnight before camp was
pitched. The moon burned with a cheerful glow. The
air was filled with liquid frost, but there was no wind
and consequently no suffering from cold.
Two comfortable snowhouses were built, and in
them our feasts rivalled the canine indulgence. Thus
was experienced the greatest joy of savage life in boreal
wilds—the hunt of the musk ox, with the advantage of
the complex cunning gathered by forgotten ages. The
balance of the meat left after our feast was buried, with[Pg 175]
the protecting skins, in the snow. On opening the meat
on the following morning, it was still warm, although
the minimum thermometer registered -80° F. for the
night.
A few minutes before midday, on our next march,
the sledge train halted. We sat on the packs, and,
with eyes turned southward, waited. Even an Eskimo
has an eye for color and a soul for beauty. To us there
appeared a play of suppressed light and bleached color
tints, as though in harmony with bars of music, which
inspired my companions to shouts of joy.
Slowly and majestically the golden orb lifted. The
dogs responded in low, far-reaching calls. The Eskimos
greeted the day god with savage chants. The sun, a
flushed crimson ball, edged along the wintry outline of
the mountains’ purplish snowy glitter. The pack was
suddenly screened by a moving sheet of ever-changing
color, wherein every possible continuation of purple and
gold merged with rainbow hues.
Soon the dyes changed to blue, and eventually the
sky was fired by flames of red. Then, slowly, the great
blazing globe sank into seas of fire-flushed ice. The
snowy mountains about glowed with warm cheer. The
ice cooled again to purple, and again to blue, and then
a winter blackness closed the eye to color and the soul
to joy.
IN GAME TRAILS TO LAND’S END
SVERDRUP’S NEW WONDERLAND—FEASTING ON GAME EN
ROUTE TO SVARTEVOEG—FIRST SHADOW OBSERVATIONS—FIGHTS
WITH WOLVES AND BEARS—THE JOYS
OF ZERO’S LOWEST—THRESHOLD OF THE UNKNOWN
XII
Shores of the Circumpolar Sea
March 2 was bright and clear and still. The ice
was smooth, with just snow enough to prevent the dogs
cutting their feet. The heavy sledges bounded along
easily, but the dogs were too full of meat to step a lively
pace. The temperature was -79° F. We found it
comfortable to walk along behind the upstanders of the
sledges. Some fresh bear tracks were crossed. These
denoted that bears had advanced along the coast on an
exploring tour, much as we aimed to do. Scenting
these tracks, the dogs forgot their distended stomachs,
and braced into the harness with full pulling force. We
were still able to keep pace by running. Hard exercise
brought no perspiration.
After passing the last land point, we noted four
herds of musk oxen. The natives were eager to embark
for the chase. I tried to dissuade them, but, had we not
crossed the bear trail, no word of mine would have kept
them from another chase of the musk ox.[Pg 177]
Long after sunset, as we were about to camp, a bear
was sighted advancing on us behind a line of hummocks.
The light was already feeble. It was the work of but a
minute to throw our things on the ice and start the teams
on the scent of the bear. But this bear was thin and
hungry. He gave us a lively chase. His advance was
checked, however, as our rush began, and he spread his
huge paws into a step which outdistanced our dogs.
The chase was continued on the ice for about three miles.
Then bruin, with sublime intelligence, took to the land
and the steep slopes, leading us over hilly, bare ground,
rocks, and soft snows. He gained the top of the tall
cliffs while we were still groping in the darkness among
the rocks at the base, a thousand feet below.
The sledges were now left, and the dogs freed.
They flew up a gully in which the bear tracks guided an
easy path. In a short time their satisfying howls told
of the bear’s captivity. He had taken a position on
a table-rock, which was difficult for the dogs to climb.
At an easy distance from this rock were steep slopes of
snow. One after another, the dogs came tumbling
down these slopes. With but a slight cuff of his paw,
the bear could toss the attacking dogs over dizzy heights.
His position was impregnable to the dogs, but, thus
perched, he was a splendid mark for E-tuk-i-shook. That
doughty huntsman raised his gun, and, following a shot,
the bear rolled down the same slopes on which he had
hurled the dogs. To his carcass a span of strong dogs
were soon hitched, and it was hauled down to the sea
level. Quickly dressed and distributed, the bear was
only a teasing mouthful to the ever-hungry dogs.
It was nearly midnight before we returned to our[Pg 178]
sledge packs. The work of building the houses was
rendered difficult by the failing moon and the very low
temperature. The lowest temperature of the season,
-83°, was reached this night.
The sun rose in the morning of March 3 with warm
colors, painting the crystal world surrounding us with
gorgeous tints of rose and old gold. It was odd that
in the glare of this enrapturing glory we should note the
coldest day of the year.
With the returning sun in the Arctic comes the
most frigid season. The light is strongly purple, and
one is tempted to ascribe to the genial rays a heating
influence which is as yet absent, owing to their slant.
The night-darkened surfaces prevent the new sunbeams
from disseminating any considerable heat, and the
steadily falling temperature indicates that the crust of
the earth, as a result of its long desertion by the sun in
winter, is still unchecked in its cooling. Because of the
persistence of terrestrial radiation, we have the coldest
weather of the year with the ascending sun.
It is a fortunate provision of nature that these icy
days of the ascending sun are usually accompanied by a
breathless stillness. When wind and storms come, the
temperature quickly rises. It is doubtful if any form
of life could withstand a storm at -80° F. A quiet
charm comes with this eye-opening period. The spirits
rise with indescribable gladness, and, although the mercury
is frozen, the body, when properly dressed, is perfectly
comfortable. The soft light of purple and gold,
or of lilac and rose, on the snowy slopes, dispels the
chronic gloom of the long night, while the tonic of a
brightening air of frost returns the flush to the pale[Pg 179]
cheeks. The stillness adds a charm, with which the
imagination plays. It is not the music of silence, nor
the gold solitude of summer, nor the deathlike stillness
of the winter blackness. It is the stillness of zero’s
lowest, which has a beauty of its own.
The ice pinnacles are lined with hoar frost, on
which there is a play of rainbow colors. The tread of
one’s feet is muffled by feathery beds of snow. The
mountains, raised by the new glow of light or outlined
by colored shadows, stand against the brightened
heavens in sculptured magnificence.
The bear admires his shadow, the fox peeps from
behind his bushy tail, devising a new cult, for his art of
night will soon be a thing of the past. The hare sits,
with forelegs bent reverently, as if offering prayers of
gratitude. The musk ox stands in the brightest sun, with
his beautiful coat of black and blue, and absorbs the first
heaven-given sun bath, and man soars high in dreams of
happiness.
Shadows always attract the eye of primitive people
and children. In a world such as the one we were invading,
with little to rest the eye from perpetual glitter, they
were to become doubly interesting. When we first
began observing our shadows, on March 3, I did not
dream that a thing so simple could rise to the dignity
of a proof of the Polar conquest. But, since then, I have
come to the conclusion that, if a proof of this much-discussed
problem is at all possible, it is in the corroborative
evidence of just such little things as shadows.
Accordingly, I have examined every note and impression
bearing on natural phenomena en route.
To us, in our daily marches from Bay Fiord, the[Pg 180]
shadow became a thing of considerable interest and importance.
The Eskimo soul is something apart from
the body. The native believes it follows in the shadow.
For this reason, stormy, sunless days are gloomy times
to the natives, for the presence of the soul is then not in
evidence. The night has the same effect, although the
moon often throws a clear-cut shadow. The native believes
the soul at times wanders from the body. When
it does this, the many rival spirits, which in their system
of beliefs tenant the body, get into all sorts of trouble.
Every person, and every animal, has not only a soul
which guards its destiny, but every part of the body has
an individual spirit—the arm, the leg, the nose, the eye,
the ear, and every other conceivable part of the anatomy,
with a peculiar individuality, throbs with a separate life.
The separate, wandering soul in the shadow is the guiding
influence.
Furthermore, there is no such conception as an
absolutely inanimate thing. The land, the sea, the air,
ice, and snow, have great individual spirits that ever
engage in battle with each other. Even mountains, valleys,
rocks, icebergs, wood, iron, fire—all have spirits.
All of this gives them a keen interest in shadows in an
otherwise desert of gloom and death.
Their entire religious creed would require a long
time to work out. Even that part of it which is represented
by the shadow is quite beyond me. As I observed
in our following marches toward Svartevoeg,
their keen eyes detect in shadows incidents and messages
of life, histories that would fill volumes. The shadow is
long or short, clear-cut or vague, dark or light, blue or
purple, violet or black. Each phase of it has a special[Pg 181]
significance. It presages luck or ill-luck on the chase,
sickness and death in the future, the presence or unrest
of the souls of parted friends. Even the souls of the
living sometimes get mixed. Then there is love or intrigue.
All the passions of wild life can be read from
the shadows. The most pathetic shadows had been the
vague, ghastly streaks of black that followed the body
about a week before sunset in October. At that time
all the Arctic world is sad, and tears come easily.
The shadow does not quickly come back with the
returning sun. Continuous storms so screen the sunbeams
that only a vague, diffused light reaches the long
night-blackened snows. When the joy of seeing the
first shadows exploded among my companions I did not
know just what intoxication infected the camp. With
full stomachs of newly acquired musk ox loins, we had
slept. Suddenly the sun burst through a maze of burning
clouds and made our snow palace glow with electric
darts. The temperature was very low. Only half-dressed,
the men rushed out, dancing with joy.
Their shadows were long, sharp-cut, and of a deep,
purple blue. They danced with them. This brought
them back to the normal life of Eskimo hilarity. Then
followed the pleasures of the thrill of the sunny days of
crystal air and blinding sparkle during never-to-be
forgotten days of the enervating chill of zero’s lowest at
-83° F.
In the northward progress, for a long time the
shadows did not perceptibly shorten or brighten to my
eyes. The natives, however, on our subsequent marches,
got from these shadows a never-ending variety of topics
to talk about. They foretold storms, located game, and[Pg 182]
read the story of respective home entanglements of the
Adamless Eden which we had left far away on the
Greenland shore.
Our bear adventures took us on an advance trail
over which progress was easy. Beyond, the snow increased
rapidly in depth with every mile. Snowshoes
were lashed to our feet for the first mile. We halted in
our march at noon, attacked suddenly by five wolves.
The rifles were prepared for defense. No shots were to
be fired, however, unless active battle was commenced.
The creatures at close range were slightly cream-colored,
with a little gray along their backs, but at a greater distance
they seemed white. They came from the mountains,
with a chilling, hungry howl that brought shivers.
The dogs were interested, but made no offer to give
chase.
The wolves passed the advancing sledges at a distance,
and gathered about the rear sledge, which was
separated from the train. The driver turned his team
to help in the fight. As the sledges neared, the teams
were stopped, the wolves sat down and delivered a maddening
chorus of chagrin. The dogs were restless, but
only wiggled their tails. The men stood still, with
rifles pointed. The chorus ended. The battle was declared
off. Seeing that they were outnumbered, the
howling creatures turned and dashed up the snowy
slopes, from which they had come, with a storming rush.
The train was lined up, and through the deep snow we
plowed westward.
In two difficult marches we reached Eureka
Sound.
Wolves continued on our trail nearly every day[Pg 183]
along the west coast of Acpohon, and also along North
Devon.
In the extreme North, the wolf, like the fox, is pure
white, with black points to the ears, and spots over the
eyes. In the regions farther south his fur is slightly
gray. In size, he is slightly larger than the Eskimo
dog, his body longer and thinner, and he travels with his
tail down. Like the bear, he is a ceaseless wanderer
during all seasons of the year.
In winter, wolves gather in groups of six or eight,
and attack musk ox, or anything in their line of march.
But in summer they travel in pairs, and become scavengers.
The wolf is alert in estimating the number of his
combatants and their fighting qualities. Men and dogs
in numbers he never approaches within gunshot, contenting
himself by howling piercingly from mountains
at a long distance. When a single sledge was separated
from the others, he would approach to an uncomfortable
range.
Bear tracks were also numerous. We were, however,
too tired to give chase. Close to a cape where we
paused, on Eureka Sound, to cut snow-blocks for igloos
attached to the sledges, E-tuk-i-shook noted two bears
wandering over the lands not far away. Watching for
a few moments with the glasses, we noted that they were
stalking a sleeping musk ox. Now we did not care particularly
for the bears, but the musk ox was regarded as
our own game, and we were not willing to divide it
knowingly. The packs were pitched into the snow, and
the dogs rushed through deep snow, over hummocks
and rocks, to the creeping bears.
As the bears turned, the rear attack seemed to offer[Pg 184]
sport, and they rose to meet us. But as one team after
the other bounced over the nearest hills, their heads
turned and they rushed up the steep slopes. We now
saw twenty musk oxen asleep in scattered groups.
These interested us more than the bears. The dogs
were seemingly of the same mind, for they required no
urging to change the noses from the bears to the
musk oxen.
As we wound around the hill upon which they
rested, all at once arose, shook off the snow, rubbed their
horns on their knees, and then formed a huge star. In
a short time the entire herd was ours. The meat was
dressed, wrapped in skins, the dogs lightly fed, and the
carcasses hauled to camp. Then we completed our
igloos. Bears and wolves wandered about camp all
night, but with one hundred dogs, whose eyes were on
the swelled larder, there was no danger from wild
brutes.
Early in the morning of March 4 we were awakened
by a furious noise from the dogs. Koo-loo-ting-wah
peeked out and saw a bear in the act of taking a choice
strip of tenderloin from the meat. With a deft cut of the
knife, a falling block of snow made a window, and
through it the rifle was leveled at the animal. He was
big, fat, and gave us just the blubber required for our
lamps.
A holiday was declared. It would take time to
stuff the dogs with twenty musk oxen and a bear. Furthermore,
our clothing needed attention. Boots, mittens,
and stockings had to be dried and mended. Some
of our garments were torn in places, permitting winds
to enter. Much of the dog harness required fixing.[Pg 185]
The Eskimos’ sledges had been slightly broken. Later,
the same day, another herd of twenty musk oxen
were seen. Now even the Eskimo’s savage thirst
for blood was satisfied. The pot was kept boiling, and
the igloos rang with chants of primitive joys.
On March 7 we began a straight run to the Polar
sea, a distance of one hundred and seventy miles. The
weather was superb and the ice again free of heavy
snow.
In six marches we reached Schei Island, which we
found to be a peninsula. We halted here and a
feast day was declared. Twenty-seven musk oxen and
twenty-four hares were secured in one after-dinner hunt.
This meat guaranteed a food supply to the shores of the
Polar sea. A weight was lifted from my load of cares,
for I had doubted the existence of game far enough
north to count on fresh meat to the sea. The temperature
was still low (-50° F.), but the nights were brightening,
and the days offered twelve hours of good light.
Our outlook was hopeful indeed.
In the Polar campaign, the bear was unconsciously
our best friend, and also consciously our worst enemy.
There were times when we admired him, although he was
never exactly friendly to us. There were other times
when we regarded him with a savage wrath. Only beyond
the range of life in the utmost North were we free
from his attacks. In other places he nosed our trail
with curious persistence. He had attacked the first
party that was sent out to explore a route, under cover
of night and storms. One man was wounded, another
lost the tail of his coat and a part of his anatomy.
In our march of glory through the musk ox land,[Pg 186]
the bear came as a rival, and disputed not only our right
to the chase, but also our right to the product from our
own catch. But we had guns and dogs, and the bears
fell easily. We were jealous of the quest of the musk
ox. It seemed properly to belong to the domain of
man’s game. We were equal at the time to the task,
and did not require the bear’s help.
The bears were good at figures, and quickly realized
ours was a superior fighting force. So they joined
the ranks in order that they might share in the division
of the spoils. The bear’s goodly mission was always
regarded with suspicion. We could easily spare the
bones of our game, which he delighted to pick. We were
perfectly able to protect our booty with one hundred
dogs, whose dinners depended on open eyes. But the
bear did not always understand our tactics. We afterwards
learned that we did not always understand his,
for he drove many prizes into our arms. But man is a
short-sighted critic—he sees only his side of the game.
In the northern march a much more friendly spirit
was developed. We differed on many points of ethics
with bruin, and our fights, successful or otherwise, were
too numerous and disagreeable to relate fully. Only
one of these battles will be recorded here, to save the
reputation of man as a superior fighting animal.
We had made a long march of about forty miles.
Already the dull purple of twilight was resting heavily
on darkening snows. The temperature was -81°.
There was no wind. The air was semi-liquid with suspended
crystals. When standing still we were perfectly
comfortable, although jets of steam from our nostrils
arranged frost crescents about our faces.[Pg 187]
We had been advancing towards a group of musk
oxen for more than an hour. We were now in the habit
of living from catch to catch, filling up on meat at the
end of each successful hunt, and waiting for pot-luck for
the next meal. The sledges were too heavily loaded to
carry additional weight. Furthermore, the temperature
was too low to split up frozen meat. Indeed, most
of our axes had been broken in trying to divide meat as
dog food. It was plainly an economy of axes and fuel
to fill up on warm meat as the skin was removed, and
wait for the next plunder.
We had been two days without setting eyes on an
appetizing meal of steaming meat. Not a living speck
had crossed our horizon; and, therefore, when we noted
the little cloud of steam rise from a side hill, and
guessed that under it were herds of musk ox, our
palates moistened with anticipatory joys. A camping
place was sought. Two domes of snow were erected as
a shelter.
Through the glasses we counted twenty-one musk
oxen. Some were digging up snow to find willows;
others were sleeping. All were unsuspecting. After
the experience we had in this kind of hunting, we confidently
counted the game as ours. A holiday was declared
for the morrow, to dispose of the surplus. Nourishment
in prospect, one hundred dogs started with a
jump, under the lashes of ten Eskimos. Our sledges
began shooting the boreal shoots. After rushing over
minor hills, the dog noses sank into bear tracks. A little
farther along, we realized we had rivals. Two bears
were far ahead, approaching the musk oxen.
The dogs scented their rivals. The increased[Pg 188]
bounding of the sledges made looping-the-loop seem
tame. But we were too late; the bears ran into the
bunch of animals, and spoiled our game with no advantage
to themselves. Giving a half-hearted chase, they
rose to a bank of snow, deliberately sat down, and turned
to a position to give us the laugh.
The absence of musk ox did not slacken the pace
of the dogs. The bears were quick to see the force of
our intent. They scattered and climbed. A bear is an
expert Alpinist; he requires no ice axe and no lantern.
The moon came out, and the snow slopes began to glare
with an electric incandescence.
In this pearly light, the white bear seemed black,
and was easily located. One bear slipped into a ravine
and was lost. All attention was now given to the other,
which was ascending an icy ridge to a commanding
precipice. We cut the dogs from the sledges. They
soared up the white slope as if they had wings. The
bear gained the crest in time to cuff away each rising
antagonist. The dogs tumbled over each other, down
several hundred feet into a soft snow-padded gully.
Other dogs continued to rise on the ridge to keep the
bear guessing. The dogs in the pit discovered a new
route, and made a combined rear attack. Bruin was
surprised, and turned to face his enemies. Backing from
a sudden assault, he stepped over a precipice, and tumbled
in a heap into the dog-strewn pit. The battle was
now on in full force. Finding four feet more useful
than one mouth, the bear turned on his back and sent his
paws out with telling effect. The dogs, although not
giving up the battle, scattered, for the swing of the
creature’s feet did not suit their battle methods. Sit[Pg 189]ting
on curled tails, they filled the air with murderous
howls and raised clouds of frozen breath in the flying
snow.
We were on the scene at a safe distance, each with
a tight grip on his gun, expecting the bear to make a
sudden plunge. But he was not given a choice of movement,
and we could not shoot into the darting pit of
dogs without injuring them. At this moment Ah-we-lah,
youngest of the party, advanced. Leaving his gun,
he descended through the dog ranks into the pit, with
the spiked harpoon shaft. The bear threw back its
head to meet him. A score of dogs grabbed the bear’s
feet. Ah-we-lah raised his arm. A sudden savage
thrust sank the blunt steel into the bear’s chest. Cracking
whips, we scattered the guarding dogs. The prize
was quickly divided.
On our advance to the Polar sea, I found that there
is considerable art in building snowhouses. The casual
observer is likely to conclude that it is an easy problem
to pile up snow-blocks, dome-shaped, but to do this
properly, so that the igloo will withstand wind, requires
adept work. From the lessons of my companions in
this art I now became more alert to learn, knowing the
necessity of protection on our Polar dash.
The first problem is to find proper snow. One has
often to seek for banks where the snow is just hard
enough. If it is too hard, it cannot be easily cut with
knives. If it is too soft, the blocks will crush, and cause
the house to cave in. Long knives are the best instruments—one
of fifteen inches and another about ten.
From sixty to seventy-five blocks, fifteen by twenty-four
inches, are required to make a house ten feet by ten.[Pg 190]
The blocks are cut according to the snow, but fifteen by
twenty-four by eight inches is the best size.
The lower tiers of blocks are set in slight notches in
the snow, to prevent the blocks from slipping out. A
slight tilt begins from the first tiers; the next tier tilts
still more, and so the next. The blocks are set so that
the upper blocks cover the breaks in the lower tier. The
fitting is done mostly with the blocks in position, the
knife being passed between the blocks to and fro, with
a pressure on the blocks with the other hand. The
hardest task is to make the blocks stick without holding
in the upper tiers. This is done by deft cuts with the
knife and a slight thump of the blocks.
The dome is the most difficult part to build. In
doing this all blocks are leveled and carefully set to arch
the roof.
When the structure is completed, a candle is lit and
the cracks are stuffed by cutting the edges off the nearest
blocks, and pressing the broken snow into the cracks
with the mittens. After this process, the interior arrangement
is worked out. The foot space is first cut
out in blocks. If the snow is on a slope, as it often happens,
these blocks are raised and the upper slopes are
cut down to a level plane.
The foot space is a very important matter, first for
the comfort of sitting, and also to let off the carbonic
acid gas, which quickly settles in these temperatures and
extinguishes the fires. It, of course, has also an important
bearing on human breathing.
Inhalation of very cold air at this time forced an
unconscious expenditure of very much energy. The
extent of this tax can be gauged only by the enormous[Pg 191]
difference between the temperature of the body and that
of the air. One day it was -72° F. The difference
was, therefore, 170°. It is hard to conceive of normal
breathing under such difficulties; but when properly
clothed and fed, no great discomfort or ill-effects are
noted. The membranes of the air passages are, however,
overflushed with blood. The chest circulation is
forced to its limits, and the heart beats are increased and
strengthened. The organs of circulation and respiration,
which do ninety per cent. of the work of the body,
are taxed with a new burden that must be counted in
estimating one’s day’s task. This loss of power in
breathing extreme frost is certain to reduce working
time and bodily force.
The land whose coast we were following to the
shores of the Polar sea is part of the American hemisphere,
and one of the largest islands of the world,
spreading 30° longitude and rising 7° of latitude. What
is its name? The question must remained unanswered,
for it not only has no general name, but numerous sections
are written with names and outlines that differ to a
large extent with the caprice of the explorers who have
been there.
The south is called Lincoln Land; above it,
Ellesmere Land. Then comes Schley Land, Grinnell
Land, Arthur Land, and Grant Land, with other lands
of later christening by Sverdrup and others.
No human beings inhabit the island. No nation
assumes the responsibility of claiming or protecting it.
The Eskimo calls the entire country Acpohon, or “the
Land of Guillemots,” which are found in great abundance
along the southeast point. I have, therefore, to[Pg 192]
avoid conflictions, affixed the name of Acpohon as the
general designation.
We had now advanced beyond the range of all
primitive life. No human voice broke the frigid silence.
The Eskimos had wandered into the opening of the
musk ox pass. Sverdrup had mapped the channels of
the west coast. But here was no trace of modern or aboriginal
residence. There is no good reason why men
should not have followed the musk oxen here, but the
nearest Eskimos on the American side are those on Lancaster
Sound.
I found an inspiration in being thus alone at the
world’s end. The barren rocks, the wastes of snow-fields,
the mountains stripped of earlier ice-sheets, and
every phase of the landscape, assured a new interest.
There was a note of absolute abandon on the part of
nature. If our own resources failed, or if a calamity
overtook us, there would be no trace to mark icy graves
forever hidden from surviving loved ones.
My Eskimo comrades were enthusiastic explorers.
The game trails gave a touch of animation to their steps,
which meant much to the progress of the expedition.
We not only saw musk oxen in large herds, but tracks
of bears and wolves were everywhere in line with our
course. On the sea-ice we noted many seal blow-holes.
Already the natives talked of coming here on the following
year to cast their lot in the new wilds.
The picturesque headland of Schie we found to be
a huge triassic rock of the same general formation as
that indicated along Eureka Sound. Its west offered a
series of grassy slopes bared by persistent winds, upon
which animal life found easy access to the winter-cured[Pg 193]
grass. A narrow neck of land connected what seemed
like an island with the main land. Here caches of fur
and fuel were left for the return. In passing Snag’s
Fiord the formation changed. Here, for several
marches, game was scarce. The temperature rose as we
neared the Polar sea. The snow became much deeper
but it was hardened by stronger winds and increased
humidity. High glacier-abandoned valleys with gradual
slopes to the water’s edge, gave the Heiberg shores
on Nansen Sound a different type of landscape from
that of the opposite shores. Here and there we found
pieces of lignite coal, and as we neared Svartevoeg the
carboniferous formation became more evident.
Camping in the lowlands just south of Svartevoeg
Cliffs we secured seven musk oxen and eighty-five hares.
Here were immense fields of grass and moss bared by
persistent winter gales. By a huge indentation here,
through which we saw the sea-level ice of the west, the
shores seemed to indicate that the point of Heiberg is an
island, but of this we were not absolutely sure. To us
it was a great surprise that here, on the shores of the
Polar sea, we found a garden spot of plant luxuriance
and animal delight. For this assured, in addition to the
caches left en route, a sure food supply for the return
from our mission to the North.
THE TRANS-BOREAL DASH BEGINS
BY FORCED EFFORTS AND THE USE OF AXES SPEED IS MADE
OVER THE LAND—ADHERING PACK ICE OF POLAR SEA—THE
MOST DIFFICULT TRAVEL OF THE PROPOSED
JOURNEY SUCCESSFULLY ACCOMPLISHED—REGRETFUL
PARTING WITH THE ESKIMOS
XIII
Five Hundred Miles From the Pole
Svartevoeg is a great cliff, the northernmost point
of Heiberg Land, which leaps precipitously into the
Polar sea. Its negroid face of black scarred rocks
frowns like the carven stone countenance of some hideously
mutilated and enraged Titan savage. It expresses,
more than a human face could, the unendurable
sufferings of this region of frigid horrors. It is five
hundred and twenty miles from the North Pole.
From this point I planned to make my dash in as
straight a route as might be possible. Starting from
our camp at Annoatok late in February, when the curtain
of night was just beginning to lift, when the chill
of the long winter was felt at its worst, we had forced
progress through deep snows, over land and frozen seas,
braving the most furious storms of the season and traveling
despite baffling darkness, and had covered in less
than a month about four hundred miles—nearly half[Pg 195]
the distance between our winter camp and the Pole.
Arriving at land’s end my heart had cause for
gratification. We had weathered the worst storms of
the year. The long bitter night had now been lost. The
days lengthened and invaded with glitter the decreasing
nights. The sun glowed more radiantly daily, rose
higher and higher to a continued afterglow in cheery
blues, and sank for periods briefer and briefer in seas of
running color. Our hopes, like those of all mankind, had
risen with the soul-lifting sun. We had made our progress
mainly at the expense of the land which we explored,
for the game en route had furnished food and clothing.
The supplies we had brought with us from Annoatok
were practically untouched. We had stepped in
overfed skins, were fired by a resolution which was recharged
by a strength bred of feeding upon abundant
raw and wholesome meat. Eating to repletion on unlimited
game, our bodies were kept in excellent trim by
the exigencies of constant and difficult traveling.
As a man’s mental force is the result of yesteryears’
upbuilding, so his strength of to-day is the result of last
week’s eating. With the surge of ambition which had
been formulating for twenty years, and my body in best
physical shape for the supreme test, the Pole now
seemed almost near.
As the great cliffs of Svartevoeg rose before us my
heart leaped. I felt that the first rung in the ladder of
success had been climbed, and as I stood under the black
cliffs of this earth’s northernmost land I felt that I
looked through the eyes of long experience. Having
reached the end of Nansen Sound, with Svartevoeg on
my left, and the tall, scowling cliffs of Lands-Lokk on[Pg 196]
my right, I viewed for the first time the rough and heavy
ice of the untracked Polar sea, over which, knowing the
conditions of the sea ice, I anticipated the most difficult
part of our journey lay. Imagine before you fields of
crushed ice, glimmering in the rising sunlight with shooting
fires of sapphire and green; fields which have been
slowly forced downward by strong currents from the
north, and pounded and piled in jagged mountainous
heaps for miles about the land. Beyond this difficult ice,
as I knew, lay more even fields, over which traveling,
saving the delays of storms and open leads, would be
comparatively easy. To encompass this rough prospect
was the next step in reaching my goal. I felt that no
time must be lost. At this point I was now to embark
upon the Polar sea; the race for my life’s ambition was
to begin here; but first I had finally to resolve on the
details of my campaign.
I decided to reduce my party to the smallest possible
number consistent with the execution of the problem
in hand. In addition, for greater certainty of
action over the unknown regions beyond, I now definitely
resolved to simplify the entire equipment. An
extra sled was left at the cache at this point to insure
a good vehicle for our return in case the two sleds which
we were to take should be badly broken en route. I
decided to take only two men on the last dash. I had
carefully watched and studied every one of my party,
and had already selected E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah,
two young Eskimos, each about twenty years old, as best
fitted to be my sole companions in the long run of
destiny.
Twenty-six of the best dogs were picked, and upon[Pg 197]
two sleds were to be loaded all our needs for a trip estimated
to last eighty days.
To have increased this party would not have enabled
us to carry supplies for a greater number of days.
The sleds might have been loaded more heavily, but
I knew this would reduce the important progress of the
first days.
With the character of ice which we had before us,
advance stations were impossible. A large expedition
and a heavy equipment would have been imprudent.
We must win or lose in a prolonged effort at high pressure.
Therefore, absolute control and ease of adaptability
to a changing environment was imperative.
From past experience I knew it was impossible to
control adequately the complex human temperament of
white men in the Polar wilderness. But I felt certain
the two Eskimo boys could be trusted to follow to the
limit of my own endurance. So our sleds were burdened
only with absolute necessaries.
Because of the importance of a light and efficient
equipment, much care had to be taken to reduce every
ounce of weight. The sleds were made of hickory, the
lightest wood consistent with great endurance, and
every needless fibre was gouged out. The iron shoes
were ground thin, and up to the present had stood the
test of half the Polar battle.
Eliminating everything not actually needed, but
selecting adequate food, I made the final preparations.
The camp equipment selected included the following
articles: One blow fire lamp (jeuel), three aluminum
pails, three aluminum cups, three aluminum teaspoons,
one tablespoon, three tin plates, six pocket[Pg 198]
knives, two butcher knives (ten inches), one saw knife
(thirteen inches), one long knife (fifteen inches), one
rifle (Sharp’s), one rifle (Winchester .22), one hundred
and ten cartridges, one hatchet, one Alpine axe, extra
line and lashings, and three personal bags.
The sled equipment consisted of two sleds weighing
fifty-two pounds each; one twelve-foot folding canvas
boat, the wood of which formed part of a sled; one
silk tent, two canvas sled covers, two reindeer skin sleeping
bags, floor furs, extra wood for sled repairs, screws,
nails and rivets.
My instruments were as follows: One field glass;
one pocket compass; one liquid compass; one aluminum
surveying compass, with azimuth attachment; one
French surveyor’s sextant, with radius 7½, divided on
silver to 10ʹ, reading by Vernier to 10″ (among the extra
attachments were a terrestrial and an astronomical telescope,
and an extra night telescope mounted in aluminum,
and also double refracting prisms, thermometers,
etc.—the instrument was made by Hurleman of France
and bought of Keuffel & Esser); one glass artificial
horizon; three Howard pocket chronometers; one Tiffany
watch; one pedometer; map-making material and
instruments; three thermometers; one aneroid barometer;
one camera and films; notebook and pencils.
The personal bags contained four extra pairs of
kamiks, with fur stockings, a woolen shirt, three pairs of
sealskin mittens, two pairs of fur mittens, a piece of
blanket, a sealskin coat (netsha), extra fox tails and dog
harness, a repair kit for mending clothing, and much
other necessary material.
On the march we wore snow goggles, blue fox coats[Pg 199]
(kapitahs) and birdskin shirts (Ah-tea), bearskin pants
(Nan-nooka), sealskin boots (Kam-ik), hare-skin stockings
(Ah-tee-shah), and a band of fox tails under the
knee and about the waist.
The food supply, as will be seen by the following
list, was mostly pemmican:
Eight hundred and five pounds of beef pemmican,
one hundred and thirty pounds of walrus pemmican,
fifty pounds of musk ox tenderloin, twenty-five pounds
of musk ox tallow, two pounds of tea, one pound of
coffee, twenty-five pounds of sugar, forty pounds of
condensed milk, sixty pounds of milk biscuit, ten pounds
of pea soup powdered and compressed, fifty pounds of
surprises, forty pounds petroleum, two pounds of wood
alcohol, three pounds of candles and one pound of
matches.
We planned our future food supply with pemmican
as practically the sole food; the other things were to be
mere palate satisfiers. For the eighty days the supply
was to be distributed as follows:
For three men: Pemmican, one pound per day for
eighty days, two hundred and forty pounds. For six
dogs: Pemmican, one pound per day for eighty days,
four hundred and eighty pounds. This necessitated a
total of seven hundred and twenty pounds of pemmican.
Of the twenty-six dogs, we had at first figured on
taking sixteen over the entire trip to the Pole and back
to our caches on land, but in this last calculation only six
were to be taken. Twenty, the least useful, were to
be used one after the other, as food on the march, as
soon as reduced loads and better ice permitted. This,
we counted, would give one thousand pounds of fresh[Pg 200]
meat over and above our pemmican supply. We
carried about two hundred pounds of pemmican
above the expected consumption, and in the final working
out the dogs were used for traction purposes longer
than we anticipated. But, with a cautious saving, the
problem was solved somewhat more economically than
any figuring before the start indicated.
Every possible article of equipment was made to do
double service; not an ounce of dead weight was carried
which could be dispensed with.
After making several trips about Svartevoeg, arranging
caches for the return, studying the ice and land,
I decided to make the final start on the Polar sea on
March 18, 1908.
The time had come to part with most of our faithful
Eskimo companions. Taking their hands in my manner
of parting, I thanked them as well as I could for their
faithful service to me. “Tigishi ah yaung-uluk!” (The
big nail!), they replied, wishing me luck.
Then, in a half gale blowing from the northwest and
charged with snow, they turned their backs upon me and
started upon the return track. They carried little but
ammunition, because we had learned that plenty of game
was to be provided along the return courses.
Even after they were out of sight in the drifting
snowstorm their voices came cheerily back to me. The
faithful savages had followed me until told that I could
use them no longer; and it was not only for their simple
pay of knives and guns, but because of a real desire to
be helpful. Their parting enforced a pang of loneliness.[10]
[Pg 201]With a snow-charged blast in our faces it was impossible
for us to start immediately after the Eskimos
returned. Withdrawing to the snow igloo, we entered
our bags and slept a few hours longer. At noon the
horizon cleared. The wind veered to the southwest and
came with an endurable force. Doubly rationed the
night before, the dogs were not to be fed again for two
days. The time had come to start. We quickly loaded
our sleds. Hitching the dogs, we let the whips fall, and
with bounds they leaped around deep ice grooves in the
great paleocrystic floes.
Our journey was begun. Swept of snow by the
force of the preceding storm, the rough ice crisply
cracked under the swift speed of our sleds. Even on
this uneven surface the dogs made such speed that I kept
ahead of them only with difficulty. Their barking pealed
about us and re-echoed from the black cliffs behind.
Dashing about transparent ultramarine gorges, and
about the base of miniature mountains of ice, we soon
came into a region of undulating icy hills. The hard
irregularity of the ice at times endangered our sleds.
We climbed over ridges like walls. We jumped dangerous
crevasses, keeping slightly west by north; the
land soon sank in the rear of us. Drifting clouds and
wind-driven snows soon screened the tops of black mountains.
Looking behind, I saw only a swirling, moving
scene of dull white and nebulous gray. On every side
ice hummocks heaved their backs and writhed by. Be[Pg 202]hind
me followed four snugly loaded sleds, drawn by
forty-four selected dogs, under the lash of four expert
Eskimo drivers. The dogs pranced; the joyous cries of
the natives rose and fell. My heart leaped; my soul
sang. I felt my blood throb with each gallop of the leaping
dog teams. The sound of their feet pattering on the
snow, the sight of their shaggy bodies tossing forward,
gave me joy. For every foot of ice covered, every minute
of constant action, drew me nearer, ever nearer, to
my goal.
Our first run was auspicious; it seemed to augur
success. By the time we paused to rest we had covered
twenty-six miles.
We pitched camp on a floeberg of unusual height;
about us were many big hummocks, and to the lee of
these banks of hardened snow. Away from land it is
always more difficult to find snow suitable for cutting
building blocks. There, however, was an abundance.
We busily built, in the course of an hour, a comfortable
snow igloo. Into it we crept, grateful for shelter from
the piercing wind.
The dogs curled up and went to sleep without a call,
as if they knew that there would be no food until to-morrow.
My wild companions covered their faces with their
long hair and sank quietly into slumber. For me sleep
was impossible. The whole problem of our campaign
had again to be carefully studied, and final plans made,
not only to reach our ultimate destination, but for the
two returning Eskimos and for the security of the things
left at Annoatok, and also to re-examine the caches left
en route for our return. These must be protected as
well as possible against the bears and wolves.[Pg 203]
Already I had begun to think of our return to land.
It was difficult at this time even to approximate any
probable course. Much would depend upon conditions
to be encountered in the northward route. Although we
had left caches of supplies with the object of returning
along Nansen Sound, into Cannon Fiord and over
Arthur Land, I entertained grave doubts of our ability
to return this way. I knew that if the ice should drift
strongly to the east we might not be given the choice of
working out our own return. For, in such an event, we
should perhaps be carried helplessly to Greenland, and
should have to seek a return either along the east or
the west coast.
This drift, in my opinion, would not necessarily
mean dangerous hardships, for the musk oxen would
keep us alive to the west, and to the east it seemed possible
to reach Shannon Island, where the Baldwin-Zeigler
expeditions had abandoned a large cache of supplies.
It appeared not improbable, also, that a large
land extension might offer a safe return much further
west. I fell asleep while pondering over these things. By
morning the air was clear of frost crystals. It was intensely
cold, not only because of a temperature of 56°
below zero, Fahrenheit, but a humid chill which pierced
to the very bones. A light breeze came from the west.
The sun glowed in a freezing field of blue.
Hitching our dogs, we started. For several hours
we seemed to soar over the white spaces. Then the ice
changed in character, the expansive, thick fields of
glacier-like ice giving way to floes of moderate size and
thickness. These were separated by zones of troublesome
crushed ice thrown into high-pressure lines, which[Pg 204]
offered serious barriers. Chopping the pathway with
an ice axe, we managed to make fair progress. We
covered twenty-one miles of our second run on the Polar
sea. I expected, at the beginning of this final effort,
to send back by this time the two extra men, Koo-loo-ting-wah
and In-u-gi-to, who had remained to help us
over the rough pack-ice. But progress had not been as
good as I had expected; so, although we could hardly
spare any food to feed their dogs, the two volunteered
to push along for another day without dog food.
Taking advantage of big, strong teams and the fire
of early enthusiasm, we aimed to force long distances
through the extremely difficult ice jammed here against
the distant land. The great weight of the supplies intended
for the final two sleds were now distributed over
four sleds. With axe and compass in hand, I led the
way. With prodigious effort I chopped openings
through barriers after barriers of ice. Sled after sled
was passed over the tumbling series of obstacles by my
companions while I advanced to open a way through the
next. With increasing difficulties in some troublesome
ice, we camped after making only sixteen miles. Although
weary, we built a small snowhouse. I prepared
over my stove a pot of steaming musk ox loins and broth
and a double brew of tea. After partaking of this our
two helpers prepared to return. To have taken them
farther would have necessitated a serious drain on our
supplies and an increased danger for their lives in a
longer return to land.

DASHING FORWARD EN ROUTE TO THE POLE
By these men I sent back instructions to Rudolph
Francke to remain in charge of my supplies at Annoatok
until June 5th, 1908, and then, if we should not have
[Pg 205]
returned by that date, to place Koo-loo-ting-wah in charge
and go home either by a whaler or some Danish ship. I
knew that, should we get in trouble, he could offer no
relief to help us, and that his waiting an indefinite time
alone would be a needless hardship.

DEPARTURE OF SUPPORTING PARTY
A BREATHING SPELL
POLEWARD!
The way before Koo-loo-ting-wah and In-u-gi-to,
who had so cheerfully remained to the last possible moment
that they could be of help, was not an entirely
pleasant one. Their friends were by now well on their
journey toward Annoatok, and they had to start after
them with sleds empty of provisions and dogs hungry for
food.
They hoped to get back to land and off the ice of
the Polar sea in one long day’s travel of twenty-four
hours. Even this would leave their fourth day without
food for their dogs. In case of storms or moving of
the ice, other days of famine might easily fall to their lot.
However, they faced possible dangers cheerfully rather
than ask me to give them anything from the stores that
were to support their two companions, myself and our
dogs on our way onward to the Pole and back. I was
deeply touched by this superlative devotion. They assured
me too (in which they were right) that they had
an abundance of possible food in the eighteen dogs they
took with them. If necessary, they could sacrifice a few
at any time for the benefit of the others, as must often
be done in the Northland.
There were no formalities in our parting on the
desolate ice. Yet, as the three of us who were left
alone gazed after our departing companions, we felt a
poignant pang in our hearts. About us was a cheerless
waste of crushed wind-and-water-driven ice. A sharp[Pg 206]
wind stung our faces. The sun was obscured by clouds
which piled heavily and darkly about the horizon. The
cold and brilliant jeweled effects of the frozen sea were
lost in a dismal hue of dull white and sombre gray. On
the horizon, Svartevoeg, toward which the returning
Eskimos were bound, was but a black speck. To the
north, where our goal lay, our way was untrodden, unknown.
The thought came to me that perhaps we
should never see our departing friends. With it came
a pang of tenderness for the loved ones I had left behind
me. Although our progress so far had been successful,
and half the distance was made, dangers unknown
and undreamed of existed in the way before us.
My Eskimos already showed anxiety—an anxiety which
every aboriginal involuntarily feels when land disappears
on the horizon. Never venturing themselves far
onto the Polar sea, when they lose sight of land a panic
overcomes them. Before leaving us one of the departing
Eskimos had pointed out a low-lying cloud to the
north of us. “Noona” (land), he said, nodding to the
others. The thought occurred to me that, on our trip,
I could take advantage of the mirages and low clouds
on the horizon and encourage a belief in a constant nearness
to land, thus maintaining their courage and cheer.[11]
Regrets and fears were not long-lasting, however,[Pg 207]
for the exigencies of our problem were sufficiently imperative
and absorbing. To the overcoming of these we
had now to devote our entire attention and strain every
fibre.
We had now advanced, by persistent high-pressure
efforts, over the worst possible ice conditions, somewhat
more than sixty miles. Of the 9° between land’s end
and the Pole, we had covered one; and we had done this
without using the pound of food per day allotted each of
us out of the eighty days’ supply transported.

POLAR BEAR
OVER THE POLAR SEA TO THE BIG LEAD
WITH TWO ESKIMO COMPANIONS, THE RACE POLEWARD
CONTINUES OVER ROUGH AND DIFFICULT ICE—THE
LAST LAND FADES BEHIND—MIRAGES LEAP INTO
BEING AND WEAVE A MYSTIC SPELL—A SWIRLING
SCENE OF MOVING ICE AND FANTASTIC EFFECTS—STANDING
ON A HILL OF ICE, A BLACK, WRITHING,
SNAKY CUT APPEARS IN THE ICE BEYOND—THE BIG
LEAD—A NIGHT OF ANXIETY—FIVE HUNDRED MILES
ALREADY COVERED—FOUR HUNDRED TO THE POLE
XIV
To Eighty-Third Parallel
Our party, thus reduced to three, went onward.
Although the isolation was more oppressive, there were
the advantages of the greater comfort, safety, speed and
convenience that came from having only a small band.
The large number of men in a big expedition always
increases responsibilities and difficulties. In the early
part of a Polar venture this disadvantage is eliminated
by the facilities to augment supplies by the game en
route and by ultimate advantages of the law of the survival
of the fittest. But after the last supporting sleds
return, the men are bound to each other for protection
and can no longer separate. A disabled or unfitted[Pg 209]
dog can be fed to his companions, but an injured or
weak man cannot be eaten nor left alone to die. An
exploring venture is only as strong as its weakest member,
and increased numbers, like increased links in a
chain, reduce efficiency.
Moreover, personal idiosyncrasies and inconveniences
always shorten a day’s march. And, above all, a
numerous party quickly divides into cliques, which are
always opposed to each other, to the leader, and invariably
to the best interests of the problem in hand.
With but two savage companions, to whom this arduous
task was but a part of an accustomed life of frost, I did
not face many of the natural personal barriers which contributed
to the failure of former Arctic expeditions.
In my judgment, when you double a Polar party
its chances for success are reduced one-half; when you
divide it, strength and security are multiplied.
We had been traveling about two and one-half miles
per hour. By making due allowances for detours and
halts at pressure lines, the number of hours traveled
gave us a fair estimate of the day’s distance. Against
this the pedometer offered a check, and the compass
gave the course. Thus, over blank charts, our course
was marked.
By this kind of dead reckoning our position on
March 20 was: Latitude, 82° 23ʹ; Longitude, 95° 14ʹ.
A study of our location seemed to indicate that we had
passed beyond the zone of ice crushed by the influence
of land pressure. Behind were great hummocks and
small ice; ahead was a cheerful expanse of larger, clearer
fields, offering a promising highway.
Our destination was now about four hundred and[Pg 210]
sixty miles beyond. Our life, with its pack environment,
assumed another aspect. Previously we permitted
ourselves some luxuries. A pound of coal oil
and a good deal of musk ox tallow were burned each day
to heat the igloo and to cook abundant food. Extra
meals were served when occasion called for them, and
for each man there had been all the food and drink he
desired. If the stockings or the mittens were wet there
was fire enough to dry them out. All of this had now
to be changed.
Hereafter there was to be a short daily allowance
of food and fuel—one pound of pemmican a day for the
dogs, about the same for the men, with just a taste of
other things. Fortunately, we were well provided with
fresh meat for the early part of the race by the lucky run
through game lands. Because of the need of fuel
economy we now cut our pemmican with an axe. Later
it split the axe.
At first no great hardship followed our changed
routine. We filled up sufficiently on two cold meals
daily and also depended on superfluous bodily tissue.
It was no longer possible to jump on the sled for an
occasional breathing spell, as we had done along the
land.
Such a journey as now confronted us is a long-continued,
hard, difficult, sordid, body-exhausting thing.
Each day some problem presents some peculiar condition
of the ice or state of the weather. The effort, for
instance, to form some shield from intense cold gives
added interest to the game. That one thing after another
is being met, with always the anticipation of next
day’s struggle, adds a thrill to the conquest, spurs one[Pg 211]
to greater and ever greater feats, and really constitutes
the actual victory of such a quest. With overloaded
sleds the drivers must now push and pull at them to aid
the dogs. My task was to search the troubled ice for
easy routes, cutting away here and there with the ice-axe
to permit the passing of the sleds.
Finally stripping for the race, man and dog must
walk along together through storms and frost for the
elusive goal. Success or failure must depend mostly
upon our ability to transport nourishment and to keep
up the muscular strength for a prolonged period.
As we awoke on the morning of March 21 and
peered out of the eye-port of the igloo, the sun edged
along the northeast. A warm orange glow suffused the
ice and gladdened our hearts. The temperature was
63° below zero, Fahrenheit; the barometer was steady
and high. There was almost no wind. Not a cloud
lined the dome of pale purple blue, but a smoky streak
along the west shortened our horizon in that direction
and marked a lead of open water.
Our breakfast consisted of two cups of tea, a watch-sized
biscuit, a chip of frozen meat and a boulder of
pemmican. Creeping out of our bags, our shivering
legs were pushed through bearskin cylinders which
served as trousers. We worked our feet into frozen
boots and then climbed into fur coats. Next we kicked
the front out of the snowhouse and danced about to
stimulate heart action.
Quickly the camp furnishings were tossed on the
sleds and securely lashed. We gathered the dog traces
into the drag lines, vigorously snapped the long whips,
and the willing creatures bent to the shoulder straps.[Pg 212]
The sleds groaned. The unyielding snows gave a
metallic ring. The train moved with a cheerful pace.
“Am-my noona terronga dosangwah” (Perhaps
land will be out of sight today), we said to one another.[12]
But the words did not come with serious intent. In
truth, each in his own way felt keenly that we were leaving
a world of life and possible comfort for one of torment
and suffering. Axel Heiberg Land, to the south,
was already only a dull blue haze, while Grant Land, on
the eastward, was making fantastic figures of its peaks
and ice walls. The ice ran in waves of undulating blue,
shimmering with streams of gold, before us. Behind,
the last vestiges of jagged land rose and fell like marionettes
dancing a wild farewell. Our heart-pulls were
backward, our mental kicks were forward.
Until now this strange white world had been one
of grim reality. As though some unseen magician had
waved his wand, it was suddenly transformed into a
land of magic. Leaping into existence, as though from
realms beyond the horizon, huge mirages wove a web of
marvelous delusional pictures about the horizon. Peaks
of snow were transformed into volcanoes, belching
smoke; out of the pearly mist rose marvelous cities with[Pg 213]
fairy-like castles; in the color-shot clouds waved golden
and rose and crimson pennants from pinnacles and
domes of mosaic-colored splendor. Huge creatures,
misshapen and grotesque, writhed along the horizon and
performed amusing antics.
Beginning now, and rarely absent, these spectral
denizens of the North accompanied us during the entire
journey; and later, when, fagged of brain and sapped
of bodily strength, I felt my mind swimming in a sea
of half-consciousness, they filled me almost with horror,
impressing me as the monsters one sees in a nightmare.
At every breathing spell in the mad pace our heads
now turned to land. Every look was rewarded by a
new prospect. From belching volcanoes to smoking
cities of modern bustle, the mirages gave a succession of
striking scenes which filled me with awed and marveling
delight. A more desolate line of coast could not be
imagined. Along its edge ran low wind-swept and
wind-polished mountains. These were separated by
valleys filled with great depths of snow and glacial ice.
Looking northward, the sky line was clear of the
familiar pinnacles of icebergs. In the immediate
vicinity many small bergs were seen; some of these were
grounded, and the pack thus anchored was thrown in
huge uplifts of pressure lines and hummocks. The sea,
as is thereby determined, is very shallow for a long distance
from land.
This interior accumulation of snow moves slowly to
the sea, where it forms a low ice wall, a glacier of the
Malaspina type. Its appearance is more like that of
heavy sea ice; hence the name of the paleocrystic ice,
fragments from this glacier, floebergs, which, seen in[Pg 214]
Lincoln Sea and resembling old floes, were supposed to
be the product of the ancient upbuilding of the ice of
the North Polar Sea.
Snapping our whips and urging the dogs, we traveled
until late in the afternoon, mirages constantly
appearing and melting about us. Now the land suddenly
settled downward as if by an earthquake. The
pearly glitter, which had raised and magnified it, darkened.
A purple fabric fell over the horizon and merged
imperceptibly into the lighter purple blue of the upper
skies. We saw the land, however, at successive periods
for several days. This happened whenever the atmosphere
was in the right condition to elevate the terrestrial
contour lines by refracting sun rays.
Every condition favored us on this march. The
wind was not strong and struck us at an angle, permitting
us to guard our noses by pushing a mitten under
our hoods or by raising a fur-clad hand.
We had not been long in the field, however, when
the wind, that ever-present dragon guardian of the unseen
northern monarch’s demesne, began to suck
strength from our bodies. Shortly before Grant Land
entirely faded the monster fawned on us with gentle
breathing.
The snow was hard, and the ice, in fairly large
fields separated by pressure lines, offered little resistance.
On March 21, at the end of a forced effort of
fourteen hours, the register indicated a progress of
twenty-nine miles.
Too weary to build an igloo, we threw ourselves
thoughtlessly upon the sleds for a short rest, and fell
asleep. I was awakened from my fitful slumber by a[Pg 215]
feeling of compression, as if stifling arms hideously
gripped me. It was the wind. I breathed with difficulty.
I struggled to my feet, and about me hissed and
wailed the dismal sound. It was a sharp warning to us
that to sleep without the shelter of an igloo would probably
mean death.
On the heavy floe upon which we rested were several
large hummocks. To the lee of one of these we
found suitable snow for a shelter.
Lines of snowy vapor were rushing over the pack.
The wind came with rapidly increasing force. We
erected the house, however, before we suffered severely
from the blast. We crept into it out of the storm and
nested in warm furs.
The wind blew fiercely throughout the night. By
the next morning, March 22, the storm had eased to
a steady, light breeze. The temperature was 59° below
zero. We emerged from our igloo at noon. Although
the cheerless gray veil had been swept from the frigid
dome of the sky, to the north appeared a low black line
over a pearly cloud which gave us much uneasiness.
This was a narrow belt of “water-sky,” which indicated
open water or very thin ice at no great distance.
The upper surface of Grant Land was now a mere
thin pen line on the edge of the horizon. But a play of
land clouds above it attracted the eyes to the last known
rocks of solid earth. We now felt keenly the piercing
cold of the Polar sea. The temperature gradually rose
to 46° F. below zero, in the afternoon, but there was
a deadly chill in the long shadows which increased with
the swing of the lowering sun.
A life-sapping draught, which sealed the eyes and[Pg 216]
bleached the nose, still hissed over the frozen sea. We
had hoped that this would soften with the midday sun.
Instead, it came with a more cutting sharpness. In the
teeth of the wind we persistently pursued a course
slightly west of north. The wind was slightly north of
west. It struck us at a painful angle and brought
tears. Our moistened lashes quickly froze together as
we winked, and when we rubbed them and drew apart
the lids the icicles broke the tender skin. Our breath
froze on our faces. Often we had to pause, uncover
our hands and apply the warm palms to the face before
it was possible to see.
Every minute thus lost filled me with impatience
and dismay. Minutes of traveling were as precious as
bits of gold to a hoarding miser.
In the course of a brief time our noses became
tipped with a white skin and also required nursing. My
entire face was now surrounded with ice, but there was
no help for it. If we were to succeed the face must be
bared to the cut of the elements. So we must suffer.
We continued, urging the dogs and struggling with the
wind just as a drowning man fights for life in a storm
at sea.
About six o’clock, as the sun crossed the west, we
reached a line of high-pressure ridges. Beyond these
the ice was cut into smaller floes and thrown together
into ugly irregularities. According to my surmises, an
active pack and troubled seas could not be far away.
The water-sky widened, but became less sharply defined.
We laboriously picked a way among hummocks and
pressure lines which seemed impossible from a distance.
Our dogs panted with the strain; my limbs ached. In a[Pg 217]
few hours we arrived at the summit of an unusual uplift
of ice blocks. Looking ahead, my heart pained as if in
the grip of an iron hand. My hopes sank within me.
Twisting snake-like between the white field, and separating
the packs, was a tremendous cut several miles
wide, which seemed at the time to bar all further progress.
It was the Big Lead, that great river separating
the land-adhering ice from the vast grinding fields of
the central pack beyond, at which many heroic men before
me had stopped. I felt the dismay and heartsickness
of all of them within me now. The wind, blowing
with a vengeful wickedness, laughed sardonically in my
ears.
Of course we had our folding canvas boat on the
sleds. But in this temperature of 48° below zero I knew
no craft could be lowered into water without fatal results.
All of the ice about was firmly cemented together,
and over it we made our way toward the edge of the
water line.
Passing through pressure lines, over smaller and
more troublesome fields, we reached the shores of the
Big Lead. We had, by two encouraging marches, covered
fifty miles. The first hundred miles of our journey
on the Polar pack had been covered. The Pole was
four hundred miles beyond!
Camp was pitched on a secure old ice field. Cutting
through huge ice cliffs, the dark crack seemed like
a long river winding between palisades of blue crystal.
A thin sheet of ice had already spread over the mysterious
deep. On its ebony mirrored surface a profusion of
fantastic frost crystals arranged themselves in bunches
resembling white and saffron-colored flowers.[Pg 218]
Through the apertures of this young ice dark
vapors rose like steam through a screen of porous fabrics
and fell in feathers of snow along the sparkling shores.
After partaking of a boulder of pemmican, E-tuk-i-shook
went east and I west to examine the lead of water
for a safe crossing. There were several narrow places,
while here and there floes which had been adrift in the
lead were now fixed by young ice. Ah-we-lah remained
behind to make our snowhouse comfortable.
For a long time this huge separation in the pack
had been a mystery to me. At first sight there seemed
to be no good reason for its existence. Peary had found
a similar break north of Robeson Channel. It was
likely that what we saw was an extension of the same,
following at a distance the general trend of the northernmost
land extension.
This is precisely what one finds on a smaller scale
when two ice packs come together. Here the pack of
the central polar sea meets the land-adhering ice.
The movement of the land pack is intermittent and
usually along the coast. The shallows, grounded ice
and projecting points interfere with a steady drift. The
movement of the central pack is quite constant, in
almost every direction, the tides, currents and winds
each giving momentum to the floating mass. The lead
is thus the breaking line between the two bodies of ice.
It widens as the pack separates, and narrows or widens
with an easterly or westerly drift, according to the
pressure of the central pack. Early in the season, when
the pack is crevassed and not elastic, it is probably wide;
later, as the entire sea of ice becomes active, it may disappear
or shift to a line nearer the land.[Pg 219]
In low temperature new ice forms rapidly. This
offers an obstruction to the drift of the old ice. As the
heavy central pack is pressed against the unyielding
land pack the small ice is ground to splinters, and even
heavy floes are crushed. This reduced mass of small
ice is pasted and cemented along the shores of the Big
Lead, leaving a broad band of troublesome surface as
a serious barrier to sled travel. It seems quite probable
that this lead, or a condition similar to it, extends entirely
around the Polar sea as a buffer between the land
and the middle pack.
In exploring the shore line, a partially bridged
place was found about a mile from camp, but the young
ice was too elastic for a safe track. The temperature,
however, fell rapidly with the setting sun, and the wind
was just strong enough to sweep off the heated vapors.
I knew better atmospheric condition could not be
afforded quickly to thicken the young ice.
Returning to camp that night, we surprised our
stomachs by a little frozen musk ox tenderloin and
tallow, the greatest delicacy in our possession. Then
we retired. Ice was our pillow. Ice was our bed. A
dome of snow above us held off the descending liquid air
of frost. Outside the wind moaned. Shudderingly,
the deep howl of the dogs rolled over the ice. Lying on
the sheeted deep, beneath my ears I heard the noise of
the moving, grinding, crashing pack. It sounded terrifyingly
like a distant thunder of guns. I could not
sleep. Sick anxiety filled me. Could we cross the
dreadful river on the morrow? Would the ice freeze?
Or might the black space not hopelessly widen during
the night? I lay awake, shivering with cold. I felt[Pg 220]
within me the blank loneliness of the thousands of desolate
miles about me.
One hundred miles of the unknown had been covered;
five hundred miles of the journey from our winter
camp were behind us. Beyond, to the goal, lay four
hundred unknown miles. Nothing dearly desired of
man ever seemed so far away.

ESKIMO TORCH
CROSSING MOVING SEAS OF ICE
CROSSING THE LEAD—THE THIN ICE HEAVES LIKE A
SHEET OF RUBBER—CREEPING FORWARD CAUTIOUSLY,
THE TWO DANGEROUS MILES ARE COVERED—BOUNDING
PROGRESS MADE OVER IMPROVING ICE—THE
FIRST HURRICANE—DOGS BURIED AND FROZEN
INTO MASSES IN DRIFTS OF SNOW—THE ICE PARTS
THROUGH THE IGLOO—WAKING TO FIND ONE’S SELF
FALLING INTO THE COLD SEA.
XV
The First Steps Over the Grinding Central Pack
Ill at ease and shivering, we rose from our crystal
berths on March 23 and peeped out of a pole-punched
porthole. A feeble glow of mystic color came from
everywhere at once. Outside, toward a sky of dull purple,
columns of steam-like vapor rose from open ice
water, resembling vapors from huge boiling cauldrons.
We sank with chattering teeth to our cheerless beds and
quivered with the ghostly unreality of this great vibrating
unknown.
Long before the suppressed incandescent night
changed to the prism sparkle of day we were out seeking
a way over the miles of insecure young ice separating
us from the central pack. On our snowshoes,
with an easy tread, spread feet and with long life lines[Pg 222]
tied to each other, we ventured to the opposite shores of
that dangerous spread of young ice. Beyond, the central
pack glittered in moving lines and color, like quicksilver
shot with rainbow hues.
The Big Lead was mottled and tawny colored, like
the skin of a great constrictor. As we stood and looked
over its broad expanse to the solid floes, two miles off,
there came premonitions to me of impending danger.
Would the ice bear us? If it broke, and the life line
was not quickly jerked, our fate would almost certainly
be sure death. Sontag, the astronomer of Dr. Hay’s
Expedition, thus lost his life. Many others have in like
manner gone to the bottomless deep. On two occasions
during the previous winter I had thus gone through, but
the life line had saved me. What would be our fate
here? But, whatever the luck, we must cross. I knew
delay was fatal, for at any time a very light wind or a
change in the drift might break the new ice and delay
us long enough to set the doom of failure upon our
entire venture.
Every precaution was taken to safeguard our lives.
The most important problem was to distribute the
weight so that all of it would not be brought to bear on
a small area. We separated our dog teams from the
sleds, holding to long lines which were fastened about
our bodies and also to the sleds. The sleds were hitched
to each other by another long line.
With bated breath and my heart thumping, I advanced
at the end of a long line which was attached to
the first sled, and picked my way through the crushed
and difficult ice along shore. With the life-saving
line fastened to each one of us, we were insured against[Pg 223]
possible dangers as well as forethought could provide.
Running from sled to sled, from dog to dog, and man
to man, it would afford a pulling chance for life should
anyone break through the ice. It seemed unlikely that
the ice along the entire chain would break at once, but
its cracking under the step of one of us seemed probable.
I knew, as I gently placed my foot upon the thin
yellowish surface, that at any moment I might sink into
an icy grave. Yet a spirit of bravado thrilled my heart.
I felt the grip of danger, and also that thrill of exultation
which accompanies its terror.
Gently testing the ice before me with the end of
my axe, with spread legs, on snowshoes, with long, sliding
steps, I slowly advanced.
A dangerous cracking sound pealed in every direction
under my feet. The Eskimos followed. With
every tread the thin sheet ice perceptibly sank under
me, and waved, in small billows, like a sheet of rubber.
Stealthily, as though we were trying to filch some
victory, we crept forward. We rocked on the heaving
ice as a boat on waves of water. Now and then we
stepped upon sheets of thicker ice, and hastily went forward
with secure footing. None of us spoke during the
dangerous crossing. I heard distinctly the panting of
the dogs and the patter of their feet. We covered the
two miles safely, yet our snail-like progress seemed to
cover many anxious years.
I cannot describe the exultation which filled me
when the crossing was accomplished. It seemed as
though my goal itself were stretching toward me. I experienced
a sense of unbounded victory. I could have
cheered with joy. Intoxicated with it, I and my com[Pg 224]panions
leaped forward, new cheer quickening our steps.
The dangers to come seemed less formidable now, and
as we journeyed onward it was the mastering of these,
as did our accomplishment in crossing the Big Lead,
which gave us a daily incentive to continue our way and
ever to apply brain and muscle to the subduing of even
greater difficulties with zest.
It was in doing this that the real thrill, the real
victory—the only thrill and victory, indeed—of reaching
the North Pole lay. The attaining of this mythical
spot did not then, and does not now, seem in itself to
mean anything; I did not then, and do not now, consider
it the treasure-house of any great scientific secrets.
The only thing to be gained from reaching the Pole, the
triumph of it, the lesson in the accomplishment, is that
man, by brain power and muscle energy, can subdue the
most terrific forces of a blind nature if he is determined
enough, courageous enough, and undauntedly persistent
despite failure.
On my journey northward I felt the ever constant
presence of those who had died in trying to reach the
goal before me. There were times when I felt a startling
nearness to them—a sense like that one has of the proximity
of living beings in an adjoining room. I felt the
goad of their hopes within me; I felt the steps of their
dead feet whenever my feet touched the ice. I felt their
unfailing determination revive me when I was tempted
to turn back in the days of inhuman suffering that were
to come. I felt that I, the last man to essay this goal,
must for them justify humanity; that I must crown three
centuries of human effort with success.
With the perilous Big Lead behind us, a bounding[Pg 225]
course was set to reach the eighty-fifth parallel on the
ninety-seventh meridian. What little movement was
noted on the ice had been easterly. To allow for this
drift we aimed to keep a line slightly west of the Pole.
We bounded northward joyously. Under our
speeding feet the ice reverberated and rumbled with the
echo of far-away splitting and crashing.
The sun sank into a haze like mother-of-pearl. Our
pathway glowed with purple and orange. We paused
only when the pale purple blue of night darkened the
pack.
Starting forward in the afternoon of March 24,
we crossed many small floes with low-pressure lines
separated by narrow belts of new ice. Our speed increased.
At times we could hardly keep pace with our
dogs. The temperature rose to forty-one below zero.
The western sky cleared slightly. Along the horizon
remained misty appearances resembling land. This
low-lying fog continued during our entire second hundred
miles over the Polar basin. Under it we daily
expected to see new land.
But Nature did not satisfy our curiosity for a long
time. Both Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shook were sure
of a constant nearness to land. Because of the native
panic out of its reassuring sight, I encouraged this belief,
as I did concerning every other possible sign of land
further northward. I knew that only by encouraging a
delusion of nearness to land could I urge them ever
farther in the face of the hardships that must inevitably
come.
An altitude of the sun at noon on March 24 gave
our position as latitude 83° 31ʹ. The longitude was[Pg 226]
estimated at 96° 27ʹ. The land clouds of Grant Land
were still visible. The low bank of mist in the west
occasionally brightened. For a while I believed this to
be an indication of Crocker Land.
Until midday I took observations and endeavored
to study the appearances of land. Our dogs sniffed the
air as if scenting game. After a diligent search, one
seal blow-hole was located, and later we saw an old bear
track. No algæ or other small life was detected in the
water between the ice crevices. At the Big Lead a few
algæ had been gathered. But here the sea seemed
sterile. Signs of seal and bear, however, were encouraging
to us as possible future food supply. In returning,
I calculated the season would be more advanced,
and it was possible that life might move northward, thus
permitting an extension of the time allowance of our
rations.
Although the heat of the sun was barely felt, its
rays began to pierce our eyes with painful effects. Reflected
from the spotless surface of the storm-driven
snows, the bright light could not long be endured without
some protection, even by the Eskimos. Now came
the time to test a simple expedient that had occurred to
me at Annoatok. Amber-colored goggles, darkened or
smoked glasses and ordinary automobile goggles had all
been tried with indifferent results. They failed for one
reason or another, mostly because of an insufficient
range of vision or because of a faulty construction that
made it impossible to proceed more than a few minutes
without removing the accumulated condensation within
them. At Annoatok I had made amber-colored goggles
from the glass of my photographic supplies. By[Pg 227]
adjusting them I soon found they were a priceless discovery.
They entirely eliminated one of the greatest
torments of Arctic travel.
While effectually screening the active rays that
would have injured the eye, these amber glasses at the
same time possessed the inestimable advantage of not
interfering with the range of vision.
Relieved of the snow glare, the eye was better enabled
to see distant objects than through field glasses.
It is frequently extremely difficult to detect icy surface
irregularities on cloudy days. The amber glass dispelled
this trouble perfectly, enabling the eye to search
carefully every nook and crevice through the vague incandescence
which blinds the observer in hazy weather.
The glasses did not reduce the quantity of light, as do
smoked glasses, but the quality; the actinic rays, which
do the greatest harm, were eliminated. We were not
only relieved of the pain and fatigue of eye strain, but
the color imparted a touch of cheer and warmth to our
chilled blue horizon. The usual snow goggles add to
the ugly gray-blue of the frozen seas, which alone sends
frosty waves through the nervous fibers.
So thoroughly delighted were we with these goggles
that later we wore them even in igloos while asleep, with
the double object of screening the strong light which
passes through the eyelids and of keeping the forehead
warm.
On our march in the early part of the afternoon of
the 24th the weather proved good. The ice, though
newly crevassed, improved as we advanced. The late
start spread our day’s work close to the chill of midnight.
When we started the wind blew kindly. With[Pg 228]
glad hearts we forged forward without delays. On the
ice I heard the soft patter of swift dog feet and the dashing,
cutting progress of the sleds. As a scene viewed
from a carousel, the field of ice swept around me in our
dizzy, twisting progress. We swept resistlessly onward
for twenty-three miles. As we had taken a zigzag
course to follow smooth ice, I therefore recorded only
eighteen miles to our credit.
The night was beautiful. The sun sank into a purple
haze. Soon, in the magic of the atmosphere,
appeared three suns of prismatic colors. These settled
slowly into the frozen sea and disappeared behind that
persistent haze of obscuring mist which always rests over
the pack when the sun is low. During the night a narrow
band of orange was flung like a ribbon across the
northern skies. The pack surface glowed with varying
shades of violet, lilac and pale purplish blue. Many
such splendid sights are to be constantly seen in the
Arctic. Although I reveled in it now, the time was
soon to come when weariness and hunger numbed my
faculties into a dreary torpor in which the splendor was
not seen.
Signs appeared of a gale from the west before we
were quite ready to camp. Little sooty clouds with
ragged edges suddenly began to cover the sky, scurrying
at an alarming pace. Beyond us a huge smoky volume
of cloud blackened the pearly glitter.
Suitable camping ice was sought. In the course of
an hour we built an igloo. We made the structure
stronger than usual on account of the threatening storm.
We constructed double tiers of snow blocks to the windward.
A little water was thrown over the top to cement[Pg 229]
the blocks. We fastened the dogs to the lee of hummocks.
The sleds were securely lashed and fastened to
the ice.
We expected a hurricane, and had not to wait to
taste its fury. Before we were at rest in our bags the
wind lashed the snows with a force inconceivable. With
rushing drift, the air thickened. Dogs and sleds in a
few minutes were buried under banks of snow and great
drifts encircled the igloo. The cemented blocks of our
dome withstood the sweep of the blast well. Yet, now
and then, small holes were burrowed through the snow
wall by the sharp wind. Drift entered and covered us.
I lay awake for hours. I felt the terrible oppression of
that raging, life-sucking vampire force sweeping over
the desolate world. Disembodied things—the souls of
those, perhaps, who had perished here—seemed frenziedly
calling me in the wind. I felt under me the surge
of the sweeping, awful sea. I felt the desolation of this
stormy world within my shuddering soul; but, withal, I
throbbed with a determination to assert the supremacy
of living man over these blind, insensate forces; to prove
that the living brain and palpitating muscle of a finite
though conscious creature could vanquish a hostile
Nature which creates to kill. I burned to justify those
who had died here; to fulfill by proxy their hopes; to
set their calling souls at rest. The storm waked in me
an angry, challenging determination.
Early in the morning of the 25th the storm ceased
as suddenly as it had come. A stillness followed which
was appalling. It seemed as if the storm had heard my
thoughts and paused to contemplate some more dreadful
onslaught. The dogs began to howl desperately, as if[Pg 230]
attacked by a bear. We rushed out of our igloo, seeking
guns. There was no approaching creature. It
was, however, a signal of serious distress that we had
heard. The dogs were in acute misery. The storm-driven
snows had buried and bound them in unyielding
ice. They had partly uncovered themselves. United
by trace and harness, they were imprisoned in frozen
masses. Few of them could even rise and stretch. They
were in severe torment.
We hurriedly freed their traces and beat the
cemented snows from their furs with sticks. Released,
they leaped about gladly, their cries, curling tails and
pointed noses telling of gratitude. While we danced
about, stretching our limbs and rubbing our hands to get
up circulation, the sun rose over the northern blue, flushing
the newly driven snows with warm tones. The temperature
during the storm had risen to only 26° below,
but soon the thermometer sank rapidly below 40°. The
west was still smoky and the weather did not seem quite
settled. As it was still too early to start, we again
slipped into the bags and sought quiet slumber.
As yet the dreadful insomnia which was to rob me
of rest on my journey had not come, and I slept with the
blissful soundness of a child. I must have been asleep
several hours, when, of a sudden, I opened my eyes.
Terror gripped my heart. Loud explosive noises
reverberated under my head. It seemed as though
bombs were torn asunder in the depths of the cold sea
beneath me. I lay still, wondering if I were dreaming.
The sounds echoingly died away. Looking about the
igloo, I detected nothing unusual. I saw Ah-we-lah
and E-tuk-i-shook staring at me with wide-open fright[Pg 231]ened
eyes. I arose and peeped through the eye port.
The fields of ice without reflected the warm light of the
rising sun in running waves of tawny color. The ice
was undisturbed. An unearthly quiet prevailed. Concluding
that the ice was merely cracking under the sudden
change of temperature, in quite the usual harmless
manner, I turned over again, reassuring my companions,
and promptly fell asleep.
Out of the blankness of sleep I suddenly wakened
again. Half-dazed, I heard beneath me a series of
echoing, thundering noises. I felt the ice floor on which
I lay quivering. I experienced the sudden giddiness
one feels on a tossing ship at sea. In the flash of a second
I saw Ah-we-lah leap to his feet. In the same dizzy
instant I saw the dome of the snowhouse open above me;
I caught a vision of the gold-streaked sky. My instinct
at the moment was to leap. I think I tried to rise, when
suddenly everything seemed lifted from under me; I experienced
the suffocating sense of falling, and next, with
a spasm of indescribable horror, felt about my body a
terrific tightening pressure like that of a chilled and closing
shell of steel, driving the life and breath from me.
In an instant it was clear what had happened. A
crevasse had suddenly opened through our igloo,
directly under the spot whereon I slept; and I, a helpless
creature in a sleeping bag, with tumbling snow blocks
and ice and snow crashing about and crushing me, with
the temperature 48° below zero, was floundering in the
opening sea!
LAND DISCOVERED
FIGHTING PROGRESS THROUGH CUTTING COLD AND TERRIFIC
STORMS—LIFE BECOMES A MONOTONOUS ROUTINE
OF HARDSHIP—THE POLE INSPIRES WITH ITS
RESISTLESS LURE—NEW LAND DISCOVERED BEYOND
THE EIGHTY-FOURTH PARALLEL—MORE THAN TWO
HUNDRED MILES FROM SVARTEVOEG—THE FIRST SIX
HUNDRED MILES COVERED
XVI
Three Hundred Miles to the Apex of the World
I think I was about to swoon when I felt hands
beneath my armpits and heard laughter in my ears.
With an adroitness such as only these natives possess,
my two companions were dragging me from the water.
And while I lay panting on the ice, recovering
from my fright, I saw them expeditiously rescue our
possessions.
It seemed that all this happened so quickly that
I had really been in the water only a few moments. My
two companions saw the humor of the episode and
laughed heartily. Although I had been in the water
only a brief time, a sheet of ice surrounded my sleeping
bag. Fortunately, however, the reindeer skin was
found to be quite dry when the ice was beaten off. The
experience, while momentarily terrifying, was instruc[Pg 233]tive,
for it taught us the danger of spreading ice, especially
in calms following storms.
Gratitude filled my heart. I fully realized how
narrow had been the escape of all of us. Had we slept
a few seconds longer we should all have disappeared in
the opening crevasse. The hungry Northland would
again have claimed its human sacrifice.
The ice about was much disturbed. Numerous
black lines of water opened on every side; from these
oozed jets of frosty, smoke-colored vapor. The difference
between the temperature of the sea and that of the
air was 76°. With this contrast, the open spots of ice-water
appeared to be boiling.
Anxious to move along, away from the troubled
angle of ice, our usual breakfast was simplified. Melting
some snow, we drank the icy liquid as an eye-opener,
and began our ration of a half-pound boulder of pemmican.
But with cold fingers, blue lips and no possible
shelter, the stuff was unusually hard. To warm up, we
prepared the sleds. Under our lashes the dogs jumped
into harness with a bound. The pemmican, which we
really found too hard to eat, had to be first broken into
pieces with an axe. We ground it slowly with our
molars as we trudged along. Our teeth chattered while
the stomach was thus being fired with durable fuel.
As we advanced the ice improved to some extent.
With a little search safe crossings were found over new
crevices. A strong westerly wind blew piercingly cold.
Good progress was made, but we did not forget at
any time that we were invading the forbidden domains
of a new polar environment.
Henceforth, one day was to be much like another.[Pg 234]
Beyond the eighty-third parallel life is devoid of any
pleasure. The intense objective impressions of cold
and hunger assailing the body rob even the mind of inspiration
and exhilaration. Even the best day of sun
and gentle wind offers no balm.
One awakes realizing the wind has abated and sees
the cheerless sun veering about the side of the ice shelter.
One kicks the victim upon whom, that morning, duty has
fixed the misfortune to be up first—for we tried to be
equals in sharing the burdens of life. And upon him
to whose lot falls this hardship there is a loss of two
hours’ repose. He chops ice, fills the kettles, lights
the fire, and probably freezes his fingers in doing so.
Then he wiggles back into his bag, warms his icy hands
on the bare skin of his own stomach; or, if he is in a two-man
bag, and the other fellow is awake, Arctic courtesy
permits the icy hands on the stomach of his bedfellow.
In due time the blood runs to the hand and he sets
about tidying up the camp. First, the hood of his own
bag. It is loaded with icicles and frost, the result of
the freezing of his breath while asleep. He brushes off
the ice and snow. The ice has settled in the kettles in
the meantime. More ice must be chopped and put into
the kettle. The chances are that he now breaks a
commandment and steals what to us is a great luxury—a
long drink of water to ease his parched throat. Because
of the need of fuel economy, limit is placed on
drinks.
Then the fire needs attention; the flame is imperfect
and the gas hole needs cleaning. He thoughtlessly
grips the little bit of metal to the end of which the priming
needle is attached. That metal is so cold that it[Pg 235]
burns, and he leaves a piece of his skin on it. Then
the breakfast ration of pemmican must be divided. It
is not frozen, for it contains no water. But it is hard.
The stuff looks like granite. Heat would melt it—but
there is no fuel to spare. The two slumberers
are given a thump, and their eyes open to the stone-like
pemmican. Between yawns the teeth are set to grind
the pemmican. The water boils, the tea is tossed in it
and the kettle is removed.
We rise on elbows, still in the bags, to enjoy the
one heavenly treat of our lives, the cup of tea which
warms the hand and the stomach at once.
Then we dress. It is remarkable how cold compels
speed in dressing.
The door of the snowhouse is now kicked out—all
tumble about to warm up and stop chattering teeth.
Breaking camp is a matter of but a minute, for things
fall almost automatically into convenient packs. The
sledges are loaded and lashed in a few minutes. Then
the teams are gathered to the pulling lines, and off we
go with a run. The pace for dog and man is two and a
half miles an hour, over good ice or bad ice, hard snow
or soft snow, or tumbling over neckbreaking irregularities.
There is no stop for lunch, no riding, or rest, or
anything else. It is drive—drive.
At times it was impossible to perspire, and the toxin
of fatigue, generating unearthly weariness, filled the
brain with fag. When perspiration oozed from our
pores, as we forced forward, step by step, it froze in the
garments and the warmer portions of our bodies were
ringed with snow. Daily, unremittingly, this was our
agony.[Pg 236]
In starting before the end of the winter night, and
camping on the open ice fields in the long northward
march, we had first accustomed our eyes to frigid darkness
and then to a perpetual glitter. This proved to be
the coldest season of the year, and we ought to have
been hardened to all kinds of Arctic torment. But man
gains that advantage only when his pulse ceases to beat.
Continuing the steady stride of forward marches,
far from land, far from life, there was nothing to arouse
a warming spirit. Along the land there had been calms
and gales and an inspiring contrast, even in the dark
days and nights, but here the frigid world was felt at its
worst. The wind, which came persistently from the
west—now strong, now feeble, but always sharp—inflicted
a pain to which we never became accustomed.
The worst torture inflicted by the wind and humid
air of an Arctic pack came from a mask of ice about the
face. It was absurdly picturesque but painful. Every
bit of exhaled moisture condensed and froze either to
the facial hair or to the line of fox tails about the hood.
It made comical caricatures of us.

BRADLEY LAND DISCOVERED
SUBMERGED ISLAND OF POLAR SEA
GOING BEYOND THE BOUNDS OF LIFE
Frequent turns in our course exposed both sides of
the face to the wind and covered with icicles every hair
offering a convenient nucleus. These lines of crystal
made an amazing dash of light and color as we looked at
each other. But they did not afford much amusement
to the individual exhibiting them. Such hairs as had
not been pulled from the lips and chin were first
weighted, and then the wind carried the breath to the
long hair with which we protected our heads, and left a
mass of dangling frost. Accumulated moisture from
the eyes coated the eyelashes and brows. The humidity
[Pg 237]
escaping about the forehead left a crescent of snow
above, while that escaping under the chin, combined with
falling breath, formed there a semi-circle of ice. The
most uncomfortable icicles, however, were those that
formed on the coarse hair within the nostrils. To keep
the face free, the Eskimos pull the facial hair out by the
roots, the result of which is a rarity of mustaches and
beards. Thus, with low temperature and persistent
winds, life was one of constant torture on the march;
but cooped in snowhouses, eating dried beef and tallow,
and drinking hot tea, some animal comforts were occasionally
to be gained in the icy camps.

SWIFT PROGRESS OVER SMOOTH ICE
BUILDING AN IGLOO
A LIFELESS WORLD OF COLD AND ICE
We forced the dogs onward during two days of
cheery bluster, with encouraging results. At times we
ran before the teams, calling and urging the brutes to
leaping progress. On the evening of March 26, with
a pedometer and other methods of dead reckoning for
position, we found ourselves at latitude 84° 24ʹ, longitude
96° 53ʹ.
The western horizon remained persistently dark.
A storm was gathering, and slowly moving eastward.
Late in the evening we prepared for the anticipated
blast. We built an igloo stronger than usual, hoping
that the horizon would be cleared with a brisk wind by
the morrow and afford us a day of rest. The long, steady
marches, without time for recuperation, necessarily
dampened our enthusiasm for a brief period of physical
depression, which, however, was of short duration.
Daily we had learned to appreciate more and more
the joy of the sleeping bag. It was the only animal
comfort which afforded a relief to our life of frigid
hardship, and often with the thought of it we tried to[Pg 238]
force upon the weary body in the long marches a pleasing
anticipation.
In the evening, after blocks of snow walled a dome
in which we could breathe quiet air, the blue-flame lamp
sang notes of gastronomic delights. We first indulged in
a heaven-given drink of ice-water to quench the intense
thirst which comes after hours of exertion and perspiration.
Then the process of undressing began, one at
a time, for there was not room enough in the igloo for
all to undress at once.
The fur-stuffed boots were pulled off and the bearskin
pants were stripped. Then half of the body was
quickly pushed into the bag. A brick of pemmican was
next taken out and the teeth were set to grind on this
bone-like substance. Our appetites were always keen,
but a half pound of cold withered beef and tallow
changes a hungry man’s thoughts effectually.
The tea, an hour in making, was always welcome,
and we rose on elbows to take it. Under the influence
of the warm drink, the fur coat with its mask of ice was
removed. Next the shirt, with its ring of ice about the
waist, would come off, giving the last sense of shivering.
Pushing the body farther into the bag, the hood was
pulled over the face, and we were lost to the world
of ice.
The warm sense of mental and physical pleasure
which follows is an interesting study. The movement of
others, the sting of the air, the noise of torturing winds,
the blinding rays of a heatless sun, the pains of driving
snows and all the bitter elements are absent. One’s
mind, freed of anxiety and suffering, wanders to home
and better times under these peculiar circumstances;[Pg 239]
there comes a pleasurable sensation in the touch of one’s
own warm skin, while the companionship of the arms
and legs, freed from their cumbersome furs, makes a
new discovery in the art of getting next to one’s self.
Early on March 27, a half gale was blowing, but at
noon the wind ceased. The bright sun and rising temperature
were too tempting to let us remain quiescent.
Although the west was still dark with threatening
clouds we hitched the dogs to the sleds. We braced
ourselves. “Huk! Huk!” we called, and bounded away
among the wind-swept hummocks. The crevices of the
ice wound like writhing snakes as we raced on. We
had not gone many miles before the first rush of the
storm struck us. Throwing ourselves over the sleds, we
waited the passing of the icy blast. No suitable snow
with which to begin the erection of a shelter was near.
A few miles northward, as we saw, was a promising area
for a camp. This we hoped to reach after a few
moments’ rest. The squall soon spent its force. In
the wind which followed good progress was made without
suffering severely. The temperature was 41° below
zero, Fahrenheit, and the barometer 29.05.
Once in moving order, the drivers required very
little encouragement to prolong the effort to a fair day’s
march despite the weather. As the sun settled in the
western gloom the wind increased in fury and forced
us to camp. Before the igloo was finished a steady,
rasping wind brushed the hummocks and piled the snow
in large dunes about us, like the sand of home shores.
The snowhouse was not cemented as usual with
water, as was our custom when weather permitted. The
tone of the wind did not seem to indicate danger, and[Pg 240]
furthermore, there was no open sea water near. Because
of the need of fuel economy we did not deem it
prudent to use oil for fire to melt snow, excepting for
water to quench thirst.
Not particularly anxious about the outcome of the
storm, and with senses blunted by overwork and benumbed
with cold, we sought the comfort of the bags.
Awakened in the course of a few hours by drifts of
snow about our feet, I noted that the wind had burrowed
holes at weak spots through the snow wall. We were
bound, however, not to be cheated of a few hours’ sleep,
and with one eye open we turned over. I was awakened
by falling snow blocks soon after.
Forcing my head out of my ice-encased fur hood,
I saw the sky, cloud-swept and grey. The dome of the
igloo had been swept away. We were being quickly
buried under a dangerous weight of snow. In some way
I had tossed about sufficiently during sleep to keep on
top of the accumulating drift, but my companions were
nowhere to be seen. About me for miles the white
spaces were vacant. With dread in my heart I uttered a
loud call, but there came no response.
A short frenzied search revealed a blowhole in the
snow. In response to another call, as from some subterranean
place came muffled Eskimo shouts. Tearing
and burrowing at the fallen snow blocks I made violent
efforts to free them, buried as they were in their bags.
But to my dismay the soft snow settled on them tighter
with each tussle.
I was surprised, a few moments later, as I was
working to keep their breathing place open, to feel them
burrowing through the snow. They had entered their[Pg 241]
bags without undressing. Half clothed in shirt and
pants, but with bare feet, they writhed and wriggled
through the bags and up through the breathing hole.
After a little digging their boots were uncovered,
and then, with protected feet, the bag was freed and
placed at the side of the igloo.
Into it the boys crept, fully dressed, with the exception
of coats. I rolled out beside them in my bag. We
lay in the open sweep of furious wind, impotent to
move, for twenty-nine hours. Only then the frigid blast
eased enough to enable us to creep out into the open.
The air came in hissing spouts, like jets of steam from
an engine.
Soon after noon of March 29 the air brightened.
It became possible to breathe without being choked
with floating crystals, and as the ice about our facial
furs was broken, a little blue patch was detected in the
west. We now freed the dogs of their snow entanglement
and fed them. A shelter was made in which to
melt snow and brew tea. We ate a double ration.
Hitching the dogs we raced off. The monotonous
fields of snow swept under us. Soon the sun burst
through separating clouds and upraised icy spires before
us. The wind died away. A crystal glory transfigured
the storm-swept fields. We seemed traveling
over fields of diamonds, scintillant as white fire, which
shimmered dazzlingly about us. It is curious to observe
an intense fiery glitter and glow, as in the North, which
gives absolutely no impression of warmth. Fire here
seems cold. With full stomachs, fair weather and a much
needed rest, we moved with renewed inspiration. The
dogs ran with tails erect, ears pricked. I and my com[Pg 242]panions
ran behind with the joy of contestants in a race.
Indeed, we felt refreshed as one does after a cold bath.
Considerable time and distance, however, were lost
in seeking a workable line of travel about obstructions
and making detours. Camping at midnight, we had
made only nine miles by a day’s effort. The conditions
under which this second hundred miles were forced,
proved to be in every respect the most exciting of the
run of five hundred miles over the Polar sea. The mere
human satisfaction of overcoming difficulties was a daily
incentive to surmount obstacles and meet baffling
problems. The weather was unsettled. Sudden storms
broke with spasmodic force, the barometer was unsteady
and the temperature ranged from 20° below zero to 60°
below zero. The ice showed signs of recent agitation.
New leads and recent sheets of new ice combined
with deep snow made travel difficult. Persistently onward,
pausing at times, we would urge the dogs to the
limit. One dog after another went into the stomachs
of the hungry survivors. Camps were now swept by
storms. The ice opened out under our bodies, shelter
was often a mere hole in the snow bank. Each of us
carried painful wounds, frost bites; and the ever chronic
emptiness of half filled stomachs brought a gastric call
for food, impossible to supply. Hard work and strong
winds sent unquenched thirst tortures to burning throats,
and the gloom of ever clouded skies sent despair to its
lowest reaches.
But there was no monotony; our tortures came
from different angles, and from so many sources, that
we were ever aroused to a fighting spirit. With a push
at the sled or a pull at the line we helped the wind-teased[Pg 243]
dogs to face the nose cutting drift that swept the pack
mile after mile. Day after day we plunged farther and
farther along into the icy despair and stormy bluster.
Throughout the entire advance northward I found
there was some advantage in my Eskimo companions
having some slight comprehension of the meaning of
my aim. Doubtless through information and ideas that
had sifted from explorers to Eskimos for many generations
past, the aborigines had come to understand that
there is a point at the top of the globe, which is somehow
the very top of the world, and that at this summit
there is something which white men have long been
anxious to find—a something which the Eskimo describe
as the “big nail.” The feeling that they were setting
out with me in the hope of being the first to find this
“big nail”—for, of course, I had told them of the possibility—helped
to keep up the interest and courage of
my two companions during long days of hardship.
Naturally enough, I could not expect their interest
in the Pole itself to be great. Their promised reward
for accompanying me, a gun and knife for each, maintained
a lively interest in them. After a ceaseless warfare
lasting seven days, on March 30 the eastern sky
broke in lines of cheering blue. Whipped by low winds
the clouds broke and scurried.
Soon the western heavens, ever a blank mystery,
cleared. Under it, to my surprise, lay a new land. I
think I felt a thrill such as Columbus must have felt
when the first green vision of America loomed before
his eye.
My promise to the good, trusty boys of nearness to
land was unwittingly on my part made good, and the[Pg 244]
delight of eyes opened to the earth’s northernmost rocks
dispelled all the physical torture of the long run of
storms. As well as I could see, the land seemed an interrupted
coast extending parallel to the line of march
for about fifty miles, far to the west. It was snow
covered, ice-sheeted and desolate. But it was real land
with all the sense of security solid earth can offer. To
us that meant much, for we had been adrift in a moving
sea of ice, at the mercy of tormenting winds. Now came,
of course, the immediate impelling desire to set foot
upon it, but to do so I knew would have side-tracked
us from our direct journey to the Polar goal. In any
case, delay was jeopardous, and, moreover, our food
supply did not permit our taking time to inspect the
new land.[13]
[Pg 245]This new land was never clearly seen. A low mist,
seemingly from open water, hid the shore line. We saw
the upper slopes only occasionally from our point of
observation. There were two distinct land masses. The
most southern cape of the southern mass bore west by
south, but still further to the south there were vague
indications of land. The most northern cape of the
same mass bore west by north. Above it there was a[Pg 246]
distinct break for 15 or 20 miles, and beyond the northern
mass extended above the eighty-fifth parallel to the
northwest. The entire coast was at this time placed on
our charts as having a shore line along the one hundred
and second meridian, approximately parallel to our line
of travel. At the time the indications suggested two
distinct islands. Nevertheless, we saw so little of
the land that we could not determine whether it consisted
of islands or of a larger mainland. The lower
coast resembled Heiberg Island, with mountains and
high valleys. The upper coast I estimated as being
about one thousand feet high, flat, and covered with a
thin sheet ice. Over the land I write “Bradley Land”
in honor of John R. Bradley, whose generous help had
made possible the important first stage of the expedition.
The discovery of this land gave an electric impetus
of driving vigor at just the right moment to
counterbalance the effect of the preceding week of
storm and trouble.
Although I gazed longingly and curiously at the
land, to me the Pole was the pivot of ambition. My
boys had not the same northward craze, but I told them
to reach the land on our return might be possible. We[Pg 247]
never saw it again. This new land made a convenient
mile-post, for from this time on the days were counted to
and from it. A good noon sight fixed the point of observation
to 84° 50ʹ, longitude 95° 36ʺ. We had forced
beyond the second hundred miles from Svartevoeg. Before
us remained about three hundred more miles, to
my alluring, mysterious goal.

ARCTIC FOX
BEYOND THE RANGE OF LIFE
WITH A NEW SPRING TO WEARY LEGS BRADLEY LAND IS
LEFT BEHIND—FEELING THE ACHING VASTNESS OF
THE WORLD BEFORE MAN WAS MADE—CURIOUS
GRIMACES OF THE MIDNIGHT SUN—SUFFERINGS INCREASE—BY
PERSISTENT AND LABORIOUS PROGRESS
ANOTHER HUNDRED MILES IS COVERED
XVII
Two Hundred Miles From The Pole
A curtain of mist was drawn over the new land in
the afternoon of March 31, and, although we gazed
westward longingly, we saw no more of it. Day after
day we now pushed onward in desperate northward
efforts. Strong winds and fractured, irregular ice, increased
our difficulties. Although progress was slow
for several days we managed to gain a fair march between
storms during each twenty-four hours. During
occasional spells of icy stillness mirages spread screens
of fantasy out for our entertainment. Curious cliffs,
odd-shaped mountains and inverted ice walls were displayed
in attractive colors.
Discoveries of new land seemed often made. But
with a clearing horizon the deception was detected.
The boys believed most of these signs to be indications
of real land—a belief I persistently encouraged,[Pg 249]
because it relieved them of the panic of the terror of the
unknown.
On April 3, the barometer remained steady and
the thermometer sank. The weather became settled and
fairly clear, the horizon was freed of its smoky vapors,
the pack assumed a more permanent aspect of glittering
color. At noon there was now a dazzling light, while
at night the sun kissed the frozen seas behind screens
of mouse-colored cloud and haze. At the same moment
the upper skies flushed with the glow of color of the
coming double-days of joy.
As we advanced north of Bradley Land the pack
disturbance of land-divided and land-jammed ice disappeared.
The fields became larger and less troublesome,
the weather improved, the temperature ranged
from 20° to 50° below zero, the barometer rose and
remained steady, the day sky cleared with increasing
color, but a low haze blotted out much of the night glory
which attended the dip of the nocturnal sun. With
dogs barking and rushing before speeding sleds, we
made swift progress. But the steady drag and monotony
of the never changing work and scene reduced
interest in life.
The blankness of the mental desert which moved
about us as we ran along was appalling. Nothing
changed materially. The horizon moved. Our footing
was seemingly a solid stable ice crust, which was, however,
constantly shifting eastward. All the world on
which we traveled was in motion. We moved, but we
took our landscape with us.
At the end of the day’s march we were often too
tired to build snow houses, and in sheer exhaustion we[Pg 250]
bivouacked in the lee of hummocks. Here the overworked
body called for sleep, but my mind refused to
close the eyes. My boys had the advantage of sleep.
I envied them. Anyone who has suffered from insomnia
may be able in a small degree to gauge my
condition when sleep became impossible. To reach the
end of my journey became the haunting, ever-present
goading thought of my wakeful existence.
As I lay painfully trying to coax slumber, my mind
worked like the wheels of a machine. Dizzily the journey
behind repeated itself; I again crossed the Big
Lead, again floundered in an ice-cold open sea. Dangers
of all sorts took form to harass me. Instead of sleep, a
delirium of anxiety and longing possessed me.
Beyond the eighty-fourth parallel we had passed
the bounds of visible life. Lying wakeful in that barren
world, with my companions asleep, I felt what few men
of cities, perhaps, ever feel—the tragic isolation of the
human soul—a thing which, dwelt upon, must mean
madness. I think I realized the aching vastness of the
world after creation, before man was made.
For many days we had not seen a suggestion of
animated nature. There were no longer animal trails
to indicate life; no breath spouts of seal escaped from
the frosted bosom of the sea. Not even the microscopic
life of the deep was longer detected under us. We were
alone—alone in a lifeless world. We had come to this
blank space of the earth by slow but progressive stages.
Sailing from the bleak land of the fisher folk along
the out-posts of civilization, the complex luxury of metropolitan
life was lost. Beyond, in the half savage wilderness
of Danish Greenland, we partook of a new life[Pg 251]
of primitive simplicity. Still farther along, in the
Ultima Thule of the aborigines, we reverted to a prehistoric
plane of living. Advancing beyond the haunts
of men, we reached the noonday deadliness of a world
without life.
As we pushed beyond into the sterile wastes, with
eager eyes we constantly searched the dusky plains of
frost, but there was no speck of life to grace the purple
run of death.[14]
During these desolate marches, my legs working
mechanically, my mind with anguish sought some object
upon which to fasten itself. My eyes scrutinized the
horizon. I saw, every day, every sleeping hour, hills
of ice, vast plains of ice, now a deadly white, now a dull
gray, now a misty purple, sometimes shot with gold or
gleaming with lakes of ultramarine, moving towards and
by me, an ever-changing yet ever-monotonous panorama
which wearied me as does the shifting of unchanging
scenery seen from a train window. As I paced the
weary marches, I fortunately became unconscious of
the painful movement of my legs. Although I walked
I had a sensation of being lifted involuntarily onward.
The sense of covering distance gave me a dull,
pleasurable satisfaction. Only some catastrophe, some
sudden and overwhelming obstacle would have aroused
me to an intense mental emotion, to a passionate despair,
to the anguish of possible defeat.
I was now becoming the unconscious instrument of[Pg 252]
my ambition; almost without volition my body was being
carried forward by a subconscious force which had
fastened itself upon a distant goal. Sometimes the
wagging of a dog’s tail held my attention for long
minutes; it afforded a curious play for my morbidly
obsessed imagination. In an hour I would forget what
I had been thinking. To-day I cannot remember the
vague, fanciful illusions about curiously insignificant
things which occupied my faculties in this dead world.
The sun, however, did relieve the monotony, and created
in the death-chilled world skies filled with elysian
flowers and mirages of beauty undreamed of by Aladdin.
My senses at the time, as I have said, were vaguely
benumbed. While we traveled I heard the sound of
the moving sledges. Their sharp steel runners cut the
ice and divided the snow like a cleaving knife. I became
used to the first shudder of the rasping sound. In
the dead lulls between wind storms I would listen with
curious attention to the soft patter of our dogs’ feet.
At times I could hear their tiny toe nails grasping at
forward ice ridges in order to draw themselves forward,
and, strangely—so were all my thoughts interwoven
with my ambition—this clenching, crunching, gritty
sound gave me a delighted sense of progress, a sense of
ever covering distance and nearing, ever nearing the
Pole.
In this mid-Polar basin the ice does not readily
separate. It is probably in motion at all times of the
year. In this readjustment of fields following motion
and expansion, open spaces of water appear. These,
during most months, are quickly sheeted with new ice.
In these troubled areas I had frequent opportuni[Pg 253]ties
to measure ice-thickness. From my observation I
had come to the conclusion that ice does not freeze to
a depth of more than twelve or fifteen feet during a
single year. Occasionally we crossed fields fifty feet
thick. These invariably showed signs of many years of
surface upbuilding.
It is very difficult to estimate the amount of submerged
freezing after the first year’s ice, but the very
uniform thickness of Antarctic sea ice suggests that a
limit is reached the second year, when the ice, with its
cover of snow, is so thick that very little is added afterward
from below.
Increase in size after that is probably the result
mostly of addition to the superstructure. Frequent
falls of snow, combined with alternate melting and
freezing in summer, and a process similar to the upbuilding
of glacial ice, are mainly responsible for the
growth in thickness of the ice on the Polar sea.
The very heavy, undulating fields, which give
character to the mid-Polar ice and escape along the east
and west coasts of Greenland, are, therefore, mostly
augmented from the surface.
Continuing north, at no time was the horizon perfectly
clear. But the weather was good enough to permit
frequent nautical observations. Our course was
lined on uninteresting blank sheets. There were elusive
signs of land frequent enough to maintain an exploring
enthusiasm, which helped me also in satisfying my
companions. For thus they were encouraged to believe
in a nearness to terrestrial solidity. At every breathing
spell, when we got together for a little chat, Ah-we-lah’s
hand, with pointed finger, was directed to some[Pg 254]
spot on the horizon or some low-lying cloud, with the
shout of “Noona?” (land), to which I always replied in
the affirmative; but, for me, the field-glasses and later
positions dispelled the illusion.
Man, under pressure of circumstances, will adapt
himself to most conditions of life. To me the other-world
environment of the Polar-pack, far from continental
fastness, was beginning to seem quite natural.
We forced marches day after day. We traveled
until dogs languished or legs failed. Ice hills rose and
fell before us. Mirages grimaced at our dashing teams
with wondering faces. Daily the incidents and our position
were recorded, but our adventures were promptly
forgotten in the mental bleach of the next day’s effort.
Night was now as bright as day. By habit, we
emerged from our igloos later and later. On the 5th
and 6th we waited until noon before starting, to get
observations; but, as was so often the case, when the sun
was watched, it slipped under clouds. This late start
brought our stopping time close to midnight, and infused
an interest in the midnight sun; but the persistent
haze which clouded the horizon at night when the sun
was low denied us a glimpse of the midnight luminary.
The night of April 7 was made notable by the
swing of the sun at midnight, above the usual obscuring
mist, behind which it had, during previous days, sunk
with its night dip of splendor. For a number of nights
it made grim faces at us in its setting. A tantalizing
mist, drawn as a curtain over the northern sea at midnight,
had afforded curious advantages for celestial
staging. We were unable to determine sharply the
advent of the midnight sun, but the colored cloud and[Pg 255]
haze into which it nightly sank produced a spectacular
play which interested us immensely.
Sometimes the great luminary was drawn out into
an egg-shaped elongation with horizontal lines of color
drawn through it. I pictured it as some splendid fire-colored
lantern flung from the window of Heaven.
Again, it was pressed into a basin flaming with magical
fires, burning behind a mystic curtain of opalescent
frosts. Blue at other times, it appeared like a huge
vase of luminous crystal, such as might be evoked by the
weird genii of the Orient, from which it required very
little imagination to see purple, violet, crimson and
multi-colored flowers springing beauteously into the sky.
These changes took place quickly, as by magic.
Usually the last display was of distorted faces, some
animal, some semi-human—huge, grotesque, and curiously
twitching countenances of clouds and fire. At
times they appallingly resembled the hideous teeth-gnashing
deities of China, that, with gnarled arms upraised,
holding daggers of flame and surrounded by
smoke, were rising toward us from beyond the horizon.
Sometimes in our northward progress these faces
laughed, again they scowled ominously. What the
actual configurations were I do not know; I suppose
two men see nothing exactly alike in this topsy-turvy
world.
Rushing northward with forced haste, unreal
beauties took form as if to lure us to pause. Clouds of
steam rising from frozen seas like geysers assumed the
aspects of huge fountains of iridescent fire. As the
sun rose, lines of light like quicksilver quivered and
writhed about the horizon, and in swirling, swimming[Pg 256]
circles closed and narrowed about us on the increasingly
color-burned but death-chilled areas of ice over which
we worked. Setting amid a dance of purple radiance,
the sun, however, instead of inspiring us, filled us with
a sick feeling of giddiness. What beauty there was in
these spectacles was often lost upon our benumbed
senses.
Nowhere in the world, perhaps, are seen such
spectacles of celestial glory. The play of light on clouds
and ice produces the illusion of some supernatural realm.
We had now followed the sun’s northward advance—from
its first peep, at midday, above the southern
ice of the Polar gateway, to its sweep over the northern
ice at midnight. From the end of the Polar night,
late in February, to the first of the double days and the
midnight suns, we had forced a trail through darkness
and blood-hardening temperature, and over leg-breaking
irregularities of an unknown world of ice, to a spot
almost exactly two hundred miles from the Pole! To
this point our destiny had been auspiciously protected.
Ultimate success seemed within grasp. But we were
not blind to the long line of desperate effort still required
to push over the last distance.
Now that we had the sun unmistakably at midnight,
its new glory before us was an incentive to onward
efforts. Previous to this the sun had been undoubtedly
above the horizon, but, as is well known, when the sun is
low and the atmospheric humidity is high, as it always
is over the pack, a dense cloud of frost crystals rests on
the ice and obscures the horizon. During the previous
days the sun sank into this frosty haze and was lost for
several hours.[Pg 257]
Observations on April 8[15] placed camp at latitude
86° 36ʹ, longitude 94° 2ʹ. Although we had made long
marches and really great speed, we had advanced only
ninety-six miles in the nine days. Much of our hard
work had been lost in circuitous twists around troublesome
pressure lines and high, irregular fields of very
old ice. The drift ice was throwing us to the east with
sufficient force to give us some anxiety, but with eyes
closed to danger and hardships, double days of fatigue
and double days of glitter quickly followed one another.
Everything was now in our favor, but here we felt
most of the accumulating effect of long torture, in a
[Pg 258]world where every element of Nature is hostile. Human
endurance has distinct limits. Bodily abuse will long
be counterbalanced by man’s superb recuperative power,
but sooner or later there comes a time when out-worn
cells call a halt.
We had lived for weeks on a steady diet of withered
beef and tallow. There was no change, we had no hot
meat, and never more to eat than was absolutely necessary
to keep life within the body. We became indifferent
to the aching vacant pain of the stomach.
Every organ had been whipped to serve energy to the
all important movement of our legs. The depletion of
energy, the lassitude of overstrained limbs, manifested
themselves. The Eskimos were lax in the swing of the
whip and indifferent in urging on the dogs. The dogs
displayed the same spirit by lowered tails, limp ears,
and drooping noses, as their shoulders dragged the sleds
farther, ever farther from the land of life.
A light life-sapping wind came from the west. We
battled against it. We swung our arms to fight it and
maintain circulation, as a swimmer in water. Veering
a little at times, it always struck the face at a piercing
angle. It froze the tip of my nose so often that that
feature felt like a foreign bump on my face. Our cheeks
had in like manner been so often bleached in spots that
the skin was covered with ugly scars. Our eyes were
often sealed by frozen eyelashes. The tear sack made
icicles. Every particle of breath froze as it left the
nostrils, and coated the face in a mask of ice.
The sun at times flamed the clouds, while the snow
glowed in burning tones. In the presence of all this we
suffered the chill of death. All Nature exulted in a[Pg 259]
wave of hysteria. Delusions took form about us—in
mirages, in the clouds. We moved in a world of
delusions. The heat of the sun was a sham, its light a
torment. A very curious world this, I thought dumbly,
as we pushed our sleds and lashed our lagging dogs.
Our footing was solid; there was no motion. Our
horizon was lined with all the topographic features of a
solid land scene, with mountains, valleys and plains,
rivers of open water; but under it all there was the
heaving of a restless sea. Although nothing visibly
moved, it was all in motion. Seemingly a solid crust of
earth, it imperceptibly drifts in response to every wind.
We moved with it, but ever took our landscape with us.
Of the danger of this movement, of the possibility
of its hopelessly carrying us away from our goal, and
the possibility of ultimate starvation, I never lost consciousness.
Although the distance may seem slight,
now that we had gone so far, the last two hundred miles
seemed hopelessly impossible. With aching, stiffened
legs we started our continuing marches without enthusiasm,
with little ambition. But marches we made—distance
leaped at times under our swift running
feet.
It sometimes now seems that unknown and subtle
forces of which we are not cognizant supported me.
I could almost believe that there were unseen beings
there, whose voices urged me in the wailing wind; who,
in my success, themselves sought soul peace, and who,
that I might obtain it, in some strange, mysterious way
succored and buoyed me.
OVER POLAR SEAS OF MYSTERY
THE MADDENING TORTURES OF A WORLD WHERE ICE
WATER SEEMS HOT, AND COLD KNIVES BURN ONE’S
HANDS—ANGUISHED PROGRESS ON THE LAST STRETCH
OF TWO HUNDRED MILES OVER ANCHORED LAND ICE—DAYS
OF SUFFERING AND GLOOM—THE TIME OF
DESPAIR—”IT IS WELL TO DIE,” SAYS AH-WE-LAH;
“BEYOND IS IMPOSSIBLE.”
XVIII
One Hundred Miles From the Pole
We pushed onward. We cracked our whips to urge
the tiring dogs. We forced to quick steps weary leg
after weary leg. Mile after mile of ice rolled under our
feet. The maddening influence of the shifting desert of
frost became almost unendurable in the daily routine.
Under the lash of duty interest was forced, while the
merciless drive of extreme cold urged physical action.
Our despair was mental and physical—the result of
chronic overwork.
Externally there was reason for rejoicing. The
sky had cleared, the weather improved, a liquid charm
of color poured over the strange other-world into which
we advanced. Progress was good, but the soul refused
to open its eyes to beauty or color. All was a lifeless[Pg 261]
waste. The mind, heretofore busy in directing arm and
foot, to force a way through miniature mountains of
uplifted floes, was now, because of better ice, relieved
of that strain, but it refused to seek diversion.
The normal run of hardship, although eased, now
piled up the accumulated poison of overwork, and when
I now think of the terrible strain I fail to see how a
workable balance was maintained.
As we passed the eighty-sixth parallel, the ice increased
in breadth and thickness. Great hummocks and
pressure lines became less frequent. A steady progress
was gained with the most economical human drain
possible. The temperature ranged between 36° and 40°
below zero, Fahrenheit, with higher and lower midday
and midnight extremes. Only spirit thermometers were
useful, for the mercury was at this degree of frost either
frozen or sluggish.
Although the perpetual sun gave light and color to
the cheerless waste we were not impressed with any appreciable
sense of warmth. Indeed, the sunbeams by
their contrast seemed to cause the frost of the air to
pierce with a more painful sting. In marching over
the golden glitter, snow scalded our faces, while our
noses were bleached with frost. The sun rose into zones
of fire and set in burning fields of ice, but, in pain, we
breathed the chill of death.
In camp a grip of the knife left painful burns from
cold metal. To the frozen fingers ice cold water was
hot. With wine-spirits the fire was lighted, while oil
delighted the stomach. In our dreams Heaven was hot,
the other place was cold. All Nature was false; we
seemed to be nearing the chilled flame of a new Hades.[Pg 262]
We now changed our working hours from day to
night, beginning usually at ten o’clock and ending at
seven. The big marches and prolonged hours of travel
with which fortune favored us earlier were no longer
possible. Weather conditions were more important
in determining a day’s run than the hands of the
chronometers.
That I must steadily keep up my notes and the
records of observations was a serious addition to my
daily task. I never permitted myself to be careless in
regard to this, for I never let myself forget the importance
of such data in plotting an accurate course.
I kept my records in small notebooks, writing very
fine with a hard pencil on both sides of the paper. At
the beginning of the journey I had usually set down
the day’s record by candle light, but later, when the sun
was shining both day and night, I needed no light even
inside the walls of the igloo, for the sunlight shone
strongly enough through the walls of snow. Shining
brilliantly at times, I utilized the opportunity it
afforded, every few marches, to measure our shadows.
The daily change marked our advance Poleward.
When storms threatened, our start was delayed.
In strong gales the march was shortened. But in one
way or another we usually found a few hours in each
turn of the dial during which a march could be forced
between winds. It mattered little whether we traveled
night or day—all hours and all days were alike to us—for
we had no accustomed time to rest, no Sundays, no
holidays, no landmarks, or mile-posts to pass.
To advance and expend the energy accumulated
during one sleep at the cost of one pound of pemmican[Pg 263]
was our sole aim in life. Day after day our legs were
driven onward. Constantly new but similar panoramas
rolled by us.
Our observations on April 11, gave latitude 87°
20ʹ, longitude 95° 19ʹ. The pack disturbance of the
new land was less and less noted as we progressed in the
northward movement. The fields became heavier,
larger and less crevassed. Fewer troublesome old floes
and less crushed new ice were encountered. With the
improved conditions, the fire of a racing spirit surged
up for a brief spell.
We had now passed the highest reaches of all our
predecessors. The inspiration of the Farthest North
for a brief time thrilled me. The time was at hand,
however, to consider seriously the possible necessity of
an early return.
Nearly half of the food allowance had been used.
In the long marches supplies had been more liberally
consumed than anticipated. Now our dog teams were
much reduced in numbers. Because of the cruel law of
the survival of the fittest, the less useful dogs had gone
into the stomachs of their stronger companions. With
the lessening of the number of dogs had come at the
same time a reduction of the weight of the sledge loads,
through the eating of the food. Now, owing to food
limitations and the advancing season, we could not prudently
continue the onward march a fortnight longer.
We had dragged ourselves three hundred miles
over the Polar sea in twenty-four days. Including delays
and detours, this gave an average of nearly thirteen
miles daily on an airline in our course. There remained
an unknown line of one hundred and sixty miles to the[Pg 264]
Pole. The same average advance would take us to the
Pole in thirteen days. There were food and fuel enough
to risk this adventure. With good luck the prize seemed
within our grasp. But a prolonged storm, a deep snowfall,
or an active ice-pack would mean failure.
In new cracks I measured the thickness of the ice.
I examined the water for life. The technical details for
the making and breaking of ice were studied, and some
attention was given to the altitude of uplifted and submerged
irregularities. Atmospheric, surface water and
ice temperatures were taken, the barometer was noted,
the cloud formations, weather conditions and ice drifts
were tabulated. There was a continuous routine of
work, but like the effort of the foot in the daily drive,
it became more or less automatic.
Running along over seemingly endless fields of ice,
the physical appearances now came under more careful
scrutiny. I watched daily for possible signs of failing
in the strength of any of us, because a serious disability
would now mean a fatal termination. A disabled
man could neither continue nor return. Each
new examination gave me renewed confidence and was
another reason to push human endurance to the limit of
straining every fibre and cell.
As a matter of long experience I find life in this
extreme North is healthful so long as there is sufficient
good food, so long as exertion is not overdone. A weakling
would easily be killed, but a strong man is
splendidly hardened and kept in perfect physical trim
by sledging and tramping in this germless air. But,
as I have said, sufficient food and not too much exertion
are requisites to full safety, and in our case we were[Pg 265]
working to the limit, with rations running low. Still,
the men responded superbly.
Our tremendous exertion in forcing daily rushing
marches, under occasional bursts of burning sunbeams,
provoked intense thirst. Following the habit of the
camel, we managed to take enough water before starting
to keep sufficient liquid in the stomach and veins for
the ensuing day’s march. Yet it was painful to await
the melting of ice at camping time.
In two sittings, evening and morning, each of us
took an average of three quarts of water daily. This
included tea and also the luxury of occasional soup.
Water was about us everywhere in heaps, but before
the thirst could be quenched, several ounces of precious
fuel, which had been sledged for hundreds of miles,
must be used. And yet, this water, so expensive and so
necessary to us, became the cause of our greatest discomfort.
It escaped through pores of the skin, saturated
the boots, formed a band of ice under the knee
and a belt of frost about the waist, while the face was
nearly always encased in a mask of icicles from the
moist breath. We learned to take this torture philosophically.
With our dogs bounding and tearing onward, from
the eighty-seventh to the eighty-eighth parallel we
passed for two days over old ice without pressure lines
or hummocks. There was no discernible line of demarcation
to indicate separate fields, and it was quite
impossible to determine whether we were on land or sea
ice. The barometer indicated no perceptible elevation,
but the ice had the hard, wavering surface of glacial ice,
with only superficial crevasses. The water obtained[Pg 266]
from this was not salty. All of the upper surface of
old hummock and high ice of the Polar sea resolves into
unsalted water. My nautical observations did not
seem to indicate a drift, but nevertheless my combined
tabulations do not warrant a positive assertion of either
land or sea; I am inclined, however, to put this down as
ice on low or submerged land.
The ice presented an increasingly cheering prospect.
A plain of purple and blue ran in easy undulations
to the limits of vision without the usual barriers of
uplifted blocks. Over it a direct air-line course was
possible. Progress, however, was quite as difficult as
over the irregular pack. The snow was crusted with
large crystals. An increased friction reduced the sled
speed, while the snow surface, too hard for snowshoes,
was also too weak to give a secure footing to the unprotected
boot. The loneliness, the monotony, the hardship
of steady, unrelieved travel were keenly felt.
Day after day we pushed along at a steady pace
over plains of frost and through a mental desert. As
the eye opened at the end of a period of shivering
slumber, the fire was lighted little by little, the stomach
was filled with liquids and solids, mostly cold—enough
to last for the day, for there could be no halt or waste
of fuel for midday feeding. We next got into harness,
and, under the lash of duty, paced off the day’s pull;
we worked until standing became impossible.
As a man in a dream I marched, set camp, ate and
tried to rest. I took observations now without interest;
under those conditions no man could take an interest
in mathematics. Eating became a hardship, for the
pemmican, tasteless and hard as metal, was cold. Our[Pg 267]
feet were numb—it seemed fortunate they no longer
even ached.
The arduous task of building a snowhouse meant
physical hardship. In this the eyes, no longer able to
wink, quickly closed. Soon the empty stomach complained.
Then the gastric wants were half served.
With teeth dropping to the spasm of cold and skins in
an electric wave of shivers to force animal heat, the boys
fell to unconscious slumbers, but my lids did not easily
close. The anxiety to succeed, the eagerness to draw
out our food supply and the task of infusing courage
into my savage helpers kept the mind active while the
underfed blood filled the legs with new power.
There was no pleasurable mental recreation to relieve
us; there was nothing to arouse the soul from its
icy inclosure. To eat, to sleep, endlessly to press one
foot ahead of the other—that was all we could do. We
were like horses driven wearily in carts, but we had not
their advantages of an agreeable climate and a comfortable
stable at night. Daily our marches were much
the same. Finishing our frigid meal, we hitched the
dogs and lashed the sleds.
In the daily routine of our onward struggle, there
was an inhuman strain which neither words nor pictures
could adequately describe. The maddening influence
of the sameness of Polar glitter, combined as it was with
bitter winds and extreme cold and overworked bodies,
burned our eyes and set our teeth to a chronic chattering.
To me there was always the inspiration of ultimate
success. But for my young savage companions,
it was a torment almost beyond endurance. They were,
however, brave and faithful to the bitter end, seldom[Pg 268]
allowing hunger or weariness or selfish ambition or
fierce passions seriously to interfere with the effort of
the expedition. We suffered, but we covered distance.
On the morning of April 13, the strain of agitating
torment reached the breaking point. For days there
had been a steady cutting wind from the west, which
drove despair to its lowest reaches. The west again
blackened, to renew its soul-despairing blast. The frost-burn
of sky color changed to a depressing gray, streaked
with black. The snow was screened with ugly vapors.
The path was absolutely cheerless. All this was a dire
premonition of storm and greater torture.
No torment could be worse than that never-ceasing
rush of icy air. It gripped us and sapped the life from
us. Ah-we-lah bent over his sled and refused to move.
I walked over and stood by his side. His dogs turned
and looked inquiringly at us. E-tuk-i-shook came near
and stood motionless, like a man in a trance, staring
blankly at the southern skies. Large tears fell from
Ah-we-lah’s eyes and froze in the blue of his own
shadow. Not a word was uttered. I knew that the
dreaded time of utter despair had come. The dogs
looked at us, patient and silent in their misery. Silently
in the descending gloom we all looked over the tremendous
dead-white waste to the southward. With a tear-streaked
and withered face, Ah-we-lah slowly said, with
a strangely shrilling wail, “Unne-sinig-po—Oo-ah-tonie
i-o-doria—Ooh-ah-tonie i-o-doria!” (“It is well to die—Beyond
is impossible—Beyond is impossible!”)

“TOO WEARY TO BUILD IGLOOS WE USED THE SILK TENT”
“ACROSS SEAS OF CRYSTAL GLORY TO THE BOREAL CENTRE”

MENDING NEAR THE POLE
TO THE POLE—THE LAST HUNDRED
MILES
OVER PLAINS OF GOLD AND SEAS OF PALPITATING COLOR
THE DOG TEAMS, WITH NOSES DOWN, TAILS ERECT,
DASH SPIRITEDLY LIKE CHARIOT HORSES—CHANTING
LOVE SONGS THE ESKIMOS FOLLOW WITH SWINGING
STEP—TIRED EYES OPEN TO NEW GLORY—STEP BY
STEP, WITH THUMPING HEARTS THE EARTH’S APEX
IS NEARED—AT LAST! THE GOAL IS REACHED! THE
STARS AND STRIPES ARE FLUNG TO THE FRIGID
BREEZES OF THE NORTH POLE!
XIX
Boreal Center is Pierced
I shall never forget that dismal hour. I shall never
forget that desolate drab scene about us—those endless
stretches of gray and dead-white ice, that drab dull sky,
that thickening blackness in the west which entered into
and made gray and black our souls, that ominous, eerie
and dreadful wind, betokening a terrorizing Arctic
storm. I shall never forget the mournful group before
me, in itself an awful picture of despair, of man’s ambition
failing just as victory is within his grasp. Ah-we-lah,
a thin, half-starved figure in worn furs, lay over
his sled, limp, dispirited, broken. In my ears I can now[Pg 270]
hear his low sobbing words, I can see the tears on his
yellow fissured face. I can see E-tuk-i-shook standing
gaunt and grim, and as he gazed yearningly onward to
the south, sighing pitifully, shudderingly for the home,
the loved one, An-na-do-a, left behind, whom, I could
tell, he did not expect to see again.
It was a critical moment. Up to this time, during
the second week of April, we had, by intense mental
force, goaded our wearied legs onward to the limit of
endurance. With a cutting wind in our faces, feeling
with each step the cold more severely to the marrow of
our bones, with our bodily energy and our bodily heat
decreasing, we had traveled persistently, suffering intolerable
pains with every breath. Despite increasing
despair, I had cheered my companions as best I could;
I had impressed upon them the constant nearing of my
goal. I had encouraged in them the belief of nearness
of land; each day I had gone on, fearing what had now
come, the utter breaking of their spirits.
“Unne-sinikpo-ashuka.” (Yes, it is well to die.)
“Awonga-up-dow-epuksha!” (Yesterday I, too,
felt that way), I said to myself. The sudden extinction
of consciousness, I thought, might be indeed a blessed
relief. But as long as life persisted, as long as human
endurance could be strained, I determined to continue.
Desperate as was my condition, and suffering hellish
tortures, the sight of the despair of my companions re-aroused
me. Should we fail now, after our long endurance,
now, when the goal was so near?
The Pole was only one hundred miles beyond. The
attainment seemed almost certain.
“Accou-ou-o-toni-ah-younguluk” (Beyond to-mor[Pg 271]row
it will be better), I urged, trying to essay a smile.
“Igluctoo!” (Cheer up!)
Holding up one hand, with a reach Poleward,
bending five fingers, one after the other, I tried to convey
the idea that in five sleeps the “Big Nail” would
be reached, and that then we would turn (pointing with
my fingers) homeward.
“Noona-me-neulia-capa—ahmisua” (For home,
sweethearts and food in abundance), I said.
“Noona-terronga, neuliarongita, ootah—peterongito”
(Land is gone; loved ones are lost; signs of life
have vanished).
“Tig-i-lay-waongacedla—nellu ikah-amisua” (Return
will I, the sky and weather I do not understand. It
is very cold), said Ah-we-lah.
“Attuda-emongwah-ka” (A little farther come),
I pleaded. “Attudu-mikisungwah” (Only a little
further).
“Sukinut-nellu” (The sun I do not understand),
said E-tuk-i-shook.
This had been a daily complaint for some days—the
approaching equality of the length of shadows for
night and day puzzled them. The failing night dip of
the sun left them without a guiding line to give direction.
They were lost in a landless, spiritless world, in which
the sky, the weather, the sun and all was a mystery.
I knew my companions were brave. I was certain
of their fidelity. Could their mental despair be alleviated,
I felt convinced they could brace themselves for
another effort. I spoke kindly to them; I told them
what we had accomplished, that they were good and
brave, that their parents and their sweethearts would[Pg 272]
be proud of them, and that as a matter of honor we
must not now fail.
“Tigishu-conitu,” I said. (The Pole is near.)
“Sinipa tedliman dossa-ooahtonie tomongma ah
youngulok tigilay toy hoy.” (At the end of five sleeps
it is finished, beyond all is well, we return thereafter
quickly.)
“Seko shudi iokpok. Sounah ha-ah!” they replied.
(On ice always is not good. The bones ache.)
Then I said, “The ice is flat, the snow is good, the
sky is clear, the Great Spirit is with us, the Pole is near!”
Ah-we-lah dully nodded his head. I noticed, however,
he wiped his eyes.
“Ka-bishuckto-emongwah” (Come walk a little
further), I went on. “Accou ooahtoni-ahningahna-matluk-tigilay-Inut-noona.”
(Beyond to-morrow within
two moons we return to Eskimo lands.)
“K i s a h iglucto-tima-attahta-annona-neuliasing-wah,”
said Ah-we-lah. (At last, then it is to laugh!
There we will meet father and mother and little wives!)
“Ashuka-alningahna-matluk,” I returned. (Yes,
in two moons there will be water and meat and all in
plenty.)
E-tuk-i-shook gazed at me intently. His eyes
brightened.
As I spoke my own spirits rose to the final effort,
my lassitude gave way to a new enthusiasm. I felt the
fire kindling for many years aglow within me. The
goal was near; there remained but one step to the apex
of my ambition. I spoke hurriedly. The two sat up
and listened. Slowly they became inspired with my
intoxication. Never did I speak so vehemently.[Pg 273]
E-tuk-i-shook gripped his whip. “Ka, aga” (Come,
go!) he said.
Ah-we-lah, determined but grim, braced his body
and shouted to the dogs—”Huk, Huk, Huk,” and then
to us he said, “Aga-Ka!” (Go-come).
With snapping whip we were off for that last hundred
miles.
The animals pricked their ears, re-curled their tails,
and pulled at the traces. Shouting to keep up the forced
enthusiasm, we bounded forward on the last lap. A
sort of wild gratification filled my heart. I knew that
only mental enthusiasm would now prevent the defeat
which might yet come from our own bodies refusing to
go farther. Brain must now drive muscle. Fortunately
the sense of final victory imparted a supernormal mental
stimulus.
Gray ice hummocks sped by us. My feet were so
tired that I seemed to walk on air. My body was so
light from weakness that I suppose I should hardly
have been surprised had I floated upward from the ice
in a gust of wind. I felt the blood moving in my veins
and stinging like needles in my joints as one does when
suffering with neurasthenia. I swung my axe. The
whip of my companions cut the air. The dogs leaped
over the ice, with crunching progress they pulled themselves
over hummocks much as cats climb trees. Distance
continued to fade behind us.
On April 14, my observations gave latitude, 88°
21ʹ; longitude, 95° 52ʹ. The wind came with a satanic
cut from the west. There had been little drift. But
with a feeling of chagrin I saw that the ice before us
displayed signs of recent activity. It was more ir[Pg 274]regular,
with open cracks here and there. These we had
to avoid, but the sleds glided with less friction, and the
weary dogs maintained a better speed.
With set teeth and newly sharpened resolutions,
we continued mile after mile of that last one hundred.
More dogs had gone into the stomachs of their hungry
companions, but there still remained a sufficient pull of
well-tried brute force for each sled. Although their
noisy vigor had been gradually lost in the long drag,
they still broke the frigid silence with an occasional outburst
of howls. Any fresh enthusiasm from the drivers
was quickly responded to by canine activity.
We were in good trim to cover distance economically.
Our sledges were light, our bodies were thin.
We had lost, since leaving winter camp, judging from
appearances, from twenty-five to forty pounds each.
All our muscles had shriveled. The dogs retained
strength that was amazing. Stripped for the last lap,
one horizon after another was lifted.
From original field papers.—Observations of April 14, 1908. Long.
95-52. Bar. 29.90 Falling. Temp. -44°. Clouds Cu. St. & Alt. St. 4. Wind
1-3. Mag. E.
| 96 | Noon 0 | =22—02—05 |
| 4 | 0 | =22—56—20 |
| 60 | 384 | 2 | 44—58—25 | |
| 6—24 | 22—29—12 | |
| 54 | +2 | |
| 6½ | 2 | 22—31—12 | |
| 27 | 11—15—36 | |
| 324 | R. & P. | —9 |
| 60 | 351 | 11— 6—36 | |
| 5—51 | 90 | |
| 9—21—50 | 78—53—24 | |
| 9—27—41 | 9—27—41 | |
| 88—21— 5 |
Shadow 30½ ft. (of tent pole 6 ft. above snow.)
In the forced effort which followed we frequently
became overheated. The temperature was steady at 44°
below zero, Fahrenheit. Perspiration came with ease,
and with a certain amount of pleasure. Later followed
a train of suffering for many days. The delight of the
birdskin shirt gave place to the chill of a wet blanket.
Our coats and trousers hardened to icy suits of armor.
It became quite impossible to dress after a sleep without
softening the stiffened furs with the heat of our bare
skin. Mittens, boots and fur stockings became quite
useless until dried out.
Fortunately, at this time the rays of the sun were
warm enough to dry the furs in about three days, if
lashed to the sunny side of a sled as we marched along,
and strangely enough, the furs dried out without apparent
thawing. In these last days we felt more keenly
the pangs of perspiration than in all our earlier adventures.
We persistently used the amber-colored
goggles. They afforded protection to the eyes, but in
spite of every precaution, our distorted, frozen, burned
and withered faces lined a map in relief, of the hardships
endured en route.
We were curious looking savages. The perpetual
glitter of the snows induced a squint of our eyes which
distorted our faces in a remarkable manner. The strong
light reflected from the crystal surface threw the muscles
about the eyes into a state of chronic contraction. The
iris was reduced to a mere pin-hole.
The strong winds and drifting snows necessitated
the habit of peeping out of the corners of the eyes.
Nature, in attempting to keep the ball from hardening,
flushed it at all times with blood. To keep the seeing[Pg 276]
windows of the mind open required a constant exertion
of will power. The effect was a set of expressions of
hardship and wrinkles which might be called the boreal
squint.
This boreal squint is a part of the russet-bronze
physiognomy which falls to the lot of every Arctic
explorer. The early winds, with a piercing temperature,
start a flush of scarlet, while frequent frostbites leave
figures in black. Later the burning sun browns the
skin; subsequently, strong winds sap the moisture,
harden the skin and leave open fissures on the face. The
human face takes upon itself the texture and configuration
of the desolate, wind-driven world upon which it
looks.
Hard work and reduced nourishment contract the
muscles, dispel the fat and leave the skin to shrivel in
folds. The imprint of the goggles, the set expression
of hard times, and the mental blank of the environment
remove all spiritual animation. Our faces assumed
the color and lines of old, withering, russet apples,
and would easily pass for the mummied countenances of
the prehistoric progenitors of man.
In enforced efforts to spread out our stiffened legs
over the last reaches, there was left no longer sufficient
energy at camping times to erect snow shelters. Our
silk tent was pressed into use. Although the temperature
was still very low, the congenial rays pierced the silk
fabric and rested softly on our eye lids closed in heavy
slumber. In strong winds it was still necessary to erect
a sheltering wall, whereby to shield the tent.
As we progressed over the last one hundred mile-step,
my mind was divested of its lethargy. Un[Pg 277]consciously
I braced myself. My senses became more
keen. With a careful scrutiny I now observed the
phenomena of the strange world into which fortune had
pressed us—first of all men.
Step by step, I invaded a world untrodden and unknown.
Dulled as I was by hardship, I thrilled with
the sense of the explorer in new lands, with the thrill
of discovery and conquest. “Then,” as Keats says, “felt
I like some watcher of the skies, when a new planet
swims into his ken.” In this land of ice I was master,
I was sole invader. I strode forward with an undaunted
glory in my soul.
Signs of land, which I encouraged my companions
to believe were real, were still seen every day, but I
knew, of course, they were deceptive. It now seemed to
me that something unusual must happen, that some line
must cross our horizon to mark the important area into
which we were passing.
Through vapor-charged air of crystal, my eyes ran
over plains moving in brilliant waves of running colors
toward dancing horizons. Mirages turned things topsy-turvy.
Inverted lands and queer objects ever rose and
fell, shrouded in mystery. All of this was due to the
atmospheric magic of the continued glory of midnight
suns in throwing piercing beams of light through superimposed
strata of air of varying temperature and
density.
Daily, by careful measurements, I found that our
night shadows shortened and became more uniform during
the passing hours of the day, as the shadow dial was
marked.
With a lucky series of astronomical observations[Pg 278]
our position was fixed for each stage of progress.
Nearing the Pole, my imagination quickened. A
restless, almost hysterical excitement came over all of
us. My boys fancied they saw bears and seals. I had
new lands under observation frequently, but with a
change in the direction of light the horizon cleared. We
became more and more eager to push further into the
mystery. Climbing the long ladder of latitudes, there
was always the feeling that each hour’s work was bringing
us nearer the Pole—the Pole which men had sought
for three centuries, and which, fortune favoring, should
be mine!
Yet, I was often so physically tired that my mind
was, when the momentary intoxications passed, in a
sense, dulled. But the habit of seeing and of noting
what I had seen, had been acquired. The habit, yes, of
putting one foot in front of the other, mile after mile,
through the wild dreariness of ice, the habit of observing,
even though with aching, blurred eyes, and noting,
methodically, however wearily, what the tired eyes had
seen.
From the eighty-eighth to the eighty-ninth parallel
the ice lay in large fields, the surface was less irregular
than formerly. In other respects it was about the same
as below the eighty-seventh. I observed here also, an
increasing extension of the range of vision. I seemed to
scan longer distances, and the ice along the horizon had
a less angular outline. The color of the sky and the ice
changed to deeper purple-blues. I had no way of checking
these impressions by other observations; the eagerness
to find something unusual may have fired my imagination,
but since the earth is flattened at the Pole, per[Pg 279]haps
a widened horizon would naturally be detected
there.
At eight o’clock on the morning of April 19, we
camped on a picturesque old field, with convenient hummocks,
to the top of which we could easily rise for the
frequent outlook which we now maintained. We pitched
our tent, and silenced the dogs by blocks of pemmican.
New enthusiasm was aroused by a liberal pot of pea-soup
and a few chips of frozen meat. Then we bathed
in life-giving sunbeams, screened from the piercing air
by the strands of the silk-walled tent.
The day was beautiful. Had our sense of appreciation
not been blunted by accumulated fatigue we should
have greatly enjoyed the play of light and color in the
ever-changing scene of sparkle. But in our condition
it was but an inducement to keep the eyes open and to
prolong interest long enough to dispel the growing complaint
of aching muscles.
Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shook were soon lost in profound
sleep, the only comfort in their hard lives. I remained
awake, as had been my habit for many preceding
days, to get nautical observations. My longitude
calculations lined us at 94° 3ʹ. At noon the sun’s altitude
was carefully set on the sextant, and the latitude,
quickly reduced, gave 89° 31ʹ. The drift had carried us
too far east, but our advance was encouraging.
I put down the instrument, wrote the reckonings in
my book. Then I gazed, with a sort of fascination, at
the figures. My heart began to thump wildly. Slowly
my brain whirled with exultation. I arose jubilant.
We were only 29 miles from the North Pole!
I suppose I created quite a commotion about the[Pg 280]
little camp. E-tuk-i-shook, aroused by the noise, awoke
and rubbed his eyes. I told him that in two average
marches we should reach the “tigi-shu“—the big nail.
He sprang to his feet and shouted with joy. He kicked
Ah-we-lah, none too gently, and told him the glad news.
Together they went out to a hummock, and through
glasses, sought for a mark to locate so important a place
as the terrestrial axis! If but one sleep ahead, it must be
visible! So they told me, and I laughed. The sensation
of laughing was novel. At first I was quite startled. I
had not laughed for many days. Their idea was amusing,
but it was eminently sensible from their standpoint
and knowledge.
I tried to explain to them that the Pole is not visible
to the eye, and that its position is located only by a repeated
use of the various instruments. Although this
was quite beyond their comprehension the explanation
entirely satisfied their curiosity. They burst out in hurrahs
of joy. For two hours they chanted, danced and
shouted the passions of wild life. Their joy, however,
was in the thought of a speedy turning back homeward,
I surmised.
This, however, was the first real sign of pleasure or
rational emotion which they had shown for several
weeks. For some time I had entertained the fear that we
no longer possessed strength to return to land. This
unbridled flow of vigor dispelled that idea. My heart
throbbed with gladness. A font of new strength seemed
to gush forth within me. Considering through what we
had gone, I now marvel at the reserve forces latent in
us, and I sometimes feel that I should write, not of
human weakness, but a new gospel of human strength.[Pg 281]
With the Pole only twenty-nine miles distant, more
sleep was quite impossible. We brewed an extra pot of
tea, prepared a favorite broth of pemmican, dug up a
surprise of fancy biscuits and filled up on good things
to the limit of the allowance for our final feast days. The
dogs, which had joined the chorus of gladness, were
given an extra lump of pemmican. A few hours more
were agreeably spent in the tent. Then we started out
with new spirit for the uttermost goal of our world.
Bounding joyously forward, with a stimulated
mind, I reviewed the journey. Obstacle after obstacle
had been overcome. Each battle won gave a spiritual
thrill, and courage to scale the next barrier. Thus had
been ever, and was still, in the unequal struggles between
human and inanimate nature, an incentive to go
onward, ever onward, up the stepping-stones to ultimate
success. And now, after a life-denying struggle in a
world where every element of Nature is against the
life and progress of man, triumph came with steadily
measured reaches of fifteen miles a day!
We were excited to fever heat. Our feet were
light on the run. Even the dogs caught the infectious
enthusiasm. They rushed along at a pace which made
it difficult for me to keep a sufficient advance to set a
good course. The horizon was still eagerly searched
for something to mark the approaching boreal center.
But nothing unusual was seen. The same expanse of
moving seas of ice, on which we had gazed for five hundred
miles, swam about us as we drove onward.
Looking through gladdened eyes, the scene assumed
a new glory. Dull blue and purple expanses
were transfigured into plains of gold, in which were[Pg 282]
lakes of sapphire and rivulets of ruby fire. Engirdling
this world were purple mountains with gilded crests.
It was one of the few days on the stormy pack when all
Nature smiled with cheering lights.
As the day advanced beyond midnight and the
splendor of the summer night ran into a clearer continued
day, the beams of gold on the surface snows
assumed a more burning intensity. Shadows of hummocks
and ice ridges became dyed with a deeper purple,
and in the burning orange world loomed before us Titan
shapes, regal and regally robed.
From my position, a few hundred yards ahead of
the sleds, with compass and axe in hand, as usual, I
could not resist the temptation to turn frequently to see
the movement of the dog train with its new fire. In
this backward direction the color scheme was reversed.
About the horizon the icy walls gleamed like beaten
gold set with gem-spots of burning colors; the plains
represented every shade of purple and blue, and over
them, like vast angel wings outspread, shifted golden
pinions. Through the sea of palpitating color, the dogs
came, with spirited tread, noses down, tails erect and
shoulders braced to the straps, like chariot horses. In
the magnifying light they seemed many times their normal
size. The young Eskimos, chanting songs of love,
followed with easy, swinging steps. The long whip
was swung with a brisk crack. Over all arose a cloud
of frosted breath, which, like incense smoke, became silvered
in the light, a certain signal of efficient motive
power.
With our destination reachable over smooth ice, in
these brighter days of easier travel our long chilled blood[Pg 283]
was stirred to double action, our eyes opened to beauty
and color, and a normal appreciation of the wonders of
this new strange and wonderful world.
As we lifted the midnight’s sun to the plane of the
midday sun, the shifting Polar desert became floored
with a sparkling sheen of millions of diamonds, through
which we fought a way to ulterior and greater glory.
Our leg cramps eased and our languid feet lifted
buoyantly from the steady drag as the soul arose to
effervescence. Fields of rich purple, lined with running
liquid gold, burning with flashes of iridescent colors,
gave a sense of gladness long absent from our weary
life. The ice was much better. We still forced a way
over large fields, small pressure areas and narrow leads.
But, when success is in sight, most troubles seem lighter.
We were thin, with faces burned, withered, frozen and
torn in fissures, with clothes ugly from overwear. Yet
men never felt more proud than we did, as we militantly
strode off the last steps to the world’s very
top!
Camp was pitched early in the morning of April
20. The sun was northeast, the pack glowed in tones
of lilac, the normal westerly air brushed our frosty faces.
Our surprising burst on enthusiasm had been nursed to
its limits. Under it a long march had been made over
average ice, with the usual result of overpowering
fatigue. Too tired and sleepy to wait for a cup of tea,
we poured melted snow into our stomach and pounded
the pemmican with an axe to ease the task of the jaws.
Our eyes closed before the meal was finished, and the
world was lost to us for eight hours. Waking, I took
observations which gave latitude 89° 46ʹ.[Pg 284]
Late at night, after another long rest, we hitched
the dogs and loaded the sleds. When action began, the
feeling came that no time must be lost. Feverish impatience
seized me.
Cracking our whips, we bounded ahead. The boys
sang. The dogs howled. Midnight of April 21 had
just passed.
Over the sparkling snows the post-midnight sun
glowed like at noon. I seemed to be walking in some
splendid golden realms of dreamland. As we bounded
onward the ice swam about me in circling rivers of gold.
E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah, though thin and
ragged, had the dignity of the heroes of a battle which
had been fought through to success.
We all were lifted to the paradise of winners as we
stepped over the snows of a destiny for which we had
risked life and willingly suffered the tortures of an icy
hell. The ice under us, the goal for centuries of brave,
heroic men, to reach which many had suffered terribly
and terribly died, seemed almost sacred. Constantly
and carefully I watched my instruments in recording
this final reach. Nearer and nearer they recorded our
approach. Step by step, my heart filled with a strange
rapture of conquest.
At last we step over colored fields of sparkle, climbing
walls of purple and gold—finally, under skies of
crystal blue, with flaming clouds of glory, we touch
the mark! The soul awakens to a definite triumph;
there is sunrise within us, and all the world of night-darkened
trouble fades. We are at the top of the world!
The flag is flung to the frigid breezes of the North
Pole![Pg 285]

ROUTE TO THE POLE AND RETURN
A triangle of 30,000 square miles cut out of the mysterious unknown
AT THE NORTH POLE
OBSERVATIONS AT THE POLE—METEOROLOGICAL AND ASTRONOMICAL
PHENOMENA—SINGULAR STABILITY
AND UNIFORMITY OF THE THERMOMETER AND
BAROMETER—A SPOT WHERE ONE’S SHADOW IS THE
SAME LENGTH EACH HOUR OF THE TWENTY-FOUR—EIGHT
POLAR ALTITUDES OF THE SUN
XX
Full and Final Proofs of the Attainment
Looking about me, after the first satisfactory observation,
I viewed the vacant expanse. The first realization
of actual victory, of reaching my lifetime’s goal,
set my heart throbbing violently and my brain aglow.
I felt the glory which the prophet feels in his vision,
with which the poet thrills in his dream. About the
frozen plains my imagination evoked aspects of grandeur.
I saw silver and crystal palaces, such as were
never built by man, with turrets flaunting “pinions glorious,
golden.” The shifting mirages seemed like the
ghosts of dead armies, magnified and transfigured, huge
and spectral, moving along the horizon and bearing the
wind-tossed phantoms of golden blood-stained banners.
The low beating of the wind assumed the throb of
martial music. Bewildered, I realized all that I had[Pg 287]
suffered, all the pain of fasting, all the anguish of long
weariness, and I felt that this was my reward. I had
scaled the world, and I stood at the Pole!
By a long and consecutive series of observations
and mental tabulations of various sorts on our journey
northward, continuing here, I knew, beyond peradventure
of doubt, that I was at a spot which was as near as
possible, by usual methods of determination, five hundred
and twenty miles from Svartevoeg, a spot toward
which men had striven for more than three centuries—a
spot known as the North Pole, and where I stood first
of white men. In my own achievement I felt, that
dizzy moment, that all the heroic souls who had braved
the rigors of the Arctic region found their own hopes’
fulfilment. I had realized their dream. I had culminated
with success the efforts of all the brave men who
had failed before me. I had finally justified their sacrifices,
their very death; I had proven to humanity
humanity’s supreme triumph over a hostile, death-dealing
Nature. It seemed that the souls of these dead
exulted with me, and that in some sub-strata of the air,
in notes more subtle than the softest notes of music,
they sang a pæan in the spirit with me.
We had reached our destination. My relief was
indescribable. The prize of an international marathon
was ours. Pinning the Stars and Stripes to a tent-pole,
I asserted the achievement in the name of the ninety
millions of countrymen who swear fealty to that flag.
And I felt a pride as I gazed at the white-and-crimson
barred pinion, a pride which the claim of no second
victor has ever taken from me.

CLIMBING THE LADDER OF
LATITUDES
My mental intoxication did not interfere with the[Pg 288]
routine work which was
now necessary. Having
reached the goal, it was
imperative that all scientific
observations be made
as carefully as possible, as
quickly as possible. To
the taking of these I set
myself at once, while my
companions began the
routine work of unloading
the sledges and building
an igloo.
Our course when arriving
at the Pole, as near
as it was possible to determine,
was on the
ninety-seventh meridian.
The day was April 21,
1908. It was local noon.
The sun was 11° 55ʺ above
the magnetic northern
horizon. My shadow, a
dark purple-blue streak
with ill-defined edges,
measured twenty-six feet
in length. The tent pole,
marked as a measuring
stick, was pushed into the
snow, leaving six feet
above the surface. This
gave a shadow twenty-eight
feet long.[Pg 289]
Several sextant observations gave a latitude a few
seconds below 90°, which, because of unknown refraction
and uncertain accuracy of time, was placed at 90°.
(Other observations on the next day gave similar results,
although we shifted camp four miles toward magnetic
south.) A broken hand-axe was tied to the end
of a life-line; this was lowered through a fresh break in
the ice, and the angle which it made with the surface
indicated a drift toward Greenland. The temperature,
gauged by a spirit thermometer, was 37.7°, F. The mercury
thermometer indicated -36°. The atmospheric
pressure by the aneroid barometer was at 29.83. It
was falling, and indicated a coming change in the
weather. The wind was very light, and had veered
from northeast to south, according to the compass card.
The sky was almost clear, of a dark purple blue,
with a pearly ice-blink or silver reflection extending east,
and a smoky water-sky west, in darkened, ill-defined
streaks, indicating continuous ice or land toward Bering
Sea, and an active pack, with some open water, toward
Spitzbergen. To the north and south were wine-colored
gold-shot clouds, flung in long banners, with
ragged-pointed ends along the horizon. The ice about
was nearly the same as it had been continuously since
leaving the eighty-eighth parallel. It was slightly more
active, and showed, by news cracks and oversliding,
young ice signs of recent disturbance.
The field upon which we camped was about three
miles long and two miles wide. Measured at a new
crevasse, the ice was sixteen feet thick. The tallest
hummock measured twenty-eight feet above water. The
snow lay in fine feathery crystals, with no surface crust.[Pg 290]
About three inches below the soft snow was a sub-surface
crust strong enough to carry the bodily weight.
Below this were other successive crusts, and a porous
snow in coarse crystals, with a total depth of about
fifteen inches.
Our igloo was built near one edge in the lee of an
old hummock about fifteen feet high. Here a recent
bank of drift snow offered just the right kind of material
from which to cut building blocks. While a shelter was
thus being walled, I moved about constantly to read my
instruments and to study carefully the local environment.
In a geographic sense we had now arrived at a
point where all meridians meet. The longitude, therefore,
was zero. Time was a negative problem. There
being no longitude, there can be no time. The hour
lines of Greenwich, of New York, of Peking, and of all
the world here run together. Figuratively, if this position
is the pin-point of the earth’s axis, it is possible to
have all meridians under one foot, and therefore it
should be possible to step from midnight to midday,
from the time of San Francisco to that of Paris, from
one side of the globe to the other, as time is measured.
Here there is but one day and but one night in each
year, but the night of six months is relieved by about one
hundred days of continuous twilight. Geographically,
there was here but one direction. It was south on every
line of the dial of longitude—north, east and west had
vanished. We had reached a point where true direction
became a paradox and a puzzle. It was south before us,
south behind us, and south on every side. But the compass,
pointing to the magnetic Pole along the
[Pg 291]
ninety-seventh meridian, was as useful as ever. (To avoid
statements easily misunderstood, all our directions about
the Pole will be given as taken from the compass, and
without reference to the geographer’s anomaly of its
being south in every direction.)

WHERE ALL MERIDIANS MEET AND EVERY DIRECTION IS SOUTH
The Pivotal Point on which the earth turns.
* Magnetic Pole
My first noon observations gave the following result, which is copied
from the original paper, as it was written at the Pole and reproduced
photographically on another page. April 21, 1908: Long., 97-W.; Bar.,
29-83; Temp., —37.7; Clouds Alt., St., 1; Wind, 1; Mag., S.; Iceblink E.;
Water Sky W.
| Noon Alt. 0 | 23—33—25 | ||
| +2 | |||
| 2 | 23—35—25 | |||
| 50 | 11—47—42 | 5 | |
| 6½ | +15—56 | ||
| 25 | 12— 3—38 | ||
| 300 | —9 | ||
| 60 | 325 | 11—54—38 | ||
| 5—25 | 90 | ||
| 11—48—58 | 78— 5—22 | ||
| 11—54—23 | 11—54—23 | ||
| 89—59—45 |
Shadows 28 ft. (of 6 ft. pole).
Taking advantage of our brief stay, the boys set
up the ice-axe and drying sticks, and hung upon them
their perspiration-wetted and frosted furs to dry.
Hanging out wet clothes and an American flag at the
North Pole seemed an amusing incongruity.
The puzzled standpoint of my Eskimos was amusing.
They tried hard to appreciate the advantages of
finding this suppositious “tigi shu” (big nail), but
actually here, they could not, even from a sense of deference
to me and my judgment, entirely hide their feeling
of disappointment.
On the advance I had told them that an actual “big
nail” would not be found—only the point where it ought[Pg 293]
to be. But I think they really hoped that if it had
actually disappeared they should find that it had come
back into place after all!
In building our igloo the boys frequently looked
about expectantly. Often they ceased cutting snow-blocks
and rose to a hummock to search the horizon for
something which, to their idea, must mark this important
spot, for which we had struggled against hope and
all the dictates of personal comforts. At each breathing
spell their eager eyes picked some sky sign which to
them meant land or water, or the play of some god of
land or sea. The naive and sincere interest which the
Eskimos on occasions feel in the mystery of the spirit-world
gives them an imaginative appreciation of nature
often in excess of that of the more material and skeptical
Caucasian.
Arriving at the mysterious place where, they felt,
something should happen, their imagination now forced
an expression of disappointment. In a high-keyed condition,
all their superstitions recurred to them with
startling reality.
In one place the rising vapor proved to be the breath
of the great submarine god—the “Ko-Koyah.” In another
place, a motionless little cloud marked the land in
which dwelt the “Turnah-huch-suak,” the great Land
God, and the air spirits were represented by the different
winds, with sex relations.
Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shook, with the astuteness of
the aborigine, who reads Nature as a book, were sharp
enough to note that the high air currents did not correspond
to surface currents; for, although the wind was
blowing homeward, and changed its force and direc[Pg 294]tion,
a few high clouds moved persistently in a different
direction.
This, to them, indicated a warfare among the air
spirits. The ice and snow were also animated. To
them the whole world presented a rivalry of conflicting
spirits which offered never-ending topics of conversation.
As the foot pressed the snow, its softness, its rebound,
or its metallic ring indicated sentiments of
friendliness or hostility. The ice, by its color, movement
or noise, spoke the humor of its animation, or that
of the supposed life of the restless sea beneath it. In
interpreting these spirit signs, the two expressed considerable
difference of opinion. Ah-we-lah saw dramatic
situations and became almost hysterical with
excitement; E-tuk-i-shook saw only a monotone of the
normal play of life. Such was the trend of interest and
conversation as the building of the igloos was completed.
Contrary to our usual custom, the dogs had been
allowed to rest in their traces attached to the sleds.
Their usual malicious inquisitiveness exhausted, they
were too tired to examine the sleds to steal food. But
now, as the house was completed, holes were chipped
with a knife in ice-shoulders, through which part of a
trace was passed, and each team was thus securely
fastened to a ring cut in ice-blocks. Then each dog
was given a double ration of pemmican. Their pleasure
was expressed by an extra twist of the friendly tails and
an extra note of gladness from long-contracted stomachs.
Finishing their meal, they curled up and warmed
the snow, from which they took an occasional bite to
furnish liquid for their gastric economy. Almost two[Pg 295]
days of rest followed, and this was the canine celebration
of the Polar attainment.
We withdrew to the inside of the dome of snow-blocks,
pulled in a block to close the doors, spread out
our bags as beds on the platform of leveled snow, pulled
off boots and trousers, and slipped half-length into the
bristling reindeer furs. We then discussed, with
chummy congratulations, the success of our long drive
to the world’s end.
While thus engaged, the little Juel stove piped the
cheer of the pleasure of ice-water, soon to quench our
chronic thirst. In the meantime, Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shook
pressed farther and farther into their bags,
pulled over the hoods, and closed their eyes to an overpowering
fatigue. But my lids did not easily close. I
watched the fire. More ice went into the kettle. With
the satisfaction of an ambition fulfilled, I peeped out
occasionally through the pole-punched port, and noted
the horizon glittering with gold and purple.
Quivers of self-satisfying joy ran up my spine and
relieved the frosty mental bleach of the long-delayed
Polar anticipation.
In due time we drank, with grateful satisfaction,
large quantities of ice-water, which was more delicious
than any wine. A pemmican soup, flavored with musk
ox tenderloins, steaming with heat—a luxury seldom
enjoyed in our camps—next went down with warming,
satisfying gulps. This was followed by a few strips
of frozen fresh meat, then by a block of pemmican.
Later, a few squares of musk ox suet gave the taste of
sweets to round up our meal. Last of all, three cups
of tea spread the chronic stomach-folds, after which we[Pg 296]
reveled in the sense of fulness of the best meal of
many weeks.
With full stomachs and the satisfaction of a worthy
task well performed, we rested.
We had reached the zenith of man’s Ultima Thule,
which had been sought for more than three centuries.
In comfortable berths of snow we tried to sleep, turning
with the earth on its northern axis.
But sleep for me was impossible. At six o’clock,
or six hours after our arrival at local noon, I arose, went
out of the igloo, and took a double set of observations.
Returning, I did some figuring, lay down on my bag,
and at ten o’clock, or four hours later, leaving Ah-we-lah
to guard the camp and dogs, E-tuk-i-shook joined me to
make a tent camp about four miles to the magnetic
south. My object was to have a slightly different position
for subsequent observations.
Placing our tent, bags and camp equipment on a
sled, we pushed it over the ice field, crossed a narrow
lead sheeted with young ice, and moved on to another
field which seemed to have much greater dimensions.
We erected the tent not quite two hours later, in time
for a midnight observation. These sextant readings of
the sun’s altitude were continued for the next twenty-four
hours.
In the idle times between observations, I went over
to a new break between the field on which we were
camped and that on which Ah-we-lah guarded the dogs.
Here the newly-formed sheets of ice slid over each other
as the great, ponderous fields stirred to and fro. A
peculiar noise, like that of a crying child, arose. It
came seemingly from everywhere, intermittently, in[Pg 297]
successive crying spells. Lying down, and putting my
fur-cushioned ear to the edge of the old ice, I heard a
distant thundering noise, the reverberations of the
moving, grinding pack, which, by its wind-driven sweep,
was drifting over the unseen seas of mystery. In an
effort to locate the cry, I searched diligently along the
lead. I came to a spot where two tiny pieces of ice
served as a mouthpiece. About every fifteen seconds
there were two or three sharp, successive cries. With
the ice-axe I detached one. The cries stopped; but
other cries were heard further along the line.
The time for observations was at hand, and I returned
to take up the sextant. Returning later to the
lead, to watch the seas breathe, the cry seemed stilled.
The thin ice-sheets were cemented together, and in an
open space nearby I had an opportunity to study the
making and breaking of the polar ice.
That tiny film of ice which voiced the baby cries
spreads the world’s most irresistible power. In its
making we have the nucleus for the origin of the polar
pack, that great moving crust of the earth which
crunches ships, grinds rocks, and sweeps mountains into
the sea. Beginning as a mere microscopic crystal, successive
crystals, by their affinity for each other, unite to
make a disc. These discs, by the same law of cohesion,
assemble and unite. Now the thin sheet, the first sea
ice, is complete, and either rests to make the great field
of ice, or spreads from floe to floe and from field to
field, thus spreading, bridging and mending the great
moving masses which cover the mid-polar basin.
Another law of nature was solved by a similar
insignificant incident. In spreading our things out to[Pg 298]
air and dry (for things will dry in wind and sun, even
at a very low temperature), two pieces of canvas were
thrown on a hummock. It was a white canvas sled-cover
and a black strip of canvas, in which the boat fittings
were wrapped. When these strips of canvas were
lifted it was found that under the part of the black
canvas, resting on a slope at right angles to the sun,
the snow had melted and recongealed. Under the white
canvas the snow had not changed. The temperature
was -41°; we had felt no heat, but this black canvas
had absorbed enough heat from a feeble sun to melt
the snow beneath it. This little lesson in physics began
to interest me, and on the return many similar experiments
were made. As the long, tedious marches were
made, I asked myself the questions: Why is snow
white? Why is the sky blue? And why does black
burn snow when white does not?
Little by little, in the long drive of monotony, satisfactory
answers came to these questions. Thus, in
seeking abstract knowledge, the law of radiation was
thoroughly examined. In doing this, there came to me
slowly the solution of various problems of animal life,
and eventually there was uncovered what to me proved
a startling revelation in the incidents that led up to
animal coloring in the Arctic. For here I found that
the creatures’ fur and feathers were colored in accord
with their needs of absorbing external heat or of conserving
internal heat. The facts here indicated will be
presented later, when we deal with the snow-fitted creatures
at close range.
One of the impressions which I carried with me of
this night march was that the sun seemed low—lower,[Pg 299]
indeed, than that of midday, which, in reality, was not
true, for the observations placed it nine minutes higher.
This was an indication of the force of habit. In the
northward march we had noted a considerable relative
difference in the height of the night sun and that of the
day. Although this difference had vanished now, the
mind at times refused to grasp the remarkable change.[16]
At the Pole I was impressed by a peculiar uniformity
in the temperature of the atmosphere throughout
the twenty-four hours, and also by a strange monotone
in color and light of sea and sky. I had begun
to observe this as I approached the boreal center. The
strange equability of light and color, of humidity and of
air temperatures extended an area one hundred miles
about the Pole. This was noted both on my coming
and going over this district.
Approaching the Pole, and as the night sun gradually
lifted, an increasing equalization of the temperature
of night and day followed. Three hundred miles
from the Pole the thermometer at night had been from
10° to 20° lower than during the day. There the shivering
chill of midnight made a strong contrast to the burning,
heatless glitter of midday. At the Pole the thermometer
did not rise or fall appreciably for certain
fixed hours of the day or night, but remained almost
uniform during the entire twenty-four hours.[Pg 300]
This, to a less notable extent, was true also of the
barometer. Farther south there had been a difference
in the day and night range of the barometer. Here,
although the night winds continued more actively than
those of the day, the barometer was less variable than at
any time on my journey.
At the Pole the tendency of change in force and
direction of air currents, observed farther south, for
morning and evening periods, was no longer noted. But
when strong winds brushed the pack, a good deal of the
Polar equalization gave place to a radical difference,
giving a period for high and low temperatures; which
period, however, did not correspond to the usual hours
of day or night. The winds, therefore, seemed to carry
to us the sub-Polar inequality of atmospheric variation
in temperature and pressure. Many of the facts bearing
upon this problem were not learned until later.
Subsequently, I learned, also, that strong winds often
disturb the Polar atmospheric sameness; but all is given
here because of the striking impression which it made
upon me at this time.
In the region about the Pole I observed that,
although there were remarkable and beauteous color
blendings in the sky, the intense contrasts and the spectacular
display of cloud effects, seen in more southern
regions, were absent.

FIRST CAMP AT THE POLE, APRIL 21, 1908
A color suffusion is common throughout the entire
Arctic zone. Light, pouring from the low-lying sun,
is reflected from the ice in an indescribable blaze. From
millions of ice slopes, with millions and millions of tiny
reflecting surfaces, each one a mirror, some large, some
smaller than specks of diamond dust, this light is sent
[Pg 301]
back in different directions in burning waves to the sky.
A liquid light seems forced back from the sky into every
tiny crevice of this bejeweled wonderland. One color
invariably predominates at a time. Sometimes the ice
and air and sky are suffused with a hue of rose, again of
orange, again of a light alloyed yellow, again blue; and,
as we get farther north, more dominantly purple. Farther
south, in our journey northward, we had viewed
color effects in reality incomparably more beautiful than
those in the regions about the Pole. The sun, farther
south, in rising and setting, and with limitless changes
of polarized and refracted light, passing through strata
of atmosphere of varying depths of different density,
produces kaleidoscopic changes of burning color.

AT THE POLE—“WE WERE THE ONLY PULSATING CREATURES IN A
DEAD WORLD OF ICE”
At the Pole there were sunbursts, but because of
the slight change in the sun’s dip to the horizon, the prevailing
light was invariably in shades running to purple.
At first my imagination evoked a more glowing wonder
than in reality existed; as the hours wore on, and as the
wants of my body asserted themselves, I began to see
the vacant spaces with a disillusionizing eye.
The set of observations given here, taken every six
hours, from noon on April 21 to midnight on April 22,
1908, fixed our position with reasonable certainty.
These figures do not give the exact position for the
normal spiral ascent of the sun, which is about fifty seconds
for each hour, or five minutes for each six hours;
but the uncertainties of error by refraction and ice-drift
do not permit such accuracy of observations. These
figures are submitted, therefore, not to establish the pin-point
accuracy of our position, but to show that we had
approximately reached a spot where the sun, throughout
[Pg 302]
the twenty-four hours, circled the heavens in a line
nearly parallel to the horizon.
THE SUN’S TRUE CENTRAL ALTITUDE AT THE POLE.
April 21 and 22, 1908.
Seven successive observations, taken every six hours.
Each observation is reduced for an instrumental error of +2ʹ.
For semi-diameter and also for refraction and parallax, —9ʹ.
The seven reductions are each calculated from two sextant readings,
generally of an upper and lower limb.
(TAKEN FROM MY FIELD NOTES.)
| April 21, 1908, 97th meridian local time—12 o’clock noon— | 11°—54ʹ—40ʺ |
| 6 P. M. (same camp). | 12—00—10 |
| Moved camp 4 miles magnetic South | |
| 12 o’clock (midnight) | 12— 3—50 |
| April 22nd, 6 A. M. | 12— 9—30 |
| 12 o’clock noon | 12—14—20 |
| 6 P. M. | 12—18—40 |
| 12 o’clock (midnight) | 12—25—10 |
Temperature, —41. Barometer, 30.05.
Shadow 27½ feet (of 6-foot pole).
With the use of the sextant, the artificial horizon,
pocket chronometers, and the usual instruments and
methods of explorers, our observations were continued
and our positions were fixed with the most painstakingly
careful safeguards possible against inaccuracy.
The value of all such observations as proof of a Polar
success, however, is open to such interpretation as the
future may determine. This applies, not only to me,
but to anyone who bases any claim upon them.
To me there were many seemingly insignificant
facts noted in our northward progress which left the
imprint of milestones. Our footprints marked a road
ever onward into the unknown. Many of these almost
unconscious reckonings took the form of playful impressions,
and were not even at the time written down.
In the first press reports of my achievement there
was not space to go into minute details, nor did the pres[Pg 303]entation
of the subject permit an elaboration on all the
data gathered. But now, in the light of a better perspective,
it seems important that every possible phase of
the minutest detail be presented. For only by a careful
consideration of every phase of every phenomena en
route can a true verdict be obtained upon this widely
discussed subject of Polar attainment.
And now, right here, I want you to consider carefully
with me one thing which made me feel sure that
we had reached the Pole. This is the subject of shadows—our
own shadows on the snow-covered ice. A
seemingly unimportant phenomenon which had often
been a topic of discussion, and so commonplace that I
only rarely referred to it in my notebooks, our own
shadows on the snow-cushioned ice had told of northward
movement, and ultimately proved to my satisfaction
that the Pole had been reached.
In our northward progress—to explain my shadow
observations from the beginning—for a long time after
our start from Svartevoeg, our shadows did not perceptibly
shorten or brighten, to my eyes. The natives,
however, got from these shadows a never-ending variety
of topics of conversation. They foretold storms, located
game and read the story of home entanglements. Far
from land, far from every sign of a cheering, solid earth,
wandering with our shadows over the hopeless desolation
of the moving seas of glitter, I, too, took a keen
interest in the blue blots that represented our bodies.
At noon, by comparison with later hours, they were
sharp, short, of a dark, restful blue. At this time a
thick atmosphere of crystals rested upon the ice pack,
and when the sun sank the strongest purple rays could
[Pg 304]
not penetrate the frosty haze. Long before the time for
sunset, even on clear days, the sun was lost in low clouds
of drifting needles.

Shadow-circle about 250
miles from the Pole. Circle
from which extend radiating
shadow-lines mark position
of man.
Shadow-circle when nearing
the Pole, showing less difference
in length during the
changing hours.
Shadow-circle at the Pole;
standing on the same spot,
at each hour, one’s shadow
is always apparently of the
same length.
SHADOW-CIRCLES INDICATING THE APPROACH TO THE POLE
Showing approximately the relative length of a man’s shadow
for each hour of the twenty-four-hour day.
After passing the eighty-eighth parallel there was
a notable change in our shadows. The night shadow
lengthened; the day shadow, by comparison, shortened.
The boys saw in this something which they could not
understand. The positive blue grew to a permanent
purple, and the sharp outlines ran to vague, indeterminate
edges.
Now at the Pole there was no longer any difference
in length, color or sharpness of outline between the
shadow of the day or night.
“What does it all mean?” they asked. The Eskimos
looked with eager eyes at me to explain, but my
vocabulary was not comprehensive enough to give them
a really scientific explanation, and also my brain was too
weary from the muscular poison of fatigue to frame
words.
The shadows of midnight and those of midday were
the same. The sun made a circle about the heavens in
which the eye detected no difference in its height above
the ice, either night or day. Throughout the twenty-four
hours there was no perceptible rise or set in the
sun’s seeming movement. Now, at noon, the shadow
represented in its length the altitude of the sun—about
twelve degrees. At six o’clock it was the same. At
midnight it was the same. At six o’clock in the morning
it was the same.

At a latitude about New York, a man’s shadow lengthens
hour by hour as the sun descends toward the horizon at
nightfall.

At the North Pole, a man’s shadow is of equal length
during the entire twenty-four hours, since the sun moves
spirally around the heavens at about the same apparent
height above the horizon throughout the twenty-four-hour
day.
A picture of the snowhouse and ourselves, taken at
the same time and developed a year later, gives the same
length of shadow. The compass pointed south. The
[Pg 306]
night drop of the thermometer had vanished. Let us,
for the sake of argument, grant that all our instrumental
observations are wrong. Here is a condition of
things in which I believed, and still believe, the eye, without
instrumental assistance, places the sun at about the
[Pg 307]same height for every hour of the day and night. It is
only on the earth’s axis that such an observation is
possible.
There was about us no land. No fixed point. Absolutely
nothing upon which to rest the eye to give the
sense of location or to judge distance.
Here everything moves. The sea breathes, and
lifts the crust of ice which the wind stirs. The pack
ever drifts in response to the pull of the air and the
drive of the water. Even the sun, the only fixed dot
in this stirring, restless world, where all you see is, without
your seeing it, moving like a ship at sea, seems to
have a rapid movement in a gold-flushed circle not far
above endless fields of purple crystal; but that movement
is never higher, never lower—always in the same
fixed path. The instruments detect a slight spiral
ascent, day after day, but the eye detects no change.
Although I had measured our shadows at times on
the northward march, at the Pole these shadow notations
were observed with the same care as the measured
altitude of the sun by the sextant. A series was made
on April 22, after E-tuk-i-shook and I had left Ah-we-lah
in charge of our first camp at the Pole. We
made a little circle for our feet in the snow. E-tuk-i-shook
stood in the foot circle. At midnight the first
line was cut in the snow to the end of his shadow, and
then I struck a deep hole with the ice-axe. Every hour
a similar line was drawn out from his foot. At the end
of twenty-four hours, with the help of Ah-we-lah, a
circle was circumscribed along the points, which marked
the end of the shadow for each hour. The result is
represented in the snow diagram on the next page.[Pg 308]

SHADOW DIAL AT THE POLE
At the Pole, a man’s shadow is about the same length for every hour of the
double day. When a shadow line is drawn in the snow from a man’s foot in a
marked dial, the human shadows take the place of the hands of a clock and
mark the time by compass bearing. The relative length of these shadows also
give the latitude or a man’s position north or south of the equator. When
during two turns around the clock dial, the shadows are all of about equal length,
the position of the earth’s axis is positively reached—even if all other observations
fail. This simple demonstration is an indisputable proof of being on
the North Pole.
In the northward march we did not stay up all of
bedtime to play with shadow circles. But, at this time,
to E-tuk-i-shook the thing had a spiritual interest. To
me it was a part of the act of proving that the Pole had
been attained. For only about the Pole, I argued,
could all shadows be of equal length. Because of this
combination of keen interests, we managed to find an
excuse, even during sleep hours, to draw a line on our
shadow circle.
Here, then, I felt, was an important observation
placing me with fair accuracy at the Pole, and, unlike
all other observations, it was not based on the impossible
dreams of absolutely accurate time or sure corrections
for refraction.
FIXES THE POSITION OF THE NORTH POLE

The exact altitude of the sun at noon of April 22, 1908, on the pole, was
12° 9ʹ 16ʺ, but owing to ice-drift—the impossibility of accurate time—and
unknown error by refraction, no such pin-point accuracy can be recorded.
At each hour the sun, circling about the horizon, cast a shadow of uniform
length.
At the place where E-tuk-i-shook and I camped,
four miles south of where I had left Ah-we-lah with the
dogs, only two big ice hummocks were in sight. There
were more spaces of open water than at our first camp.
After a midnight observation—of April 22—we returned
to camp. When the dogs saw us approaching in
the distance they rose, and a chorus of howls rang over
the regions of the Pole—regions where dogs had never
howled before. All the scientific work being finished,
we began hastily to make final preparations for
departure.
We had spent two days about the North Pole.
After the first thrills of victory, the glamor wore away
as we rested and worked. Although I tried to do so, I
could get no sensation of novelty as we pitched our last
belongings on the sleds. The intoxication of success
had gone. I suppose intense emotions are invariably
followed by reactions. Hungry, mentally and physically
exhausted, a sense of the utter uselessness of this
thing, of the empty reward of my endurance, followed
my exhilaration. I had grasped my ignus fatuus. It is
a misfortune for any man when his ignus fatuus fails
to elude him.
During those last hours I asked myself why this
place had so aroused an enthusiasm long-lasting through
self-sacrificing years; why, for so many centuries, men
had sought this elusive spot? What a futile thing, I
thought, to die for! How tragically useless all those
heroic efforts—efforts, in themselves, a travesty, an
ironic satire, on much vainglorious human aspiration and
endeavor! I thought of the enthusiasm of the people who
read of the spectacular efforts of men to reach this[Pg 311]
vacant silver-shining goal of death. I thought, too, in
that hour, of the many men of science who were devoting
their lives to the study of germs, the making of toxins;
to the saving of men from the grip of disease—men who
often lost their own lives in their experiments; whose
world and work existed in unpicturesque laboratories,
and for whom the laudations of people never rise. It
occurred to me—and I felt the bitterness of tears in my
soul—that it is often the showy and futile deeds of men
which men praise; and that, after all, the only work
worth while, the only value of a human being’s efforts,
lie in deeds whereby humanity benefits. Such work as
noble bands of women accomplish who go into the slums
of great cities, who nurse the sick, who teach the ignorant,
who engage in social service humbly, patiently, unexpectant
of any reward! Such work as does the scientist
who studies the depredations of malignant germs,
who straightens the body of the crippled child, who precipitates
a toxin which cleanses the blood of a frightful
and loathsome disease!
As my eye sought the silver and purple desert about
me for some stable object upon which to fasten itself, I
experienced an abject abandon, an intolerable loneliness.
With my two companions I could not converse; in my
thoughts and emotions they could not share. I was
alone. I was victorious. But how desolate, how dreadful
was this victory! About us was no life, no spot to
relieve the monotony of frost. We were the only pulsating
creatures in a dead world of ice.
A wild eagerness to get back to land seized me. It
seemed as though some new terror had arisen from the
icy waters. Something huge, something baneful …[Pg 312]
invisible … yet whose terror-inspiring, burning
eyes I felt … the master genii of the goal, perhaps …
some vague, terrible, disembodied spirit
force, condemned for some unimaginable sin to solitary
prisonment here at the top of the world, and who wove
its malignant, awful spell, and had lured men on for centuries
to their destruction…. The desolation of
the place was such that it was almost palpable; it was a
thing I felt I must touch and see. My companions
felt the heavy load of it upon them, and from the few
words I overheard I knew they were eagerly picturing
to themselves the simple joys of existence at Etah and
Annoatok. I remember that to me came pictures of my
Long Island home. All this arose, naturally enough,
from the reaction following the strain of striving so long
and so fiercely after the goal, combined with the sense of
the great and actual peril of our situation. But what a
cheerless spot this was, to have aroused the ambition of
man for so many ages!
There came forcibly, too, the thought that although
the Pole was discovered, it was not essentially discovered,
that it could be discovered, in the eyes of the
world, unless we could return to civilization and tell
what we had done. Should we be lost in these wastes or
should we be frozen to death, or buried in the snow, or
drowned in a crevasse, it would never be known that we
had been here. It was, therefore, as vitally necessary to
get back in touch with human life, with our report, as it
had been to get to the Pole.
Before leaving, I enclosed a note, written on the
previous day, in a metallic tube. This I buried in the
surface of the Polar snows. I knew, of course, that this[Pg 313]
would not remain long at the spot, as the ice was in the
grip of a slow-drifting movement. I felt the possibility
of this slow movement was more important than if it
remained stationary; for, if ever found in the south, the
destination of the tube would indicate the ice drift from
the Pole. The following is an exact copy of the
original note, which is reproduced photographically on
another page:
COPY OF NOTE IN TUBE.
April 21—at the North Pole.
Accompanied by the Eskimo boys Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shuk I
reached at noon to-day 90° N. a spot on the polar sea 520 miles north of
Svartevoeg. We were 35 days en route. Hope to return to-morrow on a
line slightly west of the northward track.
New land was discovered along the 102 M. between 84 and 85. The
ice proved fairly good, with few open leads, hard snow and little pressure
trouble. We are in good health, and have food for forty days. This, with
the meat of the dogs to be sacrificed, will keep us alive for fifty or sixty
days.
This note is deposited with a small American flag in a metallic tube
on the drifting ice.
Its return will be appreciated, to the International Bureau of Polar
Research at the Royal Observatory, Uccle, Belgium.
(Signed) FREDERICK A. COOK.

POLAR ADVANCE OF THE NATIONAL STANDARDS
Climax of four centuries of Arctic exploration—Stars and Stripes at the Pole.
THE RETURN—A BATTLE FOR LIFE
AGAINST FAMINE AND FROST
TURNED BACKS TO THE POLE AND TO THE SUN—THE DOGS,
SEEMINGLY GLAD AND SEEMINGLY SENSIBLE THAT
THEIR NOSES WERE POINTED HOMEWARD, BARKED
SHRILLY—SUFFERING FROM INTENSE DEPRESSION—THE
DANGERS OF MOVING ICE, OF STORMS AND SLOW
STARVATION—THE THOUGHT OF FIVE HUNDRED AND
TWENTY MILES TO LAND CAUSES DESPAIR
XXI
Southward Over the Mid-Polar Sea
With few glances backward, we continued the
homeward run in haste, crossing many new crevasses
and bound on a course along the one hundredth meridian.
The eagerness to solve the mystery had served its
purpose. The memory of the adventure for a time remained
as a reminder of reckless daring. As we now
moved along, there came more and more strongly the
realization of the prospective difficulties of the return.
Although the mercury was still frozen and the sun’s
perpetual flush was lost in a frigid blue, the time was
at hand in lower latitudes for the ice to break and drift
southward.[Pg 315]
With correct reasoning, all former expeditions had
planned to return to land and a secure line of retreat
by May 1. We could not hope to do this until early
in June. It seemed probable, therefore, that the ice
along the outskirts of the Polar sea would be much disrupted
and that open water, small ice and rapid drifts
would seriously interfere with our return to a sure footing
on the shores of Fridtjof Nansen Sound. This and
many other possible dangers had been carefully considered
before, but the conquest of the Pole was not
possible without such risks.
We had started earlier than all other Polar expeditions
and no time had been lost en route. If misfortune
came to us, it could not be because of wasted energies
or unnecessary delay. In the last days of the onward
rush to success there had been neither time nor opportunity
to ponder over future dangers, but now, facing
the southern skies, under which lay home and all for
which we lived, the back trail seemed indescribably long.
In cold, sober thought, freed of the intoxication of
Polar enthusiasm, the difficulties increasingly darkened
in color. We clearly saw that the crucial stage of the
campaign was not the taking of the Pole. The test of
our fitness as boreal conquerors was to be measured by
the outcome of a final battle for life against famine and
frost.
Figuring out the difficulties and possibilities of
our return, I came to the conclusion that to endeavor
to get back by our upward trail would not afford great
advantage. Much time would be lost seeking the trail.
The almost continuous low drift of snow during some
part of nearly every day would obliterate our tracks[Pg 316]
and render the trail useless as a beaten track in making
travel easier. The advantage of previously constructed
snow houses as camps did not appeal to us.
After one is accustomed to a new, clean, bright
dome of snow every night, as we were, the return to such
a camp is gloomy and depressing. The house is almost
invariably left in such a shape that, for hygienic reasons
alone, it should not be occupied. Furthermore, the influence
of sun and storm absolutely destroys in a few
days two out of three of all such shelter places. Moreover,
we were now camping in our silk tent and did not
require other shelter. At the season of the year in
which we were traveling, the activity of the pack farther
south made back-tracking impossible, because of irregular
lateral drift of individual fields. And to me the
most important reason was an eager desire to ascertain
what might be discovered on a new trail farther west.
It was this eagerness which led to our being carried
adrift and held prisoners for a year.
The first days, however, passed rapidly. The ice
fields became smoother. On April 24 we crossed five
crevasses. With fair weather and favorable ice, long
marches were made. On the 24th we made sixteen
miles, on the 25th fifteen miles, on the 26th, 27th and
28th, fourteen miles a day. The fire of the homing
sentiment began to dispel our overbearing fatigue. The
dogs sniffed the air. The Eskimos sang songs of the
chase. To me also there came cheering thoughts of
friends and loved ones to be greeted. I thought of delightful
dinners, of soul-stirring music. For all of us,
the good speed of the return chase brought a mental
atmosphere of dreams of the pleasures of another world.[Pg 317]
For a time we were blinded to ultimate dangers, just as
we had been in the northward dash.
In our return along the one hundredth meridian,
there were three important objects to be gained by a
route somewhat west of the northward march. The increasing
easterly drift would thus be counterbalanced.
We hoped to get near enough to the new lands to explore
a part of the coast. And a wider belt would be
swept out of the unknown area. On April 30 the pedometer
registered one hundred and twenty-one miles, and
by our system of dead reckoning, which was usually correct,
we should have been at latitude 87°, 59ʹ, longitude
100°. The nautical observations gave latitude
88°, 1ʹ, longitude 97°, 42ʹ. We were drifting eastward,
therefore, with increasing speed. To counterbalance
our being moved by this drift, we turned and bounded
southward in a more westerly course.
The never-changing sameness of the daily routine
was again felt. The novelty of success and the passion
of the run for the goal were no longer operative. The
scenes of shivering blue wearied the eye, and there was
no inspiration in the moving sea of ice to gladden the
heart. The thermometer rose and fell between 30 and
40° below zero, Fahrenheit, with a ceaseless wind. The
first of May was at hand, bringing to mind the blossoms
and smiles of a kindly world. But here all nature was
narrowed to lines of ice.
May 1 came with increasing color in the sunbursts,
but without cheer. The splendor of terrestrial fire was
a cheat. Over the horizon, mirages displayed celestial
hysterics. The sun circled the skies in lines of glory,
but its heat was a sham, its light a torment. The ice[Pg 318]
was heavy and smooth. On May 2, clouds obscured
the sky, fog fell heavily over the ice, we struck our
course with difficulty but made nineteen miles. On
May 3 snow fell, but the end of the march brought
clear skies, and, with them, the longing for my land of
blossoming cherry and apple trees.
With weary nerves, and with compass in hand, my
lonely march ahead of the sledges continued day by
day. Progress was satisfactory. We had passed the
eighty-ninth and eighty-eighth parallels. The eighty-seventh
and the eighty-sixth would soon be under foot,
and the sight of the new lands should give encouragement.
These hard-fought times were days long to be
remembered. The lack of cerebral stimulation and nutrition
left no cellular resource to aid the memory of
those fateful hours of chill.
The long strain of the march had established a
brotherly sympathy amongst the trio of human strugglers.
The dogs, though still possessing the savage ferocity
of the wolf, had taken us into their community.
We now moved among them without hearing a grunt
of discord, and their sympathetic eyes followed until we
were made comfortable on the cheerless snows. If they
happened to be placed near enough, they edged up and
encircled us, giving the benefit of their animal heat. To
remind us of their presence, frost-covered noses were
frequently pushed under the sleeping bag, and occasionally
a cold snout touched our warm skin with a rude
awakening.
We loved the creatures, and admired their superb
brute strength. Their superhuman adaptability was
a frequent topic of conversation. With a pelt that was[Pg 319]
a guarantee against all weather condition, they threw
themselves down to the sweep of winds, in open defiance
of death-dealing storms. Eating but a pound of pemmican
a day, and demanding neither water nor shelter,
they willingly did a prodigious amount of work and
then, as bed-fellows, daily offered their fur as shelter and
their bones as head-rests to their two-footed companions.
We had learned to appreciate the advantage of their
beating breasts. The bond of animal fellowship had
drawn tighter and tighter in a long run of successive
adventures. And now there was a stronger reason than
ever to appreciate power, for together we were seeking
an escape from a world which was never intended for
creatures with pulsating hearts.
Much very heavy ice was crossed near the eighty-eighth
parallel, but the endless unbroken fields of the
northward trails were not again seen. Now the weather
changed considerably. The light, cutting winds from
the west increased in force, and the spasmodic squalls
came at shorter intervals. The clear purples and blues
of the skies gradually gave place to an ugly hue of gray.
A rush of frosty needles came over the pack for several
hours each day.
The inducement to seek shelter in cemented walls
of snow and to wait for better weather was very great.
But such delay would mean certain starvation. Under
fair conditions, there was barely food enough to reach
land, and even short delays might seriously jeopardize
our return. We could not, therefore, do otherwise than
force ourselves against the wind and drift with all possible
speed, paying no heed to unavoidable suffering.
As there was no alternative, we tried to persuade our[Pg 320]selves
that existing conditions might be worse than they
were.
The hard work of igloo building was now a thing
of the past—only one had been built since leaving the
Pole, and in this a precious day was lost, while the atmospheric
fury changed the face of the endless expanse
of desolation. The little silk tent protected us sufficiently
from the icy airs. There were still 50° of frost,
but, with hardened skins and insensible nerve filaments,
the torture was not so keenly felt. Our steady diet of
pemmican, tea and biscuits was not entirely satisfactory.
We longed for enough to give a real filling sense, but
the daily ration had to be slightly reduced rather than
increased. The change in life from winter to summer,
which should take place at about this time of the year,
was, in our case, marked only by a change in shelter,
from the snow house to the tent, and our beds were
moved from the soft snow shelf of the igloo to the hard,
wind-swept crust.
In my watches to get a peep of the sun at just the
right moment, I was kept awake during much of the
resting period. For pastime, my eyes wandered from
snorting dogs to snoring men. During one of these
idle moments there came a solution of the utility of the
dog’s tail, a topic with which I had been at play for
several days. It is quoted here at the risk of censure,
because it is a typical phase of our lives which cannot
be illustrated otherwise. Seeming trivialities were seized
upon as food for thought. Why, I asked, has the dog a
tail at all? The bear, the musk ox, the caribou and the
hare, each in its own way, succeeds very well with but
a dwarfed stub. Why does nature, in the dog, expend[Pg 321]
its best effort in growing the finest fur over a seemingly
useless line of tail bones? The thing is distinctive, and
one could hardly conceive of the creature without the
accessory, but nature in the Arctic does not often waste
energy to display beauties and temperament. This tail
must have an important use; otherwise it would soon
fall under the knife of frost and time. Yes! It was
imported into the Arctic by the wolf progenitor of the
dog from warmer lands, where its swing served a useful
purpose in fly time. A nose made to breathe warm air
requires some protection in the far north and the dog
supplied the need with his tail. At the time when I
made this discovery a cold wind, charged with cutting
crystal, was brushing the pack. Each dog had his back
arched to the wind and his face veiled with an effective
curl of his tail. Thus each was comfortably shielded
from icy torment by an appendage adapted to that
very purpose.
In the long tread over snowy wastes new lessons
in human mechanism aroused attention. At first the
effort to find a workable way over the troublesome pack
surface had kept mind and body keyed to an exciting
pitch, but slowly this had changed. By a kind of unconscious
intuition, the eye now found easy routes, the
lower leg mechanically traveled over yards and miles
and degrees without even consulting the brain, while the
leg trunk, in the effort to conserve energy, was left in
repose at periods during miles of travel, thus saving
much of the exertion of walking.
The muscles, thus schooled to work automatically,
left the mind free to work and play. The maddening
monotone of our routine, together with the expenditure[Pg 322]
of every available strain of force, had left the head
dizzy with emptiness. Something must be done to lift
the soul out of the boreal bleach.
The power of the mind over the horse-power of the
body was here shown at its best. The flesh proved loyal
to the gray matter only while mental entertainment was
encouraged. Thus aching muscles were persuaded to
do double duty without sending up a cry of tired feeling.
The play of the mind with topics of its own choosing
is an advantage worth seeking at all times. But, to us,
it multiplied vital force and increased greatly the daily
advance. Science, art and poetry were the heights to
which the wings of thought soared. Beginning with the
diversion of making curious speculations on subjects
such as that of the use of the dog’s tail and the Arctic
law of animal coloring, the first period of this mental
exercise closed with my staging a drama of the comedies
and tragedies of the Eskimos.
In the effort to frame sentiment in measured lines,
a weird list of topics occupied my strained fancy. In
more agreeable moods I always found pleasure in imagining
a picture of the Polar sunrise, that budding period
of life when all Nature awakens after its winter sleep.
It was not difficult to start E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah
on similar flights of fancy. A mere suggestion
would keep up a flow of agreeable thought for several
days.
By such forced mental stimuli the centers of fatigue
were deluded into insensibility. The eighty-seventh
parallel was crossed, the eighty-sixth was neared, but
there came a time when both mind and body wearied of
the whole problem of forced resolution.[Pg 323]
On May 6 we were stopped at six in the morning by
the approach of an unusual gale. The wind had been
steady and strong all night, but we did not heed its
threatening increase of force until too late. It came
from the west, as usual, driving coarse snow with needle
points. The ice about was old and hummocky, offering
a difficult line of march, but some shelter. In the strongest
blasts we threw ourselves over the sled behind hummocks
and gathered new breath to force a few miles
more.
Finally, when no longer able to force the dogs
through the blinding drift we sought the lee of an unlifted
block of ice. Here suitable snow was found for a
snow house. A few blocks were cut and set, but the wind
swept them away as if they were chips. The tent was
tried, but it could not be made to stand in the rush of
the roaring tumult. In sheer despair we crept into the
tent without erecting the pole. Creeping into bags, we
then allowed the flapping silk to be buried by the drifting
snow. Soon the noise and discomfort of the storm
were lost and we enjoyed the comfort of an icy grave.
An efficient breathing hole was kept open, and the wind
was strong enough to sweep off the weight of a dangerous
drift. A new lesson was thus learned in fighting
the battle of life, and it was afterwards useful.
Several days of icy despair now followed one another
in rapid succession. The wind did not rise to the
full force of a storm, but it was too strong and too cold
to travel. The food supply was noticeably decreasing.
The daily advance was less. With such weather, starvation
seemed inevitable. Camp was moved nearly every
day, but ambition sank to the lowest ebb. To the atmos[Pg 324]pheric
unrest was added the instability of broken ice
and the depressing mystery of an unknown position.
For many days no observations had been possible. Our
location could only be guessed at.
Through driving storms, with the wind wailing in
our ears and deafening us to the dismal howling of the
hungry dogs, we pushed forward in a daily maddening
struggle. The route before us was unknown. We were
in the fateful clutch of a drifting sea of ice. I could not
guess whither we were bound. At times I even lost hope
of reaching land. Our bodies were tired. Our legs
were numb. We were almost insensible to the mad
craving hunger of our stomachs. We were living on a
half ration of food, and daily becoming weaker.[17]
Sometimes I paused, overcome by an almost overwhelming
impulse to lie down and drift through sleep
into death. At these times, fortunately, thoughts of
home came thronging, with memories as tender as are
the memories of singing spring-time birds in winter[Pg 325]
time. And, although the stimulating incentive of reaching
the Pole on going north was gone, now, having
accomplished the feat, there was always the thought that
unless I got home no one should ever learn of that superhuman
struggle, that final victory.
Empty though it was, I had, as I had hoped, proved
myself to myself; I had justified the three centuries of
human effort: I had proven that finite human brain and
palpitating muscle can be victorious over a cruel and
death-dealing Nature. It was a testimony that it was
my duty to give the world of struggling, striving men,
and which, as a father, I hoped with pride to give to my
little children.

PTARMIGAN
BACK TO LIFE AND BACK TO LAND
THE RETURN—DELUDED BY DRIFT AND FOG—CARRIED
ASTRAY OVER AN UNSEEN DEEP—TRAVEL FOR
TWENTY DAYS IN A WORLD OF MISTS, WITH THE
TERROR OF DEATH—AWAKENED FROM SLEEP BY
A HEAVENLY SONG—THE FIRST BIRD—FOLLOWING
THE WINGED HARBINGER—WE REACH LAND—A
BLEAK, BARREN ISLAND POSSESSING THE CHARM OF
PARADISE—AFTER DAYS VERGING ON STARVATION, WE
ENJOY A FEAST OF UNCOOKED GAME
XXII
Southward Into the American Archipelago
On May 24 the sky cleared long enough to permit
me to take a set of observations. I found we were on
the eighty-fourth parallel, near the ninety-seventh
meridian. The new land I had noted on my northward
journey was hidden by a low mist. The ice was much
crevassed, and drifted eastward. Many open spaces
of water were denoted in the west by patches of water
sky. The pack was sufficiently active to give us considerable
anxiety, although pressure lines and open
water did not at the time seriously impede our progress.
Scarcely enough food remained on the sledges to[Pg 327]
reach our caches unless we should average fifteen miles
a day. On the return from the Pole to this point we had
been able to make only twelve miles daily. Now our
strength, even under fair conditions, did not seem to be
equal to more than ten miles. The outlook was threatening,
and even dangerous, but the sight of the cleared
sky gave new courage to E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah.
Our best course was to get to Fridtjof Nansen
Sound as soon as possible. The new land westward was
invisible, and offered no food prospects. An attempted
exploration might cause a fatal delay.
Still depending upon a steady easterly drift of the
pack, a course was set somewhat west of Svartevoeg, the
northern point of Axel Heiberg Land. In pressing onward,
light variable winds and thick fogs prevailed.
The ice changed rapidly to smaller fields as we advanced.
The temperature rose to zero, and the air really began
to be warm. Our chronic shivering disappeared. With
light sledges and endurable weather, we made fair progress
over the increasing pack irregularities.
As we crossed the eighty-third parallel we found
ourselves to the west of a large lead, extending slightly
west of south. Immense quantities of broken and pulverized
ice lined the shores to a width of several miles.
The irregularities of this surface and the uncemented
break offered difficulties over which no force of man or
beast could move a sledge or boat. Compelled to follow
the line of least resistance, a southerly course was set
along the ice division. The wind now changed and came
from the east, but there was no relief from the heavy
banks of fog that surrounded us.
The following days were days of desperation. The[Pg 328]
food for man and dog was reduced, and the difficulties
of ice travel increased dishearteningly. We traveled
twenty days, not knowing our position. A gray mystery
enshrouded us. Terror followed in our wake. Beneath
us the sea moved—whither it was carrying us I did not
know. That we were ourselves journeying toward an
illimitable, hopeless sea, where we should die of slow,
lingering starvation, I knew was a dreadful probability.
Every minute drew its pangs of despair and fear.
The gray world of mist was silent. My companions
gazed at me with faces shriveled, thinned and hardened
as those of mummies. Their anguish was unspeakable.
My own vocal powers seemed to have left me.
Our dogs were still; with bowed heads, tails drooping,
they pulled the sledges dispiritedly. We seemed like
souls in torment, traveling in a world of the dead, condemned
to some Dantesque torture that should never
cease.
After the mental torment of threatened starvation,
which prevented, despite the awful languor of my tortured
limbs, any sleep; after heart-breaking marches
and bitter hunger and unquenched thirst, the baffling
mist that had shut us from all knowledge at last cleared
away one morning. Our hearts bounded. I felt such
relief as a man buried alive must feel when, after struggling
in the stifling darkness, his grave is suddenly
opened. Land loomed to the west and south of us.
Yet we found we had been hardly dealt with by
fate. Since leaving the eighty-fourth parallel, without
noticeable movement, we had been carried astray by the
ocean drift. We had moved with the entire mass that
covered the Polar waters. I took observations. They[Pg 329]
gave latitude 79° 32ʹ, and longitude 101° 22ʹ. At last
I had discovered our whereabouts, and found that we
were far from where we ought to be. But our situation
was indeed nearly hopeless. The mere gaining a knowledge
of where we actually were, however, fanned again
the inextinguishable embers of hope.
We were in Crown Prince Gustav Sea. To the
east were the low mountains and high valleys of Axel
Heiberg Land, along the farther side of which was our
prearranged line of retreat, with liberal caches of good
things and with big game everywhere. But we were
effectually barred from all this.
Between us and the land lay fifty miles of small
crushed ice and impassable lines of open water. In hard-fought
efforts to cross these we were repulsed many
times. I knew that if by chance we should succeed in
crossing, there would still remain an unknown course of
eighty miles to the nearest cache, on the eastern coast of
Axel Heiberg Land.
We had no good reason to expect any kind of subsistence
along the west coast of Axel Heiberg Land.
We had been on three-fourths rations for three weeks,
and there remained only half rations for another ten
days. Entirely aside from the natural barriers in the
way of returning eastward and northward, we were now
utterly unequal to the task, for we had not the food to
support us.
The land to the south was nearer. Due south there
was a wide gap which we took to be Hassel Sound. On
each side there was a low ice-sheeted island, beyond the
larger islands which Sverdrup had named Ellef Ringnes
Land and Amund Ringnes Land. The ice southward[Pg 330]
was tolerably good and the drift was south-south-east.
In the hope that some young seals might be seen
we moved into Hassel Sound toward the eastern island.
To satisfy our immediate pangs of hunger was our most
important mission.
The march on June 14 was easy, with a bright
warm sun and a temperature but little under the freezing
point. In a known position, on good ice, and with
land rising before us, we were for a brief period happy
and strong, even with empty stomachs. The horizon was
eagerly sought for some color or form or movement to
indicate life. We were far enough south to expect bears
and seals, and expecting the usual luck of the hungry
savage, we sought diligently. Our souls reached forth
through our far-searching eyes. Our eyes pained with
the intense fixity of gazing, yet no animate thing appeared.
The world was vacant and dead. Our beating
hearts, indeed, seemed to be the only palpitating things
there.
In the piercing rays of a high sun the tent was
erected, and in it, after eating only four ounces of pemmican
and drinking two cups of icy water, we sought
rest. The dogs, after a similar ration, but without
water, fell into an easy sleep. I regarded the poor creatures
with tenderness and pity. For more than a fortnight
they had not uttered a sound to disturb the frigid
silence. When a sled dog is silent and refuses to fight
with his neighbor, his spirit is very low. Finally I fell
asleep.
At about six o’clock we were awakened by a strange
sound. Our surprised eyes turned from side to side.
Not a word was uttered. Another sound came—a series[Pg 331]
of soft, silvery notes—the song of a creature that might
have come from heaven. I listened with rapture. I
believed I was dreaming. The enchanting song continued—I
lay entranced. I could not believe this divine
thing was of our real world until the pole of our tent
gently quivered. Then, above us, I heard the flutter
of wings. It was a bird—a snow bunting trilling its
ethereal song—the first sound of life heard for many
months.
We were back to life! Tears of joy rolled down
our emaciated faces. If I could tell you of the resurrection
of the soul which came with that first bird note, and
the new interest which it gave in our subsequent life, I
should feel myself capable of something superhuman in
powers of expression.
With the song of that marvelous bird a choking
sense of homesickness came to all of us. We spoke no
word. The longing for home gripped our hearts.
We were hungry, but no thought of killing this
little feathered creature came to us. It seemed as
divine as the bird that came of old to Noah in the ark.
Taking a few of our last bread crumbs, we went out to
give it food. The little chirping thing danced joyously
on the crisp snows, evidently as glad to see us as we
were to behold it. I watched it with fascination. At
last we were back to life! We felt renewed vigor. And
when the little bird finally rose into the air and flew
homeward, our spirits rose, our eyes followed it, and, as
though it were a token sent to us, we followed its winged
course landward with eager, bounding hearts.
We were now on immovable ice attached to the
land. We directed our course uninterruptedly land[Pg 332]ward,
for there was no thought of further rest or sleep
after the visit of the bird had so uplifted our hearts. Our
chances of getting meat would have been bettered by
following close to the open water, but the ice there was
such that no progress could be made. Furthermore, the
temptation quickly to set foot on land was too great to
resist. At the end of a hard march—the last few hours
of which were through deep snows—we mounted the ice
edge, and finally reached a little island—a bare spot of
real land. When my foot touched it, my heart sank.
We sat down, and the joy of the child in digging the
sand of the seashore was ours.
I wonder if ever such a bleak spot, in a desert of
death, had so impressed men before as a perfect paradise.
In this barren heap of sand and clay, we were at
last free of the danger, the desolation, the sterility of that
soul-withering environment of a monotonously moving
world of ice and eternal frost.
We fastened the dogs to a rock, and pitched the tent
on earth-soiled snows. In my joy I did not forget that
the Pole was ours, but, at that time, I was ready to offer
freely to others the future pleasures of its crystal environment
and all its glory. Our cup had been filled too
often with its bitters and too seldom with its sweets for
us to entertain further thirst for boreal conquest.
And we also resolved to keep henceforth from the
wastes of the terrible Polar sea. In the future the position
of lands must govern our movements. For, along
a line of rocks, although we might suffer from hunger,
we should no longer be helpless chips on the ocean drift,
and if no other life should be seen, at least occasional
shrimps would gladden the heart.

“WITH EAGER EYES WE SEARCHED THE DUSKY PLAINS OF CRYSTAL, BUT THERE WAS NO LAND, NO
LIFE, TO RELIEVE THE PURPLE RUN OF DEATH”

RECORD LEFT IN BRASS TUBE AT NORTH POLE
We stepped about on the solid ground with a new
sense of security. But the land about was low, barren,
and shapeless. Its formation was triassic, similar to that
of most of Heiberg land, but in our immediate surroundings,
erosion by frost, the grind of ice sheets, and the
power of winds, had leveled projecting rocks and
cliffs. Part of its interior was blanketed with ice.
Its shore line had neither the relief of a colored
cliff nor a picturesque headland; there was not even a
wall of ice; there were only dull, uninteresting slopes of
sand and snow separating the frozen sea from the land-ice.
The most careful scrutiny gave no indication of a
living creature. The rocks were uncovered even with
black lichens. A less inviting spot of earth could not be
conceived, yet it aroused in us a deep sense of enthusiasm.
A strip of tropical splendor could not have
done more. The spring of man’s passion is sprung by
contrast, not by degrees of glory.
In camp, the joy of coming back to earth was
chilled by the agonizing call of the stomach. The
effervescent happiness could not dispel the pangs of
hunger. A disabled dog which had been unsuccessfully
nursed for several days was sacrificed on the altar of
hard luck, and the other dogs were thereupon given a
liberal feed, in which we shared. To our palates the
flesh of the dog was not distasteful, yet the dog had
been our companion for many months, and at the same
time that our conscienceless stomachs were calling for
more hot, blood-wet meat, a shivering sense of guilt came
over me. We had killed and were eating a living creature
which had been faithful to us.
We were hard-looking men at this time. Our fur[Pg 334]
garments were worn through at the elbows and at the
knees. Ragged edges dangled in the winds. All the
boot soles were mere films, like paper with many holes.
Our stockings were in tatters. The bird-skin shirts had
been fed to the dogs, and strips of our sleeping bags
had day by day been added to the canine mess. It took
all our spare time now to mend clothing. Dressed in
rags, with ugly brown faces, seamed with many deep
wind-fissures, we had reached, in our appearance, the
extreme limit of degradation.
At the Pole I had been thin, but now my skin was
contracted over bones offering only angular eminences
as a bodily outline. The Eskimos were as thin as myself.
My face was as black as theirs. They had risen
to higher mental levels, and I had descended to lower
animal depths. The long strain, the hard experiences,
had made us equals. We were, however, still in good
health and were capable of considerable hard work. It
was not alone the want of food which had shriveled our
bodies, for greater pangs of hunger were reserved for a
later run of misfortune. Up to this point persistent
overwork had been the most potent factor.
As we passed out of Hassel Sound, the ice drifted
southward. Many new fractures were noted, and open
spaces of water appeared. Here was seen the track of
a rat—the first sign of a four-footed creature—and we
stopped to examine the tiny marks with great interest.
Next, some old bear tracks were detected. These simple
things had an intense fascination for us, coming as we
did out of a lifeless world; and, too, these signs showed
that the possibilities of food were at hand, and the
thought sharpened our senses into savage fierceness.[Pg 335]
We continued our course southward, as we followed,
wolf-like, in the bear footprints. The sledges
bounded over the icy irregularities as they had not done
for months. Every crack in the ice was searched for
seals, and with the glasses we mounted hummock after
hummock to search the horizon for bears.
We were not more than ten miles beyond land
when Ah-we-lah located an auspicious spot to leeward.
After a peep through the glasses he shouted. The dogs
understood. They raised their ears, and jumped to the
full length of their traces. We hurried eastward to deprive
the bear of our scent, but we soon learned that he
was as hungry as we were, for he made an air line for our
changed position. We were hunting the bear—the
bear was also hunting us.
Getting behind a hummock, we awaited developments.
Bruin persistently neared, rising on his
haunches frequently so as the better to see E-tuk-i-shook,
who had arranged himself like a seal as a decoy.
When within a few hundred yards the dogs were freed.
They had been waiting like entrenched soldiers for a
chance to advance. In a few moments the gaunt creatures
encircled the puzzled bear. Almost without a
sound, they leaped at the great animal and sank their
fangs into his hind legs. Ah-we-lah fired. The bear
fell.
Camp technique and the advantages of a fire were
not considered—the meat was swallowed raw, with
wolfish haste, and no cut of carefully roasted bullock
ever tasted better. It was to such grim hunger that we
had come.
Then we slept, and after a long time our eyes re[Pg 336]opened
upon a world colored with new hope. The immediate
threat of famine was removed, and a day was
given over to filling up with food. Even after that, a
liberal supply of fresh meat rested on the sledge for
successive days of feasting. In the days which followed,
other bears, intent on examining our larder, came near
enough at times to enable us to keep up a liberal supply
of fresh meat.
With the assurance of a food supply, a course was
set to enter Wellington Channel and push along to
Lancaster Sound, where I hoped a Scottish whaler could
be reached in July or August. In this way it seemed
possible to reach home shores during the current year.
If we should try to reach Annoatok I realized we should
in all probability be compelled to winter at Cape Sabine.
The ice to the eastward in Norwegian Bay offered difficulties
like those of Crown Prince Gustav Sea, and
altogether the easterly return to our base did not at this
time seem encouraging. The air-line distance to Smith
Sound and that to Lancaster Sound were about the
same, with the tremendous advantage of a straight
course—a direct drift—and fairly smooth ice to the
southward.
This conclusion to push forward for Lancaster
Sound was reached on June 19. We were to the west
of North Cornwall Island, but a persistent local fog
gave only an occasional view of its icy upper slopes. The
west was clear, and King Christian Land appeared as
a low line of blue. About us the ice was small but free
of pressure troubles. Bear tracks were frequently seen as
we went along. The sea was bright. The air was delightfully
warm, with the thermometer at 10° above zero.[Pg 337]
At every stop, the panting dogs tumbled and rolled
playfully on the snows, and pushed their heated muzzles
deep into the white chill. If given time they would
quickly arrange a comfortable bed and stretch out, seemingly
lifeless, for a refreshing slumber. At the awakening
call of the lash, all were ready with a quick jump
and a daring snarl, but the need of a tight trace removed
their newly-acquired fighting propensity. They
had gained strength and spirit with remarkable rapidity.
Only two days before, they stumbled along with irregular
step, slack traces, and lowered tails, but the fill of
juicy bear’s meat raised their bushy appendages to a
coil of pride—an advantage which counted for several
miles in a day’s travel.
The drift carried us into Penny Strait, midway between
Bathurst Land and Grinnell Peninsula. The
small islands along both shores tore up the ice and piled
it in huge uplifts. There was a tremendous pressure as
the floes were forced through narrow gorges. Only a
middle course was possible for us, with but a few miles’
travel to our credit for each day. But the southerly
movement of the groaning ice was rapid. A persistent
fog veiled the main coast on both sides, but off-lying
islands were seen and recognized often enough to note
the positions. At Dundas Island the drift was stopped,
and we sought the shores of Grinnell Peninsula. Advancing
eastward, close to land, the ice proved extremely
difficult. The weather, however, was delightful. Between
snowdrifts, purple and violet flowers rose over
warm beds of newly invigorated mosses—the first
flowers that we had seen for a long and weary time, and
the sight of them, with their blossoms and color, deeply[Pg 338]
thrilled me. From misty heights came the howl of the
white wolf. Everywhere were seen the traces of the fox
and the lemming. The eider-duck and the ivory gull
had entered our horizon.
All nature smiled with the cheer of midsummer.
Here was an inspiring fairyland for which our hearts
had long yearned. In it there was music which the
long stiffened tympanums were slow in catching. The
land was an oasis of hardy verdure. The sea was a
shifting scene of frost and blue glitter. With the soul
freed from its icy fetters, the soft, sunny airs came in
bounds of gladness. In dreamy stillness we sought the
bosom of the frozen sea, and there heard the groan of
the pack which told of home shores. Drops of water
from melting snows put an end to thirst tortures. The
blow of the whales and the seals promised a luxury of
fire and fuel, while the low notes of the ducks prepared
the palate for dessert.
As we neared a little moss-covered island in drifting
southward, we saw the interesting chick footprints
of ptarmigan in the snow. The dogs pointed their ears
and raised their noses, and we searched the clearing skies
with eye and ear for the sudden swoop of the boreal
chicken. I had developed a taste for this delicate fowl
as desperate as that of the darky for chicken, and
my conscience was sufficiently deadened by cold and
hunger to break into a roost by night or day to steal
anything that offered feathery delights for the palate.
I was courting gastric desire, but the ptarmigan
was engaged in another kind of courtship. Two singing
capons were cooing notes of love to a shy chick, and they
suddenly decided that there was not room for two,[Pg 339]
whereupon a battle ensued with a storm of wings and
much darting of bills. In this excitement they got into
an ice crevasse, where they might have become easy victims
without the use of ammunition. But, with empty
stomachs, there is also at times a heart-hunger, which
pleases a higher sense and closes the eye to gastric wants.
Later in the same day, we saw at a great distance
what seemed like two men in motion. We hastened to
meet them with social anticipations. Now they seemed
tall—now mere dots on the horizon. I thought this due
to their movement over ice irregularities. But boreal
optics play havoc with the eye and the sense of perspective.
As we rose suddenly on a hummock, where
we had a clearer view, the objects rose on wings! They
were ravens which had been enlarged and reduced by
reflecting and refracting surfaces and a changing atmosphere,
in much the same manner as a curved mirror
makes a caricature of one’s self. I laughed—bitterly.
Dazed, bewildered, there was nevertheless for me a joy
in seeing these living creatures, denizens of the land
toward which we were directed.
The bears no longer sought our camp, but the seals
were conveniently scattered along our track. A kindly
world had spread our waistbands to fairly normal dimensions.
The palate began to exercise its discriminating
force. Ducks and land animals were sought with
greater eagerness. While in this mood, three white
caribou were secured. They were beautiful creatures,
and as pleasing to the palate as to the eye, but owing to
the very rough ice it was quite impossible to carry more
than a few days’ supply. Usually we took only the
choice parts of the game, but every eatable morsel of[Pg 340]
caribou that we could carry was packed on the sledges.
With this wealth of food and fuel we moved along
the shores of Wellington Channel to Pioneer Bay. We
felt that we were steadily on our way homeward. There
was no premonition of the keen disappointment that
awaited us, of the inevitable imprisonment for the long
Arctic winter and the days of starvation that were to
come.

PTARMIGAN CHICKS
OVERLAND TO JONES SOUND
HOURS OF ICY TORTURE—A FRIGID SUMMER STORM IN
THE BERG-DRIVEN ARCTIC SEA—A PERILOUS DASH
THROUGH TWISTING LANES OF OPEN WATER IN A
CANVAS CANOE—THE DRIVE OF HUNGER.
XXIII
Adrift on an Iceberg
As we neared Pioneer Bay, along the coast of
North Devon, it became quite evident that farther advance
by sledge was quite impossible. A persistent
southerly wind had packed the channel with a jam of
small ice, over which the effort of sledging was a hopeless
task. The season was too far advanced to offer the
advantage of an ice-foot on the shore line. There was
no open water, nor any game to supply our larder. The
caribou was mostly used. We began to feel the craving
pain of short rations.
Although the distance to Lancaster Sound was
short, land travel was impossible, and, with no food, we
could not await the drift of the ice. The uncertainty
of game was serious, with nothing as a reserve to await
the dubious coming of a ship. If game should appear,
we might remain on the ice, accumulating in the meantime
a supply of meat for travel by canvas boat later.[Pg 342]
This boat had been our hope in moving south, but
thus far had not been of service. Forced to subsist
mainly on birds, the ammunition rapidly diminished, and
something had to be done at once to prevent famine.
We might have returned to the game haunts of
Grinnell Peninsula, but it seemed more prudent to cross
the land to Jones Sound. Here, from Sverdrup’s experience,
we had reason to expect abundant game. By
moving eastward there would be afforded the alternative
of pushing northward if we failed to get to the
whalers. The temperature now remained steadily near
the freezing point, and with the first days of July the
barometer became unsteady.
On the 4th of July we began the climb of the highlands
of North Devon, winding about Devonian cliffs
toward the land of promise beyond. The morning was
gray, as it had been for several days, but before noon
black clouds swept the snowy heights and poured icy
waters over us. We were saturated to the skin, and
shivered in the chill of the high altitude. Soon afterwards
a light breath-taking wind from the northwest
froze our pasty furs into sheets of ice. Still later, a
heavy fall of snow compelled us to camp. The snowstorm
continued for two days, and held us in a snow-buried
tent, with little food and no fuel.
Although the storm occasioned a good deal of suffering,
it also brought some advantages. The land had
been imperfectly covered with snow, and we had been
forced to drive from bank to bank, over bared ground,
to find a workable course. But now all was well sheeted
with crusted snow. Soon the gaunt, dun-colored cliffs of
North Devon ended the monotony of interior snows,[Pg 343]
and beyond was seen the cheering blue of Jones Sound.
Much open water extended along the north shore
to beyond Musk Ox Fiord. The southern shores
were walled with pack-ice for a hundred miles or
more. In bright, cold weather we made a descent to
Eidsbotn on July 7th. Here a diligent search for food
failed. Daily the howl of wolves and the cry of birds
came as a response to our calling stomachs. A scant
supply of ducks was secured for the men with an expenditure
of some of the last rifle ammunition, but no walruses,
no seals, and no other big game were seen. To
secure dog food seemed quite hopeless.
We now had the saddest incident of a long run of
trouble. Open water ran the range of vision, sledges
were no longer possible, game was scarce, our ammunition
was nearly exhausted. Our future fate had to be
worked out in a canvas boat. What were we to do with
the faithful dog survivors? In the little boat they could
not go with us. We could not stay with them and live.
We must part. Two had already left us to join their
wolf progenitors. We gave the others the same liberty.
One sledge was cut off and put into the canvas boat
which we had carried to the Pole and back. Our sleeping-bags
and old winter clothing were given as food to
the dogs. All else was snugly packed in waterproof
packages as well as possible, and placed in the boat.
With sad eyes, we left the shore. The dogs howled like
crying children; we still heard them when five miles off
shore.
Off Cape Vera there was open water, and beyond,
as far eastward as we could see, its quivering surface
offered a restful prospect. As we advanced, however,[Pg 344]
the weather proved treacherous, and the seas rose with
sudden and disagreeable thumps.
At times we camped on ice islands in the pack, but
the pack-ice soon became too insecure, being composed
of small pieces, and weakened in spots by the sun. Even
a moderate gale would tear a pack apart, to be broken
into smaller fragments by the water. Sometimes we
made camp in the boat, with a box for a pillow and a
piece of bear skin for a cover.
With great anxiety we pulled to reach the land at
Cape Sparbo before a storm entrapped us. To the
north, the water was free of ice as far as the shores of
Ellesmere Land, forty miles away. To avoid the glare
of the midday sun, we chose to travel by night, but we
were nearing the end of the season of Arctic double-days
and midnight suns, when the winds come suddenly
and often.
Soon after midnight the wind from the Pacific
came in short puffs, with periods of calm so sudden that
we looked about each time for something to happen. At
about the same time there came long swells from the
northwest. We scented a storm, although at that time
there were no other signs. The ice was examined for a
possible line of retreat to the land, but, with pressure
ridges, hummocks and breaks, I knew this was impossible.
It was equally hopeless to camp on such treacherous
ice. Berg ice had been passed the day before, but
this was about as far behind as the land was ahead.
So we pulled along desperately, while the swells
shortened and rose. The atmosphere became thick and
steel gray. The cliffs of Ellesmere Land faded, while
lively clouds tumbled from the highlands to the sea.[Pg 345]
We were left no alternative but to seek the shelter
of the disrupted pack, and press landward as best we
could. We had hardly landed on the ice, and drawn
our boat after us, when the wind struck us with such
force that we could hardly stand against it. The ice
immediately started in a westward direction, veering off
from the land a little and leaving open leads. These
leads, we now saw, were the only possible places of
safety. For, in them, the waters were easy, and the
wind was slightly shut off by the walls of pressure lines
and hummocks. Furthermore, they offered slants now
and then by which we could approach the land.
The sledge was set under the boat and lashed. All
our things were lashed to the wooden frame of the canoe
to prevent the wind and the sea from carrying them
away. We crossed several small floes and jumped the
lines of water separating them, pulling sledge and canoe
after us. The pressure lines offered severe barriers.
To cross them we were compelled to separate the canoe
from its sledge and remove the baggage. All of this
required considerable time. A sense of hopelessness
filled my heart. In the meantime, the wind veered
to the east and came with a rush that left us helpless.
We sought the lee of a hummock, and hoped the violence
of the storm would soon spend itself, but there were no
easy spells in this storm, nor did it show signs of early
cessation. The ice about us moved rapidly westward
and slowly seaward.
It was no longer possible to press toward the land,
for the leads of water were too wide and were lined with
small whitecaps, while the tossing seas hurled mountains
of ice and foaming water over the pack edge.[Pg 346]
The entire pack was rising and falling under faint
swells, and gradually wearing to little fragments. The
floe on which we stood was strong. I knew it would
hold out longer than most of the ice about, but it was
not high enough above water to give us a dry footing as
the seas advanced.
From a distance to the windward we noted a low
iceberg slowly gaining on our floe. It was a welcome
sight, for it alone could raise us high enough above the
soul-despairing rush of the icy water.
Its rich ultramarine blue promised ice of a sufficient
strength to withstand the battling of the storm. Never
were men on a sinking ship more anxious to reach a
rock than we were to reach this blue stage of ice. It
offered several little shelves, upon which we could rise
out of the water upon the ice. We watched with
anxious eyes as the berg revolved and forced the other
ice aside.
It aimed almost directly for us, and would probably
cut our floe. We prepared for a quick leap upon
the deck of our prospective craft.
Bearing down upon us it touched a neighboring
piece and pushed us away. We quickly pulled to the
other pan, and then found, to our dismay, a wide band
of mushy slush, as impossible to us for a footing as
quicksand would have been. As the berg passed, however,
it left a line of water behind it. We quickly threw
boat and sledge into this, paddled after the berg, and,
reaching it, leaped to its security. What a relief to be
raised above the crumbling pack-ice and to watch from
safety the thundering of the elements!
The berg which we had boarded was square, with[Pg 347]
rounded corners. Its highest points were about twenty
feet above water; the general level was about ten feet.
The ice was about eighty feet thick, and its width was
about a hundred feet. These dimensions assured stability,
for if the thing had turned over, as bergs frequently
do, we should be left to seek breath among the
whales.
It was an old remnant of a much larger berg which
had stood the Arctic tempest for many years. This we
figured out from the hard blue of the ice and its many
caverns and pinnacles. We were, therefore, on a secure
mass of crystal which was not likely to suffer
severely from a single storm. Its upper configuration,
however, though beautiful in its countless shades of blue,
did not offer a comfortable berth. There were three
pinnacles too slippery and too steep to climb, with a
slope leading by a gradual incline on each side. Along
these the seas had worn grooves leading to a central
concavity filled with water. The only space which we
could occupy was the crater-like rim around this lake.
At this time we had to endure only the seething pitch of
the sea and the cutting blast of the storm.
The small ice about kept the seas from boarding.
To prevent our being thrown about on the slippery surface,
we cut holes into the pinnacles and spread lines
about them, to which we clung. The boat was securely
fastened in a similar way by cutting a makeshift for a
ringbolt in the floor of ice. Then we pushed from side
to side along the lines, to encourage our hearts and to
force our circulation. Although the temperature was
only at the freezing point, it was bitterly cold, and we
were in a bad way to weather a storm.[Pg 348]
The sea had drenched us from head to foot. Only
our shirts were dry. With hands tightly gripped to the
line and to crevasses, we received the spray of the breaking
icy seas while the berg ploughed the scattered pack
and plunged seaward. The cold, though only at the
freezing point, pierced our snow-pasted furs and
brought shivers worse than that of zero’s lowest. Thus
the hours of physical torture and mental anguish passed,
while the berg moved towards the gloomy black cliff of
Hell Gate. Here the eastern sky bleached and the
south blued, but the falling temperature froze our garments
to coats of mail. We were still dressed in part
of our winter garments.
The coat was of sealskin, with hood attached; the
shirt of camel’s hair blanket, also with a hood; the trousers
of bear fur; boots of seal, with hair removed, and
stockings of hare fur. The mittens were of seal, and
there were pads of grass for the palms and soles. Our
garments, though not waterproof, shed water and excluded
the winds, but there is a cold that comes with wet
garments and strong winds that sets the teeth to chattering
and the skin to quivering.
As all was snug and secure on the berg, we began to
take a greater interest in our wind and sea-propelled
craft. Its exposed surface was swept by the winds,
while its submarine surface was pushed by tides and
undercurrents, giving it a complex movement at variance
with the pack-ice. It ploughed up miles of sea-ice,
crushing and throwing it aside.
After several hours of this kind of navigation—which
was easy for us, because the movement of the
swell and the breaking of the sea did not inflict a hard[Pg 349]ship—the
berg suddenly, without any apparent reason,
took a course at right angles to the wind, and deliberately
pushed out of the pack into the seething seas.
This rapid shift from comfort to the wild agitation of
the black waters made us gasp. The seas, with boulders
of ice, rolled up over our crest and into the concavity of
the berg, leaving no part safe. Seizing our axes, we
cut many other anchor holes in the ice, doubly secured
our life lines, and shifted with our boat to the edge of
the berg turned to the wind. The hours of suspense
and torment thus spent seemed as long as the winters of
the Eskimo. The pack soon became a mere pearly glow
against a dirty sky. We were rushing through a seething
blackness, made more impressive by the pearl and
blue of the berg and the white, ice-lined crests.
What could we do to keep the springs of life from
snapping in such a world of despair? Fortunately, we
were kept too busy dodging the storm-driven missiles of
water and ice to ponder much over our fate. Otherwise
the mind could not have stood the infernal strain.
Our bronze skins were adapted to cold and winds,
but the torture of the cold, drenching water was new.
For five months we had been battered by winds and cut
by frosts, but water was secured only by melting ice with
precious fuel which we had carried thousands of miles.
If we could get enough of the costly liquid to wash our
cold meals down, we had been satisfied. The luxury of
a face wash or a bath, except by the wind-driven snows,
was never indulged in. Now, in stress of danger, we
were getting it from every direction. The torments of
frost about the Pole were nothing compared to this boiling
blackness.[Pg 350]
Twenty-four hours elapsed before there was any
change. Such calls of nature as hunger or thirst or
sleep were left unanswered. We maintained a terrific
struggle to keep from being washed into the sea. At
last the east paled, the south became blue, and the land
on both sides rose in sight. The wind came steadily, but
reduced in force, with a frosty edge that hardened our
garments to sheets of ice.
We were not far from the twin channels, Cardigan
Strait and Hell Gate, where the waters of the Pacific
and Atlantic meet. We were driving for Cardigan
Strait, past the fiords into which we had descended from
the western seas two weeks before. We had, therefore,
lost an advance of two weeks in one day, and we had
probably lost our race with time to reach the life-saving
haunts of the Eskimo.
Still, this line of thought was foreign to us. Not
far away were bold cliffs from which birds descended to
the rushing waters. At the sight my heart rose. Here
we saw the satisfying prospect of an easy breakfast if
only the waves would cease to fold in white crests.
Long trains of heavy ice were rushing with railroad
speed out of the straits. As we watched, the temperature
continued to fall. Soon the north blackened with
swirling curls of smoke. The wind came with the sound
of exploding guns from Hell Gate. What, I asked
myself, was to be our fate now?
We took a southwest course. Freezing seas washed
over the berg and froze our numbed feet to the ice, upon
which a footing otherwise would have been very difficult.
Adrift in a vast, ice-driven, storm-thundering ocean, I
stood silent, paralyzed with terror. After a few hours,[Pg 351]
sentinel floes of the pack slowly shoved toward us, and
unresistingly, we were ushered into the harboring influence
of the heavy Polar ice.
The berg lost its erratic movement, and soon settled
in a fixed position. The wind continued to tear along in
a mad rage, but we found shelter in our canoe, dozing
away for a few moments while one paced the ice as a
sentinel. Slowly a lane of quiet water appeared among
the floes. We heard a strangely familiar sound which
set our hearts throbbing. The walrus and the seal, one
by one, came up to the surface to blow. Here, right before
us, was big game, with plenty of meat and fat. We
were starving, but we gazed almost helplessly on
plenty, for its capture was difficult for us.
We had only a few cartridges and four cans of pemmican
in our baggage. These were reserved for use to
satisfy the last pangs of famine. That time had not yet
arrived. Made desperate by hunger, after a brief rest
we began to seek food. Birds flying from the land became
our game at this time. We could secure these with
the slingshot made by the Eskimos, and later, by entangling
loops in lines, and in various other ways which
hunger taught us.
A gull lighted on a pinnacle of our berg. Quietly
but quickly we placed a bait and set a looped line. We
watched with bated breath. The bird peered about,
espied the luring bait, descended with a flutter of wings,
pecked the pemmican. There was a snapping sound—the
bird was ours. Leaping upon it, we rapidly cut it
in bits and ravenously devoured it raw. Few things I
have ever eaten tasted so delicious as this meat, which
had the flavor of cod-liver oil.[Pg 352]
The ice soon jammed in a grinding pack against
the land, and the wind spent its force in vain. We held
our position, and two of us, after eating the bird, slept
until the sentinel called us. At midnight the wind eased
and the ice started its usual rebound, seaward and eastward,
with the tide.
This was our moment for escape. We were about
ten miles off the shore of Cape Vera. If we could push
our canvas canoe through the channels of water as they
opened, we might reach land. We quickly prepared the
boat. With trepidation we pushed it into the black,
frigid waters. We hesitated to leave the sheltering berg
which had saved our lives. Still, it had served its purpose.
To remain might mean our being carried out to
sea. The ultimate time had come to seek a more secure
refuge on terra firma.
Leaping into the frail, rocking canoe, we pushed
along desperately through a few long channels to reach
a wide, open space of water landward. Paddling frantically,
we made a twisting course through opening lanes
of water, ice on both sides of us, visible bergs bearing
down at times on us, invisible bergs with spear-points of
ice beneath the water in which our course lay. We sped
forward at times with quick darts. Suddenly, and to
our horror, an invisible piece of ice jagged a hole in the
port quarter. Water gushed into the frail craft. In a
few minutes it would be filled; we should sink to an icy
death! Fortunately, I saw a floe was near, and while
the canoe rapidly filled we pushed for the floe, reaching
it not a moment too soon.
A boot was sacrificed to mend the canoe. Patching
the cut, we put again into the sea and proceeded.[Pg 353]
The middle pack of ice was separated from the land
pack, leaving much free water. But now a land breeze
sprang up and gave us new troubles. We could not
face the wind and sea, so we took a slant and sought the
lee of the pans coming from the land.
Our little overloaded canoe weathered the seas very
well, and we had nothing to gain and everything to lose
by turning back. Again we were drenched with spray,
and the canoe was sheeted with ice above water. The
sun was passing over Hell Gate. Long blue shadows
stretched over the pearl-gray sea. By these, without
resort to the compass, we knew it was about midnight.
As we neared the land-ice, birds became numerous.
The waters rose in easy swells. Still nearer, we noted
that the entire body of land-ice was drifting away. A
convenient channel opened and gave us a chance to slip
behind. We pointed for Cape Vera, dashed over the
water, and soon, to our joy, landed on a ledge of lower
rocks. I cannot describe the relief I felt in reaching
land after the spells of anguish through which we had
passed. Although these barren rocks offered neither
food nor shelter, still we were as happy as if a sentence
of death had been remitted.
Not far away were pools of ice water. These we
sought first, to quench our thirst. Then we scattered
about, our eyes eagerly scrutinizing the land for breakfast.
Soon we saw a hare bounding over the rocks. As
it paused, cocking its ears, one of my boys secured it with
a sling-shot. It was succulent; we cut it with our
knives. Some moss was found among the rocks. This
was a breakfast for a king. I returned to prepare it.
With the moss as fuel, we made a fire, put the dripping[Pg 354]
meat in a pot, and, with gloating eyes, watched it simmering.
I thrilled with the joy of sheer living, with
hunger about to be satisfied by cooked food.
Before the hare was ready the boys came along with
two eider-ducks, which they had secured by looped lines.
We therefore had now an advance dinner, with a refreshing
drink and a stomach full, and solid rocks to
place our heads upon for a long sleep. These solid
rocks were more delightful and secure than pillows of
down. The world had indeed a new aspect for us. In
reality, however, our ultimate prospect of escape from
famine was darker than ever.

ARCTIC HARE
UNDER THE WHIP OF FAMINE
BY BOAT AND SLEDGE, OVER THE DRIFTING ICE AND STORMY
SEAS OF JONES SOUND—FROM ROCK TO ROCK IN
QUEST OF FOOD—MAKING NEW WEAPONS
XXIV
Imprisoned by the Hand of Frost
No time was lost in our onward course. Endeavoring
at once to regain the distance lost by the drifting
berg, we sought a way along the shores. Here, over ice
with pools of water and slush, we dragged our sledge
with the canvas boat ever ready to launch. Frequent
spaces of water necessitated constant ferrying. We
found, however, that most open places could be crossed
with sledge attached to the boat. This saved much time.
We advanced from ten to fifteen miles daily, pitching
the tent on land or sleeping in the boat in pools of
ice water, as the conditions warranted. The land rose
with vertical cliffs two thousand feet high, and offered
no life except a few gulls and guillemots. By gathering
these as we went along, a scant hand-to-mouth subsistence
daily was obtained.
Early in August we reached the end of the land-pack,
about twenty-five miles east of Cape Sparbo. Beyond
was a water sky, and to the north the sea was[Pg 356]
entirely free of ice. The weather was clear, and our
ambitions for the freedom of the deep rose again.
At the end of the last day of sledge travel, a camp
was made on a small island. Here we saw the first
signs of Eskimo habitation. Old tent circles, also stone
and fox traps in abundance, indicated an ancient village
of considerable size. On the mainland we discovered
abundant grass and moss, with signs of musk ox, ptarmigan,
and hare, but no living thing was detected.
After a careful search, the sledge was taken apart to
serve as a floor for the boat. All our things were snugly
packed. For breakfast, we had but one gull, which was
divided without the tedious process of cooking.
As we were packing the things onto the edge of the
ice, we espied an oogzuk seal. Here was a creature
which could satisfy for a while our many needs. Upon
it one of our last cartridges was expended. The seal
fell. The huge carcass was dragged ashore. All of its
skin was jealously taken. For this would make harpoon
lines which would enable the shaping of Eskimo implements,
to take the place of the rifles, which, with ammunition
exhausted, would be useless. Our boots could
also be patched with bits of the skin, and new soles
could be made. Of the immense amount of oogzuk meat
and blubber we were able to take only a small part; for,
with three men and our baggage and sledge in the little
canvas boat, it was already overloaded.
The meat was cached, so that if ultimate want
forced our retreat we might here prolong our existence
a few weeks longer. There was little wind, and the
night was beautifully clear. The sun at night was very
close to the horizon, but the sparkle of the shimmering[Pg 357]
waters gave our dreary lives a bright side. On the
great unpolished rocks of the point east of Cape Sparbo
a suitable camping spot was found, a prolonged feed of
seal was indulged in, and with a warm sun and full
stomachs, the tent was unnecessary. Under one of the
rocks we found shelter, and slept with savage delight
for nine hours.
Another search of the accessible land offered no
game except ducks and gulls far from shore. Here the
tides and currents were very strong, so our start had to
be timed with the outgoing tide.
Starting late one afternoon, we advanced rapidly
beyond Cape Sparbo, in a sea with an uncomfortable
swell. But beyond the Cape, the land-ice still offered
an edge for a long distance. In making a cut across a
small bay to reach ice, a walrus suddenly came up behind
the canoe and drove a tusk through the canvas.
E-tuk-i-shook quickly covered the cut, while we pulled
with full force for a pan of drift-ice only a few yards
away. The boat, with its load, was quickly jerked on
the ice. Already there were three inches of water in
the floor. A chilly disaster was narrowly averted. Part
of a boot was sacrificed to mend the boat.
While at work with the needle, a strong tidal current
carried us out to sea. An increasing wind brought
breaking waves over the edge of the ice. The wind fortunately
gave a landward push to the ice. A sledge-cover,
used as a sail, retarded our seaward drift. The
leak securely patched, we pushed off for the land ice.
With our eyes strained for breaking seas, the boat was
paddled along with considerable anxiety. Much water
was shipped in these dashes; constant bailing was neces[Pg 358]sary.
Pulling continuously along the ice for eight miles,
and when the leads closed at times, jumping on cakes
and pulling the boat after us, we were finally forced to
seek a shelter on the ice-field.
With a strong wind and a wet fall of snow, the ice-camp
was far from comfortable. As the tide changed,
the wind came from the west with a heavy, choppy sea.
Further advance was impossible. Sleeping but a few
minutes at a time, and then rising to note coming dangers,
as does the seal, I perceived, to my growing dismay,
a separation between the land and the sea ice. We
were going rapidly adrift, with only interrupted spots
of sea-ice on the horizon!
There were a good many reefs about, which quickly
broke the ice, and new leads formed on every side. The
boat was pushed landward. We pulled the boat on the
ice when the leads closed, lowering it again as the cracks
opened. By carrying the boat and its load from crack
to crack, we at last reached the land waters, in which we
were able to advance about five miles further, camping
on the gravel of the first river which we had seen. Here
we were storm-bound for two days.
There were several pools near by. Within a short
distance from these were many ducks. With the slingshot
a few of these were secured. In the midst of our
trouble, with good appetites, we were feeding up for
future contests of strength.
With a shore clear of ice, we could afford to take
some chance with heavy seas, so before the swell subsided,
we pushed off. Coming out of Braebugten Bay,
with its discharging glaciers and many reefs, the water
dashed against the perpendicular walls of ice, and pre[Pg 359]sented
a disheartening prospect. These reefs could be
passed over only when the sea was calm. With but a
half-day’s run to our credit, we were again stopped.
As we neared our objective point, on the fast ice
inside of a reef, we were greeted with the glad sight of
what we supposed to be a herd of musk ox. About
three miles of the winter ice was still fast to the land.
Upon this we landed, cleared the canvas boat, and prepared
to camp in it. I remained to guard our few belongings,
while the two Eskimo boys rushed over the ice
to try to secure the musk ox with the lance. It was a
critical time in our career, for we were putting to test
new methods of hunting, which we had partly devised
after many hungry days of preparation.
I followed the boys with the glasses as they jumped
the ice crevasses and moved over the mainland with the
stealth and ease of hungry wolves. It was a beautiful
day. The sun was low in the northwest, throwing beams
of golden light that made the ice a scene of joy. The
great cliffs of North Devon, fifteen miles away, seemed
very near through the clear air. Although enjoying the
scene, I noted in the shadow of an iceberg a suspicious
blue spot, which moved in my direction. As it advanced
in the sunlight it changed from blue to a cream color.
Then I made it out to be a Polar bear which we had
attacked forty-eight hours previous.
The sight aroused a feeling of elation. Gradually,
as bruin advanced and I began to think of some method
of defense, a cold shiver ran up my spine. The dog and
rifle, with which we had met bears before, were
absent. To run, and leave our last bit of food and fuel,
would have been as dangerous as to stay. A Polar bear[Pg 360]
will always attack a retreating creature, while it approaches
very cautiously one that holds its position.
Furthermore, for some reason, the bears always bore a
grudge against the boat. None ever passed it without
testing the material with its teeth or giving it a slap with
its paw. At this critical stage of our adventure the boat
was linked more closely to our destiny than the clothes
we wore. I therefore decided to stay and play the rôle
of the aggressor, although I had nothing—not even a
lance—with which to fight.
Then an idea flashed through my mind. I lashed a
knife to the steering paddle, and placed the boat on a
slight elevation of ice, so as to make it and myself
appear as formidable as possible. Then I gathered
about me all the bits of wood, pieces of ice, and everything
which I could throw at the creature before it came
to a close contest, reserving the knife and the ice-ax as
my last resort. When all was ready, I took my position
beside the boat and displayed a sledge-runner moving
rapidly to and fro.
The bear was then about two hundred yards away.
It approached stealthily behind a line of hummocks,
with only its head occasionally visible. As it came to
within three hundred feet, it rose frequently on its hind
feet, dropped its forepaws, stretched its neck, and
pushed its head up, remaining motionless for several
seconds. It then appeared huge and beautiful.
As it came still nearer, its pace quickened. I began
to hurl my missiles. Every time the bear was hit, it
stopped, turned about, and examined the object. But
none of them proving palatable, it advanced to the opposite
side of the boat, and for a moment stood and eyed[Pg 361]
me. Its nose caught the odor of a piece of oogzuk
blubber a few feet beyond. I raised the sledge-runner
and brought it down with desperate force on the brute’s
nose. It grunted, but quickly turned to retreat. I followed
until it was well on the run.
Every time it turned to review the situation, I made
a show of chasing it. This always had the desired effect
of hastening its departure. It moved off, however, only
a short distance, and then sat down, sniffed the air, and
watched my movements. As I turned to observe the
boys’ doings, I saw them only a short distance away,
edging upon the bear. Their group of musk oxen had
proved to be rocks, and they had early noted my troubles
and were hastening to enter the battle, creeping up behind
hummocks and pressure ridges. They got to
within a few yards of the brute, and then delivered their
two lances at once, with lines attached. The bear
dropped, but quickly recovered and ran for the land.
He died from the wounds, for a month later we found
his carcass on land, placed near camp.
For two days, with a continuation of bad luck,
we advanced slowly. Belcher Point was passed at midnight
of the 7th of August, just as the sun sank under
the horizon for the first time. Beyond was a nameless
bay, in which numerous icebergs were stranded. The
bend of the bay was walled with great discharging glaciers.
A heavy sea pitched our boat like a leaf in a gale.
But, by seeking the shelter of bergs and passing inside
of the drift, we managed to push to an island for camp.
With moving glaciers on the land, and the sea
storming and thundering, sleep was impossible. Icebergs
in great numbers followed us into the bay, and[Pg 362]
later the storm-ground sea-ice filled the bay. On
August 8, following a line of water along shore, we
started eastward.
A strong wind on our backs, with quiet waters, sent
the little boat along at a swift pace. After a run of ten
miles, a great quantity of ice, coming from the east, filled
the bay with small fragments and ensnared us.
Now the bay was jammed with a pack as difficult
to travel over as quicksand. We were hopelessly beset.
The land was sought, but it offered no shelter, no life,
and no place flat enough to lie upon. We expected that
the ice would break. It did not; instead, new winter
ice rapidly formed.
The setting sun brought the winter storms and
premonitions of a long, bitter night. Meanwhile we
eked a meagre living by catching occasional birds, which
we devoured raw.
Toward the end of August we pushed out on the
ensnaring pack to a small but solid floe. I counted on
this to drift somewhere—any place beyond the prison
bars of the glaciers. Then we might move east or west
to seek food. Our last meat was used, and we maintained
life only by an occasional gull or guillemot. This
floe drifted to and fro, and slowly took us to Belcher
Point, where we landed to determine our fate. To the
east, the entire horizon was lined with ice. Belcher Point
was barren of game and shelter. Further efforts for
Baffin’s Bay were hopeless. The falling temperature,
the rapidly forming young ice, and the setting sun
showed us that we had already gone too long without
finding a winter refuge.
Our only possible chance to escape death from[Pg 363]
famine and frost was to go back to Cape Sparbo and
compel the walrus that ripped our boat to give up his
blubber, and then to seek our fortunes in the neighborhood.
This was the only reachable place that had looked
like game country. With empty stomachs, and on a
heavy sea, we pushed westward to seek our fate. The
outlook was discouraging.
During all our enforced imprisonment we were
never allowed to forget that the first duty in life was to
provide for the stomach. Our muscles rested, but the
signals sent over the gastric nerve kept the gray matter
busy.
We were near to the land where Franklin and his
men starved. They had ammunition. We had none.
A similar fate loomed before us. We had seen nothing
to promise subsistence for the winter, but this cheerless
prospect did not interfere with such preparations as we
could make for the ultimate struggle. In our desperate
straits we even planned to attack bears, should we find
any, without a gun. Life is never so sweet as when its
days seem numbered.
The complete development of a new art of hunting,
with suitable weapons, was reserved for the dire
needs of later adventures. The problem was begun by
this time. By an oversight, most of our Eskimo implements
had been left on the returning sledges from
Svartevoeg.
We were thus not only without ammunition, but
also without harpoons and lances. We fortunately had
the material of which these could be made, and the boys
possessed the savage genius to shape a new set of weapons.
The slingshot and the looped line, which had[Pg 364]
served such a useful purpose in securing birds, continued
to be of prime importance. In the sledge was excellent
hickory, which was utilized in various ways. Of this,
bows and arrows could be made. Combined with the
slingshot and the looped line snares, the combination
would make our warfare upon the feathered creatures
more effective. We counted upon a similar efficiency
with the same weapons in our hoped-for future attacks
upon land animals.
The wood of the sledge was further divided to
make shafts for harpoons and lances. Realizing that
our ultimate return to Greenland, and to friends, depended
on the life of the sledge, the wood was used
sparingly. Furthermore, hickory lends itself to great
economy. It bends and twists, but seldom breaks in
such a manner that it cannot be repaired. We had not
much of this precious fibre, but enough for the time to
serve our purpose. Along shore we had found musk ox
horns and fragments of whale bone. Out of these the
points of both harpoon and lance were made. A part
of the sledge shoe was sacrificed to make metal points
for the weapons. The nails of the cooking-box served
as rivets. The seal skin, which we had secured a month
earlier, was now carefully divided and cut into suitable
harpoon and lassoo lines. We hoped to use this line to
capture the bear and the musk ox. Our folding canvas
boat was somewhat strengthened by the leather from
our old boots, and additional bracing by the ever useful
hickory of the sledge. Ready to engage in battle with
the smallest and the largest creatures that might come
within reach, we started west for Cape Sparbo. Death,
on our journey, never seemed so near.

OBSERVATION DETERMINING THE POLE—PHOTOGRAPH FROM
ORIGINAL NOTE

BACK TO LAND AND TO LIFE—AWAKENED BY A WINGED HARBINGER
BEAR FIGHTS AND WALRUS BATTLES
DANGEROUS ADVENTURES IN A CANVAS BOAT—ON THE
VERGE OF STARVATION, A MASSIVE BRUTE, WEIGHING
THREE THOUSAND POUNDS, IS CAPTURED AFTER A
FIFTEEN-HOUR STRUGGLE—ROBBED OF PRECIOUS
FOOD BY HUNGRY BEARS
XXV
Game Haunts Discovered
The stormy sea rose with heavy swells. Oceanward,
the waves leaped against the horizon tumultuously.
Pursuing our vain search for food along the
southern side of Jones Sound, early in September, we
had been obliged to skirt rocky coves and shelves of land
on which we might seek shelter should harm come to the
fragile craft in which we braved the ocean storms and
the spears of unseen ice beneath water.
We had shaped crude weapons. We were prepared
to attack game. We were starving; yet land and
sea had been barren of any living thing.
Our situation was desperate. In our course it was
often necessary, as now, to paddle from the near refuge
of low-lying shores, and to pass precipitous cliffs and
leaping glaciers which stepped threateningly into the
sea. Along these were no projecting surfaces, and we
passed them always with bated anxiety. A sudden[Pg 366]
storm or a mishap at such a time would have meant
death in the frigid sea. And now, grim and suffering
with hunger, we clung madly to life.
Passing a glacier which rose hundreds of feet out of
the green sea, heavy waves rolled furiously from the
distant ocean. Huge bergs rose and fell against the
far-away horizon like Titan ships hurled to destruction.
The waves dashed against the emerald walls of the
smooth icy Gibraltar with a thunderous noise. We rose
and fell in the frail canvas boat, butting the waves, our
hearts each time sinking.
Suddenly something white and glittering pierced
the bottom of the boat! It was the tusk of a walrus,
gleaming and dangerous. Before we could grasp the
situation he had disappeared, and water gushed into our
craft. It was the first walrus we had seen for several
weeks. An impulse, mad under the circumstances, rose
in our hearts to give him chase. It was the instinctive
call of the hungering body for food. But each second
the water rose higher; each minute was imminent with
danger. Instinctively Ah-we-lah pressed to the floor of
the boat and jammed his knee into the hole, thus partly
shutting off the jetting, leaping inrush. He looked
mutely to me for orders. The glacier offered no stopping
place. Looking about with mad eagerness, I saw,
seaward, only a few hundred yards away, a small pan of
drift-ice. With the desire for life in our arms, we pushed
toward it with all our might. Before the boat was
pulled to its slippery landing, several inches of water
flooded the bottom. Once upon it, leaping in the waves,
we breathed with panting relief. With a piece of boot
the hole was patched. Although we should have pre[Pg 367]ferred
to wait to give the walrus a wide berth, the increasing
swell of the stormy sea, and a seaward drift
forced us away from the dangerous ice cliffs.
Launching the boat into the rough waters, we
pulled for land. A triangle of four miles had to be
made before our fears could be set at rest. A school of
walrus followed us in the rocking waters for at least
half of the distance. Finally, upon the crest of a white-capped
wave, we were lifted to firm land. Drawing the
boat after us, we ran out of reach of the hungry waves,
and sank to the grass, desperate, despairing, utterly
fatigued, but safe.
Now followed a long run of famine luck. We
searched land and sea for a bird or a fish. In the boat
we skirted a barren coast, sleeping on rocks without
shelter and quenching our thirst by glacial liquid till the
stomach collapsed. The indifferent stage of starvation
was at hand when we pulled into a nameless bay, carried
the boat on a grassy bench, and packed ourselves in it
for a sleep that might be our last.
We were awakened by the glad sound of distant
walrus calls. Through the glasses, a group was located
far off shore, on the middle pack. Our hearts began to
thump. A stream of blood came with a rush to our
heads. Our bodies were fired with a life that had been
foreign to us for many moons. No famished wolf ever
responded to a call more rapidly than we did. Quickly
we dropped the boat into the water with the implements,
and pushed from the famine shores with teeth set for
red meat.
The day was beautiful, and the sun from the west
poured a wealth of golden light. Only an occasional[Pg 368]
ripple disturbed the glassy blue through which the boat
crept. The pack was about five miles northward. In
our eagerness to reach it, the distance seemed spread to
leagues. There was not a square of ice for miles about
which could have been sought for refuge in case of an
attack. But this did not disturb us now. We were
blinded to everything except the dictates of our palates.
As we advanced, our tactics were definitely arranged.
The animals were on a low pan, which seemed
to be loosely run into the main pack. We aimed for a
little cut of ice open to the leeward, where we hoped to
land and creep up behind hummocks. The splash of our
paddles was lost in the noise of the grinding ice and the
bellowing of walrus calls.
So excited were the Eskimos that they could hardly
pull an oar. It was the first shout of the wilderness
which we had heard in many months. We were lean
enough to appreciate its import. The boat finally shot
up on the ice, and we scattered among the ice blocks for
favorable positions. Everything was in our favor. We
did not for a moment entertain a thought of failure,
although in reality, with the implements at hand, our
project was tantamount to attacking an elephant with
pocket knives.
We came together behind an unusually high icy
spire only a few hundred yards from the herd. Ten
huge animals were lazily stretched out in the warm sun.
A few lively babies tormented their sleeping mothers.
There was a splendid line of hummocks, behind which
we could advance under cover. With a firm grip on
harpoon and line, we started. Suddenly E-tuk-i-shook
shouted “Nannook!” (Bear.)[Pg 369]
We halted. Our implements were no match for a
bear. But we were too hungry to retreat. The bear
paid no attention to us. His nose was set for something
more to his liking. Slowly but deliberately, he crept up
to the snoring herd while we watched with a mad, envious
anger welling up within us. Our position was helpless.
His long neck reached out, the glistening fangs
closed, and a young walrus struggled in the air. All
of the creatures woke, but too late to give battle. With
dismay and rage, the walruses sank into the water, and
the bear slunk off to a safe distance, where he sat down
to a comfortable meal. We were not of sufficient importance
to interest either the bear or the disturbed herd
of giants.
Our limbs were limp when we returned to the boat.
The sunny glitter of the waters was now darkened by
the gloom of danger from enraged animals. We
crossed to the barren shores in a circuitous route, where
pieces of ice for refuge were always within reach.
On land, the night was cheerless and cold. We
were not in a mood for sleep. In a lagoon we discovered
moving things. After a little study of their vague darts
they proved to be fish. A diligent search under stones
brought out a few handfuls of tiny finny creatures.
With gratitude I saw that here was an evening meal.
Seizing them, we ate the wriggling things raw. Cooking
was impossible, for we had neither oil nor wood.
On the next day the sun at noon burned with a real
fire—not the sham light without heat which had kept day
and night in perpetual glitter for several weeks. Not a
breath of air disturbed the blue glitter of the sea. Ice
was scattered everywhere. The central pack was far[Pg 370]ther
away, but on it rested several suspicious black
marks. Through the glasses we made these out to be
groups of walruses. They were evidently sound asleep,
for we heard no calls. They were also so distributed
that there was a hunt both for bear and man without
interference.
We ventured out with a savage desire sharpened
by a taste of raw fish. As we advanced, several other
groups were noted in the water. They gave us much
trouble. They did not seem ill-tempered, but dangerously
inquisitive. Our boat was dark in color and not
much larger than the body of a full-sized bull. To
them, I presume, it resembled a companion in distress
or asleep. A sight of the boat challenged their curiosity,
and they neared us with the playful intention of
testing with their tusks the hardness of the canvas. We
had experienced such love taps before, however, with
but a narrow escape from drowning, and we had no
desire for further walrus courtship.
Fortunately, we could maintain a speed almost
equal to theirs, and we also found scattered ice-pans,
about which we could linger while their curiosity was
being satisfied by the splash of an occasional stone.
From an iceberg we studied the various groups of
walruses for the one best situated for our primitive
methods of attack. We also searched for meddlesome
bears. None was detected. Altogether we counted
more than a hundred grunting, snorting creatures arranged
in black hills along a line of low ice. There were
no hummocks or pressure lifts, under cover of which we
might advance to within the short range required for our
harpoons. All of the walrus-encumbered pans were[Pg 371]
adrift and disconnected from the main pack. Conflicting
currents gave each group a slightly different motion.
We studied this movement for a little while.
We hoped, if possible, to make our attack from the
ice. With the security of a solid footing, there was no
danger and there was a greater certainty of success.
But the speed of the ice on this day did not permit such
an advantage. We must risk a water attack. This is
not an unusual method of the Eskimo, but he follows it
with a kayak, a harpoon and line fitted with a float and
a drag for the end of his line. Our equipment was only
a makeshift, and could not be handled in the same way.
Here was food in massive heaps. We had had no
breakfast and no full meal for many weeks. Something
must be done. The general drift was eastward, but the
walrus pans drifted slightly faster than the main pack.
Along the pack were several high points, projecting a
considerable distance seaward. We took our position
in the canvas boat behind one of these floating capes, and
awaited the drift of the sleeping monsters.
Their movement was slow enough to give us plenty
of time to arrange our battle tactics. The most vital
part of the equipment was the line. If it were lost, we
could not hope to survive the winter. It could not be
replaced, and without it we could not hope to cope with
the life of the sea, or even that of the land. The line was
a new, strong sealskin rawhide of ample length, which
had been reserved for just such an emergency. Attached
to the harpoon, with the float properly adjusted,
it is seldom lost, for the float moves and permits no
sudden strain.
To safeguard the line, a pan was selected only a few[Pg 372]
yards in diameter. This was arranged to do the duty
of a float and a drag. With the knife two holes were
cut, and into these the line was fastened near its center.
The harpoon end was taken into the boat, the other end
was coiled and left in a position where it could be easily
picked from the boat later. Three important purposes
were secured by this arrangement—the line was relieved
of a sudden strain; if it broke, only half would be lost;
and the unused end would serve as a binder to other ice
when the chase neared its end.
Now the harpoon was set to the shaft, and the bow
of our little twelve-foot boat cleared for action. Peeping
over the wall of ice, we saw the black-littered pans
slowly coming toward us. Our excitement rose to a
shouting point. But our nerves were under the discipline
of famine. The pan, it was evident, would go by
us at a distance of about fifty feet.
The first group of walruses were allowed to pass.
They proved to be a herd of twenty-one mammoth creatures,
and, entirely aside from the danger of attack, their
unanimous plunge would have raised a sea that must
have swamped us.
On the next pan were but three spots. At a distance
we persuaded ourselves that they were small—for
we had no ambition for formidable attacks. One thousand
pounds of meat would have been sufficient for us.
They proved, however, to be the largest bulls of the lot.
As they neared the point, the hickory oars of the boat
were gripped—and out we shot. They all rose to meet
us, displaying the glitter of ivory tusks from little
heads against huge wrinkled necks. They grunted and
snorted viciously—but the speed of the boat did not[Pg 373]
slacken. E-tuk-i-shook rose. With a savage thrust he
sank the harpoon into a yielding neck.
The walruses tumbled over themselves and sank
into the water on the opposite side of the pan. We
pushed upon the vacated floe without leaving the boat,
taking the risk of ice puncture rather than walrus
thumps. The short line came up with a snap. The ice
pan began to plough the sea. It moved landward.
What luck! I wondered if the walrus would tow us
and its own carcass ashore. We longed to encourage
the homing movement, but we dared not venture out.
Other animals had awakened to the battle call, and now
the sea began to seethe and boil with enraged, leaping
red-eyed monsters.
The float took a zigzag course in the offing. We
watched the movement with a good deal of anxiety. Our
next meal and our last grip on life were at stake. For
the time being nothing could be done.
The three animals remained together, two pushing
the wounded one along and holding it up during breathing
spells. In their excitement they either lost their
bearings or deliberately determined to attack. Now
three ugly snouts pointed at us. This was greatly to
our advantage, for on ice we were masters of the
situation.
Taking inconspicuous positions, we awaited the assault.
The Eskimos had lances, I an Alpine axe. The
walruses dove and came on like torpedo boats, rising
almost under our noses, with a noise that made us dodge.
In a second two lances sank into the harpooned strugglers.
The water was thrashed. Down again went the
three. The lances were jerked back by return lines, and[Pg 374]
in another moment we were ready for another assault
from the other side. But they dashed on, and pulled the
float-floe, on which we had been, against the one on which
we stood, with a crushing blow.
Here was our first chance to secure the unused end
of the line, fastened on the other floe. Ah-we-lah
jumped to the floe and tossed me the line. The spiked
shaft of the ice-axe was driven in the ice and the line
fixed to it, so now the two floes were held together. Our
stage of action was enlarged, and we had the advantage
of being towed by the animals we fought.
Here was the quiet sport of the fisherman and the
savage excitement of the battle-field run together in a
new chase. The struggle was prolonged in successive
stages. Time passed swiftly. In six hours, during
which the sun had swept a quarter of the circle, the twin
floes were jerked through the water with the rush of a
gunboat. The jerking line attached to our enraged
pilots sent a thrill of life which made our hearts jump.
The lances were thrown, the line was shortened, a cannonade
of ice blocks was kept up, but the animal gave no
signs of weakening. Seeing that we could not inflict
dangerous wounds, our tactics were changed to a kind of
siege, and we aimed not to permit the animal its breathing
spells.
The line did not begin to slacken until midnight.
The battle had been on for almost twelve hours. But
we did not feel the strain of action, nor did our chronic
hunger seriously disturb us. Bits of ice quenched our
thirst and the chill of night kept us from sweating.
With each rise of the beast for breath now, the line
slackened. Gently it was hauled in and secured. Then[Pg 375]
a rain of ice blocks, hurled in rapid succession, drove the
spouting animals down. Soon the line was short enough
to deliver the lance in the captured walrus at close range.
The wounded animal was now less troublesome, but the
others tore about under us like submarine boats, and at
the most unexpected moments would shoot up with a
wild rush.
We did not attempt to attack them, however. All
our attention was directed to the end of the line. The
lance was driven with every opportunity. It seldom
missed, but the action was more like spurs to a horse,
changing an intended attack upon us to a desperate
plunge into the deep, and depriving the walrus of
oxygen.
Finally, after a series of spasmodic encounters
which lasted fifteen hours, the enraged snout turned
blue, the fiery eyes blackened, and victory was ours—not
as the result of the knife alone, not in a square fight of
brute force, but by the superior cunning of the human
animal under the stimulus of hunger.
During all this time we had been drifting. Now, as
the battle ended, we were not far from a point about
three miles south of our camp. Plenty of safe pack-ice
was near. A primitive pulley was arranged by passing
the line through slits in the walrus’ nose and holes in the
ice. The great carcass, weighing perhaps three thousand
pounds, was drawn onto the ice and divided into
portable pieces. Before the sun poured its morning
beams over the ice, all had been securely taken ashore.
With ample blubber, a camp fire was now made between
two rocks by using moss to serve as a wick. Soon,
pot after pot of savory meat was voraciously consumed.[Pg 376]
We ate with a mad, vulgar, insatiable hunger. We
spoke little. Between gulps, the huge heap of meat and
blubber was cached under heavy rocks, and secured—so
we thought—from bears, wolves and foxes.
When eating was no longer possible, sleeping dens
were arranged in the little boat, and in it, like other gluttonous
animals after an engorgement, we closed our eyes
to a digestive sleep. For the time, at least, we had fathomed
the depths of gastronomic content, and were at
ease with ourselves and with a bitter world of inhuman
strife.
At the end of about fifteen hours, a stir about our
camp suddenly awoke us. We saw a huge bear nosing
about our fireplace. We had left there a walrus joint,
weighing about one hundred pounds, for our next meal.
We jumped up, all of us, at once, shouting and making
a pretended rush. The bear took up the meat in his
forepaws and walked off, man-like, on two legs, with a
threatening grunt. His movement was slow and cautious,
and his grip on the meat was secure. Occasionally
he veered about, with a beckoning turn of the head,
and a challenging call. But we did not accept the challenge.
After moving away about three hundred yards
on the sea-ice, he calmly sat down and devoured our
prospective meal.
With lances, bows, arrows, and stones in hand, we
next crossed a low hill, beyond which was located our
precious cache of meat. Here, to our chagrin, we saw
two other bears, with heads down and paws busily digging
about the cache. We were not fitted for a hand-to-hand
encounter. Still, our lives were equally at stake,
whether we attacked or failed to attack. Some defense[Pg 377]
must be made. With a shout and a fiendish rush, we
attracted the busy brutes’ attention. They raised their
heads, turned, and to our delight and relief, grudgingly
walked off seaward on the moving ice. Each had a big
piece of our meat with him.
Advancing to the cache, we found it absolutely depleted.
Many other bears had been there. The snow
and the sand was trampled down with innumerable bear
tracks. Our splendid cache of the day previous was entirely
lost. We could have wept with rage and disappointment.
One thing we were made to realize, and
that was that life here was now to be a struggle with the
bears for supremacy. With little ammunition, we were
not at all able to engage in bear fights. So, baffled, and
unable to resent our robbery, starvation again confronting
us, we packed our few belongings and moved westward
over Braebugten Bay to Cape Sparbo.

A THIEF OF THE NORTH
BULL FIGHTS WITH THE MUSK OX
AN ANCIENT CAVE EXPLORED FOR SHELTER—DEATH BY
STARVATION AVERTED BY HAND-TO-HAND ENCOUNTERS
WITH WILD ANIMALS
XXVI
To the Winter Camp at Cape Sparbo
As we crossed the big bay to the east of Cape
Sparbo, our eyes were fixed on the two huge Archæn
rocks which made remarkable landmarks, rising suddenly
to an altitude of about eighteen thousand feet.
They appear like two mountainous islands lifted out of
the water. On closer approach, however, we found the
islands connected with the mainland by low grassy
plains, forming a peninsula. The grassy lands seemed
like promising grounds for caribou and musk ox. The
off-lying sea, we also found, was shallow. In this, I
calculated, would be food to attract the seal and walrus.
In our slow movement over the land swell of the
crystal waters, it did not take long to discover that our
conjecture was correct.
Pulling up to a great herd of walrus, we prepared
for battle. But the sea suddenly rose, the wind increased,
and we were forced to abandon the chase and
seek shelter on the nearest land.
We reached Cape Sparbo, on the shores of Jones[Pg 379]
Sound, early in September. Our dogs were gone. Our
ammunition, except four cartridges which I had
secreted for use in a last emergency, was gone. Our
equipment consisted of a half sledge, a canvas boat, a
torn silk tent, a few camp kettles, tin plates, knives, and
matches. Our clothing was splitting to shreds.
Cape Sparbo, with its huge walls of granite, was to
the leeward. A little bay was noted where we might
gain the rocks in quiet water. Above the rocks was a
small green patch where we hoped to find a soft resting
place for the boat, so that we might place our furs in it
and secure shelter from the bitter wind.
When we landed we found to our surprise that it
was the site of an old Eskimo village. There was a line
of old igloos partly below water, indicating a very ancient
time of settlement, for since the departure of the
builders of these igloos the coast must have settled at
least fifteen feet. Above were a few other ruins.
Shortly after arriving we sought an auspicious
place, protected from the wind and cold, where later we
might build a winter shelter. Our search disclosed a
cave-like hole, part of which was dug from the earth,
and over which, with stones and bones, had been constructed
a roof which now was fallen in.
The long winter was approaching. We were over
three hundred miles from Annoatok, and the coming
of the long night made it necessary for us to halt here.
We must have food and clothing. We now came upon
musk oxen and tried to fell them with boulders, and bows
and arrows made of the hickory of our sledge. Day after
day the pursuit was vainly followed. Had it not been
for occasional ducks caught with looped lines and sling[Pg 380]
shots, we should have been absolutely without any food.
By the middle of September, snow and frost came
with such frequency that we omitted hunting for a day
to dig out the ruins in the cave and cut sod before permanent
frost made such work impossible. Bone implements
were shaped from skeletons found on shore for
the digging. Blown drifts of sand and gravel, with some
moss and grass, were slowly removed from the pit. We
found under this, to our great joy, just the underground
arrangement which we desired; a raised platform,
about six feet long and eight feet wide with suitable
wings for the lamp, and footspace, lay ready for
us. The pit had evidently been designed for a small
family. The walls, which were about two feet high,
required little alteration. Another foot was added,
which leveled the structure with the ground. A good
deal of sod was cut and allowed to dry in the sun for
use as a roof.
While engaged in taking out the stones and cleaning
the dungeon-like excavation, I suddenly experienced
a heart-depressing chill when, lifting some debris, I saw
staring at me from the black earth a hollow-eyed human
skull. The message of death which the weird thing
leeringly conveyed was singularly unpleasant; the omen
was not good. Yet the fact that at this forsaken spot
human hands had once built shelter, or for this thing had
constructed a grave, gave me a certain companionable
thrill.
On the shore not far away we secured additional
whale ribs and with these made a framework for a roof.
This was later constructed of moss and blocks of sod.
We built a rock wall about the shelter to protect our[Pg 381]selves
from storms and bears. Then our winter home
was ready. Food was now an immediate necessity.
Game was found around us in abundance. Most of it
was large. On land there were bear and musk ox, in
the sea the walrus and the whale. But what could we
do without either dogs or rifles?
The first weapon that we now devised was the bow
and arrow, for with this we could at least secure some
small game. We had in our sledge available hickory
wood of the best quality, than which no wood could be
better; we had sinews and seal lashings for strings, but
there was no metal for tips. We tried bone, horn and
ivory, but all proved ineffective.
One day, however, E-tuk-i-shook examined his
pocket knife and suggested taking the side blades for
arrow tips. This was done, and the blade with its spring
was set in a bone handle. Two arrows were thus tipped.
The weapons complete, the Eskimo boys went out on
the chase. They returned in the course of a few hours
with a hare and an eider-duck. Joy reigned in camp as
we divided the meat and disposed of it without the
process of cooking.
A day later, two musk oxen were seen grazing
along the moraine of a wasting glacier. Now the musk
ox is a peace-loving animal and avoids strife, but when
forced into fight it is one of the most desperate and
dangerous of all the fighters of the wilderness. It can
and does give the most fatal thrust of all the horned
animals. No Spanish bull of the pampas, no buffalo
of the plains, has either the slant of horn or the intelligence
to gore its enemies as has this inoffensive-looking
bull of the ice world. The intelligence, indeed, is an[Pg 382]
important factor, for after watching musk oxen for a
time under varied conditions, one comes to admire their
almost human intellect as well as their superhuman
power of delivering self-made force.
Our only means of attack was with the bow and
arrow. The boys crept up behind rocks until within a
few yards of the unsuspecting creatures. They bent
the bows, and the arrows sped with the force and
accuracy as only a hungry savage can master. But the
beasts’ pelts were too strong. The musk oxen jumped
and faced their assailants. Each arrow, as it came, was
broken into splints by the feet and the teeth.
When the arrows were all used a still more primitive
weapon was tried, for the sling shot was brought
into use, with large stones. These missiles the musk
oxen took good naturedly, merely advancing a few steps
to a granite boulder, upon which they sharpened their
horn points and awaited further developments. No
serious injury had been inflicted and they made no
effort to escape.
Then came a change. When we started to give up
the chase they turned upon us with a fierce rush. Fortunately,
many big boulders were about, and we dodged
around these with large stones in hand to deliver at close
range. In a wild rush a musk ox cannot easily turn, and
so can readily be dodged. Among the rocks two legs
were better than four. The trick of evading the musk
ox I had learned from the dogs. It saved our lives.
After a while the animals wearied, and we beat a
hasty retreat, with new lessons in our book of hunting
adventures. The bow and arrow was evidently not the
weapon with which to secure musk oxen.[Pg 383]
The musk ox of Jones Sound, unlike his brother
farther north, is every ready for battle. He is often
compelled to meet the bear and the wolf in vicious contests,
and his tactics are as thoroughly developed as his
emergencies require. Seldom does he fall the victim of
his enemies. We were a long time in learning completely
his methods of warfare, and if, in the meantime,
we had not secured other game our fate would have been
unfortunate.
Harpoons and lances were next finally completed,
and with them we hastened to retrieve our honor in the
“ah-ming-ma” chase. For, after all, the musk ox alone
could supply our wants. Winter storms were coming
fast. We were not only without food and fuel, but without
clothing. In our desperate effort to get out of the
regions of famine to the Atlantic, we had left behind
all our winter furs, including the sleeping bags; and our
summer garments were worn out. We required the fuel
and the sinew, the fat and the horn.
One day we saw a herd of twenty-one musk oxen
quietly grazing on a misty meadow, like cattle on the
western plains. It was a beautiful sight to watch them,
divided as they were into families and in small groups.
The males were in fur slightly brown, while the females
and the young ones were arrayed in magnificent black
pelts.
To get any of them seemed hopeless, but our appalling
necessities forced us onward. There were no
boulders near, but each of us gathered an armful of
stones, the object being to make a sudden bombardment
and compel them to retreat in disorder and scatter
among the rocks.[Pg 384]
We approached under cover of a small grassy
hummock. When we were detected, a bull gave a loud
snort and rushed toward his nearest companions, whereupon
the entire herd gathered into a circle, with the
young in the center.
We made our sham rush and hurled the stones.
The oxen remained almost motionless, with their heads
down, giving little snorts and stamping a little when
hit, but quickly resuming their immobile position of
watchfulness. After our stones were exhausted, the
animals began to shift positions slightly. We interpreted
this as a move for action. So we gave up the
effort and withdrew.
The days were long and the nights still light
enough to continue operations as long as we could keep
our eyes open. The whip of hunger made rest impossible.
So we determined to seek a less formidable group
of oxen in a position more favorable. The search was
continued until the sinking glimmer of the sun in the
north marked the time of midnight—for with us at that
time the compass was the timepiece.
When E-tuk-i-shook secured a hare with the bow
and arrow, we ascended a rocky eminence and sat down
to appease the calling stomach without a camp fire.
From here we detected a family of four musk oxen
asleep not far from another group of rocks.
This was a call to battle. We were not long in
planning our tactics. The wind was in our favor, permitting
an attack from the side opposite the rocks to
which we aimed to force a retreat. We also found small
stones in abundance, these being now a necessary part of
our armament. Our first effort was based on the suppo[Pg 385]sition
of their remaining asleep. They were simply chewing
their cud, however, and rose to form a ring of defence
as we advanced. We stormed them with stones
and they took to the shelter of the rocks. We continued
to advance slowly upon them, throwing stones occasionally
to obviate a possible assault from them before we
could also seek the shelter of the rocks.
Besides the bow and arrow and the stones, we now
had lances and these we threw as they rushed to attack
us. Two lances were crushed to small fragments before
they could be withdrawn by the light line attached.
They inflicted wounds, but not severe ones.
Noting the immense strength of the animals, we at
first thought it imprudent to risk the harpoon with its
precious line, for if we lost it we could not replace it.
But the destruction of the two lances left us no alternative.
Ah-we-lah threw the harpoon. It hit a rib, glanced
to a rock, and was also destroyed. Fortunately we had
a duplicate point, which was quickly fastened. Then
we moved about to encourage another onslaught.
Two came at once, an old bull and a young one.
E-tuk-i-shook threw the harpoon at the young one, and
it entered. The line had previously been fastened to a
rock, and the animal ran back to its associates, apparently
not severely hurt, leaving the line slack. One of
the others immediately attacked the line with horns,
hoofs and teeth, but did not succeed in breaking it.
Our problem now was to get rid of the other three
while we dealt with the one at the end of the line. Our
only resource was a sudden fusilade of stones. This
proved effective. The three scattered and ascended the[Pg 386]
boulder-strewn foreland of a cliff, where the oldest bull
remained to watch our movements. The young bull
made violent efforts to escape but the line of sealskin
was strong and elastic. A lucky throw of a lance at
close range ended the strife. Then we advanced on the
old bull, who was alone in a good position for us.
We gathered stones and advanced, throwing them
at the creature’s body. This, we found, did not enrage
him, but it prevented his making an attack. As we
gained ground he gradually backed up to the edge of
the cliff, snorting viciously but making no effort whatever
either to escape along a lateral bench or to attack.
His big brown eyes were upon us; his sharp horns were
pointed at us. He evidently was planning a desperate
lunge and was backing to gain time and room, but each
of us kept within a few yards of a good-sized rock.
Suddenly we made a combined rush into the open,
hurling stones, and keeping a long rock in a line for
retreat. Our storming of stones had the desired effect.
The bull, annoyed and losing its presence of mind,
stepped impatiently one step too far backwards and fell
suddenly over the cliff, landing on a rocky ledge below.
Looking over we saw he had broken a fore leg. The cliff
was not more than fifteen feet high. From it the lance
was used to put the poor creature out of suffering. We
were rich now and could afford to spread out our
stomachs, contracted by long spells of famine. The bull
dressed about three hundred pounds of meat and one
hundred pounds of tallow.
We took the tallow and as much meat as we could
carry on our backs, and started for the position of our
prospective winter camp, ten miles away. The meat[Pg 387]
left was carefully covered with heavy stones to protect
it from bears, wolves and foxes. On the following day
we returned with the canvas boat, making a landing
about four miles from the battlefield. As we neared
the caches we found to our dismay numerous bear and
fox tracks. The bears had opened the caches and removed
our hard-earned game, while the foxes and the
ravens had cleared up the very fragments and destroyed
even the skins. Here was cause for vengeance
on the bear and the fox. The fox paid his skin later,
but the bear out-generaled us in nearly every
maneuvre.
We came prepared to continue the chase but had
abandoned the use of the harpoon. Our main hope for
fuel was the blubber of the walrus, and if the harpoon
should be destroyed or lost we could not hope to attack
so powerful a brute as a walrus with any other device.
In landing we had seen a small herd of musk oxen at
some distance to the east, but they got our wind and
vanished. We decided to follow them up. One day
we found them among a series of rolling hills, where the
receding glaciers had left many erratic boulders. They
lined up in their ring of defence as usual when we were
detected. There were seven of them; all large creatures
with huge horns. A bitter wind was blowing, driving
some snow, which made our task more difficult.
The opening of the fight with stones was now a
regular feature which we never abandoned in our later
development of the art, but the manner in which we delivered
the stones depended upon the effect which we
wished to produce. If we wished the musk oxen to retreat,
we would make a combined rush, hurling the[Pg 388]
stones at the herd. If we wished them to remain in position
and discourage their attack, we advanced slowly
and threw stones desultorily, more or less at random.
If we wanted to encourage attacks, one man advanced
and delivered a large rock as best he could at the head.
This was cheap ammunition and it was very effective.
In this case the game was in a good position for
us and we advanced accordingly. They allowed us to
take positions within about fifteen feet, but no nearer.
The lances were repeatedly tried without effect, and
after a while two of these were again broken.
Having tried bow and arrow, stones, the lance and
the harpoon, we now tried another weapon. We threw
the lasso—but not successfully, owing to the bushy hair
about the head and the roundness of the hump of the
neck. Then we tried to entangle their feet with slip
loops just as we trapped gulls. This also failed. We
next extended the loop idea to the horns. The bull’s
habit of rushing at things hurled at him caused us to
think of this plan.
A large slip loop was now made in the center of
the line, and the two natives took up positions on opposite
sides of the animal. They threw the rope, with its
loop, on the ground in front of the creature, while I
encouraged an attack from the front. As the head was
slightly elevated the loop was raised, and the bull put
his horns in it, one after the other. The rope was now
rapidly fastened to stones and the bull tightened the
loop by his efforts to advance or retreat. With every
opportunity the slack was taken up, until no play was
allowed the animal. During this struggle all the other
oxen retreated except one female, and she was in[Pg 389]offensive.
A few stones at close range drove her off.
Then we had the bull where we could reach him with the
lance at arm’s length, and plunge it into his vitals. He
soon fell over, the first victim to our new art of musk
ox capture.
The others did not run very far away. Indeed,
they were too fat to run, and two more were soon
secured in the same way. This time we took all the meat
we could with us to camp and left a man on guard.
When all was removed to the bay we found the load too
heavy for our boat, so, in two loads, we transported the
meat and fat and skins to our camp, where we built
caches which we believed impregnable to the bear,
although the thieving creatures actually opened them
later.
Our lances repaired, we started out for another adventure
a few days later. It was a beautiful day. Our
methods of attack were not efficient, but we wished to
avoid the risk of the last plunge of the lance, for our
lives were in the balance every time if the line should
break, and with every lunge of the animal we expected
it to snap. In such case, we knew, the assailant would
surely be gored.
We were sufficiently independent now to proceed
more cautiously. With the bull’s willingness to put his
head into the loop, I asked myself whether the line loop
could not be slipped beyond the horns and about the
neck, thus shutting off the air. So the line was lengthened
with this effort in view.
Of the many groups of oxen which we saw we
picked those in the positions most to our advantage,
although rather distant. Our new plan was tried with[Pg 390]
success on a female. A bull horned her vigorously
when she gasped for breath, and which aided our
efforts. A storming of stones scattered the others of
the group, and we were left to deal with our catch
with the knife.
Our art of musk ox fighting was now completely
developed. In the course of a few weeks we secured
enough to assure comfort and ease during the long
night. By our own efforts we were lifted suddenly
from famine to luxury. But it had been the stomach
with its chronic emptiness which had lashed the mind and
body to desperate efforts with sufficient courage to face
the danger. Hunger, as I have found, is more potent
as a stimulant than barrels of whiskey. Beginning with
the bow and arrow we had tried everything which we
could devise, but now our most important acquisition
was our intimate knowledge of the animal’s own means
of offense and defense.
We knew by a kind of instinct when an attack
upon us was about to be made, because the animal made
a forward move, and we never failed in our efforts to
force a retreat. The rocks which the animals sought for
an easy defense were equally useful to us, and later we
forced them into deep waters and also deep snow with
similar success. By the use of stones and utilizing the
creatures’ own tactics we placed them where we wished.
And then again, by the animal’s own efforts, we forced
it to strangle itself, which, after all, was the most
humane method of slaughter. Three human lives were
thus saved by the invention of a new art of chase.
This gave us courage to attack those more vicious but
less dangerous animals, the bear and walrus.[Pg 391]
The musk ox now supplied many wants in our
“Robinson Crusoe” life. From the bone we made harpoon
points, arrow pieces, knife handles, fox traps and
sledge repairs. The skin, with its remarkable fur, made
our bed and roofed our igloo. Of it we made all kinds
of garments, but its greatest use was for coats with
hoods, stockings and mittens. From the skin, with the
fur removed, we made boots, patched punctures in our
boat, and cut lashings. The hair and wool which were
removed from the skins made pads for our palms in the
mittens and cushions for the soles of our feet in lieu of
the grass formerly used.
The meat became our staple food for seven months
without change. It was a delicious product. It has a
flavor slightly sweet, like that of horseflesh, but still
distinctly pleasing. It possesses an odor unlike musk
but equally unlike anything that I know of. The live
creatures exhale the scent of domestic cattle. Just why
this odd creature is called “musk” ox is a mystery, for
it is neither an ox, nor does it smell of musk. The
Eskimo name of “ah-ming-ma” would fit it much better.
The bones were used as fuel for outside fires, and the
fat as both fuel and food.
At first our wealth of food came with surprise and
delight to us, for, in the absence of sweet or starchy
foods, man craves fat. Sugar and starch are most
readily converted into fat by the animal laboratory, and
fat is one of the prime factors in the development and
maintenance of the human system. It is the confectionery
of aboriginal man, and we had taken up the lot
of the most primitive aborigines, living and thriving
solely on the product of the chase without a morsel of[Pg 392]
civilized or vegetable food. Under these circumstances
we especially delighted in the musk ox tallow, and more
especially in the marrow, which we sucked from the
bone with the eagerness with which a child jubilantly
manages a stick of candy.

ARCTIC WOLF
WITH A NEW ART OF CHASE IN A NEW
WORLD OF LIFE
THREE WEEKS BEFORE THE SUNSET OF 1908—REVELLING
IN AN EDEN OF GAME—PECULIARITIES OF ANIMALS
OF THE ARCTIC—HOW NATURE DICTATES ANIMAL
COLOR—THE QUEST OF SMALL LIFE
XXVII
Coming of the Second Winter
In two months, from the first of September to the
end of October, we passed from a period of hunger,
thirst and abject misery into the realm of abundant
game. The spell for inactivity had not yet come. Up
to this time we were too busy with the serious business
of life to realize thoroughly that we had really discovered
a new natural wonderland. The luck of Robinson
Crusoe was not more fortunate than ours, although he
had not the cut of frost nor the long night, nor the
torment of bears to circumscribe his adventures. In
successive stages of battle our eyes had opened to a new
world of life.
In searching every nook and cranny of land we had
acquired new arts of life and a new perspective of
nature’s wonders. We slept in caves in storm; in
the lee of icebergs in strong winds and on the mossy
cushions of earth concavities. Here we learned to study[Pg 394]
and appreciate primal factors of both animal and plant
life.
In the Arctic, nature tries to cover its nakedness in
places where the cruel winds do not cut its contour.
The effort is interesting, not only because of the charm
of the verdant dress, but because of the evidence of a
motherly protection to the little life cells which struggle
against awful odds to weave that fabric wherever a
terrestrial dimple is exposed to the kisses of the southern
sun. In these depressions, sheltered from the
blasts of storms, a kindly hand spreads a beautiful
mantle of colorful grass, moss, lichens and flowery
plants.
Here the lemming digs his home under the velvet
cover, where he may enjoy the roots and material protection
from the abysmal frost of the long night. Here
in the protected folds of Mother Earth, blanketed by the
warm white robe of winter, he sleeps the peace of death
while the warring elements blast in fury outside.
Here the Arctic hare plays with its bunnies during
summer, and as the winter comes the young grow to
full maturity and dress in a silky down of white. Under
the snow they burrow, making long tunnels, still eating
and sleeping on their loved cushions of frozen plants,
far under the snow-skirts of Mother Earth, while the
life-stilling blasts without expend their wintry force.
Here the ptarmigan scratches for its food. The
musk ox and the caribou browse, while the raven, with a
kind word for all, collects food for its palate. The bear
and the wolf occasionally visit to collect tribute, while
the falcon and the fox with one eye open are ever on
the alert for the exercise of their craft.[Pg 395]
In these little smiling indentations of nature, when
the sun begins to caress the gentle slopes, while the snow
melts and flows in leaping streams—the sea still locked
by the iron grip of the winter embrace—the Arctic incubator
works overtime to start the little ones of the
snow wilds. Thus in these dimples of nature rocks the
cradle of boreal life.
Relieved of the all-absorbing care of providing
food, I now was often held spellbound as I wandered
over these spots of nature’s wonders. Phases of life
which never interested me before now riveted my attention.
Wandering from the softly cushioned gullies, the
harsh ridge life next came under my eyes. While the
valleys and the gullies become garden spots of summer
glory, the very protection from winds which makes this
life possible buries the vegetable luxuriousness in winter
under unfathomable depths of snow. The musk ox and
the caribou, dependent upon this plant life for food,
therefore become deprived of the usual means of subsistence.
But Mother Nature does not desert her
children. The same winds which compel man and
feebler animals to seek shelter from its death-dealing
assault, afford food to the better fitted musk ox and
caribou. In summer, plants, like animals, climb to
ridges, hummocks and mountain slopes, to get air and
light and warm sunbeams. But the battle here is hard,
and only very strong plants survive the force of wind
and frosts.
The plant fibre here become tenacious; with a body
gnarled and knotty from long conflict the roots dig
yards deep into the soil. This leaves the breathing part
of the plant dwarfed to a few inches. Here the winter[Pg 396]
winds sweep off the snow and offer food to the musk ox
and caribou. Thus the wind, which destroys, also gives
means of life. The equalizing balance of nature is truly
wonderful.
In small, circumscribed areas we thus found ourselves
in a new Eden of primeval life.
The topography of North Devon, however, placed
a sharp limit to the animated wilderness. Only a narrow
strip of coast about Cape Sparbo, extending about
twenty-five miles to the east and about forty miles to
the west, presented any signs of land life. All other
parts of the south shore of Jones Sound are more barren
than the shores of the Polar sea.
Although our larder was now well stocked with
meat for food and blubber for fuel, we were still in need
of furs and skins to prepare a new equipment with
which to return to the Greenland shores. The animals
whose pelts we required were abundant everywhere.
But they were too active to be caught by the art and
the weapons evolved earlier in the chase of the walrus,
bear and musk ox.

E-TUK-I-SHOOK WAITING FOR A SEAL AT A BLOW-HOLE
A series of efforts, therefore, was directed to the
fox, the hare, the ptarmigan and the seal. It was necessary
to devise special methods and means of capture
for each family of animals. The hare was perhaps the
most important, not only because its delicately flavored
meat furnished a pleasing change from the steady diet
of musk ox, but also because its skin is not equalled by
any other for stockings. In our quest of the musk ox
we had startled little groups of creatures from many
centers. Their winter fur was not prime until after the
middle of October. Taking notes of their haunts and
[Pg 397]
their habits, we had, therefore, reserved the hare hunt
until the days just before sunset.

TOWARD CAPE SPARBO IN A CANVAS BOAT
WALRUS—PRIZE OF A FIFTEEN HOUR BATTLE—4,000 POUNDS OF
MEAT AND FAT
We had learned to admire this little aristocrat. It
is the most beautiful, most delicate of northern creatures.
Early in the summer we had found it grazing
in the green meadows along the base of bird cliffs. The
little gray bunnies then played with their mothers about
crystal dens. Now the babes were full grown and
clothed in the same immaculate white of the parents.
We could distinguish the young only by their greater
activity and their ceaseless curiosity.
In the immediate vicinity of camp we found them
first in gullies where the previous winter’s snow had but
recently disappeared. Here the grass was young and
tender and of a flavor to suit their taste for delicacies.
A little later they followed the musk ox to the shores of
lagoons or to the wind-swept hills. Still later, as the
winter snows blanketed the pastures and the bitter
storms of night swept the cheerless drifts, they dug
long tunnels under the snow for food, and when the
storms were too severe remained housed in these feeding
dugouts.
An animal of rare intelligence, the hare is quick to
grasp an advantage, and therefore as winter advances
we find it a constant companion of the musk ox. For in
the diggings of the musk ox this little creature finds
sufficient food uncovered for its needs.
With a skeleton as light as that of the bird and a
skin as frail as paper it is nevertheless as well prepared
to withstand the rigors of the Arctic as the bear with
its clumsy anatomy. The entire makeup of the hare is
based upon the highest strain of animal economy. It[Pg 398]
expends the greatest possible amount of energy at the
cost of the least consumption of food. Its fur is as
white as the boreal snows and absorbs color somewhat
more readily. In a stream of crimson light it appears
red and white; in a shadow of ice or in the darkness of
night it assumes the subdued blue of the Polar world.
Nature has bleached its fur seemingly to afford the best
protection against the frigid chill, for a suitable white
fur permits the escape of less bodily heat than any
colored or shaded pelt.
The fox is its only real enemy, and the fox’s chance
of success is won only by superior cunning. Its protection
against the fox lies in its lightning-like movement
of the legs. When it scents danger it rises by a series
of darts that could be followed only by birds. Its expenditure
of muscular energy is so economical that it
can continue its run for an almost indefinite time.
Shooting along a few hundred paces, it then rises to rest
in an erect posture. With its black-tipped ears in line
with its back it makes a fascinating little bit of nature’s
handiwork. Again, when asleep, it curls up
its legs carefully in the long fur of its body, and its ever-active
nose, with the divided lip, is then pushed into the
long soft fur of the breast where the frost crystals are
screened from the breath when storms carry drift snow.
It is a fluffy ball of animation which provokes one’s
admiration.
Deprived as we were of most of the usual comforts
of life, many things were taught us by the creatures
about. From the hare, with its scrupulous attention to
cleanliness, we learned how to cleanse our hands and
faces. With no soap, no towels and very little water,[Pg 399]
we had some difficulty in trying to keep respectable
appearances. The hare has the same problem to deal
with, but it is provided by nature with a cleansing apparatus.
Its own choice is the forepaw, but with its need
for snow shoes the hind legs serve a very useful purpose,
and then, too, the surface is developed, a surface covered
with tough fur which, we discovered, possessed the
quality of a wet sponge and did not require, for efficiency,
either soap or water. With hare paws, therefore,
we kept clean. These paws also served as napkins. To
take the place of a basin and a towel we therefore gathered
a supply of hare paws, enough to keep clean for
at least six months.
The hare was a good mark for E-tuk-i-shook with
the sling shot, and many fell victims to his primitive
genius. Ah-we-lah, never an expert at stone slinging,
became an adept with the bow and arrow. Usually he
returned with at least a hare from every day’s chase.
Our main success resulted from a still more primitive
device. Counting on its inquisitiveness we devised a
chain of loop lines arranged across the hare’s regular
lines of travel. In playing and jumping through these
loops, the animal tightened the lines and became our victim
automatically.
The ptarmigan chase was possible only for Ah-we-lah.
The bird was not at all shy, for it often came close
to our den and scattered the snow like a chicken. It was
too small a mark for the sling shot and only Ah-we-lah
could give the arrow the precise direction for these
feathered creatures. Altogether, fifteen were secured
in our locality, and all served as dessert for my special
benefit. According to Eskimo custom, a young, un[Pg 400]married
man or woman cannot eat the ptarmigan, or
“ahr-rish-shah” as they call it. That pleasure is reserved
for the older people, and I did not for a moment
risk the sacrilege of trying to change the custom. It
was greatly to my advantage, for it not only impressed
with suitable force my dignity as a superior Eskimo,
but it enabled me to enjoy an entire bird at a time instead
of only a teasing mouthful.
To us the ptarmigan was at all times fascinating,
but it proved ever a thing of mystery. Descending from
the skies at unexpected times it embarks again for
haunts unknown. At times we saw the birds in great
numbers. At other times they were absent for months.
In summer the bird has gray and brown feathers,
mingled with white. It keeps close to the inland ice,
making its course along the snowy coast of Noonataks,
beyond the reach of man or fox. Late in September it
seeks the lower ground along the sea level.
Like the hare and the musk ox, it delights in windy
places where the snow has been driven away. There it
finds bits of moss and withered plants which satisfy its
needs. The summer plumage is at first sight like that
of the partridge. On close examination one finds the
feathers are only tipped with color—underneath, the
plumage is white. In winter it retains only the black
feathers of its tail, otherwise it is as white as the hare.
Its legs often are covered with tough fur, like that of
the hare’s lower hind legs. The meat is delicate in
flavor and tender. It is the most beautiful of the four
birds that remain in the white world when all is bleak
during the night.
We sought the fox more diligently than the ptarmi[Pg 401]gan.
We had a more tangible way of securing it.
Furthermore, we were in great need of its skin.
E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah regarded fox hams as
quite a delicacy—a delicacy which I never willingly
shared when there were musk tenderloins about. We
had no steel traps, and with its usual craft the fox usually
managed to evade our crude weapons by keeping
out of sight. Bone traps were made with a good deal of
care after the pattern of steel traps. We used a musk-ox
horn as a spring. But with these we were only partially
successful. As a last resort, little domes were arranged
in imitation of the usual caches, with trap stone doors.
In these we managed to secure fourteen white and two
blue animals. After that they proved too wise for our
craft.
The fox becomes shy only in the end of October,
when its fur begins to be really worth taking. Before
that it followed us everywhere on the musk ox quest, for
it was not slow to learn the advantage of being near our
battle scenes. We frequently left choice bits for its
picking, a favor which it seemed to appreciate by a careful
watchfulness of our camps. Although a much more
cunning thief than the bear, we could afford its plunderings,
for it had not so keen a taste for blubber and its
capacity was limited. We thus got well acquainted.
Up to the present we had failed in the quest of the
seal. During the open season of summer, without a
kayak, we could not get near the animal. As the winter
and the night advanced, we were too busy with the land
animals to watch the blow-holes in the new ice. When
the sea is first spread with the thin sheet of colorless ice,
which later thickens, the seal rises to the surface, makes[Pg 402]
a breathing hole, descends to its feeding grounds on the
sea bottom for about ten minutes, then rises and makes
another hole. This line of openings is arranged in a
circle or a series of connecting, oblong lines, marking
that particular seal’s favorite feeding ground. Before
the young ice is covered with snow, these breathing holes
are easily located by a ring of white frost crystals, which
condense and fall as the seal blows. But now that the
winter had sheeted the black ice evenly with a white
cover, the seal holes, though open, could not be found.
We were not in need of either fat or meat, but the seal
skins were to fill an important want. We required for
boots and sled lashing the thin, tough seal hide. How
could we get it?
From our underground den we daily watched the
wanderings of the bears. They trailed along certain
lines which we knew to be favorable feeding grounds for
seals, but they did not seem to be successful. Could we
not profit by their superb scenting instinct and find the
blow-holes? The bear had been our worst enemy, but
unconsciously it also proved to be our best friend.
We started out to trail the bear’s footprints. By
these we were led to the blow-holes, where we found the
snow about had been circled with a regular trail. Most of
these had been abandoned, for the seal has a scent as keen
as the bear, but a few “live” holes were located. Sticks
were placed to locate these, and after a few days’ careful
study and hard work we harpooned six seals. Taking
only the skins and blubber, we left the carcasses for
bruin’s share of the chase—to be consumed later. We did
not hunt together with the bear—at least, not knowingly.
In these wanderings over game lands we were[Pg 403]
permitted a very close scrutiny of the animals about, and
it was at this time that I came to certain definite conclusions
as to prevailing laws of color and dress of our
co-habitants of the Polar wastes.
The animals of the Arctic assume a color in accordance
to their need for heat transmission. The prevailing
influence is white, as light furs permit the least
escape of heat. It is evidently more important to confine
the heat of the body, than to gather heat from the
sun’s feeble rays. The necessity for bleaching the furry
raiment becomes most operative in winter when the
temperature of the air is 150° below that of the body.
In the summer, when the continued sunshine is made
more heating by the piercing influence of the reflecting
snow-fields, there is a tendency to absorb heat. Then
nature darkens the skin, which absorbs heat accordingly.
The relative advantage of light and dark shades
can be easily demonstrated by placing pieces of white
and black cloth on a surface of snow, with a slope at
right angles to the sun’s rays. If, after a few hours,
the cloth is removed the snow under the black cloth will
be melted considerably, while that under the white cloth
will show little effect.
Nature makes use of this law of physics to ease
the hard lot of its creatures fighting the weather in the
icy world. The laws of color protection as advocated
in the rules of natural selection are not operative here,
because of the vitally important demand of heat economy.
If we now seek the problem of nature’s body
colored dyes, with heat economy as the key, our calculations
will become easy. The serwah, a species of guillemot,
which is as black as the raven in summer, is white[Pg 404]
in winter. The ptarmigan is light as pearl in winter, but
its feathers become tipped with amber in summer. The
hare is slightly gray in summer, but, in winter, becomes
white as the snow under which it finds food and shelter.
The white fox is gray in summer, the blue fox
darkens as the sun advances, while its under fur becomes
lighter with increasing cold. The caribou is dark brown
as it grazes the moss-colored fields, but becomes nearly
white with the permanent snows. The polar bear, as
white as nature can make it, with only blubber to mix
its paints, basks in the midnight sun with a raiment
suggestive of gold. The musk ox changes its dark
under-fur for a lighter shade. The raven has a white
under-coat in winter. The rat is gray in summer but
bleaches to blue-gray in winter time. The laws of selection
and heat economy are thus combined.
While thus preparing for the coming winter by
seeking animals with furry pelts, the weather conditions
made our task increasingly difficult. The storm of the
descending sun whipped the seas into white fury and
brushed the lands with icy clouds. With the descent of
the sun, nature again set its seal of gloom on Arctic life.
The cheer of a sunny heaven was blotted from the skies,
and the coming of the winter blackness was signalled by
the beginning of a warfare of the elements. All hostile
nature was now set loose to expend its restive battle
energy.
For brief moments the weather was quiet, and then
in awe-inspiring silence we steered for sequestered gullies
in quest of little creatures. This death-like stillness
was in harmony with our loneliness. As the sea was
stilled by the iron bonds of frost, as life sought protec[Pg 405]tion
under the storm-driven snows of land, the winds,
growing even wilder, beat a maddening onslaught over
the dead, frozen world. The thunder of elements shook
the very rocks under which we slept. Then again would
fall a spell of that strange silence—all was dead, the sun
glowed no more, the creatures of the wilds were hushed.
We were all alone—alone in a vast, white dead world.

LEMMING
A HUNDRED NIGHTS IN AN UNDERGROUND
DEN
LIVING LIKE MEN OF THE STONE AGE—THE DESOLATION
OF THE LONG NIGHT—LIFE ABOUT CAPE SPARBO—PREPARING
EQUIPMENT FOR THE RETURN TO GREENLAND—SUNRISE,
FEBRUARY 11, 1909
XXVIII
Life About Cape Sparbo
The coming night slowly fixed its seal on our field
of activity. Early in August the sun had dipped under
the icy contour of North Lincoln, and Jones Sound had
then begun to spread its cover of crystal. The warm
rays gradually melted in a perpetual blue frost. The
air thickened. The land darkened. The days shortened.
The night lengthened. The Polar cold and darkness
of winter came hand in hand.
Late in September the nights had become too dark
to sleep in the open, with inquisitive bears on every side.
Storms, too, increased thereafter and deprived us of the
cheer of colored skies. Thus we were now forced to
seek a retreat in our underground den.
We took about as kindly to this as a wild animal
does to a cage. For over seven months we had wandered
over vast plains of ice, with a new camp site almost[Pg 407]
every day. We had grown accustomed to a wandering
life like that of the bear, but we had not developed his
hibernating instinct. We were anxious to continue our
curious battle of life.
In October the bosom of the sea became blanketed,
and the curve of the snow-covered earth was polarized
in the eastern skies. The final period for the death of
day and earthly glory was advancing, but Nature in her
last throes displayed some of her most alluring phases.
The colored silhouette of the globe was perhaps the most
remarkable display. In effect, this was a shadow of the
earth thrown into space. By the reflected, refracted
and polarized light of the sun, the terrestrial shadows
were outlined against the sky in glowing colors. Seen
occasionally in other parts of the globe, it is only in the
Polar regions, with its air of crystal and its surface of
mirrors, that the proper mediums are afforded for this
gigantic spectral show.
We had an ideal location. A glittering sea, with a
level horizon, lay along the east and west. The weather
was good, the skies were clear, and, as the sun sank, the
sky over it was flushed with orange or gold. This
gradually paled, and over the horizon opposite there
rose an arc in feeble prismatic colors with a dark zone
of purple under it. The arc rose as the sun settled; the
purple spread beyond the polarized bow; and gradually
the heavens turned a deep purple blue to the zenith,
while the halo of the globe was slowly lost in its own
shadow.
The colored face of the earth painted on the screen
of the heavens left the last impression of worldly charm
on the retina. In the end of October the battle of the[Pg 408]
elements, storms attending the setting of the sun, began
to blast the air into a chronic fury. By this time we
were glad to creep into our den and await the vanishing
weeks of ebbing day.
In the doom of night to follow, there would at least
be some quiet moments during which we could stretch
our legs. The bears, which had threatened our existence,
were now kept off by a new device which served
the purpose for a time. We had food and fuel enough
for the winter. There should have been nothing to have
disturbed our tempers, but the coming of the long blackness
makes all Polar life ill at ease.
Early in November the storms ceased long enough
to give us a last fiery vision. With a magnificent cardinal
flame the sun rose, gibbered in the sky and sank behind
the southern cliffs on November 3. It was not to
rise again until February 11 of the next year. We were
therefore doomed to hibernate in our underground den
for at least a hundred double nights before the dawn of
a new day opened our eyes.
The days now came and went in short order. For
hygienic reasons we kept up the usual routine of life.
The midday light soon darkened to twilight. The moon
and stars appeared at noon. The usual partition of time
disappeared. All was night, unrelieved darkness, midnight,
midday, morning or evening.
We stood watches of six hours each to keep the
fires going, to keep off the bears and to force an interest
in a blank life. We knew that we were believed to be
dead. For our friends in Greenland would not ascribe
to us the luck which came after our run of abject
misfortune. This thought inflicted perhaps the greatest[Pg 409]
pain of the queer prolongation of life which was permitted
us. It was loneliness, frigid loneliness. I wondered
whether men ever felt so desolately alone.
We could not have been more thoroughly isolated
if we had been transported to the surface of the moon.
I find myself utterly unable to outline the emptiness of
our existence. In other surroundings we never grasp
the full meaning of the word “alone.” When it is possible
to put a foot out of doors into sunlight without the
risk of a bear-paw on your neck it is also possible to
run off a spell of blues, but what were we to do with
every dull rock rising as a bear ghost and with the torment
of a satanic blackness to blind us?
With the cheer of day, a kindly nature and a new
friend, it is easy to get in touch with a sympathetic
chord. The mere thought of another human heart within
touch, even a hundred miles away, would have eased
the suspense of the silent void. But we could entertain
no such hopefulness. We were all alone in a world
where every pleasant aspect of nature had deserted us.
Although three in number, a bare necessity had compressed
us into a single composite individuality.
There were no discussions, no differences of
opinion. We had been too long together under bitter
circumstances to arouse each other’s interest. A single
individual could not live long in our position. A selfish
instinct tightened a fixed bond to preserve and protect
one another. As a battle force we made a formidable
unit, but there was no matches to start the fires of
inspiration.
The half darkness of midday and the moonlight still
permitted us to creep from under the ground and seek[Pg 410]
a few hours in the open. The stone and bone fox traps
and the trap caves for the bears which we had built during
the last glimmer of day offered an occupation with
some recreation. But we were soon deprived of this.
Bears headed us off at every turn. We were not
permitted to proceed beyond an enclosed hundred feet
from the hole of our den. Not an inch of ground or a
morsel of food was permitted us without a contest. It
was a fight of nature against nature. We either actually
saw the little sooty nostrils with jets of vicious breath
rising, and the huge outline of a wild beast ready to
spring on us, or imagined we saw it. With no adequate
means of defense we were driven to imprisonment
within the walls of our own den.
From within, our position was even more tantalizing.
The bear thieves dug under the snows over our
heads and snatched blocks of blubber fuel from under
our very eyes at the port without a consciousness of
wrongdoing. Occasionally we ventured out to deliver
a lance, but each time the bear would make a leap for
the door and would have entered had the opening been
large enough. In other cases we shot arrows through
the peep-hole. A bear head again would burst through
the silk covered window near the roof, where knives, at
close range and in good light, could be driven with
sweet vengeance.
As a last resort we made a hole through the top of
the den. When a bear was heard near, a long torch was
pushed through. The snow for acres about was then
suddenly flashed with a ghostly whiteness which almost
frightened us. But the bear calmly took advantage of
the light to pick a larger piece of the blubber upon[Pg 411]
which our lives depended, and then with an air of superiority
he would move into the brightest light, usually
within a few feet of our peep-hole, where we could
almost touch his hateful skin. Without ammunition we
were helpless.
Two weeks after sunset we heard the last cry of
ravens. After a silence of several days they suddenly
descended with a piercing shout which cut the frosty
stillness. We crept out of our den quickly to read the
riddle of the sudden bluster. There were five ravens on
five different rocks, and the absence of the celestial color
gave them quite an appropriate setting. They were
restless: there was no food for them. A fox had preceded
them with his usual craftiness, and had left no
pickings for feathered creatures.
A family of five had gathered about in October,
when the spoils of the chase were being cached, and we
encouraged their stay by placing food for them regularly.
Some times a sly fox, and at other times a thieving
bear, got the little morsels, but there were usually
sufficient picking for the raven’s little crop. They had
found a suitable cave high up in the great cliffs of granite
behind our den.
We were beginning to be quite friendly. My
Eskimo companions ascribed to the birds almost human
qualities and they talked to them reverently, thereby displaying
their heart’s desire. The secrets of the future
were all entrusted to their consideration. Would the
“too-loo-ah” go to Eskimo Lands and deliver their
messages? The raven said “ka-ah” (yes).
E-tuk-i-shook said: “Go and take the tears from
An-na-do-a’s eyes; tell her that I am alive and well and[Pg 412]
will come to take her soon. Tell Pan-ic-pa (his father)
that I am in Ah-ming-ma-noona (Musk Ox Land).
Bring us some powder to blacken the bear’s snout.”
“Ka-ah, ka-ah,” said the two ravens at once.
Ah-we-lah began an appeal to drive off the bears
and to set the raven spirits as guardians of our blubber
caches. This was uttered in shrill shouts, and then, in
a low, trembling voice, he said: “Dry the tears of
mother’s cheeks and tell her that we are in a land of
todnu (tallow).”
“Ka-ah,” replied the raven.
“Then go to Ser-wah; tell her not to marry that
lazy gull, Ta-tamh; tell her that Ah-we-lah’s skin is still
flushed with thoughts of her, that he is well and will
return to claim her in the first moon after sunrise.”
“Ka-ah, ka-ah, ka-ah,” said the raven, and rose as if to
deliver the messages.
For the balance of that day we saw only three
ravens. The two had certainly started for the Greenland
shores. The other three, after an engorgement, rose
to their cave and went to sleep for the night as we
thought. No more was seen of them until the dawn of
day of the following year.
A few days later we also made other acquaintances.
They were the most interesting bits of life that crossed
our trail, and in the dying effort to seek animal companionship
our soured tempers were sweetened somewhat
by four-footed joys.
A noise had been heard for several successive days
at eleven o’clock. This was the time chosen by the bears
for their daily exercise along our foot-path, and we were
usually all awake with a knife or a lance in hand, not[Pg 413]
because there was any real danger, for our house
cemented by ice was as secure as a fort, but because
we felt more comfortable in a battle attitude. Through
the peep-hole we saw them marching up and down along
the foot-path tramped down by our daily spells of leg-stretching.
They were feasting on the aroma of our foot-prints,
and when they left it was usually safe for us to venture
out. Noises, however, continued within the walls of the
den. It was evident that there was something alive at
close range.
We were lonely enough to have felt a certain delight
in shaking hands even with bruin if the theft of
our blubber had not threatened the very foundation of
our existence. For in the night we could not augment
our supplies; and without fat, fire and water were impossible.
No! there was not room for man and bear at
Cape Sparbo. Without ammunition, however, we were
nearly helpless.
But noises continued after bruin’s steps came with
a decreasing metallic ring from distant snows. There
was a scraping and a scratching within the very walls
of our den. We had a neighbor and a companion.
Who, or what, could it be? We were kept in suspense
for some time. When all was quiet at the time which
we chose to call midnight, a little blue rat came out and
began to tear the bark from our willow lamp trimmer.
I was on watch, awake, and punched E-tuk-i-shook
without moving my head. His eyes opened with surprise
on the busy rodent, and Ah-we-lah was kicked.
He turned over and the thing jumped into a rock
crevasse.[Pg 414]
The next day we risked the discomfort of bruin’s
interview and dug up an abundance of willow roots for
our new tenant. These were arranged in appetizing
display and the rat came out very soon and helped himself,
but he permitted no familiarity. We learned to
love the creature, however, all the more because of its
shyness. By alternate jumps from the roots to seclusion
it managed to fill up with all it could carry. Then
it disappeared as suddenly as it came.
In the course of two days it came back with a companion,
its mate. They were beautiful little creatures,
but little larger than mice. They had soft, fluffy fur of
a pearl blue color, with pink eyes. They had no tails.
Their dainty little feet were furred to the claw tips with
silky hair. They made a picture of animal delight
which really aroused us from stupor to little spasms of
enthusiasm. A few days were spent in testing our intentions.
Then they arranged a berth just above my
head and became steady boarders.
Their confidence and trust flattered our vanity and
we treated them as royal guests. No trouble was too
great for us to provide them with suitable delicacies.
We ventured into the darkness and storms for hours to
dig up savory roots and mosses. A little stage was
arranged every day with the suitable footlights. In the
eagerness to prolong the rodent theatricals, the little
things were fed over and over, until they became too fat
and too lazy to creep from their berths.
They were good, clean orderly camp fellows, always
kept in their places and never ventured to borrow our
bed furs, nor did they disturb our eatables. With a keen
sense of justice, and an aristocratic air, they passed our[Pg 415]
plates of carnivorous foods without venturing a taste,
and went to their herbivorous piles of sod delicacies.
About ten days before midnight they went to sleep and
did not wake for more than a month. Again we were
alone. Now even the bears deserted us.
In the dull days of blankness which followed, few
incidents seemed to mark time. The cold increased.
Storms were more continuous and came with greater
force. We were cooped up in our underground den
with but a peep-hole through the silk of our old tent to
watch the sooty nocturnal bluster. We were face to
face with a spiritual famine. With little recreation, no
amusements, no interesting work, no reading matter,
with nothing to talk about, the six hours of a watch
were spread out to weeks.
We had no sugar, no coffee, not a particle of civilized
food. We had meat and blubber, good and wholesome
food at that. But the stomach wearied of its
never changing carnivorous stuffing. The dark den,
with its walls of pelt and bone, its floor decked with
frosted tears of ice, gave no excuse for cheer. Insanity,
abject madness, could only be avoided by busy hands
and long sleep.
My life in this underground place was, I suppose,
like that of a man in the stone age. The interior was
damp and cold and dark; with our pitiable lamps burning,
the temperature of the top was fairly moderate,
but at the bottom it was below zero. Our bed was a
platform of rocks wide enough for three prostrate men.
Its forward edge was our seat when awake. Before this
was a space where a deeper hole in the earth permitted
us to stand upright, one at a time. There, one by one,[Pg 416]
we dressed and occasionally stood to move our stiff and
aching limbs.
On either side of this standing space was half a tin
plate in which musk-ox fat was burned. We used moss
as a wick. These lights were kept burning day and
night; it was a futile, imperceptible sort of heat they
gave. Except when we got close to the light, it was impossible
to see one another’s faces.
We ate twice daily—without enjoyment. We had
few matches, and in fear of darkness tended our lamps
diligently. There was no food except meat and tallow;
most of the meat, by choice, was eaten raw and frozen.
Night and morning we boiled a small pot of meat for
broth; but we had no salt to season it. Stooped and
cramped, day by day, I found occasional relief from the
haunting horror of this life by rewriting the almost illegible
notes made on our journey.
My most important duty was the preparation of
my notes and observations for publication. This would
afford useful occupation and save months of time afterwards.
But I had no paper. My three note books were
full, and there remained only a small pad of prescription
blanks and two miniature memorandum books. I resolved,
however, to try to work out the outline of my
narrative in chapters in these. I had four good
pencils and one eraser. These served a valuable
purpose. With sharp points I shaped the words in small
letters. When the skeleton of the book was ready I
was surprised to find how much could be crowded on a
few small pages. By a liberal use of the eraser many
parts of pages were cleared of unnecessary notes. Entire
lines were written between all the lines of the note[Pg 417]
books, the pages thus carrying two narrations or series
of notes.
By the use of abbreviations and dashes, a kind of
short-hand was devised. My art of space economy complete,
I began to write, literally developing the very useful
habit of carefully shaping every idea before an attempt
was made to use the pencil. In this way my
entire book and several articles were written. Charts,
films and advertisement boxes were covered. In all
150,000 words were written, and absolute despair, which
in idleness opens the door to madness, was averted.
Our needs were still urgent enough to enforce much
other work. Drift threatened to close the entrance to
our dungeon and this required frequent clearing.
Blubber for the lamp was sliced and pounded every day.
The meat corner was occasionally stocked, for it required
several days to thaw out the icy musk ox quarters.
Ice was daily gathered and placed within reach to keep
the water pots full. The frost which was condensed out
of our breaths made slabs of ice on the floor, and this required
occasional removal. The snow under our bed
furs, which had a similar origin, was brushed out now
and then.
Soot from the lamps, a result of bad housekeeping,
which a proud Eskimo woman would not have tolerated
for a minute, was scraped from the bone rafters about
once a week. With a difference of one hundred degrees
between the breathing air of the den and that outside
there was a rushing interchanging breeze through every
pinhole and crevice. The ventilation was good. The
camp cleanliness could almost have been called hygienic,
although no baths had been indulged in for six months,[Pg 418]
and then only by an unavoidable, undesirable accident.
Much had still to be done to prepare for our homegoing
in the remote period beyond the night. It was
necessary to plan and make a new equipment. The
sledge, the clothing, the camp outfit, everything which
had been used in the previous campaign, were worn out.
Something could be done by judicious repairing, but
nearly everything required reconstruction. In the new
arrangement we were to take the place of the dogs at
the traces and the sledge loads must be prepared accordingly.
There was before us an unknown line of trouble
for three hundred miles before we could step on Greenland
shores. It was only the hope of homegoing, which
gave some mental strength in the night of gloom. Musk
ox meat was now cut into strips and dried over the
lamps. Tallow was prepared and moulded in portable
form for fuel.
But in spite of all efforts we gradually sank to the
lowest depths of the Arctic midnight. The little midday
glimmer on the southern sky became indiscernible.
Only the swing of the Great Dipper and other stars
told the time of the day or night. We had fancied that
the persistent wind ruffled our tempers. But now it was
still; not a breath of air moved the heavy blackness. In
that very stillness we found reasons for complaint.
Storms were preferable to the dead silence; anything
was desirable to stir the spirits to action.
Still the silence was only apparent. Wind noises
floated in the frosty distance; cracking rocks, exploding
glaciers and tumbling avalanches kept up a muffled
rumbling which the ear detected only when it rested on
the floor rock of our bed. The temperature was low[Pg 419]—
-48° F.—so low that at times the very air seemed to
crack. Every creature of the wild had been buried in
drift; all nature was asleep. In our dungeon all was a
mental blank.
Not until two weeks after midnight did we awake
to a proper consciousness of life. The faint brightness
of the southern skies at noon opened the eye to spiritual
dawn. The sullen stupor and deathlike stillness vanished.
Shortly after black midnight descended I began to
experience a curious psychological phenomenon. The
stupor of the days of travel wore away, and I began to
see myself as in a mirror. I can explain this no better.
It is said that a man falling from a great height usually
has a picture of his life flashed through his brain in the
short period of descent. I saw a similar cycle of events.
The panorama began with incidents of childhood,
and it seems curious now with what infinite detail I saw
people whom I had long forgotten, and went through
the most trivial experiences. In successive stages every
phase of life appeared and was minutely examined;
every hidden recess of gray matter was opened to interpret
the biographies of self-analysis. The hopes of
my childhood and the discouragements of my youth
filled me with emotion; feelings of pleasure and sadness
came as each little thought picture took definite shape;
it seemed hardly possible that so many things, potent
for good and bad, could have been done in so few years.
I saw myself, not as a voluntary being, but rather as a
resistless atom, predestined in its course, being carried
on by an inexorable fate.
Meanwhile our preparations for return were being[Pg 420]
accomplished. This work had kept us busy during all
of the wakeful spells of the night. Much still remained
to be done.
Although real pleasure followed all efforts of
physical labor, the balking muscles required considerable
urging. Musk ox meat was cut into portable
blocks, candles were made, fur skins were dressed and
chewed, boots, stockings, pants, shirts, sleeping bags
were made. The sledge was re-lashed, things were
packed in bags. All was ready about three weeks before
sunrise. Although the fingers and the jaws were
thus kept busy, the mind and also the heart were left
free to wander.
In the face of all our efforts to ward aside the ill
effects of the night we gradually became its victims.
Our skin paled, our strength failed, the nerves weakened,
and the mind ultimately became a blank. The
most notable physical effect, however, was the alarming
irregularity of the heart.
In the locomotion of human machinery the heart is
the motor. Like all good motors it has a governor which
requires some adjustment. In the Arctic, where the
need of regulation is greatest, the facilities for adjustment
are withdrawn. In normal conditions, as the machine
of life pumps the blood which drives all, its force
and its regularity are governed by the never-erring sunbeams.
When these are withdrawn, as they are in the
long night, the heart pulsations become irregular; at
times slow, at other times spasmodic.
Light seems to be as necessary to the animal as to
the plant. A diet of fresh meat, healthful hygienic surroundings,
play for the mind, recreation for the body,[Pg 421]
and strong heat from open fires, will help; but only the
return of the heaven-given sun will properly adjust the
motor of man.
As the approaching day brightened to a few hours
of twilight at midday, we developed a mood for animal
companionship. A little purple was now thrown on
the blackened snows. The weather was good. All the
usual sounds of nature were suspended, but unusual
sounds came with a weird thunder. The very earth
began to shake in an effort to break the seal of frost.
For several days nothing moved into our horizon which
could be imagined alive.
About two weeks before sunrise the rats woke and
began to shake their beautiful blue fur in graceful little
dances, but they were not really alive and awake in a
rat sense for several days. At about the same time the
ravens began to descend from their hiding place and
screamed for food. There were only three; two were
still conversing with the Eskimo maidens far away, as
my companions thought.
In my subsequent strolls I found the raven den and
to my horror discovered that the two were frozen. I
did not deprive E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah of their
poetic dream; the sad news of raven bereavement was
never told.
The foxes now began to bark from a safe distance
and advanced to get their share of the camp spoils.
Ptarmigan shouted from nearby rocks. Wolves were
heard away in the musk ox fields, but they did not
venture to pay us a visit.
The bear that had shadowed us everywhere before
midnight was the last to claim our friendship at dawn.[Pg 422]
There were good reasons for this which we did not learn
until later. The bear stork had arrived. But really we
had changed heart even towards the bear. Long before
he returned we were prepared to give him a welcome
reception. In our new and philosophical turn of mind
we thought better of bruin. In our greatest distress
during the previous summer he had kept us alive. In
our future adventures he might perform a similar mission.
After all he had no sporting proclivities; he
did not hunt or trouble us for the mere fun of our discomfort
or the chase. His aim in life was the very
serious business of getting food. Could we blame him?
Had we not a similar necessity?
A survey of our caches proved that we were still
rich in the coin of the land. There remained meat and
blubber sufficient for all our needs, with considerable
to spare for other empty stomachs. So, to feed the bear,
meat was piled up in heaps for his delight.
The new aroma rose into the bleaching night air.
We peeped with eager eyes through our ports to spot
results. The next day at eleven o’clock footsteps were
heard. The noise indicated caution and shyness instead
of the bold quick step which we knew so well. There
was room for only one eye and only one man at a time
at the peep-hole, and so we took turns. Soon the bear
was sighted, proceeding with the utmost caution behind
some banks and rocks. The blue of the snows, with
yellow light, dyed his fur to an ugly green. He was
thin and gaunt and ghostly. There was the stealth and
the cunning of the fox in his movements. But he could
not get his breakfast, the first after a fast of weeks,
without coming squarely into our view.[Pg 423]
The den was buried under the winter snows and
did not disturb the creature, but the size of the pile of
meat did disturb its curiosity. When within twenty-five
yards, a few sudden leaps were made, and the ponderous
claws came down on a walrus shoulder. His teeth began
to grind like a stone cutter. For an hour the bear stood
there and displayed itself to good advantage. Our
hatred of the creature entirely vanished.
Five days passed before that bear returned. In
the meantime we longed for it to come back. We had
unconsciously developed quite a brotherly bear interest.
In the period which followed we learned that eleven
o’clock was the hour, and that five days was the period
between meals. The bear calendar and the clock were
consulted with mathematical precision.
We also learned that our acquaintance was a
parent. By a little exploration in February we discovered
the bear den, in a snow covered cave, less than
a mile west. In it were two saucy little teddies in
pelts of white silk that would have gladdened the heart
of any child. The mother was not at home at the time,
and we were not certain enough of her friendship, or
of her whereabouts, to play with the twins.
With a clearing horizon and a wider circle of friendship
our den now seemed a cheerful home. Our spirits
awakened as the gloom of the night was quickly lost in
the new glitter of day.
On the eleventh of February the snow-covered
slopes of North Devon glowed with the sunrise of 1909.
The sun had burst nature’s dungeon. Cape Sparbo
glowed with golden light. The frozen sea glittered with
hills of shimmering lilac. We escaped to a joyous free[Pg 424]dom.
With a reconstructed sled, new equipment and
newly acquired energy we were ready to pursue the
return journey to Greenland and fight the last battle of
the Polar campaign.

GUILLEMOT
HOMEWARD WITH A HALF SLEDGE AND
HALF-FILLED STOMACHS
THREE HUNDRED MILES THROUGH STORM AND SNOW AND
UPLIFTED MOUNTAINS OF ICE TROUBLES—DISCOVER
TWO ISLANDS—ANNOATOK IS REACHED—MEETING
HARRY WHITNEY—NEWS OF PEARY’S SEIZURE OF
SUPPLIES
XXIX
Back to Greenland Friends
On February 18, 1908, the reconstructed sledge
was taken beyond the ice fort and loaded for the home
run. We had given up the idea of journeying to Lancaster
Sound to await the whalers. There were no
Eskimos on the American side nearer than Pond’s Inlet.
It was somewhat farther to our headquarters on the
Greenland shores, but all interests would be best served
by a return to Annoatok.
During the night we had fixed all of our attention
upon the return journey, and had prepared a new equipment
with the limited means at our command; but, traveling
in the coldest season of the year, it was necessary
to carry a cumbersome outfit of furs, and furthermore,
since we were to take the place of the dogs in the traces,
we could not expect to transport supplies for more than[Pg 426]
thirty days. In this time, however, we hoped to reach
Cape Sabine, where the father of E-tuk-i-shook had
been told to place a cache of food for us.
Starting so soon after sunrise, the actual daylight
proved very brief, but a brilliant twilight gave a remarkable
illumination from eight to four. The light of
dawn and that of the afterglow was tossed to and fro in
the heavens, from reflecting surfaces of glitter, for four
hours preceding and following midday. To use this
play of light to the best advantage, it was necessary to
begin preparations early by starlight; and thus, when
the dim purple glow from the northeast brightened the
dull gray-blue of night, the start was made for Greenland
shores and for home.
We were dressed in heavy furs. The temperature
was -49°. A light air brushed the frozen mist out of
Jones Sound, and cut our sooty faces. The sled was
overloaded, and the exertion required for its movement
over the groaning snow was tremendous. A false,
almost hysterical, enthusiasm lighted our faces, but the
muscles were not yet equal to the task set for them.
Profuse perspiration came with the first hours of
dog work, and our heavy fur coats were exchanged for
the sealskin nitshas (lighter coat). At noon the snows
were fired and the eastern skies burned in great lines of
flame. But there was no sun and no heat. We sat on
the sledge for a prolonged period, gasping for breath
and drinking the new celestial glory so long absent from
our outlook. As the joy of color was lost in the cold
purple of half-light, our shoulders were braced more
vigorously into the traces. The ice proved good, but
the limit of strength placed camp in a snowhouse ten[Pg 427]
miles from our winter den. With the new equipment,
our camp life now was not like that of the Polar campaign.
Dried musk ox meat and strips of musk fat
made a steady diet. Moulded tallow served as fuel in
a crescent-shaped disk of tin, in which carefully prepared
moss was crushed and arranged as a wick. Over
this primitive fire we managed to melt enough ice to
quench thirst, and also to make an occasional pot of
broth as a luxury. While the drink was liquefying, the
chill of the snow igloo was also moderated, and we
crept into the bags of musk ox skins, where agreeable
repose and home dreams made us forget the cry of the
stomach and the torment of the cold.
At the end of eight days of forced marches we
reached Cape Tennyson. The disadvantage of manpower,
when compared to dog motive force, was clearly
shown in this effort. The ice was free of pressure troubles
and the weather was endurable. Still, with the best
of luck, we had averaged only about seven miles daily.
With dogs, the entire run would have been made easily
in two days.
As we neared the land two small islands were discovered.
Both were about one thousand feet high, with
precipitous sea walls, and were on a line about two miles
east of Cape Tennyson. The most easterly was about
one and a half miles long, east to west, with a cross-section,
north to south, of about three-quarters of a mile.
About half a mile to the west of this was a much smaller
island. There was no visible vegetation, and no life was
seen, although hare and fox tracks were crossed on the
ice. I decided to call the larger island E-tuk-i-shook,
and the smaller Ah-we-lah. These rocks will stand as[Pg 428]
monuments to the memory of my faithful savage comrades
when all else is forgotten.
From Cape Tennyson to Cape Isabella the coast of
Ellesmere Land was charted, in the middle of the last
century, by ships at a great distance from land. Little
has been added since. The wide belt of pack thrown
against the coast made further exploration from the
ship very difficult, but in our northward march over the
sea-ice it was hoped that we might keep close enough to
the shores to examine the land carefully.
A few Eskimos had, about fifty years previously,
wandered along this ice from Pond’s Inlet to the Greenland
camps. They left the American shores because
famine, followed by forced cannibalism, threatened to
exterminate the tribe. A winter camp had been placed
on Coburg Island. Here many walruses and bears were
secured during the winter, while in summer, from Kent
Island, many guillemots were secured. In moving
from these northward, by skin boat and kayak, they
noted myriads of guillemots, or “acpas,” off the southeast
point of the mainland. There being no name in
the Eskimo vocabulary for this land, it was called Acpohon,
or “The Home of Guillemots.” The Greenland
Eskimos had previously called the country “Ah-ming-mah
Noona,” or Musk Ox Land, but they also adopted
the name of Acpohon, so we have taken the liberty of
spreading the name over the entire island as a general
name for the most northern land west of Greenland.
In pushing northward, many of the Eskimos starved,
and the survivors had a bitter fight for subsistence. Our
experience was similar.

PUNCTURED CANVAS BOAT IN WHIH WE PADDLED 1,000 MILES
FAMINE DAYS WHEN ONLY STRAY BIRDS PREVENTED STARVATION
DEN IN WHICH WERE SPENT 100 DOUBLE NIGHTS
Near Cape Paget those ancient Eskimos made a
[Pg 429]
second winter camp. Here narwhals and bears were
secured, and through Talbot’s Fiord a short pass was
discovered over Ellesmere Land to the musk ox country
of the west shores. The Eskimos who survived the second
winter reached the Greenland shores during the
third summer. There they introduced the kayak, and
also the bow and arrow. Their descendants are to-day
the most intelligent of the most northern Eskimos.

BULL FIGHTS WITH THE MUSK OX ABOUT CAPE SPARBO
To my companions the environment of the new
land which we were passing was in the nature of digging
up ancient history. Several old camp sites were located,
and E-tuk-i-shook, whose grandfather was one of
the old pioneers, was able to tell us the incidents of each
camp with remarkable detail.
As a rule, however, it was very difficult to get near
the land. Deep snows, huge pressure lines of ice, and
protruding glaciers forced our line of march far from
the Eskimo ruins which we wished to examine.
From Cape Tennyson to Cape Clarence the ice near the
open water proved fairly smooth, but the humid saline
surface offered a great resistance to the metal plates of
the sled. Here ivory or bone plates would have lessened
the friction very much. A persistent northerly
wind also brought the ice and the humid discomfort of
our breath back to our faces with painful results. During
several days of successive storms we were imprisoned
in the domes of snow. By enforced idleness we
were compelled to use a precious store of food and fuel,
without making any necessary advance.
Serious difficulties were encountered in moving
from Cape Clarence to Cape Faraday. Here the ice
was tumbled into mountains of trouble. Tremendous[Pg 430]
snowdrifts and persistent gales from the west made
traveling next to impossible, and, with no game and no
food supply in prospect, I knew that to remain idle
would be suicidal. The sledge load was lightened, and
every scrap of fur which was not absolutely necessary
was thrown away. The humid boots, stockings and
sealskin coats could not be dried out, for fuel was more
precious than clothing. All of this was discarded, and,
with light sleds and reduced rations, we forced along
over hummocks and drift. In all of our Polar march
we had seen no ice which offered so much hardship as
did this so near home shores. The winds again cut
gashes across our faces. With overwork and insufficient
food, our furs hung on bony eminences over shriveled
skins.
At the end of thirty-five days of almost ceaseless
toil we managed to reach Cape Faraday. Our food
was gone. We were face to face with the most desperate
problem which had fallen to our long run of hard
luck. Famine confronted us. We were far from the
haunts of game; we had seen no living thing for a
month. Every fiber of our bodies quivered with cold
and hunger. In desperation we ate bits of skin and
chewed tough walrus lines. A half candle and three
cups of hot water served for several meals. Some
tough walrus hide was boiled and eaten with relish.
While trying to masticate this I broke some of my teeth.
It was hard on the teeth, but easy on the stomach, and
it had the great advantage of dispelling for prolonged
periods the pangs of hunger. But only a few strips of
walrus line were left after this was used.
Traveling, as we must, in a circuitous route, there[Pg 431]
was still a distance of one hundred miles between us and
Cape Sabine, and the distance to Greenland might, by
open water, be spread to two hundred miles. This unknown
line of trouble could not be worked out in less
than a month. Where, I asked in desperation, were we
to obtain subsistence for that last thirty days?
To the eastward, a line of black vapors indicated
open water about twenty-five miles off shore. There
were no seals on the ice. There were no encouraging
signs of life; only old imprints of bears and foxes were
left on the surface of the cheerless snows at each camp.
For a number of days we had placed our last meat as
bait to attract the bears, but none had ventured to pay
us a visit. The offshore wind and the nearness of the
open water gave us some life from this point.
Staggering along one day, we suddenly saw a bear
track. These mute marks, seen in the half-dark of the
snow, filled us with a wild resurgence of hope for life.
On the evening of March 20 we prepared cautiously for
the coming of the bear.
A snowhouse was built, somewhat stronger than
usual; before it a shelf was arranged with blocks of
snow, and on this shelf attractive bits of skin were
arranged to imitate the dark outline of a recumbent
seal. Over this was placed a looped line, through which
the head and neck must go in order to get the bait.
Other loops were arranged to entangle the feet. All
the lines were securely fastened to solid ice. Peepholes
were cut in all sides of the house, and a rear port was cut,
from which we might escape or make an attack. Our
lances and knives were now carefully sharpened. When
all was ready, one of us remained on watch while the[Pg 432]
others sought a needed sleep. We had not long to
wait. Soon a crackling sound on the snows gave the
battle call, and with a little black nose extended from a
long neck, a vicious creature advanced.
Through our little eye-opening and to our empty
stomach he appeared gigantic. Apparently as hungry
as we were, he came in straight reaches for the bait.
The run port was opened. Ah-we-lah and E-tuk-i-shook
emerged, one with a lance, the other with a spiked
harpoon shaft. Our lance, our looped line, our bow
and arrow, I knew, however, would be futile.
During the previous summer, when I foresaw a
time of famine, I had taken my four last cartridges and
hid them in my clothing. Of the existence of these, the
two boys knew nothing. These were to be used at the
last stage of hunger, to kill something—or ourselves.
That desperate time had not arrived till now.
The bear approached in slow, measured steps,
smelling the ground where the skin lay.
I jerked the line. The loop tightened about the
bear’s neck. At the same moment the lance and the
spike were driven into the growling creature.
A fierce struggle ensued. I withdrew one of the
precious cartridges from my pocket, placed it in my
gun, and gave the gun to Ah-we-lah, who took aim
and fired. When the smoke cleared, the bleeding bear
lay on the ground.
We skinned the animal, and devoured the warm,
steaming flesh. Strength revived. Here were food
and fuel in abundance. We were saved! With the
success of this encounter, we could sit down and live
comfortably for a month; and before that time should[Pg 433]
elapse seals would seek the ice for sun baths, and when
seals arrived, the acquisition of food for the march to
Greenland would be easy.
But we did not sit down. Greenland was in sight;
and, to an Eskimo, Greenland, with all of its icy discomforts,
has attractions not promised in heaven. In
this belief, as in most others, I was Eskimo by this time.
With very little delay, the stomach was spread with
chops, and we stretched to a gluttonous sleep, only to
awake with appetites that permitted of prolonged stuffing.
It was a matter of economy to fill up and thus
make the sled load lighter. When more eating was
impossible we began to move for home shores, dragging
a sled overloaded with the life-saving prize.
A life of trouble, however, lay before us. Successive
storms, mountains of jammed ice, and deep
snow, interrupted our progress and lengthened the
course over circuitous wastes of snowdrifts and blackened
our horizon. When, after a prodigious effort,
Cape Sabine was reached, our food supply was again
exhausted.[18]
[Pg 434]Here an old seal was found. It had been caught
a year before and cached by Pan-ic-pa, the father of
E-tuk-i-shook. With it was found a rude drawing
spotted with sooty tears. This told the story of a loving
father’s fruitless search for his son and friends.
The seal meat had the aroma of Limburger cheese, and
age had changed its flavor; but, with no other food possible,
our palates were easily satisfied. In an oil-soaked
bag was found about a pound of salt. We ate this as
sugar, for no salt had passed over our withered tongues
for over a year.
The skin, blubber and meat were devoured with a
relish. Every eatable part of the animal was packed on
the sled as we left the American shore.
Smith Sound was free of ice, and open water extended
sixty miles northward. A long detour was necessary
to reach the opposite shores, but the Greenland
shores were temptingly near. With light hearts and[Pg 435]
cheering premonitions of home, we pushed along Bache
Peninsula to a point near Cape Louis Napoleon. The
horizon was now cleared of trouble. The ascending sun
had dispelled the winter gloom of the land. Leaping
streams cut through crystal gorges. The ice moved;
the sea began to breathe. The snows sparkled with the
promise of double days and midnight suns.
Life’s buds had opened to full blossom. On the
opposite shores, which now seemed near, Nature’s incubators
had long worked overtime to start the little ones
of the wilds. Tiny bears danced to their mothers’ call;
baby seals sunned in downy pelts. Little foxes were
squinting at school in learning the art of sight. In the
wave of germinating joys our suppressed nocturnal
passions rose with surprise anew. We were raised to
an Arctic paradise.
As it lay in prospect, Greenland had the charm of
Eden. There were the homes of my savage companions.
It was a stepping-stone to my home, still very
[Pg 436]far off. It was a land where man has a fighting chance
for his life.
In reality, we were now in the most desperate
throes of the grip of famine which we had encountered
during all of our hard experience. Greenland was but
thirty miles away. But we were separated from it by
impossible open water—a hopeless stormy deep. To
this moment I do not know why we did not sit down and
allow the blood to cool with famine and cold. We had
no good reason to hope that we could cross, but again
hope—”the stuff that goes to make dreams”—kept our
eyes open.
We started. We were as thin as it is possible for
men to be. The scraps of meat, viscera, and skin of the
seal, buried for a year, was now our sole diet. We traveled
the first two days northward over savage uplifts of
hummocks and deep snows, tripping and stumbling over
blocks of ice like wounded animals. Then we reached
good, smooth ice, but open water forced us northward,
ever northward from the cheering cliffs under which our
Greenland homes and abundant supplies were located.
No longer necessary to lift the feet, we dragged the ice-sheeted
boots step after step over smooth young ice.
This eased our tired, withered legs, and long distances
were covered. The days were prolonged, the decayed
seal food ran low, water was almost impossible. Life
no longer seemed worth living. We had eaten the
strips of meat and frozen seal cautiously. We had
eaten other things—our very boots and leather lashings
as a last resort.
So weak that we had to climb on hands and knees,
we reached the top of an iceberg, and from there saw[Pg 437]
Annoatok. Natives, who had thought us long dead,
rushed out to greet us. There I met Mr. Harry Whitney.
As I held his hand, the cheer of a long-forgotten
world came over me. With him I went to my house,
only to find that during my absence it had been confiscated.
A sudden bitterness rose within which it was
difficult to hide. A warm meal dispelled this for a time.
In due time I told Whitney: “I have reached the
Pole.”
Uttering this for the first time in English, it came
upon me that I was saying a remarkable thing. Yet
Mr. Whitney showed no great surprise, and his quiet
congratulation confirmed what was in my mind—that I
had accomplished no extraordinary or unbelievable
thing; for to me the Polar experience was not in the
least remarkable, considered with our later adventures.
Mr. Whitney, as is now well known, was a sportsman
from New Haven, Connecticut, who had been
spending some months hunting in the North. He had
made Annoatok the base of his operations, and had been
spending the winter in the house which I had built of
packing-boxes.
The world now seemed brighter. The most potent
factor in this change was food—and more food—a bath
and another bath—and clean clothes. Mr. Whitney
offered me unreservedly the hospitality of my own
camp. He instructed Pritchard to prepare meal after
meal of every possible dish that our empty stomachs had
craved for a year. The Eskimo boys were invited to
share it.
Between meals, or perhaps we had better call meals
courses (for it was a continuous all-night perform[Pg 438]ance—interrupted
by baths and breathing spells to prevent
spasms of the jaws)—between courses, then, there
were washes with real soap and real cleansing warm
water, the first that we had felt for fourteen months.
Mr. Whitney helped to scrape my angular anatomy,
and he volunteered the information that I was the
dirtiest man he ever saw.
From Mr. Whitney I learned that Mr. Peary had
reached Annoatok about the middle of August, 1908,
and had placed a boatswain named Murphy, assisted
by William Pritchard, a cabin boy on the Roosevelt, in
charge of my stores, which he had seized. Murphy was
anything but tactful and considerate; and in addition to
taking charge of my goods, had been using them in trading
as money to pay for furs to satisfy Mr. Peary’s
hunger for commercial gain. Murphy went south in
pursuit of furs after my arrival.
For the first few days I was too weak to inquire
into the theft of my camp and supplies. Furthermore,
with a full stomach, and Mr. Whitney as a warm friend
at hand, I was indifferent. I was not now in any great
need. For by using the natural resources of the land, as
I had done before, it was possible to force a way back
to civilization from here with the aid of my Eskimo
friends.
Little by little, however, the story of that very
strange “Relief Station for Dr. Cook” was unraveled,
and I tell it here with no ulterior notion of bitterness
against Mr. Peary. I forgave him for the practical
theft of my supplies; but this is a very important part of
the controversy which followed, a controversy which
can be understood only by a plain statement of the inci[Pg 439]dents
which led up to and beyond this so-called “Relief
Station for Dr. Cook,” which was a relief only in the
sense that I was relieved of a priceless store of supplies.
When Mr. Peary heard of the execution of my
plans to try for the Pole in 1907, and before he left
on his last expedition, he accused me of various violations
of what he chose to call “Polar Ethics.” No application
had been filed by me to seek the Pole. Now I
was accused of stealing his route, his Pole, and his people.
This train of accusations was given to the press,
and with the greatest possible publicity. A part of this
was included in an official complaint to the International
Bureau of Polar Research at Brussels.
Now, what are Polar ethics? There is no separate
code for the Arctic. The laws which govern men’s
bearing towards each other in New York are good in
any part of the world. One cannot be a democrat in
civilized eyes and an autocrat in the savage world. One
cannot cry, “Stop thief!” and then steal the thief’s
booty. If you are a member of the brotherhood of
humanity in one place, you must be in another. In
short, he who is a gentleman in every sense of the word
needs no memory for ethics. It is only the modern
political reformer who has need of the cloak of the
hypocrisy of ethics to hide his own misdeeds. An explorer
should not stoop to this.
Who had the power to grant a license to seek the
Pole? If you wish to invade the forbidden regions of
Thibet, or the interior of Siberia, a permit is necessary
from the governments interested. But the Pole is a
place no nation owned, by right of discovery, occupation,
or otherwise.[Pg 440]
If pushing a ship up the North Atlantic waters to
the limit of navigation was a trespass on Mr. Peary’s
preserve, then I am bound to plead guilty. But ships
had gone that way for a hundred years before Mr.
Peary developed a Polar claim. If I am guilty, then
he is guilty of stealing the routes of Davis, Kane,
Greely and a number of others. But as I view the situation,
a modern explorer should take a certain pride
in the advantages afforded by his worthy predecessors.
I take a certain historic delight in having followed the
routes of the early pathfinders to a more remote destination.
This indebtedness and this honor I do now, as
heretofore, acknowledge. The charge that I stole Mr.
Peary’s route is incorrect. For, from the limit of navigation
on the Greenland side, my track was forced over
a land which, although under Mr. Peary’s eyes for
twenty years, was explored by Sverdrup, who got the
same unbrotherly treatment from Mr. Peary which he
has shown to every explorer who has had the misfortune
to come within the circle he has drawn about an imaginary
private preserve.
The charge of borrowing Peary’s ideas, by which
is meant the selection of food and supplies and the adoption
of certain methods of travel, is equally unfounded.
For Mr. Peary’s weakest chain is his absolute lack of
system, order, preparation or originality. This is
commented upon by the men of every one of his previous
expeditions. Mr. Peary early charged that my
system of work and my methods of travel were borrowed
from him. This was not true; but when he later, in a
desperate effort to say unkind things, said that my system—the
system borrowed from himself—was ineffi[Pg 441]cient,
the charge becomes laughable. As to the Pole—if
Mr. Peary has a prior lien on it—it is there still. We
did not take it away. We simply left our footprints
there.
Now as to the charge of using Mr. Peary’s supplies
and his people—by assuming a private preserve of
all the reachable Polar wilderness of this section, he
might put up a plausible claim to it as a private hunting
ground. If this claim is good, then I am guilty of
trespass. But it was only done to satisfy the pangs of
hunger.
This claim of the ownership of the animals of the
unclaimed North might be put with plausible excuses
to The Hague Tribunal. But it is a claim no serious
person would consider. The same claim of ownership,
however, cannot be said of human life.
The Eskimos are a free and independent people.
They acknowledge no chiefs among themselves and
submit to no outside dictators. They are likely to
call an incoming stranger “nalegaksook,” which the
vanity of the early travelers interpreted as the “great
chief.” But the intended interpretation is “he who has
much to barter” or “the great trader.” This is what
they call Mr. Peary. The same compliment is given to
other traders, whalers or travelers with whom they do
business. Despite his claims Mr. Peary has been regarded
as no more of a benefactor than any other
explorer.
After delivering, early in 1907, an unreasonable
and uncalled for attack, Mr. Peary, two months after
the Pole had been reached by me, went North
with two ships, with all the advantage that unlimited[Pg 442]
funds and influential friends could give. At about the
same time my companion, Rudolph Francke, started
south under my instructions, and he locked my box-house
at Annoatok wherein were stored supplies sufficient
for two years or more.
The key was entrusted to a trustworthy Eskimo.
Under his protection this precious life-saving supply
was safe for an indefinite time. With it no relief expedition
or help from the outside world was necessary.
Francke had a hard time as he pushed southward,
with boat and sledge. Moving supplies to the limit of
his carrying capacity, he fought bravely against storms,
broken ice and thundering seas. The route proved all
but impossible, but at last his destination at North Star
was reached, only for him to find that he was too late
for the whalers he had expected. Impossible to return
to our northern camp at that time, and having used all
of his civilized food en route, he was now compelled to
accept the hospitality of the natives, in their unhygienic
dungeons. For food there was nothing but the semi-putrid
meat and blubber eaten by the Eskimos.
After a long and desperate task by boat and sled he
returned to Etah but he was absolutely unable to proceed
farther. Francke’s health failed rapidly and when,
as he thought, the time had arrived to lay down and quit
life, a big prosperous looking ship came into the harbor.
He had not tasted civilized food for months, and longed,
as only a sick, hungry man can, for coffee and bread.
Almost too weak to arise from his couch of stones,
he mustered up enough strength to stumble over the
rails of that ship of plenty. After gathering sufficient
breath to speak, he asked for bread and coffee. It was[Pg 443]
breakfast time. No answer came to that appeal. He
was put off the ship. He went back to his cheerless
cave and prayed that death might close his eyes to
further trouble. Somewhat later, when it was learned
that there was a house and a large store of supplies at
Annoatok, and that the man had in his possession furs
and ivory valued at $10,000, there was a change of heart
in Mr. Peary. Francke was called on board, was given
bread and coffee and whiskey. Too weak to resist, he
was bullied and frightened, and forced under duress to
sign papers which he did not understand. To get home
to him meant life; to remain meant death. And the ship
before him was thus his only chance for life. Under the
circumstances he would naturally have put his name to
any paper placed under his feeble eyes. But the law of
no land would enforce such a document.
In this way Mr. Peary compelled him to turn over
$10,000 worth of furs and ivory, besides my station and
supplies, worth at least $35,000, which were not his to
turn over. The prized ivory tusks and furs were immediately
seized and sent back on the returning ship.
One of the narwhal tusks, worth to me at least
$1,000, was polished and sent as Peary’s trophy to
President Roosevelt. Under the circumstances has not
the President been made the recipient of stolen goods?
When Francke, as a passenger, returned on the
Peary supply ship, Erik, a bill of one hundred dollars
was presented for his passage. This bill was presumably
the bill for the full cost of his return. But the
priceless furs and ivory trophies were confiscated without
a murmur of conscious wrongdoing. This is what
happened as the ship went south.[Pg 444]
Now let us follow the ship Roosevelt in its piratic
career northward. With Mr. Peary as chief it got to
Etah. From there instructions were given to seize my
house and supplies. This was done over the signature
of Mr. Peary to a paper which started out with the
following shameless hypocrisy:
“This is a relief station for Dr. Cook.”
According to Mr. Whitney even Captain Bartlett
quivered with indignation at the blushing audacity of
this steal. The stores were said to be abandoned. The
men, with Peary’s orders, went to Koo-loo-ting-wah and
forced from him the key with which to open the carefully
guarded stores. The house was reconstructed.
Murphy, a rough Newfoundland bruiser, who had
been accustomed to kick sailors, was placed in charge
with autocratic powers. Murphy could neither read
nor write, but he was given a long letter of instruction
to make a trading station of my home and to use my
supplies.
Now if Mr. Peary required my supplies for legitimate
exploration I should have been glad to give him
my last bread; but to use my things to satisfy his greed
for commercial gain was, when I learned it, bitter
medicine.
Because Murphy could not write, Pritchard was
left with him to read the piratic instructions once each
week. Pritchard was also to keep account of the furs
bought and the prices paid—mostly in my coin. Murphy
soon forbade the reading of the instructions, and
also stopped the stock-taking and bookkeeping. The
hypocrisy of the thing seemed to pinch even Murphy’s
narrow brain.[Pg 445]
This same deliberate Murphy, accustomed to life in
barracks, held the whip for a year over the head of Harry
Whitney, a man of culture and millions. Money, however,
was of no use there. Audacity and self-assumed
power, it seems, ruled as it did in times of old when
buccaneers deprived their victims of gold, and walked
them off a plank into the briny deep.
Murphy and Pritchard, the paid traders, fixed
themselves cosily in my camp. Mr. Whitney had been
invited as a guest to stay and hunt for his own pleasure.
The party lived for a year at my expense, but the lot of
Whitney was very hard as an invited guest, a privilege
for which I was told he had paid Mr. Peary two thousand
dollars or more. His decision to stay had come only
after a disappointment in a lack of success of hunting
during the summer season. He was, therefore, ill-provided
for the usual Polar hardships. With no food,
and no adequate clothing of his own, he was dependent
on the dictates of Murphy to supply him. As time
went on, the night with its awful cold advanced. Murphy
gathered in all the furs and absolutely prohibited
Whitney from getting suitable furs for winter clothing.
He, therefore, shivered throughout the long winter in
his sheepskin shooting outfit. Several times he was at
the point of a hand-to-hand encounter with Murphy,
but with young Pritchard as a friend and gentlemanly
instincts to soften his manner, he grit his teeth and
swallowed the insults.
His ambition for a hunting trip was frustrated
because it interfered with Murphy’s plans for trading in
skins. The worst and most brutal treatment was the
almost inconceivable cruelty of his not allowing Mr.[Pg 446]
Whitney enough food for a period of months, not even
of my supplies, although this food was used eventually
to feed useless dogs.
All of this happened under Mr. Peary’s authority,
and under the coarse, swaggering Murphy, whom Mr.
Peary, in his book, calls “a thoroughly trustworthy
man!” Mr. Peary’s later contention, in a hypocritical
effort to clear himself (see “The North Pole,” page 76)
that he placed Murphy in charge “to prevent the
Eskimos from looting the supplies and equipment left
there by Dr. Cook,” is a mean, petty and unworthy slur
upon a brave, loyal people, among whom thievery is a
thing unknown. Unknown, yes, save when white men
without honor, without respect for property or the
ethics of humanity, which the Eskimos instinctively
have, invade their region and rob them and fellow explorers
with the brazenness of middle-aged buccaneers.
ANNOATOK TO UPERNAVIK
ELEVEN HUNDRED MILES SOUTHWARD OVER SEA AND
LAND—AT ETAH—OVERLAND TO THE WALRUS
GROUNDS—ESKIMO COMEDIES AND TRAGEDIES—A
RECORD RUN OVER MELVILLE BAY—FIRST NEWS FROM
PASSING SHIPS—THE ECLIPSE OF THE SUN—SOUTHWARD
BY STEAMER GODTHAAB
XXX
Along Danish Greenland
A few interesting days were spent with Mr. Whitney
at Annoatok. The Eskimos, in the meantime, had
all gone south to the walrus hunting grounds at Nuerke.
Koo-loo-ting-wah came along with a big team of dogs.
Here was an opportunity to attempt to reach the Danish
settlements—for to get home quickly was now my all-absorbing
aim. Koo-loo-ting-wah was in my service.
He was guarding my supplies in 1908 when the ship
Roosevelt had come along. He had been compelled to
give up the key to my box-house. He had been engaged
to place supplies for us and search the American shores
for our rescue. Peary, making a pretended “Relief
Station,” forced Koo-loo-ting-wah from his position as
guardian of my supplies, and forbade him to engage in
any effort to search for us, and absolutely prohibited[Pg 448]
him and everybody else, including Murphy, Prichard
and Whitney, from engaging in any kind of succor at a
time when help was of consequence. Koo-loo-ting-wah
was liberally paid to abandon my interests (by Mr.
Peary’s orders, from my supplies), but, like Bartlett
and Whitney and Prichard later, he condemned Mr.
Peary for his unfair acts. When asked to join me in
the long journey to Upernavik, he said, “Peari an-nutu”
(Peary will be mad.) Koo-loo-ting-wah was
now in Peary’s service at my expense, and I insisted that
he enter my service, which he did. Then we began our
preparations for the southern trip.
Accompanied by Whitney, I went to Etah, and for
this part of the journey Murphy grudgingly gave me a
scant food supply for a week, for which I gave him a
memorandum. This memorandum was afterwards
published by Mr. Peary as a receipt, so displayed as to
convey the idea that all the stolen supplies had been
replaced.
At Etah was a big cache which had been left a
year before by Captain Bernier, the commander of a
northern expedition sent out by the Canadian Government,
and which had been placed in charge
of Mr. Whitney. In this cache were food, new equipment,
trading material, and clean underclothes which
Mrs. Cook had sent on the Canadian expedition. With
this new store of suitable supplies, I now completed my
equipment for the return to civilization.[19]
[Pg 449]To get home quickly, I concluded, could be done
best by going to the Danish settlements in Greenland,
seven hundred miles south, and thence to Europe by an
early steamer. From Upernavik mail is carried in
small native boats to Umanak, where there is direct
communication with Europe by government steamers.
By making this journey, and taking a fast boat to
America, I calculated I could reach New York in early
July.
Mr. Whitney expected the Erik to arrive to take
him south in the following August. Going, as he
planned, into Hudson Bay, he expected to reach New
York in October. Although this would be the easiest
and safest way to reach home, by the route I had planned
I hoped to reach New York four months earlier than the
Erik would.
The journey from Etah to Upernavik is about
seven hundred miles—a journey as long and nearly as
difficult as the journey to the North Pole. I knew it
involved difficulties and risks—the climbing of mountains
and glaciers, the crossing of open leads of water
late in the season, when the ice is in motion and snow is
falling, and the dragging of sledges through slush and
water.
Mr. Whitney, in view of these dangers, offered to[Pg 450]
take care of my instruments, notebooks and flag, and
take them south on his ship. I knew that if any food
were lost on my journey it might be replaced by game.
Instruments lost in glaciers or open seas could not be
replaced. The instruments, moreover, had served their
purposes. The corrections, notes, and other data were
also no longer needed; all my observations had been reduced,
and the corrections were valuable only for a
future re-examination. This is why I did not take them
with me. It is customary, also, to leave corrections with
instruments.
In the box which I gave to Mr. Whitney were
packed one French sextant; one surveying compass,
aluminum, with azimuth attachment; one artificial horizon,
set in a thin metal frame adjusted by spirit levels
and thumbscrews; one aneroid barometer, aluminum;
one aluminum case with maximum and minimum spirit
thermometer; other thermometers, and also one liquid
compass. All of these I had carried with me.
Besides these were left other instruments used about
the relief station. There were papers giving instrumental
corrections, readings, comparisons, and other
notes; a small diary, mostly of loose leaves, containing
some direct field readings, and meteorological data.
These were packed in one of the instrument cases. By
special request of Mr. Whitney, I also left my flag.
In addition, I placed in Mr. Whitney’s charge several
big cases of clothing and supplies which Mrs.
Cook had sent, also ethnological collections, furs, and
geological specimens. In one of these boxes were
packed the instrument cases and notes.
Mr. Whitney’s plans later were changed. His[Pg 451]
ship, the Erik, not having arrived when Peary returned,
Whitney arranged with Peary to come back to civilization
on the latter’s ship, the Roosevelt. As I learned
afterwards, when the Roosevelt arrived Mr. Whitney
took from one of my packing boxes my instruments and
packed them in his trunk. He was, however, prohibited
from carrying my things, and all my belongings
were consequently left at the mercy of the weather
and the natives in far-off Greenland. I have had no
means of hearing from them since, so that I do not
know what has become of them.
About Etah and Annoatok and on my eastward
journey few notes were made. As well as I can remember,
I left Annoatok some time during the third week of
April. On leaving Whitney, I promised to send him
dogs and guides for his prospective hunting trip. I also
promised to get for him furs for a suitable winter suit—because,
according to Mr. Peary’s autocratic methods,
he had been denied the privilege of trading for himself.
He was not allowed to gather trophies, or to purchase
absolutely necessary furs, nor was he accorded the courtesy
of arranging for guides and dogs with the natives
for his ambition to get big game. All of this I was to
arrange for Whitney as I passed the villages farther
south.
In crossing by the overland route, over Crystal
Palace Glacier to Sontag Bay, we were caught in a violent
gale, which buried us in drifts on the highlands.
Descending to the sea, we entered a new realm of
coming summer joys.
Moving along to Neurke, we found a big snowhouse
village. All had gathered for the spring walrus[Pg 452]
chase. Many animals had been caught, and the hunters
were in a gluttonous stupor from continued overfeeding.
It was not long before we, too, filled up, and
succumbed to similar pleasures.
My boys were here, and the principal pastime was
native gossip about the North Pole.
Arriving among their own people here, Ah-we-lah
and E-tuk-i-shook recounted their remarkable journey.
They had, of course, no definite idea of where they had
been, but told of the extraordinary journey of seven
moons; of their reaching a place where there was no
game and no life; of their trailing over the far-off seas
where the sun did not dip at night, and of their hunting,
on our return, with slingshots, string traps, and arrows.
These were their strong and clear impressions.[20]
[Pg 453]From Neurke we crossed Murchison Sound, along
the leads where the walrus was being hunted, and from
there we set a course for the eastern point of Northumberland
Island.
We next entered Inglefield Gulf. Our party had
grown. Half of the natives were eager to join us on a
pilgrimage to the kindly and beloved Danes of Southern
Greenland; but, because of the advancing season, the
marches must be forced, and because a large sled train
hinders rapid advancement, I reduced the numbers
and changed the personnel of my party as better helpers
offered services.
From a point near Itiblu we ascended the blue
slopes of a snow-free glacier, and after picking a dangerous
footing around precipitous cliffs, we rose to the
clouds and deep snows of the inland ice. Here, for
twenty-four hours, we struggled through deep snow,
with only the wind to give direction to our trail. Descending
from this region of perpetual mist and storm,
we came down to the sea in Booth Sound. From here,
after a good rest, over splendid ice, in good weather, we
entered Wolstenholm Sound. At Oomonoi there was
a large gathering of natives, and among these we
rested and fed up in preparation for the long, hazardous
trip which lay before us.
In this locality, the Danish Literary Expedition,
under the late Mylius Ericksen, had wintered. Their
forced march northward from Upernavik proved so
desperate that they were unable to carry important
necessaries.
But the natives, with characteristic generosity, had
supplied the Danes with the meat for food and the fat[Pg 454]
for fuel, which kept them alive during dangerous and
trying times.[21]
We now started for Cape York. My-ah, Ang-ad-loo
and I-o-ko-ti were accepted as permanent members
of my party. All of this party was, curiously enough,
hostile to Mr. Peary, and the general trend of conversation
was a bitter criticism of the way the people had been
fleeced of furs and ivory; how a party had been left to
die of cold and hunger at Fort Conger; how, at Cape
Sabine, many died of a sickness which had been brought
among them, and how Dr. Dedrick was not allowed to
save their lives; how a number had been torn from their
homes and taken to New York, where they had died of
barbarous ill-treatment; how their great “Iron Stone,”
their only source of iron for centuries, the much-prized
heritage of their nation, had been stolen from the point
we were now nearing; and so on, throughout a long line
of other abuses. But, at the time, all of this bitterness
seemed to soften my own resentment, and I began to
cherish a forgiving spirit toward Mr. Peary. After all,
thought I, I have been successful; let us have an end of
discord and seek a brighter side of life.
Now I began to think for the first time of the public
aspect of my homegoing. Heretofore my anticipations
had been centered wholly in the joys of a family reunion,
but now the thought was slowly forced as to the attitude[Pg 455]
which others would take towards me. In the wildest
flights of my imagination I never dreamed of any
world-wide interest in the Pole. Again I desire to
emphasize the fact that every movement I have made
disproves the allegation that I planned to perpetrate a
gigantic fraud upon the world. Men had been seeking
the North Pole for years, and at no time had any of
these many explorers aroused any general interest in
his expedition or the results.
Millions of money, hundreds of lives, had been sacrificed.
The complex forces of great nations had been
arrayed unsuccessfully. I had believed the thing could
be done by simpler methods, without the sacrifice of
life, without using other people’s money; and, with this
conviction, had gone north. I now came south, with no
expectations of reward except such as would come from
a simple success in a purely private undertaking.
I wish to emphasize that I regarded my entire experience
as something purely personal. I supposed
that the newspapers would announce my return, and
that there would be a three days’ breath of attention, and
that that would be all. So far as I was personally concerned,
my chief thought was one of satisfaction at having
satisfied myself, and an intense longing for home.
We camped at Cape York. Before us was the
great white expanse of Melville Bay to the distant
Danish shores. Few men had ever ventured over this.
What luck was in store for us could not be guessed.
But we were ready for every emergency. We moved
eastward to an island where the natives greeted us with
enthusiasm, and then we started over treacherous ice
southward. The snow was not deep; the ice proved[Pg 456]
fairly smooth. The seals, basking in the new summer
sun, augmented our supplies. Frequent bear tracks
added the spirit of the chase, which doubled our speed.
In two days we had the “Devil’s Thumb” to our left, and
at the end of three and a half days the cheer of Danish
cliffs and semi-civilized Eskimos came under our eyes.
The route from Annoatok to this point, following
the circuitous twists over sea and land, was almost as
long as that from Annoatok to the Pole, but we had covered
it in less than a month. With a record march
across Melville Bay, we had crossed a long line of trouble,
in which Mylius Ericksen and his companions nearly
succumbed after weeks of frosty torture. We had done
it in a few days, and in comfort, with the luxury of
abundant food gathered en route.
Behind the Danish archipelago, traveling was good
and safe. As we went along, from village to village,
the Eskimos told the story of the Polar conquest. Rapidly
we pushed along to Tassuasak, which we reached
in the middle of May. This is one of the small trading
posts belonging to the district of Upernavik.
At Tassuasak I met Charles Dahl, a congenial
Danish official, with whom I stayed a week. He spoke
only Danish, which I did not understand. Despite the
fact that our language was unintelligible, we talked until
two or three o’clock in the morning, somehow conveying
our thoughts, and when he realized what I told him he
took my hand, offering warm, whole-souled Norse
appreciation.
Here I secured for Mr. Whitney tobacco and other
needed supplies. For the Eskimos, various presents
were bought, all of which were packed on the returning[Pg 457]
sleds. Then the time arrived to bid the final adieu to
my faithful wild men of the Far North. Tears took the
place of words in that parting.
By sledge and oomiak (skin boat) I now continued
my journey to Upernavik.
Upernavik is one of the largest Danish settlements
in Greenland and one of the most important trading
posts. It is a small town with a population of about
three hundred Eskimos, who live in box-shaped huts of
turf. The town affords residence for about six Danish
officials, who live, with their families, in comfortable
houses.
I reached there early one morning about May 20,
1909, and went at once to the house of Governor Kraul.
The governor himself—a tall, bald-headed, dignified
man, a bachelor, about fifty years of age, of genial manner
and considerable literary and scientific attainments—answered
my knock on the door. He admitted
me hospitably, and then looked me over from head to
foot.
I was a hard-looking visitor. I wore an old sealskin
coat, worn bearskin trousers, stockings of hare-skin
showing above torn seal boots. I was reasonably dirty.
My face was haggard and bronzed, my hair was uncut,
long and straggling. However, I felt reassured in a
bath and clean underclothing secured a week before at
Tassuasak. Later these clothes were replaced by new
clothes given me by Governor Kraul, some of which I
wore on my trip to Copenhagen. My appearance was
such that I was not surprised by the governor’s question:
“Have you any lice on you?”
Some years before he had entertained some Arctic[Pg 458]
pilgrims, and a peculiar breed of parasites remained
to plague the village for a long time. I convinced him
that, in spite of my unprepossessing appearance, he
was safe in sheltering me.
At his house I had all the luxuries of a refined home
with a large library at my disposal. I had also a large,
comfortable feather-bed with clean sheets. I slept for
hours every day, devoting about four or five hours to
my work on my notes.
At breakfast I told Governor Kraul briefly of my
journey, and although he was polite and pleasant, I
could see that he was skeptical as to my having reached
the Pole. I remained with him a month, using his pens
and paper putting the finishing touches on my narrative—on
which I had done much work at Cape Sparbo.
My notes and papers were scattered about, and Governor
Kraul read them, and as he read them his doubts
were dispelled and he waxed enthusiastic.
Governor Kraul had had no news of the inside
world for about a year. He was as anxious as I was for
letters and papers. I went over his last year’s news
with a good deal of interest. While thus engaged, early
one foggy morning, a big steamer came into port. It
was the steam whaler Morning of Dundee. Her master,
Captain Adams, came ashore with letters and news. He
recited the remarkable journey of Shackleton to the
South Pole as his opening item in the cycle of the year’s
incidents. After that he gave it as his opinion that
England had become Americanized in its politics, and
after recounting the year’s luck in whaling, sealing and
fishing, he then informed me that from America the
greatest news was the success of “The Merry Widow”[Pg 459]
and “The Dollar Princess.” I was invited aboard to
eat the first beefsteak and first fresh civilized food that
I had eaten in two years. I then told him of my Polar
conquest. He was keenly interested in my story, all
of my reports seeming to confirm his own preconceived
ideas of conditions about the Pole. When I went ashore
I took a present of a bag of potatoes. To Governor
Kraul and myself these potatoes proved to be the greatest
delicacy, for to both the flavor and real fresh, mealy
potatoes gave our meals the finishing touches of a fine
dessert.
I gave Captain Adams some information about new
hunting grounds which, as he left, he said would be
tried.[22]
Life at Upernavik was interesting. Among other
things, we noted the total eclipse of the sun on June 17.
According to our time, it began in the evening at
eighteen minutes past seven and ended ten minutes after
nine.
For a number of days the natives had looked with
anxiety upon the coming of the mysterious darkness
attending the eclipse, for now we were in a land of
anxiety and uneasiness. It was said that storms would
follow each other, displaying the atmospheric rage; that[Pg 460]
seals could not be sought, and that all good people should
pray. Although a violent southwest gale did rush by,
the last days before the eclipse were clear and warm.
Governor Kraul suggested a camp on the high
rocks east. Mr. Anderson, the governor’s assistant, and
I joined in the expedition. We took smoked and amber
glasses, a pen and paper, a camera and field glasses. A
little disk was cut out of the northern side of the sun
before we started. There was no wind, and the sky was
cloudless. A better opportunity could not have been
afforded. It had been quite warm. The chirp of the
snow bunting and the buzz of bees gave the first joyous
rebound of the short Arctic summer. Small sand-flies
rose in clouds, and the waters glittered with midsummer
incandescence. Small groups of natives, in gorgeous
attire, gathered in many places, and occasionally took
a sly glance at the sun as if something was about to
happen. They talked in muffled undertones.
When one-third of the sun’s disk was obscured it
was impossible to see the cut circle with the unprotected
eye. It grew perceptibly dark. The natives quieted
and moved toward the church. The birds ceased to
sing; the flies sank to the ground. With the failing
light the air quickly chilled, the bright contour of the
land blurred, the deep blue of the sea faded to a dull
purple-blue seemingly lighter, but the midday splendor
of high lights and shadows was lost. The burning glitter
of the waters under the sun now quickly changed to a
silvery glow. The alabaster and ultramarine blue of
the icebergs was veiled in gray.

SAVED FROM STARVATION—THE RESULT OF ONE OF OUR LAST CARTRIDGES
When a thread of light spread the cut out, we knew
that the total eclipse was over. In what seemed like a
[Pg 461]
few seconds the gloom of night brightened to the sparkle
of noon.

“MILES AND MILES OF DESOLATION.”
HOMEWARD BOUND
Copyright, 1909, “New York Herald Co.”
At the darkest time the natives had called for open
church doors, and a sense of immediate danger came over
the savage horizon with the force of a panic. A single
star was visible for about a minute before and after the
total eclipse. A slight salmon flush remained along the
western horizon; otherwise the sky varied in tones of
purple-blue.
After the sea had brightened to its normal luster,
Governor Kraul gave the entire native settlement a
feast of figs.
About June 20, the Danish supply ship, Godthaab,
with Captain Henning Shoubye in command, arrived
from South Greenland. Inspector Dougaard Jensen
and Handelschef Weche were aboard on a tour of
inspection along the Danish settlements. A corps of
scientific observers were also aboard. Among these
were Professors Thompsen and Steensby and Dr.
Krabbe. Governor Kraul asked me to accompany him
aboard the Godthaab. Thus I first met this group of
men, who afterwards did so much to make my journey
southward to Copenhagen interesting and agreeable.
The Governor told them of the conquest of the Pole.
At the time their interest in the news was not very
marked, but later every phase of the entire trip was
thoroughly discussed.
In a few days the Godthaab sailed from Upernavik
to Umanak, and I took passage on her. Captain Shoubye
quietly and persistently questioned me as to details
of my trip. Apparently he became convinced that I
was stating facts, for when we arrived at Umanak, the[Pg 462]
social metropolis of North Greenland, the people enthusiastically
received me, having been informed of my feat
by the captain.
After coaling at a place near Umanak we started
south.
At the “King’s Guest House” in Eggedesminde,
the only hotel in Greenland, I met Dr. Norman-Hansen,
a scientist, with whom I talked. He questioned
me, and a fraternal confidence was soon established.
Later the Godthaab, which took the missionary
expedition to the northernmost Eskimo settlement at
North Star Bay and then returned, arrived from Cape
York with Knud Rassmussen and other Danes aboard.
They had a story that my two Eskimos had said I had
taken them to the “Big Nail.”
FROM GREENLAND TO COPENHAGEN
FOREWARNING OF THE POLAR CONTROVERSY—BANQUET
AT EGGEDESMINDE—ON BOARD THE HANS EGEDE—CABLEGRAMS
SENT FROM LERWICK—THE OVATION
AT COPENHAGEN—BEWILDERED AMIDST THE GENERAL
ENTHUSIASM—PEARY’S FIRST MESSAGES—EMBARK
ON OSCAR II FOR NEW YORK
XXXI
At the Danish Metropolis
At Eggedesminde was given the first banquet in
my honor. At the table were about twenty people.
Knud Rassmussen, the writer, among others spoke. In
an excited talk in Danish, mixed with English and German,
he foretold the return of Mr. Peary and prophesied
discord. This made little impression at the time and
was recalled only by later events.
At this point I wish to express my gratitude and
appreciation of the universal courtesy of which I was the
recipient at every Danish settlement in my southward
progress along the coast of Greenland.
At Eggedesminde Inspector Daugaard-Jensen endeavored
to secure an idle walrus schooner for me. By
this I hoped to get to Labrador and thence to New
York. This involved considerable official delay, and I[Pg 464]
estimated I could make better time by going to Copenhagen
on the Hans Egede. Although every berth on
this boat, when it arrived, was engaged, Inspector
Daugaard-Jensen, with the same characteristic kindness
and courtesy shown me by all the Danes, secured
for me comfortable quarters.
On board were a number of scientific men and
Danish correspondents. As the story of my quest had
spread along the Greenland coast, and as conflicting
reports might be sent out, Inspector Daugaard-Jensen
suggested that I cable a first account to the world.
The anxiety of the newspaper correspondents on
board gave me the idea that my story might have considerable
financial value. I was certainly in need of
money. I had only forty or fifty dollars and I needed
clothing and money for my passage from Copenhagen
to New York.
The suggestions and assistance of Inspector Daugaard-Jensen
were very helpful. Iceland and the Faroe
Islands, frequent ports of call for the Danish steamers,
because of a full passenger list and the absence of commercial
needs, were not visited by the Hans Egede on
this return trip. The captain decided to put into Lerwick,
in the Shetland Islands, so that I could send my
message.
I prepared a story of about 2,000 words, and
went ashore at Lerwick. No one but myself and a representative
of the captain was allowed to land. We
swore the cable operator to secrecy, sent several official
and private messages, and one to James Gordon Bennett
briefly telling of my discovery. As the operator refused
to be responsible for the press message, it was[Pg 465]
left with the Danish consul. To Mr. Bennett I cabled:
“Message left in care of Danish consul, 2,000 words.
For it $3,000 expected. If you want it, send for it.”
Our little boat pulled back to the Hans Egede, and
the ship continued on her journey to Copenhagen. Two
days passed. On board we talked of my trip as quite a
commonplace thing. I made some appointments for a
short stay in Copenhagen.
Off the Skaw, the northernmost point of Denmark,
a Danish man-of-war came alongside us. There
was a congratulatory message from the Minister of
State. This greatly surprised me.
Meanwhile a motor boat puffed over the unsteady
sea and a half dozen seasick newspaper men, looking
like wet cats, jumped over the rails. They had been
permitted to board on the pretext that they had a message
from the American Minister, Dr. Egan. I took
them to my cabin and asked whether the New York
Herald had printed my cable. The correspondent of the
Politiken drew out a Danish paper in which I recognized
the story. I talked with the newspaper men for
five minutes and my prevailing impression was that they
did not know what they wanted. They told me Fleet
Street had moved to Copenhagen. I confess all of this
seemed foolish at the time.
They told me that dinners and receptions awaited
me at Copenhagen. That puzzled me, and when I
thought of my clothes I became distressed. I wore a
dirty, oily suit. I had only one set of clean linen and
one cap. After consulting with the Inspector we
guessed at my measurements, and a telegram was written
to a tailor at Copenhagen to have some clothing[Pg 466]
ready for me. At Elsinore cables began to arrive, and
thence onward I became a helpless leaf on a whirlwind
of excitement. I let the people about plan and think
for me, and had a say in nothing. A cable from Mr.
Bennett saying that he had never paid $3,000 so willingly
gave me pleasure. There was relief in this, too,
for my expenses at the hotel in Eggedesminde and on
the Hans Egede were unpaid.
At Elsinore many people came aboard with whom
I shook hands and muttered inanities in response to
congratulations. Reporters who were not seasick
thronged the ship, each one insisting on a special interview.
Why should I be interviewed? It seemed silly
to make such a fuss.
Cablegrams and letters piled in my cabin. With
my usual methodical desire to read and answer all communications
I sat down to this task, which soon seemed
hopeless. I was becoming intensely puzzled, and a
not-knowing-where-I-was-at sensation confused me.
I did not have a minute for reflection, and before I could
approximate my situation, we arrived at Copenhagen.
Like a bolt from the blue, there burst about me the
clamor of Copenhagen’s ovation. I was utterly bewildered
by it. I found no reason in my mind for it.
About the North Pole I had never felt such exultation.
I could not bring myself to feel what all this indicated,
that I had accomplished anything extraordinarily marvelous.
For days I could not grasp the reason for the
world-excitement.
When I went on deck, as we approached the city,
I saw far in the distance flags flying. Like a darting
army of water bugs, innumerable craft of all kind were[Pg 467]
leaping toward us on the sunlit water. Tugs and
motors, rowboats and sailboats, soon surrounded and
followed us. The flags of all nations dangled on the
decorated craft. People shouted, it seemed, in every
tongue. Wave after wave of cheering rolled over the
water. Horns blew, there was the sound of music, guns
exploded. All about, balancing on unsteady craft, their
heads hooded in black, were the omnipresent moving-picture-machine
operators at work. All this passed as a
moving picture itself, I standing there, dazed, simply
dazed.
Amidst increasing cheering the Hans Egede
dropped anchor. Prince Christian, the crown prince,
Prince Waldemar, King Frederick’s brother, United
States Minister Egan, and many other distinguished
gentlemen in good clothes greeted me. That they were
people who wore good clothes was my predominant impression.
Mentally I compared their well-tailored garments
with my dirty, soiled, bagged-at-the-knees suit.
I doffed my old dirty cap, and as I shook hands with
the Prince Christian and Prince Waldemar, tall, splendid
men, I felt very sheepish. While all this was going
on, I think I forgot about the North Pole. I was most
uncomfortable.
For a while it was impossible to get ashore. Along
the pier to which we drew, the crowd seemed to drag
into the water. About me was a babel of sound, of
which I heard, the whole time, no intelligible word. I
was pushed, lifted ashore, the crown prince before me,
William T. Stead, the English journalist, behind. I
almost fell, trying to get a footing. On both sides the
press of people closed upon us. I fought like a swimmer[Pg 468]
struggling for life, and, becoming helpless, was pushed
and carried along. I walked two steps on the ground
and five on the air. Somebody grabbed my hat, another
pulled off a cuff, others got buttons; but flowers
came in exchange. At times Stead held me from falling.
I was weak and almost stifled. On both sides of
me rushed a flood of blurred human faces. I was in a
delirium. I ceased to think, was unable to think, for
hours.
We finally reached the Meteorological building. I
was pushed through the iron gates. I heard them
slammed behind me. I paused to breathe. Somebody
mentioned something about a speech. “My God!” I
muttered. I could no more think than fly. I was pushed
onto a balcony. I remember opening my mouth, but
I do not know a word I said. There followed a lot of
noise. I suppose it was applause. Emerging from the
black, lonely Arctic night, the contrast of that rushing
flood of human faces staggered me. Yes, there was another
sensation—that of being a stranger among strange
people, in a city where, however much I might be honored,
I had no old-time friend. This curiously depressed
me.
Through a back entrance I was smuggled into an
automobile. The late Commander Hovgaard, a member
of the Nordenskjöld expedition, took charge of affairs,
and I was taken to the Phoenix Hotel. Apartments
had also been reserved for me at the Bristol and
Angleterre, but I had no voice in the plans, for which I
was glad.
I was shown to my room and, while washing my
face and hands, had a moment to think. “What the[Pg 469]
devil is it all about?” I remember repeating to myself.
I was simply dazed. A barber arrived; I submitted to a
shave. Meanwhile a manicure girl appeared and took
charge of my hands. Through the bewildered days that
followed, the thought of this girl, like the obsession of a
delirious man, followed me. I had not paid or tipped
her, and with the girl’s image a perturbed feeling persisted,
“Here is some one I have wronged.” I repeated
that over and over again. This shows the overwrought
state of my mind at the time.
Next the bedroom was a large, comfortable reception
room, already filled with flowers. Beyond that was
a large room in which I found many suits of clothes,
some smaller, some bigger than the estimated size wired
from the ship. At this moment there came Mr. Ralph
L. Shainwald—an old friend and a companion of the
first expedition to Mt. McKinley. He selected for me
suitable things. Hastily I fell into one of these, and
mechanically put on clean linen—or rather, the clothing
was put on by my attendants.
Now I was carried to the American Legation,
where I lunched with Minister Egan, and I might have
been eating sawdust for all the impression food made on
me. For an hour, I have been told since, I was plied
with questions. It is a strange phenomenon how our
bodies will act and our lips frame words when the mind
is blank. I had no more idea of my answers than the
man in the moon.
Upon my brain, with the quick, nervous twitter of
moving-picture impressions, swam continually the
scenes through which I moved. I have a recollection, on
my return to the hotel, of going through hundreds of[Pg 470]
telegrams. Just as a man looks at his watch and puts
it in his pocket without noting the time, so I read these
messages of congratulation. Tremendous offers of
money from publishers, and for lecture engagements,
and opportunities by which I might become a music-hall
attraction excited no interest one way or another.
My desire to show appreciation of the hospitality
of the Danes by returning to America on a Danish
steamer prevented my even considering some of these
offers. If I had planned to deceive the world for money,
is it reasonable to believe I should have thrown away
huge sums for this simple show of courtesy?
Having lunched with Minister Egan, I spent part
of the afternoon of the day of my arrival hastily scanning
a voluminous pile of correspondence. Money offers
and important messages were necessarily pushed
aside. I had been honored by a summons to the royal
presence, and shortly before five o’clock repaired to the
royal palace.
I still retain in my mental retina a picture of the
king. It is a gracious, kindly memory. Surrounded by
the queen and his three daughters, Princesses Ingeborg,
Thyra, and Dagmar, he rose, a gray-haired, fatherly old
man, and with warmness of feeling extended his hand.
Out of that human sea of swirling white faces and staring
eyes, in which I had struggled as a swimmer for life,
I remember feeling a sense of security and rest. We
talked, I think, of general topics.
I returned to the hotel. Into my brain came the
words, from some one, that the newspaper correspondents,
representing the great dailies and magazines of
the world, were waiting for me. Would I see them? I[Pg 471]
went downstairs and for an hour was grilled with questions.
They came like shots, in many tongues, and only
now and then did familiar English words strike me and
quiver in my brain cells.
I have been told I was self-possessed and calm.
Had I gone through 30,000 square miles of land? Was
I competent to take observations? Could I sit down and
invent observations? Had I been fully possessed, I suppose,
these sudden doubts expressed would have caused
some wonderment; doubtless I was puzzled below the
realm of consciousness, where, they say, the secret service
of the mind grasps the most elusive things. I have since
read my replies and marveled at the lucidity of certain
answers; only my bewilderment, unless I were misquoted,
can explain the absurdity of others.
My impression of the banquet that night in the City
Hall is very vague. I talked aimlessly. There were
speeches, toasts were drunk; I replied. The North Pole
was, I suppose, the subject, but so bewildered was I
at the time, that nothing was further from my mind than
the North Pole. If an idea came now and then it was
the feeling that I must get away without offending
these people. I felt the atmosphere of excitement about
me for days, pressing me, crushing me.
My time was occupied with consultations, receptions,
lunches, and dinners, between which there was a
feverish effort to answer increasingly accumulating
telegrams. Mr. E. G. Wyckoff, an old friend, now
came along and took from me certain business cares.
By day there was excitement; by night excitement; there
was excitement in my dreams. I slept no more than
five hours a night—if I could call it sleep.[Pg 472]
As a surcease from this turmoil came the evening
at King Frederick’s summer palace, where I dined with
the royal family and many notable guests. All were so
kindly, the surroundings were so unostentatious, that
for a short while my confusion passed.
I remember being cornered near a piano after dinner
by the young members of the family and plied with
questions. I felt for once absolutely at ease and told
them of the wild animals and exciting hunts of the north.
Otherwise we talked of commonplace topics, and rarely
was the North Pole mentioned.
Until after midnight, on my return to my hotel, I
sat up with the late Commander Hovgaard and Professor
Olafsen, secretary of the Geographical Society.
I clearly recall an afternoon when Professor Torp, rector
of the university, and Professor Elis Stromgren,
informed me that the university desired to honor me
with a decoration. Professor Stromgren asked me about
my methods of observation and I explained them freely.
He believed my claim. The question of certain, absolute
and detailed proofs never occurred to me. I was
sure of the verity of my claim. I knew I had been as
accurate in my scientific work as anyone could be.
My first public account of my exploit was delivered
before the Geographical Society on the evening of September
7, and in the presence of the king and queen,
Prince and Princess George of Greece, most of the
members of the royal family, and the most prominent
people of Copenhagen. I had outlined my talk and
written parts of it. With the exception of these, which
I read, I spoke extempore. Because of the probability
of the audience not understanding English, I confined[Pg 473]
myself to a brief narrative. The audience listened
quietly and their credence seemed but the undemonstrative
acceptance of an every-day fact.
Not knowing that a medal was to be presented to
me at that time, I descended from the platform on concluding
my speech. I met the crown prince, who was
ascending, and who spoke to me. I did not understand
him and proceeded to the floor before the stage. Embarrassed
by my misunderstanding, he unfolded his
papers and began a presentation speech. Confused, I
remained standing below. Whether I ascended the
stage and made a reply or received the medal from the
floor, I do not now remember.
During the several days that followed I spent most
of my time answering correspondence and attending to
local obligations. An entire day was spent autographing
photographs for members of the royal family. After
much hard work I got things in such shape that I saw
my way clear to go to Brussels, return to Copenhagen,
and make an early start for home.
I had delivered my talk before the Geographical
Society. The reporters had seen me, and assailed me
with questions, and had packed their suit cases. Tired
to death and exhausted with want of sleep, I viewed
the prospect of a departure with relief. Because of my
condition I refused an invitation to attend a banquet
which the newspaper Politiken gave to the foreign correspondents
at the Tivoli restaurant.
They insisted that I come, if only for five minutes,
and promised that there would be no attempt at interviewing.
I went and listened wearily to the speeches,
made in different languages, and felt no stir at the ap[Pg 474]plause.
While the representative of the Matin was
speaking in French, some one tiptoed up to me and
placed a cablegram under my plate. From all sides attendants
appeared with cables which were quietly placed
under the plates of the various reporters. The Matin
man stopped; we looked at the cables. A deadly lull
fell in the room. You could have heard a pin drop. It
was Peary’s first message—”Stars and Stripes nailed
to the Pole!”
My first feeling, as I read it, was of spontaneous belief.
Well, I thought, he got there! On my right and
left men were arguing about it. It was declared a hoax.
I recognized the characteristic phrasing as Peary’s. I
knew that the operators along the Labrador coast knew
Peary and that it would be almost impossible to perpetrate
a joke. I told this to the dinner party. The
speeches continued. No reference was made to the message,
but the air seemed charged with electricity.
My feeling at the news, as I analyze it, was not of
envy or chagrin. I thought of Peary’s hard, long years
of effort, and I was glad; I felt no rivalry about the
Pole; I did feel, aside from the futility of reaching the
Pole itself, that Peary’s trip possibly might be of great
scientific value; that he had probably discovered new
lands and mapped new seas of ice. “There is glory
enough for all,” I told the reporters.
At the hotel a pile of telegrams six inches high,
from various papers, awaited me. I picked eight representative
papers and made some diplomatic reply,
expressing what I felt. That Peary would contest my
claim never entered my head. It did seem, and still
seems, in itself too inconsequential a thing to make such[Pg 475]
a fuss about. This may be hard to believe to those who
have magnified the heroism of such an achievement, a
thing I never did feel and could not feel.
While sitting at the farewell dinner of the Geographical
Society the following day, Mr. Peary’s second
message, saying that my Eskimos declared I had
not gone far out of sight of land, came to me. Those
about received it with indignation. Many advised me
to reply in biting terms. This I did not do; did not feel
like doing.
Peary’s messages caused me to make a change in
my plans. Previously I had accepted an invitation to
go to Brussels, but now, as I was being attacked, I
determined to return home immediately and face the
charges in person. I took passage on the steamship
Oscar II, sailing direct from Copenhagen to New York.
COPENHAGEN TO THE UNITED STATES
ACROSS THE ATLANTIC—RECEPTION IN NEW YORK—BEWILDERING
CYCLONE OF EVENTS—INSIDE NEWS OF
THE PEARY ATTACK—HOW THE WEB OF SHAME WAS
WOVEN
XXXII
Peary’s Underhand Work at Labrador
It seemed that, coming from the companionless
solitude of the North, destiny in the shape of crowds
was determined to pursue me. I expected to transfer
from the Melchior to the Oscar II at Christiansaand,
Norway, quietly and make my way home in peace. At
Christiansaand the noise began. On a smaller scale
was repeated the previous ovation of Copenhagen.
On board the Oscar II I really got more sleep than
I had for months previous or months afterwards. After
several days of seasickness I experienced the joys of
comparative rest and slept like a child. My brain still
seemed numbed. There were on the boat no curiosity-seekers;
no crowds stifled me nor did applause thunder
in my ears.
Every few minutes, before we got out of touch with
the wireless, there were messages; communications
from friends, from newspapers and magazines; repeti[Pg 477]tions
of the early charges made against me; questions
concerning Peary’s messages and my attitude toward
him. When the boat approached Newfoundland the
wireless again became disturbing. Then came the “gold
brick” cable.
At this time, every vestige of pleasure in the
thought of the thing I had accomplished left me. Since
then, and to this day, I almost view all my efforts
with regret. I doubt if any man ever lived in the
belief of an accomplishment and got so little pleasure,
and so much bitterness, from it. That my Eskimos had
told Mr. Peary they had been but two days out of sight
of land seemed probable; it was a belief I had always
encouraged. That Mr. Peary should persistently
attack me did arouse a feeling of chagrin and injury.
I spent most of my time alone in my cabin or strolling
on the deck. The people aboard considered Peary’s
messages amusing. I talked little; I tried to analyze the
situation in my mind, but wearily I gave it up; mentally
I was still dazed.
During the trip Director Cold, chief of the Danish
United Steamship Company, helped me with small details
in every way; Lonsdale, my secretary, and Mr.
Cold’s secretary were busy copying my notes and my
narrative story, which I had agreed to give to the New
York Herald. I had made no plans; my one object
was to see my family.
As we approached New York the wireless brought
me news of the ovation under way. This amazed and
filled me with dismay. I had considered the exaggerated
reception of Copenhagen a manifestation of local
excitement, partly due to the interest of the Danes in[Pg 478]
the North. New York, I concluded, was too big, too
unemotional, too much interested in bigger matters to
bother much about the North Pole. This I told Robert
M. Berry, the Berlin representative of the Associated
Press, who accompanied me on the boat. He disagreed
with me.
Having burned one hundred tons of coal in order
to make time, the Oscar II arrived along American
shores a day before that arranged for my reception. So
as not to frustrate any plans, we lay off Shelter Island
until the next day. It was my wish to send a message
to Mrs. Cook and ask her to come out. But the sea
was rough; and, moreover, she was not well. Now tugs
bearing squads of reporters began to arrive. We agreed
to let no one aboard. The New York Journal, with
characteristic enterprise, had brought Anthony Fiala
on its tug with a note from Mrs. Cook. So an exception
had to be made. An old friend and a letter from my
wife could not be sent away.
That night I slept little. Outside I heard the dull
thud of the sea. Voices exploded from megaphones
every few minutes. Mingled emotions filled me. The
anticipation of meeting wife and children was sweet;
that again, after an absence of more than two years, I
should step upon the shores of my own land filled me
with emotions too strong for words.
The next morning I was up with the rising of the
sun. We arrived at Quarantine soon after seven.
About us on the waves danced a dozen tugs with reporters.
In the distance appeared a tug toward which
I strained my eyes, for I was told it bore my wife and
children. With a feeling of delight, which only long[Pg 479]
separation can give, I boarded this, and in a moment
they were in my arms. I was conscious of confusion
about me; of whistling and shrieking; uncanny magnified
voices thundering from scores of megaphones; of a
band playing an American air. When the Grand Republic,
thrilling a metallic salute, steamed toward us,
and the cheers of hundreds rent the air, I remembered
asking myself what it could be all about. Why all this
agitation?
Again the contagion of excitement bewildered me;
the big boat drew near to a tug, above me swirled a cloud
of hundreds of faces; around me the sunlit sea, with
decorated craft, whirled and danced. As I giddily
ascended the gangplank and felt a wreath of roses flung
about me I was conscious chiefly of an unsuitable lack
of appreciation. I spoke briefly; friends and relatives
greeted me; the shaking of thousands of hands began;
and all the while a deep hurt, a feeling of soreness,
oppressed me.
From that day on until after I left New York, my
life was a kaleidoscopic whirl of excitement, for which
I found no reason. I had no time to analyze or estimate
public enthusiasm and any change of that enthusiasm
into doubt. I had no sense of perspective; involuntarily
I was swept through a cyclone of events. The
bewilderment which came upon me at Copenhagen returned,
and with it a feeling of helplessness, of puzzlement;
I felt much as a child might when taking its first
ride in a carousel. Each day thereafter, from morning
until morning there was a continuous rush of excitement;
at no time, until I fled from it, did I get more
than four hours’ sleep at night—disturbed sleep at that.[Pg 480]
I had not a moment for reflection, and even now, after
recovering from the lack of mental perception which
inevitably followed, it is with difficulty that I recall my
impressions at the time. I suppose there are those who
think that I was having a good time, but it was the
hardest time of my life.
I remember standing in the pilot house of the
Grand Republic, my little ones by me, and watching
thousands of men along the wharves of the East River,
going mad. The world seemed engaged in some frantic
revel. Factories became vocal and screamed hideously;
boats became hoarse with shrieking; the megaphone
cry was maddening. Drawing up to a gayly
decorated pier, a thunder of voices assailed me. I felt
crushed by the unearthly din.
I was involuntarily shoved along, and found myself
in an automobile—one of many, all decorated with flags.
Cameras clicked like rapid-fire guns. A band played;
roaring voices like beating sound waves rose and fell;
faces swam before me.
Through streets jammed with people we moved
along. I hardly spoke a word to my wife, who sat near.
Out of the scene of tumult, familiar faces peered now
and again. I remember being touched by the sight of
thousands of school children, assembled outside of public
schools and waving American flags.
In the neighborhood of the new bridge, under the
arch, I recall seeing the eager face of my favorite boyhood
school-teacher. It struck me at the time that she
hardly seemed aged a day. Something swelled up within
me, and I was conscious of a desire to lean out through
the crowd and draw her into the machine. Through the[Pg 481]
thick congestion it was difficult to move; even the police
were helpless. Now and again people tried to climb
into the machine and were torn away.
At the Bushwick Club I lunched in a small room
with friends, and a feeling of pleasure warmed my heart.
During the reception words of confidence were spoken
and somehow filtered into my mind. I shook hands
until my arms were sore, bowed my head until my neck
ached. I was forced to retire. Later there was dinner
at the club, after which I received seven hundred singers.
By this time I felt like a machine. My brain was blank.
About midnight, utterly exhausted, I arrived at the
Waldorf-Astoria, where I fought through a crowd in
the lobby. I think I sat and listened to Mrs. Cook telling
me news of home and the family until night merged
into morning.
Next day the storm through which I was being
swept began again. During that and the days following
I made many mistakes, did and said unwise things.
I want to show you, in telling of these events, just how
helpless I was; what a victim of circumstance; how unfitted
to bear the physical and mental demands of a
ceaseless procession of public functions, lectures, dinners,
receptions, days and nights of traveling, and how
unable to cope with the many charges. In sixty days
there were not less than two hundred lectures, dinners,
and receptions, not to mention the unremitting train
of press interviews. With no club of friends or organization
of any kind behind me, I stood the strain alone.
I was ignorant of much that was said about me.
I had no one to gauge my situation at any time and
advise me. About me was an unbearable pressure from[Pg 482]
friends and foes; I stood it until I could stand it no
longer. There was not a minute of relief, not a minute
to think. Coming after two years spent in the Arctic,
at a time when nature was paying the debt of long
starvation and hardship, the stress of events inevitably
developed a mental strain bordering on madness.
Where could I go to get rest from it all? This was my
last thought at night and my first thought in the
morning.
During my second day at the Waldorf I had to read
proofs of the narrative to be printed in the Herald, go
over the plans of my book with the New York publishing
house with whom I had signed a contract, and examine
hundreds of films to select photographs. There
were hundreds of letters and telegrams; scores of reporters
demanding interviews; hundreds of callers, few
of whom I was able to see. An army of publishers,
lecture managers, and even vaudeville managers sent
up their cards.
The chief event of the first day in New York was
the inquisition by newspaper reporters. They both
interested and amused me. I had gone through the
same ordeal in Copenhagen, and I knew that American
interviewers are famed for their wolfish propensities.
Before I saw the sensation-hungry press men, I got
certain news that shocked my sense of the fairness of the
American press. Someone interested in my case had
sent me unsolicited copies of all telegrams, cables and
wireless messages passing between New York and the
Peary ship. These messages now continued to come
daily, and thus I was afforded a splendid opportunity
to watch an underhand game of deceit wherein Mr.[Pg 483]
Peary was shown to be in league with a New York
paper aiming secretly to further his claims and to cast
doubt upon mine.
Among these was a message asking a certain editor
to meet Peary at Bangor, Maine, to arrange for the pro-Peary
campaign of bribery and conspiracy which followed.
In another, and the most remarkable message,
Mr. Peary first showed the sneaking methods by which
the whole controversy was conducted. A long list of
questions had been prepared by Mr. Peary at Battle
Harbor, covering, as rival interests dictated, every
phase of Polar work. These questions were sent to the
New York Times with instructions to compel answers
from me on each of a series of catch phrases.
When the Times reporter came to me with these, I
recognized the Peary phraseology at once. I afterwards
compared the copy of Peary’s telegram with
that of the Times, and found in it nearly every question
asked by the reporters. While the questions were being
read off, it required a good deal of patience to conceal
my irritation, as I knew Mr. Peary was talking through
the smooth-faced, smiling press cubs, none of whom
knew that he was Peary’s mouthpiece. Every one of the
Peary questions, however, was amusing, for I had answered
each a dozen times in Europe. But if Mr.
Peary must question me, why did he stoop to the hypocrisy
of doing it through others? The other reporters
asked many questions, the reports of which I have not
seen since. But the duplicity of this little trick left a
strong impression of unfairness.
At about this time I began to examine critically the
many efforts which Mr. Peary had begun to make to[Pg 484]
discredit my achievement. In going over such of his
reports of his own claims as had gotten to me, I was at
once struck with the statements parallel to mine which
he had sent out, and since these so thoroughly proved my
case I felt that I could be liberal and patient with Mr.
Peary’s ill-temper.
I now learned that after Mr. Peary got the full
reports of my attainment of the Pole at the wireless
station at Labrador, he withdrew behind the rocks to a
place where no one was looking, and digested that report.
His own report came after the digestion of mine.
In the meantime, his delay in proceeding to Sydney,
Nova Scotia, and his silence, were explained by the official
announcement that the ship was being washed and
cleaned. This was manifestly absurd. No seaman returning
from a voyage of a year, where sailors have no
occupation whatever except such work, waits until he
gets to port before cleaning his decks. Furthermore,
this hiding behind the rocks of Labrador continued for
weeks. What was the mysterious occupation of Mr.
Peary? The Roosevelt, as described by visitors when
she arrived at Sydney, was still very dirty. When Mr.
Peary’s much-heralded report was finally printed, every
Arctic explorer at once said the astonishing parallel
statements in Mr. Peary’s narrative either proved my
case or convicted Mr. Peary of plagiarism. My story,
by this time, had got well along in the New York
Herald. To help Mr. Peary out of his position,
McMillan later rushed to the press. He was under
contract not to write or talk to the press, nor to lecture,
write magazine articles or books, as were all of Peary’s
men. But this prohibition was waived temporarily.[Pg 485]
Then McMillan made the statement that Dr. Cook must
have gotten the “parallel data” and inside information
from Mr. Peary’s Eskimos. Everyone acquainted with
Greenland, including McMillan, knows that such inter-communication
was impossible. I had left for Upernavik
by the time Peary returned to Etah. Therefore,
McMillan and Peary both were caught in a deliberate
lie, as were also Bartlett[23] and Borup later. These were
Mr. Peary’s witnesses in the broadside of charges with
which I was to be annihilated.
A few days after my arrival in America I learned for
the first time of the strange death of Ross Marvin.
We were asked by Mr. Peary to believe that this young
man of more than average intelligence, a graduate of
Cornell University and of the New York Nautical
School, a man of experience on the Polar seas, stepped
over young ice alone, without a life-line, and sank
through a film of ice to a grave in the Arctic waters.
An idiot might do that; but Marvin, unless he went[Pg 486]
suddenly mad, would not do it. To cross the young ice
of open leads, like that in which Marvin is said to have
perished, is a daily, almost hourly, experience in Arctic
travel. To safeguard each other’s lives, and to save
sledges and dog teams, life-lines are carried in coils on
the upstanders of the sled. When about to risk a crossing,
a line is always fixed from one to the other and from
sled to sled. When this is done, and an accident happens
such as that which is alleged to have befallen
Marvin, the victim is saved by the pull of his companions
on the line. This is done as unfailingly as one eats
meals. Would a man of Marvin’s experience and intelligence
neglect such a precaution? I knew such an
accident might have happened to the inexperienced explorers
of the days of Franklin, but to-day it seemed
incredible. Furthermore, Peary was boasting of what
he styled the “Peary system,” for which is claimed such
thoroughness that without it no other explorer could
reach the Pole. If Marvin’s death was natural, then he
is a victim of this system.[Pg 487]
But let us read between the lines of this harrowing
tragedy. After learning of my attainment of the Pole,
Peary rushed to the wireless. With a letter in his
pocket from Captain Adams which gave the news that
started the ire of envy, and which also gave the news
that convicted Peary of a lie, he thereafter for a week
or more kept the wires busy with the famous “gold
brick” messages.
Marvin’s death, and the duty to a bereaved family,
which ordinary humanity would have dictated, were of
no consequence to one making envious, vicious attacks.
For a week all the world blushed with shame because of
the dishonor thus brought upon our country and our
flag. In New York there was a happy home, a loving
mother, a fond sister; anxious friends were all busy in
preparing surprises for the happy homecoming of the
one beloved by all. It was a busy week, with joyous,
heart-stirring anticipation. There was no news from
the Peary ship. Not a word came to indicate that their
expected returning hero had been lost in the icy seas.
To that mother’s yearning heart her boy was nearing
home—but alas! no news came! A week passed, and
still no news!
At last, after Peary had digested my narrative,
the carefully prepared press report was put on the
wires. Ross Marvin’s family, engrossed in preparations
for a reception with flowers and flags, was about
to see, in cold, black print, that he for whom their hearts
beat expectantly was no more. At the last moment,
Peary’s conscience seemingly troubled him. A long
message was sent to a friend to break the news and to
soften the effects of the press reports on that poor[Pg 488]
mother and sister. That message was sent “Collect.”
A man who had given years of his time and his life to
glorify Peary was not worthy of a prepaid telegram!
Later, an important letter from Marvin reached his
own home. In it the stealing of my supplies is referred
to in a way to show that Marvin condemned Peary.
The public ought to know the wording of this part of the
letter. Why has it been suppressed? Marvin’s death,
to my understanding, does not seem natural. With a
good deal of empty verbiage the sacrifice of this unfortunate
young man is explained; but two questions
are forced at once: Why was Marvin without a life-line?
Why were conveniently lost with him certain
data that might disprove Peary’s case?
If Marvin sank into the ice, as Peary said he did,
then Peary is responsible for the loss of that life, for he
did not surround him with proper safeguards. The
death of this man points to something more than
tragedy. Since Marvin’s soundings were made under
the authority of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, the
American Government is, therefore, answerable for this
death.
Mr. Peary’s treatment of Marvin wearied me of
all the Peary talk at the time; and, furthermore, all of
Mr. Peary’s charges, of which so much fuss was made,
carried the self-evident origin of cruel envy and selfishness.
First, the Eskimos, put through a third degree
behind closed doors, were reported to have said that I
had not been more than two sleeps out of sight of land.
This was easily explained. They had been instructed
not to tell Mr. Peary of my affairs, and they had been
encouraged to believe themselves always near land.[Pg 489]
Then this charge was dropped, and the next was made,
the one about my not reporting the alleged cache at
“Cape Thomas Hubbard.” That assertion, instead of
injuring me, convicted Peary of trying to steal from
Captain Sverdrup the honor of discovering and naming
Svartevoeg. For it was shown that by deception “Cape
Thomas Hubbard” had been written over a point discovered
years earlier by another explorer. For this
kind of honor Hubbard had contributed to Peary’s
expeditions. But is not the obliteration of a geographic
name for money a kind of geographic larceny?
Then was forced the charge that I had told no one
of my Polar success in the North, and therefore the
entire report was an afterthought. Whitney and Prichard
later cleared this up, but at the very time when
Peary made this charge he had in his possession a letter
from Captain Adams, of the whaler Morning, which he
had received in the North, wherein my attainment of the
Pole was stated. When Peary got the Adams letter he
put on full steam, abandoned his plan to visit other
Greenland ports, and came direct to Labrador, to the
wireless. Why was the Adams letter suppressed, when
it was charged that I had told no one? And, furthermore,
why had Mr. Peary told no one on his ship of his
own success until he neared Battle Harbor?
All of these charges betrayed untruthful methods
on the part of Mr. Peary in his own method of presentation.
Automatically, without a word of defence on
my part, each charge rebounded on the charger.
Then there came the page broadside of rearranged
charges printed by every American paper. It contained
nothing new in the text, but with it there was a[Pg 490]
faked map, copied from Sverdrup, which was made to
appear as though drawn by Eskimos. The best answer
to this whole problem is that from the same tongues
with which Mr. Peary tried to discredit me has come
a much more formidable charge against Mr. Peary.
For these same Eskimos have since said, without
quizzing from me, that Mr. Peary never got to the Pole
and that he never saw Crocker Land.
This part of the controversy was thoroughly analyzed
by Professor W. F. Armbruster and Dr. Henry
Schwartz in the St. Louis Mirror[24].
While this controversy early began to rage, the
tremendous offers of money which came in every hour
contributed to my bewilderment. They seemed fabu[Pg 491]lous;
the purport was beyond me. I imagined this as
part of a dream from which I should awake. Were I
the calculating monster of cupidity which some believe
me, I suppose I should have been more circumspect in
making my financial arrangements.
I should hardly, for instance, have sold my narrative
story to Mr. James Gordon Bennett for $25,000
when there were single offers of $50,000, $75,000,
$100,000, and more, for it. While I was in Copenhagen,
and before the Herald offer was accepted, Mr.
W. T. Stead had come with a message from W. R.
Hearst with instructions to double any other offer presented
for my narrative. Had I accepted Mr. Hearst’s[Pg 492]
bid he would have paid $400,000 for what I sold for
$25,000. Here is a sacrifice of $375,000. Does that
look as if I tried to hoax the world for sordid gain, as
my enemies would like the public to believe? What
Mr. Bennett asked and offered $25,000 for was a series
of four articles on adventures in the North, for use in
the Sunday supplement of the Herald. I had no such
articles prepared at the time, nor, as I knew, should I
have time to write these. I did have the narrative story
of my trip, which consisted of twenty-five thousand to
thirty thousand words, complete. I decided, when I
heard the first reports of doubt cast on my claim, to
publish my narrative story as an honest and sincere
proof of my claim as soon as possible. So I gave this
to Mr. Bennett for the sum offered purely for Sunday
articles.

GOVERNOR KRAUL IN HIS STUDY
ARRIVAL AT UPERNAVIK

POLAR TRAGEDY—A DESERTED CHILD OF THE SULTAN OF THE
NORTH AND ITS MOTHER
Mr. Bennett offered me $5,000 additional for the
European rights of this story. To this offer I made
no reply, giving Mr. Bennett the sole news rights of the
story for the entire world.
When I reached New York, needing ready money,
I wired Mr. Bennett for an advance on my story. He
cabled back an immediate order for the entire sum of
$25,000. This gave me a sudden glow, a feeling of
pleasure at what I regarded as a display of confidence.
With my lecture work and traveling I was kept so
busy that I did not have time to go over the story, typewritten
from my almost illegible notes, which was sent
to the New York Herald. When I did go over the
proofs and found many grievous errors, the Herald had[Pg 494]
already syndicated the story. It was too late for any
corrections, and thus many errors appeared.
I made a contract with a New York publishing
house, while in Copenhagen, with the idea of getting
out my book and all proofs possible as soon as the
presses would allow, in view of the imminent controversy.
For the English and American rights to my
book I was to receive $150,000 in a lump sum and an
additional $150,000 in royalties. Although papers
were signed for this, later on, when things seemed turning
against me and I saw the publishers were getting
“cold feet,” I voluntarily freed them from the contract.
By the time I left Copenhagen, as I figured later,
offers for book and magazine material and lectures
had aggregated just one and one-half million dollars.
A prominent New York manager made me an offer of
$250,000 for a series of lectures. During the first few
days I had absolutely no system of caring for this correspondence,
hundreds of important cablegrams remained
unopened, and huge offers of money were ignored. It
was only after Minister Egan sent Walter Lonsdale, in
response to my request for a competent secretary, that
some intelligible information was gleaned from the mass
of correspondence. Most of it, as a matter of fact, was
read only when we were on the Oscar II, bound for
home.
After making my arrangement with Mr. Bennett,
the Matin of Paris had sent me an offer of $50,000 for
the serial rights of a French translation of the story to
appear in the Herald. This included a lecture under
the auspices of the paper in Paris. My anxiety to get
home prevented a consideration of this; and it was only[Pg 495]
after I sailed on the Oscar II that I realized I could have
gone to Paris, delivered the lecture, and returned to
New York by a fast boat.
On the Oscar II a wireless had reached me of a
large offer for a lecture during the convention in St.
Louis. This I decided to accept, the simple reason
being that I needed money.
Much criticism has been hurled at me because I
started on a lecture campaign when I should have prepared
my data and submitted proof. At that time I
was in no position to anticipate or understand this criticism.
Every explorer for fifty years had done the same
thing, all had delivered lectures and written articles
about their work after a first preliminary report. Supplementary
and detailed data were usually given long
afterwards, not as proof but as a part of the plan of
recording ultimate results. I had the precedents of
Stanley, Nordenskjöld, Nansen, Peary, and others.
Had I anticipated the furore that was being raised
about proofs, I probably should have taken public
opinion into my consideration. So firm was my own
conviction of achievement that the difficulty of supplying
such absolute proof as the unique occasion afterwards
demanded never occurred to me. My feeling at
the time was that I was under no obligation to patrons,
to the Government, to any society, or anyone, and that I
had a right to deliver lectures at a time when public
interest was keyed up, and to prepare my detailed reports
at a time when I should have more leisure.
My family needed money. Huge sums were
offered me hourly; I should have been unwise indeed
had I not accepted some of the offers. I am advised[Pg 496]
that stories of enormous lecture profits have been told.
I am informed that the newspapers said I was to receive
$25,000 for going to St. Louis. The truth is that I got
less than half that, though I believe St. Louis probably
spent more than $25,000 in preparing for my appearance
there. All told, I delivered about twenty lectures
in various large cities, receiving from $1,000 to $10,000
per lecture. My expenses were heavy, so that in the
end I netted less than $25,000. When I determined to
stop the lecture work and prepare my data, I canceled
$140,000 worth of lecture engagements.
Each day there was a routine of lunches with
speeches, dinners with speeches, suppers with speeches.
The task of devising speeches was ever present; with me
it did not come easy. But speeches must be made, and
I felt a tense strain, as if something were drawing my
mentality from me.
Everywhere I went crowds pressed about me. I
shook hands until the flesh of one finger was actually
worn through to the bone. Hundreds of people daily
came to see me.
About this time, too, my bewildered brain began to
realize that I was also the object of most ferocious
attacks from many quarters. I had no time to read the
newspapers, and these charges and suspicions filtered in
to me through reporters and friends. Usually they
reached me in an exaggerated or a distorted form.
There began at this time the publication of innumerable
fake interviews and stories misrepresenting
me.[25] One interviewer quoted me as saying that[Pg 497]
Dagaard Jensen had seen my records, and therefore
confirmed my claim to the people in Copenhagen;
another that I said Governor Kraul of Greenland had
reported talking with my Eskimos, who had confirmed
my report. Dagaard Jensen justly denied this by
cable, as I had made no such statement. That about
Governor Kraul was absurd on the face of it, as he was
a thousand miles away from my Eskimos. I have no
means of knowing the embarrassing statements attributed
to me—things which were variously denied, and
which hurt me. There was not time for me to consider
or answer them.
Then came the blow which almost stunned me—the
news that Harry Whitney had not been allowed by
Peary to bring my instruments and notes home with
him.
During the long night at Cape Sparbo I had carefully
figured out and reduced most of my important
observations. The old, rubbed, oily, and torn field[Pg 498]
notes, the instrumental corrections and the direct readings
were packed with the instruments, and these were
mostly left with Mr. Whitney. The figures were important
for future recalculation, but otherwise had not
seemed materially important to me, for they had served
their purpose. I had with me all the important data,
such as is usually given in a traveler’s narrative. No
more had ever been asked before.
Under ordinary circumstances, these instruments
and papers would not have been of great value, but
under the public excitement their importance was immensely
enhanced.
I had publicly announced that Mr. Whitney would
bring these with him on the boat in which he was to
return. Had there been no notes and no instruments, I
hardly should have said this were I perpetrating a fraud,
for I should have known that the failure of Mr. Whitney
to supply these would provoke widespread suspicion.[Pg 499]
This is just what happened. Had I foreseen the trouble
that resulted, I should have taken my instruments
with me to Upernavik, and have supplied my observations
and notes at once.
As I have said before, I believed in an accomplishment
which I felt was largely personal, for which a
world excitement was not warranted and in which I had
such a sure confidence that I never thought of absolutely
accurate proof. This was my folly—for which
fate made me pay. Imagine my dismay, the heartsickness
which seized me when, through the din of tumult
and excitement, in the midst of suspicion, came the news
that Mr. Whitney had been forced by Mr. Peary to
take from the Roosevelt and bury the very material
with which I might have dispelled suspicion and quelled
the storm of unmerited abuse.
The instruments carried on my northern trip, and
left with Mr. Whitney, and which he had seen, consisted
of one French sextant; one aluminum surveying compass,
with azimuth attachment, bought of Keuffer &
Essen, New York; one glass artifical horizon, set in a
thin metal frame, adjusted by spirit levels and thumbscrews,
bought of Hutchinson, Boston; one aneroid
barometer, aluminum, bought of Hicks; an aluminum
case with maximum and minimum spirit thermometer;
other thermometers, and one liquid compass.
Other instruments used about stations were also
left. With these were papers giving some instrumental
corrections, readings, and comparisons, and other occasional
notes, and a small diary, mostly loose leaves, containing
some direct field reading of instruments and
meteorological data. These took up very little space;[Pg 500]
and, if I remember correctly, all were snugly packed in
one of the instrument cases.
Mr. Whitney especially asked, as a personal favor,
the honor of caring for my flag. Later, after his return,
he said that as Mr. Peary had refused to let him take
aboard my things, he had no alternative but to bury
them at Etah. I have no complaint to make against
Mr. Peary about this. He was at liberty to pick the
freight of his own ship. But he later said: “His [Dr.
Cook’s] leaving of his records at Etah was a scheme by
which he could claim that they were lost.” If Mr.
Peary knew this, why did he not bring them?
At the time I felt crippled; my feeling of disgust
with the problem, with myself, and with the situation
began. It would be impossible to give in my report a
continuous line of observations. I had no corrections
for the instruments. I knew they might vary. I had no
means of checking them. I had some copies of the original
data, but they were not complete. I should have to
rest my whole case on a report with reduced observations,
for I knew it would not be possible to send a ship
to Etah until the following year. And I also knew that
if Eskimos were not given strong explicit instructions
all would be lost.
Meanwhile, many apparently trivial accusations
against me were being widely discussed, which, never
refuted, had their weight in the long run in discrediting
my good faith. On every side I was attacked, not so
much for unintentional error, as for deliberate falsehood.
In the bewildering days that followed—during
which I traveled to various cities to fulfill lecture
en[Pg 501]gagements—I felt alone, a victim of such pressure as, I
believe, has seldom been the fate of any human being.
Friends confused me as much as the attacks of foes.
Some advised one thing; others another; my brain staggered
with their well-meaning advice. Most of them
wanted me to “light out,” as they expressed it, and
attack Mr. Peary. A number suggested the formation
of an organization, the work of which would be to issue
counter attacks on Mr. Peary, to be written by various
men, and to reply systematically to charges made
against me. Such a course was distasteful to me, and,
furthermore, the selfish, envious origin of all of Mr.
Peary’s charges seemed evident.
Many of the other attacks seemed so ridiculous that
I felt no one would believe them—which was another of
my many mistakes. The more serious charges I believed
could wait until I had time to sit down and reply
to them at length. I felt the futility of any fragmentary
retorts. At no time did I have an intelligent grasp
of the situation, of the excited and exaggerated interest
of the public, or of the fluctuating state of public
opinion.
In my many years of Arctic work I had gathered
pictures of almost every phase of Arctic life and scene;
on subsequent trips, unless for some special reason, I did
not duplicate photographs of impregnable, unmeltable
headlands, or of walrus, or icebergs which I considered
typical. In the early rush for illustrative material I
gave a number of these to the Herald, stating they were
scenes I had passed, but which had been taken on an
earlier expedition. By some mistake, which is not
unusual in newspaper offices, one of these pictures was[Pg 502]
put under a caption, “Pictures of Dr. Cook’s Polar
Trip,” or something to this effect. Whereupon, Mr.
Herbert Bridgman, secretary of the Peary Arctic Club,
shouted aloud, “Fraud!” and others took up the cry.
A further charge that these pictures were not mine at
all, but had been stolen or borrowed from Herbert Berri,
was advanced—an absolute untruth, as I had the negatives,
from which these pictures were made, in my possession.
What, in those early days, had seemed a serious
criticism offered against my claim, was that I had exceeded
possible speed limits by asserting an average of
about fifteen miles a day. The English critics were
particularly severe. According to their reading, this
had never been done before. Admiral Melville had
taken this up in America before my arrival; by the
time I got to New York, Mr. Peary had made a report
of twenty to forty-five miles daily under similar conditions,
and I asked myself the reason of the sudden hush.
Much space was now given to the criticism by
learned men of my giving seconds in observations. The
point was taken that as you near the Pole the degrees
of longitude narrow, and seconds are of no consequence.
Therefore I was charged with trying to fake an impossible
accuracy. I always regarded seconds as of little
consequence, put them down as a matter of routine—for
in that snow-blinding, bewildering North I worked
more like a machine than a reasoning being—and now
the inadvertent use of these was used to cast suspicion
upon me.
With this attack, like echoes from many places,
came reiterations of the criticism, which, polly-like, was[Pg 503]
taken up by Rear-Admiral Chester. Professor Stockwell
of Cleveland had earlier brought out this academic
discussion. Because I had seen the midnight sun for
the first time on April 7 it was claimed I must have
been at a more southern point of the globe than I believed.
At the time it seemed the only serious scientific
criticism of my reports which was used against me.
Whether I was on a more southerly point of the
globe than I believed or not, I had not used the midnight
sun, seen through a mystic maze of unknowable refraction,
to determine position; to do so would have been
impossible. With a constant moving and grinding of
the ice, causing opening lanes of water, from which the
inequality of temperature drew an evaporation like
steam from a volcano, it is impossible at this season to
see a low sun with a clear horizon. One looks through
an opaque veil of blinding crystals. Every Arctic traveler
knows that even when the sun is seen on a clear
horizon, as it returns after the long night, his eyes are
deceived—he does not see the sun at all, but a refracted
image caused by the optical deception of atmospheric
distortions. For this reason, as I knew, all observations
of the sun when very low are worthless as a means
of determining position. The assumption that I had
done this seemed mere foolishness to me at the time.
Staggered by the blow that Whitney had buried my
instruments in the North, the recurring thoughts of
these harassing charges certainly had no soothing effect.
Alone, I was unable to cope with matters, anyway.
I under-estimated the effect of the cumulating attacks.
Oppressed by the undercurrent feeling that it was all a
fuss about very little, a thing of insignificant worth, and[Pg 504]
disturbed by the growing uncertainty of proving such a
claim to the point of hair-breadth accuracy by any
figures, despair overcame me.
I was so busy I could not pause to think, and was
conscious only of the rush, the labor, the worry. I no
longer slept; indigestion naturally seized me as its victim.
A mental depression brought desperate premonitions.
I developed a severe case of laryngitis in Washington;
it got worse as I went to Baltimore and Pittsburg.
At St. Louis, where I talked before an audience said to
number twelve thousand persons, I could hardly raise
my voice above a whisper. The lecture was given with
physical anguish. I was feverish and mentally dazed.
Thereafter, day by day, my thoughts became less coherent;
I, more like a machine.
I do not exaggerate when I say that there was
practically not one hour of pleasure in those troubled
days. The dinner which was given by the Arctic
travelers at the Waldorf-Astoria pleased me more than
anything during the entire experience. I felt the close
presence of hundreds of warm friends; I was conscious
of their good will.
I can recall the ceremony of presenting the keys of
the City of New York to me, but I was so confused and
half ill that I was not in a condition to appreciate the
honor.
After I had been on my lecture tour for a few
weeks, I began to feel persecuted. On every side I
sensed hostility; the sight of crowds filled me with a
growing sort of terror. I did not realize at the time
that I was passing from periods of mental depression to[Pg 505]
dangerous periods of nervous tension. I was pursued
by reporters, people with craning necks, good-natured
demonstrations of friendliness that irritated me. In the
trains I viewed the whirling landscape without, and felt
myself part of it—as a delirious man swept and hurtled
through space.
I suppose I answered questions intelligently; like
an automaton delivered my lectures, shook hands. I
have been told I smiled pleasantly always—mentally I
[Pg 506]
was never conscious of a smile. It is strange how, machine-like,
a man can conduct himself like a reasonable
being when, mentally, he is at sea. I have read a great
deal about the subconscious mind; on no other theory
can I account for my rational conduct in public at the
time. Really, as I view myself from the angle of the
present, I marvel that a man so distraught did not do
desperate things.
Author’s Note.—I have never attempted to disprove Mr. Peary’s
claim to having reached the North Pole. I prefer to believe that Mr.
Peary reached the North Pole.
So avid have been my enemies, however, to cast discredit upon my
own achievement, by such trivial and petty charges, that it seems curious
they have never noticed or have remained silent about many striking and
staggering discrepancies in Mr. Peary’s own published account of his
journey.
In Mr. Peary’s book, entitled “The North Pole; Its Discovery, 1909,”
published by Frederick A. Stokes Company, on page 302, appears the
following:
“We turned our backs upon the Pole at about four o’clock of the
afternoon of April 7.”
According to a statement made on page 304, Mr. Peary took time on
his return trip to take a sounding of the sea five miles from the Pole.
On page 305, Mr. Peary says: “Friday, April 9, was a wild day. All
day long the wind blew strong from the north-northeast, increasing finally
to a gale.” And on page 306: “We camped that night at 87° 47ʹ.”
Mr. Peary thus claims to have traveled from the Pole to this point, a
distance of 133 nautical miles, or 153 statute miles, in a little over two
days. This would average 76½ statute miles a day. Could a pedestrian
make such speed? During this time Mr. Peary camped twice, to make
tea, eat lunch, feed the dogs, and rest—several hours in each camp.
Why I should never have gone out of sight of land for more than
two days, as he has charged, when such miraculous speed can be made on the
circumpolar sea, is something Mr. Peary might find interesting reasons to
explain.
On page 310, Mr. Peary says: “We were coming down the North
Pole hill in fine shape now, and another double march, April 16-17, brought
us to our eleventh upward camp at 85° 8ʹ, one hundred and twenty-one
miles from Cape Columbia.”
According to this, Mr. Peary covered the distance from 87° 47ʹ, on
April 9, to 85° 8ʹ, on April 17—a distance of 159 nautical miles in eight
day. This averaged twenty miles a day.
On page 316, he says: “It was almost exactly six o’clock on the
morning of April 23 when we reached the igloo of ‘Crane City,’ at Cape
Columbia, and the work was done.”
Mr. Peary left 85° 8ʹ on April 17, according to his statement, and
traveled 121 miles to Cape Columbia in six days, arriving on April 23.
This last stretch was at the rate of twenty miles a day. To sum up, he
traveled from the North Pole, according to his statements, to land, as
follows:
The first 133 nautical miles southward in two days, at the rate of
66 nautical miles, or 76½ statute miles, a day; the last 279 nautical miles
in fourteen days, an average of 20 miles a day.
According to Peary’s book, Bartlett left him at 87° 46ʹ, and Mr.
Peary started on his final spurt to the Pole a little after midnight on the
morning of April 2. By arriving at the point where he left Bartlett on the
evening of April 9, he would have made the distance of 270 miles to
the Pole from this point and back, in a little over seven days.
In the New York World of October 3, 1910, page 3, column 6, Matthew
Henson makes the following statement: “On the way up we had to break
a trail, and averaged only eighteen to twenty miles a day. On the way
back we had our own trail to within one hundred miles of land, and then
Captain Bartlett’s trail. We made from twenty to forty miles a day.”
At the rate of twenty miles a day on the way up, which Henson
claims was made, it would have taken 6 days and 18 hours to cover the
distance of 135 miles from 87° 47ʹ to the Pole. Adding the thirty hours
Mr. Peary claims he spent at the Pole for observations, eight days would
have elapsed before they started back. Peary says the round trip of 270
miles from 87° 47ʹ N. to the Pole and the return to the same latitude was
done in seven days and a few hours.
Why has Mr. Peary never been asked to explain his miraculous speed
and the discrepancy between his statement and Henson’s?
Henson was Mr. Peary’s sole witness. When Mr. Peary, in a framed-up
document, endeavors to disprove my claim by quoting my Eskimos, it
would be just as fair to apply Henson’s words to disprove Peary.
Moreover, inasmuch as Mr. Peary’s partisans attacked my speed
limits when I made my first reports, does it not seem curious indeed that
they now accept as infallible, and ex cathedra, the published reports of
the almost supernatural feat in covering distance made by Mr. Peary?
THE KEY TO THE CONTROVERSY
PEARY AND HIS PAST—HIS DEALING WITH RIVAL EXPLORERS—THE
DEATH OF ASTRUP—THE THEFT OF THE
“GREAT IRON STONE,” THE NATIVES’ SOLE SOURCE OF
IRON
XXXIII
Actions Which Call for Investigation
Aiming to be retired from the Navy as a Captain,
with a comfortable pension; aiming eventually to wear
the stripes of a Rear-Admiral, which necessitated a promotion
over the heads of others in the normal line of
advancement, a second Polar victory, which was all that
Peary could honestly claim, was not sufficient. Something
must be done to destroy in the public eye the
merits of my achievement for the first attainment of the
Pole. I had reached the Pole on April 21, 1908. Mr.
Peary’s claims were for April 6, 1909, a year later. To
destroy the advantage of priority of my conquest, and
to establish himself as the first and only one who had
reached the Pole, was now the one predominant effort
to which Mr. Peary and his coterie of conspirators set
themselves. To this end the cables were now made to
burn with an abusive campaign, which the press, eager
for sensations, took up from land’s end to land’s end,[Pg 508]
even to the two worlds. The wireless operators picked
up messages that were being thrown from ship to ship
and from point to point. Each carried unkind insinuations
coming from the lips of Mr. Peary. The press
and the public were induced to believe that Peary’s
words came from one who was himself above the shadow
of suspicion. Their efforts, however, as we will see
later, did not differ from the battle of envy forced
against others before me, but it was now done more
openly.
It was difficult to remain silent against such world-wide
slanders. But I reasoned that truth would ultimately
prevail, and that the rebound of the American
spirit of fair play would quell the storm.
I had known for nearly a quarter of a century the
man for whom the press now attacked me. I had served
on two of his expeditions without pay; I had watched
his successes and his failures; I had admired his strong
qualities, and I had shivered with the shocks of his
wrongdoings. But still I did not feel that anything
was to be gained by retaliative abuse; and the truth
about him, out of charity, I hesitated to tell. No, I
argued, this warfare of the many against one, under the
dictates of envy, must ultimately bring to light its own
injustice.
I had always reasoned that a quiet, dignified, non-assailing
bearing would be most effective in a battle of
this kind. Contrary to the general belief at the time,
this was not done out of respect for Mr. Peary; it
seemed the best means to a worthier end. But I did not
know at this time that the press, dog-like, jumps upon
him who maintains a non-attacking attitude. In mod[Pg 509]ern
times, the old Christian philosophy of turning the
other cheek, as I have found, does not give the desired
results.
The press, which, at my home-coming, had lavished
praise and glowing panegyric, now, as promptly, swung
completely around and heaped upon my head terms
of opprobrium and obloquy. Faked news items were
issued to discredit me by Peary’s associates; editors
devoted space to jibes and sarcasms at my expense;
clever writers and cartoonists did their best to make my
name a humorous byword with my countrymen. Much
of this I did not know until long after.
The suddenness of all this—the terrible injustice
and unreasonableness of it—simply overwhelmed me.
Arriving from the cruel North, completely spent in
body and in mind, the rest that I was urgently in need
of had been constantly denied me. Instead, I had been
caught up and held within a perfect maelstrom of excitement.
That excitement still ran like fever in my veins.
The plaudits of the multitude were still ringing in my
ears when this horror of a world’s contumely burst on
my head. I could only bow my head and let the storm
spend itself about me. Sick at heart and dazed in mind,
conscious only of a vague disgust with all the world and
myself, I longed for respite and forgetfulness within
the bosom of my family.
So, quietly, I decided to retire for a year, out of
reach of the yellow papers; out of reach of the grind of
the pro-Peary mill of infamy, still maintaining silence
rather than stoop to the indignity of showing up the
dark side of Mr. Peary’s character. Having returned,
I hesitate to do it now; but the weaving of the leprous[Pg 510]
blanket of infamy with which Peary and his supporters
attempted to cover me cannot be understood unless we
look through Mr. Peary’s eyes—regard other explorers
as he regarded them; regard the North as his inalienable
property as he did, and regard his infamous, high-handed
injustices as right.
I have now decided to uncover the incentive of this
one-sided fight to which I have so long maintained a
non-attacking attitude. I had hoped, almost against
hope, that the public would ultimately understand,
without a word from me, the humbug of the mudslingers
who were attempting to defame my character. I had
felt sure that the hand which did the besmearing was
silhouetted clearly against the blackness of its own making.
But the storm of a sensation-seeking press later
so thickened the atmosphere that the public, from which
one has a sure guarantee of fair play, was denied a
clear view.
Now that the storm has spent its force; now that
the hand which did the mudslinging has within its grasp
the unearned gain which it sought; now that a clear
point of observation can be presented, I am compelled,
with much reluctance and distaste, to reveal the
unpleasant and unknown past of the man who tried to
ruin me; showing how unscrupulous and brutal he was
to others before me; with evidence in hand, I shall
reveal how he wove his web of defamation and how his
friends conspired with him in the darkest, meanest and
most brazen conspiracy in the history of exploration.
In doing this, my aim is not to challenge Mr.
Peary’s claim, but to throw light on unwritten pages of
history, which pages furnish the key to unlock the long[Pg 511]closed
door of the Polar controversy and the pro-Peary
conspiracy.
From the earliest days, Mr. Peary’s effort to reach
the Pole was undertaken primarily for purposes of
personal commercial gain. For twenty years he has
passed the hat along lines of easy money. That hat
would be passing to-day if the game had not been, in the
opinion of many, spoiled by my success.
For nearly twenty years he sought to be promoted
over the heads of stay-at-home but hardworking naval
officers. During all of this time, while on salary as a
naval officer, he was away engaged in private enterprises
from which hundreds of thousands of dollars went
into his pockets. By wire-pulling and lobbying he
succeeded in having the American Navy pay him an unearned
salary. Such a man could not afford to divide
the fruits of Polar attainment with another.
In 1891, as the steamer Kite went north, Mr. Peary
began to evince the brutal, selfish spirit which later was
shown to every explorer who had the misfortune to cross
his trail. Nansen had crossed Greenland; his splendid
success was in the public eye. Mr. Peary attempted to
belittle the merited applause by saying that Nansen had
borrowed the “Peary system.” But Peary had borrowed
the Nordenskiold system, without giving credit.
A few months later, Mr. John M. Verhoeff, the meteorologist
of the Kite expedition, was accorded such unbrotherly
treatment that he left his body in a glacial
crevasse in preference to coming home on the same ship
with Mr. Peary. This man had paid $2,000 for the
privilege of being Peary’s companion.
Eivind Astrup, another companion of Peary, a few[Pg 512]
years later was publicly denounced because he had
written a book on his own scientific observations and
did work which Peary had himself neglected to do.
This attempt to discredit a young, sensitive explorer
was followed by his mental unbalancement and suicide.
About 1897, Peary took from the people of the
Farthest North the Eskimos’ treasured “Star Stone.”
At some remote period in the unknown history of the
frigid North, thousands of years ago, when, possibly,
the primitive forefathers of the Eskimos were perishing
from inability to obtain food in that fierce war waged
between Nature and crude, blindly struggling, aboriginal
life because of a lack of weapons with which to
kill, there swiftly, roaringly, descended from the mysterious
skies a gigantic meteoric mass of burning, white-hot
iron. Whence it came, those dazed and startled
people knew not; they regarded it, as their descendants
have regarded it, with baffled mystified terror; later,
with reverence, gratitude, and a feeling akin to awe.
Gazing skyward, in the long, starlit nights, there undoubtedly
welled up surgingly in the wild hearts of
these innocent, Spartan children of nature, a feeling of
vague, instinctive wonder at the Power which swung
the boreal lamps in heaven; which moves the worlds in
space; which sweeps in the northern winds, and which,
for the creatures of its creation, apparently consciously,
and often by means seemingly miraculous, provides
methods of obtaining the sources of life. As the meteor
and its two smaller fragments cooled, the natives, by
the innate and adaptive ingenuity of aboriginal man,
learned to chip masses from it, from which were shaped
knives and arrows and spearheads. It became their[Pg 513]
mine of treasure, more precious than gold; it was their
only means of making weapons for obtaining that which
sustained life. With new weapons, they developed the
art of spear-casting and arrow-throwing. As the centuries
passed, animals fell easy prey to their skill; the
starvation of elder ages gave way to plenty.
The arm of God, it is said in the Scriptures, is long.
From the far skies it extended to these people of an
ice-sheeted, rigorous land, that they might survive, this
miraculous treasure. It seemed, however, that the arm
of man, in its greed, proved likewise long; and as the
strange providence which gave these people their chief
means of killing was kind, so the arm of man was cruel.
In 1894, R. E. Peary, regarding the Arctic world
as his own, the people as his vassals, came north, and a
year later took from these natives, without their consent,
the two smaller fragments. In 1897 he took “The
Tent,” or Great Iron Stone, the natives’ last and one
source of mineral wealth and ancestral treasure. That
it was these people’s great source of securing metal
meant nothing to him; that it was a scientific curio,
whereby he might secure a specious credit from the
well-fed armchair gentlemen of science at home, meant
much to the man who later did not hesitate to employ
methods of dishonor to try to secure exclusive credit of
the achievement of the Pole. Just as he later tried to
rob me of honor, so he ruthlessly took from these people
a thing that meant abundance of game—and game
there meant life.
The great “Iron Stone” was hauled aboard the
S. S. Hope, and brought to New York. Today it reposes
in the Museum of Natural History—a bulky,[Pg 514]
black heap of metal, which can be viewed any day by the
well-fed and curious. In the North, where he will
not go again to give his mythical “abundance of guns
and ammunition,” the Eskimos need the metal which
was sold to Mrs. Morris K. Jesup (who presented it to
the museum) for $40,000. That money went into Mr.
Peary’s pockets. In a land where laws existed this act
would be regarded as a high-handed, monumental and
dishonorable theft. One who might attempt now to
purloin the ill-gotten hulk from the museum would be
prosecuted. Taken from the people to whose ancestors
it was sent, as if by a providence that is divine, and
to whom it meant life, it gave Mr. Peary so-called scientific
honors among his friends. In the name of religion,
it has been said, many crimes have been committed. It
remained for this man to reveal what atrocious things
could be done in the fair name of science.
At about the same time a group of seven or eight
Eskimos were put aboard a ship against their will and
brought to New York for museum purposes. They
were locked up in a cellar in New York, awaiting a
market place. Before the profit-time arrived, because
of unhygienic surroundings and improper food, all but
one died. When in the grip of death, through a Mrs.
Smith, who ministered to their last wants, they
appealed with tears in their eyes for some word from
Mr. Peary. They begged that he extend them the
attention of visiting them before their eyes closed to a
world of misery and trouble. There came no word and
no responsive call from the man who was responsible
for their suffering. Of seven or eight innocent wild
people, but one little child survived. That one[Pg 515]—Mene—was
later even denied a passage back to his
fathers’ land by Mr. Peary.
A few years later, the Danish Literary Expedition
visited the northernmost Eskimos in their houses. The
splendid hospitality shown the Danes by the Eskimos
saved their lives. The Danish people, aiming to
express their gratitude for this unselfish Eskimo kindness,
sent a ship to their shores on the following year,
loaded with presents, at an expenditure of many thousands
of kroner. That ship, under the direction of Captain
Schoubye, left at North Star great quantities of
food, iron and wood. After the Danes had turned their
backs, Mr. Peary came along and deliberately, high-handedly,
took many of the things. This story is told
today by every member of the tribe whom Peary claims
to have befriended, whom he calls “my people.”
The sad story of the unavoidable deaths by starvation
of the members of General Greely’s Expedition has
for years been issued and reissued to the press by Mr.
Peary and his press agents, in such form as to discredit
General Greely and his co-workers. His own inhuman
doings about Cape Sabine and the old Greely stamping-grounds
have been suppressed.
In 1901 the ship Erik left Mr. Peary, with a large
group of native helpers, near Cape Sabine. An
epidemic, brought by the Peary ship, soon after attacked
the Eskimos. Many died; others survived to endure a
slow torture. Peary had no doctor and no medicine.
In the year previous, Peary had shown the same spirit
to the ever faithful Dr. Dedrick that he had shown to
Verhoeff, to Astrup, and to others. Although Dedrick
could not endure Peary’s unfairness, he remained,[Pg 516]
against instructions, within reach for just such an
emergency as this epidemic presented. He offered his
services when the epidemic broke out, but Peary refused
his offer, and allowed the natives to die rather than
permit a competent medical expert to attend the
afflicted.
Near the same point, a year later, Captain Otto
Sverdrup wintered with his ship. His mission was to
explore the great unknown to the west. This unexplored
country had been under Mr. Peary’s eye for ten
years; but instead of exploring it, his time was spent in
an easy and comparatively luxurious life about a
comfortable camp. When Sverdrup’s men visited the
Peary ship, they were denied common brotherly courtesy
and were refused the hospitality which is universally
granted, by an unwritten law, to all field workers. Mr.
Peary even refused to send him, on his returning ship,
important letters and papers which Sverdrup desired
taken back. He also refused to allow Sverdrup to take
native guides and dogs-which did not belong to Mr.
Peary. This same courtesy was later denied to Captain
Bernier, of the Canadian Expedition.
Thus attempting to make a private preserve of the
unclaimed North, he attempted to discredit and thwart
every other explorer’s effort. In line with the same
policy, every member of every Peary expedition has
been muzzled with a contract which prevented talking
or writing after the expedition’s return—contracts by
which Mr. Peary derived the sole credit, the entire
profit, and all the honor of the results of the men who
volunteered their services and risked their lives. This
same spirit was shown at the time when, at 87° 45ʺ, he[Pg 517]
turned Captain Bartlett back, because he (Peary), to
use his own words, “wanted all the honors.”
In profiting by his long quest for funds for legitimate
exploration, we find Peary engaged in private
enterprises for which public funds were used. Much of
this money was, in my judgment, used to promote a
lucrative fur and ivory trade, while the real effort of
getting to the Pole was delayed, seemingly, for commercial
gain. I believe the Pole might have been
reached ten years earlier. But delay was profitable.
After being thus engaged for years in a propaganda
of self-exploitation, in assailing other explorers
whom he regarded as rivals, in committing deeds in the
North unworthy of an American and officer of the
Navy, Peary, knowing that I had started Poleward,
knowing that relief must inevitably be required, ultimately
appropriated my supplies, and absolutely prevented
any effort to reach me, which even the natives
themselves might have made. Peary knew he was
endangering my life. He knew that he was getting
ivory and furs in return for supplies belonging to me,
and which I should need. He knew, also, that it would
not coincide with his selfish purposes of appropriating
all honor and profit if I reached the Pole and should
return and tell the world. His deliberate act was in
itself—whether so designed or not—an effort to kill a
brother explorer. The stains of at least a dozen other
lives are on this man.
The property which Peary took from Francke and
myself, with the hand of a buccaneer and the heart of a
hypocrite, was worth thirty-five thousand dollars. This
was done, not to insure expedition needs, but to satisfy[Pg 518]
a hunger for commercial gain, and to inflict a cowardly,
underhanded injury on a rival. All of my caches, my
camp equipment, my food, were taken; and under his
own handwriting he gave the orders which deprived me
of all relief efforts at a time when relief was of vital
importance. Certainly to all appearances this was a
deliberate, preconceived plan to kill a rival worker by
starvation. Here we find an American naval officer
stooping to a trick for which he would be hanged in a
mining camp.
Many members of his expeditions, some rough seamen,
speak with shuddering of his actions in that far-away
North. In my possession are affidavits, voluntarily
made and given to me by members of Mr. Peary’s
expeditions, revealing gross actions, which, in an officer
of the Navy, call for investigation. Mention has been
made of certain facts, because, only by knowing these
things, can people understand the spirit and character
of the man and the unscrupulous attacks made upon
me, and understand, also, why, out of a sense of delicacy
and dislike for mudslinging, I remained silent so
long. It is only because the public has been misled by
a sensational press, because I realize I have suffered by
my own silence, in order that history may know the full
truth and accord a just verdict, that with reluctance,
with a sense of shuddering distaste, I have been compelled
to present these unpleasant pages of unwritten
Arctic history.
When Mr. Peary and his partisans attacked me
they hesitated at nothing that was untrue, cruel and
dishonorable—forgery and perjury even seemed justifiable
to them in their effort to discredit me. I still[Pg 519]
hesitate to speak of certain unworthy, unblushing and
utterly cruel acts of which Mr. Peary is guilty. I
would have preferred to remain silent about the actions
of which I have told.
Assuming the attitude of one above reproach, Peary,
upon his return, assailed me as a dishonest person who
tried to rob him of honor. Had the actual and full
truths been told at the time about Peary’s life in the
North, his charges would have rebounded annihilatingly
upon himself. For certain things the people of this
country, who are clean, honest and fair, will not stand.
The facts told about Peary in the affidavits given me
make his charges of dishonor and dishonesty against
me a travesty, indeed. Yet, at a time when I might
have profited by revealing phases of Mr. Peary’s personal
character, I preferred to remain silent. Of certain
things men do not care to speak. Although Mr. Peary
and his friends endeavored to make the Polar
controversy a personal one, I regarded Mr. Peary’s
personal actions as having no bearing upon his, or my,
having attained the Pole. He and his friends forced a
personal fight; they tried to injure my veracity, my
reputation for truth-telling, my personal honor. I had
hoped against hope that the truth would resolve itself
without any necessity of my revealing elements of Mr. Peary’s
character. I have herein recited pages from his
past, known to Arctic explorers but not to the general
public, so that his attitude toward me may be understood.
Yet all, indeed, has not been told. Although
Mr. Peary did not scruple to lie about me, I still hesitate
to tell the full truth about him.
In the white, frozen North a tragedy was enacted[Pg 520]
which would bring tears to the hearts of all who possess
human tenderness and kindness. This has never been
written. To write it would still further reveal the ruthlessness,
the selfishness, the cruelty of the man who tried
to ruin me. Yet here I prefer the charity of silence,
where, indeed, charity is not at all merited.
The knowledge of these facts tempered the shocks
I felt when the Peary campaign of defamation was
first made against me. I told myself that a man who
had done these things would, in the nature of things, be
branded by the truth, as he deserved.
I was not so greatly surprised that Peary tried to
steal my honor. I knew that he had stolen tangible
things. Yet the theft of food, even though a man’s life
depends upon it, is not so awful as the attempt to steal
the good name a father hopes to bequeath his children.
Yet Peary has attempted to do this.
He has attempted to blacken me in the eyes of
my family; but, with the conscience of a brute, he has
deserted two of his own children—left them to starve
and freeze in the cheerless north. They are there
today crying for food and a father, while he enjoys a
life of luxury at the expense of the American tax-payers.
This statement calls for an investigation by
the Secretary of the Navy. See photograph of the
deserted child of the Sultan of the North, facing page
493.
THE MT. McKINLEY BRIBERY
THE BRIBED, FAKED AND FORGED NEWS ITEMS—THE PRO-PEARY
MONEY POWERS ENCOURAGE PERJURY—MT.
M’KINLEY HONESTLY CLIMBED—HOW, FOR PEARY,
A SIMILAR PEAK WAS FAKED
XXXIV
How a Man’s Soul Was Marketed
After Mr. Peary had done his utmost to try to
disprove my Polar attainment; after the chain of newspapers
which, for him, in conjunction with the New
York Times, had printed the same egregious lies on the
same days, from the Atlantic to the Pacific; after they
had expended all possible ammunition, the damages
inflicted were still insufficient. My narrative, as published
in the New York Herald, was still more generally
credited than Mr. Peary’s. To gain his end, something
else had to be done. Something else was done. The
darkest page of defamation in the world’s history of
exploration was now written by the hands of bribers
and perjurers.
The public suddenly turned from the newspaper-inculcated
idea of “proof” in figures to a more sane
examination of personal veracity. To destroy my
reputation for truth in the public mind was the next[Pg 522]
unscrupulous effort decided upon. The selfish and
self-evident press campaign, obviously managed by the
Peary cabal, to that end had given unsatisfactory results.
Some vital blow must be delivered by fair means
or otherwise.
The climb of Mt. McKinley was now challenged.
I had made a first ascent of the great mid-Alaskan
peak in 1906. The record of that conquest was published
during my absence in the North, under the title,
“To the Top of the Continent.” The book, being
printed at a time when I was unable to see the proofs,
contained some mistakes; but in it was all the data that
could be presented for such an undertaking.
The Board of Aldermen of the City of New York
decided to honor me by offering the keys and the freedom
of the metropolis on October 15. This was to be
an important event. The pro-Peary conspiracy aiming
to deliver striking blows through the press, their propaganda
was so planned that the bribed, faked and forged
news items were issued on days which gave them
dramatic and psychologic climaxes. Two days before
the New York demonstration in my favor, the pretentious
full-page broadside of distorted Eskimo information
was issued. This fell flat; for it was instantly seen
to be a pretentious rearrangement of old charges. But
it was so played up as to fill columns of newspaper
space and impress readers by its magnitude. This was
followed by the Barrill affidavit, similarly played up so
as to fill a full newspaper page, which I shall analyze
later. All this was done to draw a black cloud
over the day of honor in New York, the 15th day of
October.[Pg 523]
Since the published affidavit of my old associate,
Barrill, was a document which proved him a self-confessed
liar; since the affidavit carried with it the
earmarks of pro-Peary bribery and perjury, I reasoned
again that fair-minded people would in time see through
this moneyed campaign of dishonor. In all history it
has been shown that he who seeks to besmear others
usually leaves the greatest amount of mud on himself.
But again I had not counted on the unfairness of the
press.
The only reason given that I should have faked the
climb of Mt. McKinley is that, in some vague way, I
was to profit mightily by a successful report. The
expedition was to have been financed by a rich Philadelphia
sportsman. He did advance the greater portion
of the sum required. We were to prepare a game
trail for him. Something interfered, he relinquished his
trip, and did not send the balance of money promised.
The result was that many checks I had given out
went to protest. Harper & Brothers had agreed, before
starting, to pay me $1,500 for an account of the expedition,
whether successful or not. On my return this was
paid, and went to meet outstanding debts—debts to pay
which I embarrassed myself. Instead of “profits” from
this alleged “fake,” I suffered a loss of several thousand
dollars.
As is quite usual in all exploring expeditions, some
of the members of my Mt. McKinley expedition, who
did not share in the final success, were disgruntled.
Chief among these was Herschell Parker. Owing to
ill-health and inexperience, Parker had proved himself
inefficient in Alaskan work. Climbing a little peak[Pg 524]
forty miles from the great mountain, when he was with
me, he had pronounced Mt. McKinley unclimbable.
Climbing a similar hill, four years later, he stooped to
the humbug of offering a photograph of it as a parallel
to my picture of the top of Mt. McKinley. This man
was so ill-fitted for such work that two men were required
to help him mount a horse. But I insisted that
we continue at least to the base of the mountain. At
the first large glacier, Parker and his companion,
Belmore Brown, balked, halting in front of an insignificant
ice-wall. The ascent of Mt. McKinley, still thirty-five
miles off, they said, was impossible. Parker returned,
and in a trail of four thousand miles to New
York told every press representative how impossible was
the ascent of Mt. McKinley. By the time Parker
reached New York a cable went through that the thing
was done. At a point four thousand miles from the
scene of action, he again cried, “Impossible!” When I
returned to New York, however, a month later, and
Parker learned the details, he publicly and privately
credited my ascent of Mt. McKinley. Nothing further
was said to doubt the climb until two years later, when
he lined up with the Peary interests.
Using Parker as a tool, Peary’s Arctic Club,
through him, first forced the side-issue of Mt. McKinley.
With the Barrill affidavit, made later, were
printed other affidavits by Barrill’s friends, who had not
been within fifty miles of the mountain when it was
climbed. This act, to me, was a bitter climax of injustice.
But I have since learned that Printz got $500 of
pro-Peary money; that both Miller and Beecher were
promised large amounts, but were cheated at the “show[Pg 525]down.”
Printz afterwards wrote that he would make
an affidavit for me for $300, and at Missoula he made
an affidavit in which he attempted to defend me.[26] This
he offered to sell to Roscoe Mitchell for $1,000.
While easy pro-Peary money was passing in the
West, Parker came forward with his old grudge. His
chief contention was that, because he had taken home
with him in deserting the object of the expedition a
hypsometer, I could not have measured the high altitudes
claimed. The altitude had been measured by
triangulation by the hydrographer of the expedition,
but I had other methods of measuring the ascent.
I had two aneroid barometers, specially marked for
very high climbing, thermometers, and all the usual
Alpine instruments. The hypsometer was not at that
time an important instrument. Parker also showed
unfair methods by allowing the press repeatedly to print
that he had been the leader and the organizer of the
expedition. This he knew to be false. I had organized
two expeditions to explore Mt. McKinley, at a cost of
$28,000. Of this Parker had furnished $2,500. Parker
took no part in the organization of the last expedition,
had given no advice to help supply an adequate equipment,
and in the field his presence was a daily handicap
to the progress of the expedition. Heretofore, this was[Pg 526]
never indicated. But when he allows himself to be
quoted as the leader of an expedition upon which he
attempts to throw discredit, then it is right that all the
facts be known.
In the press reports, when Parker was first heard
from, came the news that on the Pacific coast, at
Tacoma, a lawyer by the name of J. M. Ashton was
retained by someone. To the press Ashton said he was
engaged “to look into the McKinley business,” but he
did not know by whom—whether by Cook or Peary.
He was “engaged” in a business too questionable to tell
who furnished the money.
In the final ascent of Mt. McKinley there was with
me Edward Barrill, the affidavit-maker. He was a
good-natured and hard-working packer, who had
proved himself a most able climber. Together we
ascended the mountain in September, 1906. To this
time (1909) there was not the slightest doubt about the
footprints on the top of the great mountain. Barrill
had told everybody that he knew, and all who would
listen to him, that the mountain was climbed. He went
from house to house boastfully, with my book under his
arm, telling and retelling the story of the ascent of Mt.
McKinley. That anyone should now believe the affidavit,
secured and printed for Peary, did not to me
seem reasonable.
Parker, filling the position of betrayer and traitor
to one who had saved his life many times, had decided,
as the Polar controversy opened, to direct the Mt.
McKinley side-issue of the pro-Peary effort.
The first news of bribery in the matter came from
Darby, Montana. This was Barrill’s home town. A[Pg 527]
Peary man from Chicago was there. He frankly said
that he would pay Barrill $1,000 to offer news that
would discredit the climb of Mt. McKinley. Other
news of the dishonest pro-Peary movement induced me
to send Roscoe Mitchell, of the New York Herald, to
the working ground of the bribers. Mitchell was
working under the direction of my attorneys, H. Wellington
Wack, of New York, Colonel Marshal, of
Missoula, and General Weed, of Helena, Montana.
Mitchell secured testimony and evidence regarding
the buying of Barrill, but was unable to put the conspirators
in jail. At Hamilton, Montana, there had
appeared a man with $5,000 to pass to Barrill. Barrill’s
first reply was that he had climbed the mountain;
that Dr. Cook had climbed the mountain; that to take
that $5,000, in his own words, he “would have to sell his
own soul.” Barrill’s business partner, Bridgeford,
was present. He later made an affidavit for Mr.
Mitchell covering this part of the pro-Peary perjury
effort.
A little later, however, Barrill said to his partner
he “might as well see what was in it.” Five thousand
dollars to Barrill meant more than five million dollars to
Mr. Peary or his friends. To Barrill, ignorant, poor,
good-natured, but weak, it was an irresistible
temptation.
Barrill now went to Seattle. He visited the office
of the Seattle Times. In the presence of the editor,
Mr. Joe Blethen, he dickered for the sale of an affidavit
to discredit me. He knew such an affidavit had news
value. Indefinite offers ranging from $5,000 to $10,000
were made. Not getting a lump sum off-hand, Barrill,[Pg 528]
dissatisfied, then went over to Tacoma, to the mysterious
Mr. Ashton. That all this was done, was told me on
my trip west shortly afterward, by Mr. Blethen himself.
After visiting Ashton, Barrill was seen in a bank
in Tacoma. Barrill had said to his partner that to make
an affidavit denying my climb would be “selling his
soul.” Barrill, ill at ease, reluctant, appeared. It is a
terrible thing to lure a weak man to dishonor; it is still
more tragic and awful when that man is bought so his
lie may hurt another. The time for the parting of his
soul had arrived in the bank. With the sadness of a
funeral mourner Barrill was pushed along. The talk was
in a muffled undertone. But it all happened. In the presence
of a witness, whose evidence I am ready to produce,
$1,500 was passed to him. This money was paid in
large bills, and placed in Barrill’s money-belt. There
were other considerations, and I know where some of
this money was spent. His soul was marketed at last.
The infamous affidavit was then prepared.
This affidavit was printed first in the New York
Globe. The Globe is partly owned and entirely controlled
by General Thomas H. Hubbard, the President
of the Peary Club. With General Hubbard, Mr. Peary
had consulted at Bar Harbor immediately after his
return from Sydney. Together they had outlined their
campaign. General Hubbard is a multi-millionaire.
A tremendous amount of money was spent in the Peary
campaign. In the Mt. McKinley affidavit of Barrill
we can trace bribery, a conspiracy, and black dishonor,
right up to the door of R. E. Peary.
If Peary is not the most unscrupulous self-seeker
in the history of exploration, caught in underhand, sur[Pg 529]reptitious
acts too cowardly to be credited to a thief,
caught in the act of bartering for men’s souls and honor
in as ruthless a way as he high-handedly took others’
property in the North; if he, drawing an unearned
salary from the American Navy, has not brindled his
soul with stripes that fit his body for jail, let him come
forward and reply. If Peary is not the most conscienceless
of self-exploiters in all history, caught in the
act of stealing honor by forcing dishonor, let him come
forward and explain the Mt. McKinley perjury.
Now let us examine the others who were lined up
in this desperate black hand movement. In New
York there is a club, at first organized to bring explorers
together and to encourage original research. It
bore the name of Explorers’ Club; but, as is so often the
case with clubs that monopolize a pretentious name, the
membership degenerated. It is now merely an association
of museum collectors. Among real explorers,
this club to-day is jocularly known as the “Worm
Diggers’ Union.” In 1909 Mr. Peary was president.
His press agent, Bridgman, was the moving spirit, and
one of Colonel Mann’s muck-rakers was secretary. Of
course, such a society, committed to Peary, had no use
for Dr. Cook.
In a spirit of helping along the pro-Peary conspiracy,
and after the Barrill affidavit was secured, the
Explorers’ Club took upon itself the supererogatory
duty of appointing a committee to pass on my ascent of
Mt. McKinley. There was but one real explorer on
this committee. The others were kitchen geographers,
whose honor and fairness had been bartered to the Peary
interests before the investigation began. Without a[Pg 530]
line of data before them, they decided, with glee and
gusto, that Mt. McKinley had not been climbed. This
was what one would expect from such an honor-blind
group of meddlers. But Mr. Peary’s press worker,
Bridgman, who himself had engineered the investigation,
used this seeming verdict of experts to Mr. Peary’s
advantage.[27]
Still all these combined underhanded efforts failed
to reach vital spots and to turn the entire public Mr.
Peary’s way. Something more must still be done,
Peary’s press agent offered $3,000, and the cowardly
Ashton, of Tacoma, offered another $3,000, to send an
expedition to Alaska, to further the pro-Peary effort to
down a rival. The traitor, Parker, responded. He was
joined by the other quitter, Belmore Brown, who has
conveniently forgotten to return borrowed money to me.
This Peary-Parker-Brown combination went to Alaska
in 1910, engaged in mining pursuits and hunting adventures.
They returned with the expected and framed report
that Mt. McKinley had not been climbed, and that
they had climbed a snow-hill, had photographed it, and
that the photograph was similar to mine of the topmost
peak of Mt. McKinley. Mt. McKinley has a base twenty-five
miles wide; it has upon the various slopes of its
giant uplift hundreds of peaks, all glacial, polished, and
of a similar contour. No one peak towers gigantically
above the others. On the top are many peaks, no par[Pg 531]ticular
one of which can with any accuracy of inches be
decided arbitrarily as the very highest. The top of a
mountain does not converge to a pin-point apex. One
looks out, not into immediate space on all sides, but
over an area, as I have said, of many peaks. My
photograph of the peak, which loomed highest among
the others on the top, possesses a profile not unusual
among ice-cut rocks. The Peary-Parker-Brown seekers
tried hard to duplicate this photograph, so as to
show I had faked my picture. The thing might have
been done easily in the Canadian Rockies. It could be
done in a dozen more accessible places in Alaska; but,
without real work, it could be only crudely done near
Mt. McKinley. The photograph which Peary’s friends
offered to discredit the first ascent is one of a double
peak, part of which vaguely suggests but a poor outline
of Mt. McKinley, and in which a rock has been faked.
Who is responsible for this humbug? Where is the
negative? The photograph bears no actual semblance
to my picture of the top of Mt. McKinley whatever.
But why was the negative faked? Parker excuses the
evident unfairness of the dissimilar photograph by saying
that he could not get the same position as I must
have had. But is laziness or haste an excuse when a
man’s honor is assailed.[28]
Let us follow the Peary high-handed humbugs
further. To the southeast of Mt. McKinley is a huge
mountain, which I named Mt. Disston in 1905. This
peak was robbed of its name, and over it Parker wrote
Mt. Huntington. To the northeast of Mt. McKinley
is another peak, charted on my maps, to which Peary
gave the name of the president of the Peary Arctic
Trust. To this peak was given the same name, by the
same methods of stealing the credit of other explorers,
as that adopted by Peary when, in response to $25,000
of easy money, he wrote the same name, “Thomas Hubbard,”
over Sverdrup’s northern point of Heiberg
[Pg 533]Land. Can it be doubted that the Peary-Parker-Brown
propaganda of hypocrisy and dishonor in Alaska
is guided by no other spirit than that of Mr. Peary?
Many persons say: “We will credit Dr. Cook’s
attainment of the Pole if this Mt. McKinley matter is
cleared up.” I have heard this often. I have offered
in my book proofs of the climb—the same proofs any
[Pg 534]mountain-climber offers. To discredit these, my enemies
stooped to bribery. I have in my possession, and
have stated here, proofs of this. Such proofs are even
more tangible than the climbing of a far-away mountain.
Is any other clarifier or any other evidence
required to prove the pro-Peary frauds?
THE PEARY-PARKER-BROWN HUMBUG UP TO DATE
This chapter is best closed by an analysis of the second effort of Parker
and Brown. It will be remembered that in their first venture as hirelings of the
Peary propaganda, they balked at the north-east ridge, without making a serious
attempt. This ridge—(the ridge upon which I had climbed to the top of Mt.
McKinley) was pronounced impossible and therefore my claim in their judgment
was false, for such a statement $3,000.00 had been paid. During the spring
of 1912, again with $5,000 of Pro-Peary money to discredit me—The same hirelings
went through the range, attacked the same ridge from the west and by the
really able efforts of their guide, La Voy, a point near the top was reached. The
Associated Press report of this effort said that the principal result of the expedition
was to show that the north-east ridge (the ridge which I had climbed), was
climbable. The very men sent out and paid, therefore, by my enemies to disprove
my work have proven, against their will, my first ascent of Mt. McKinley.
Two other exploring parties were about the slopes of Mt. McKinley during
the time of the Peary-Parker defamers. The first, a group of hardy Alaskan
pioneers, whose report is written in the Overland Magazine for February, 1913,
by Ralph H. Cairns—after an unbiased study of reports both for and against,
Cairns credits my first ascent. The well known Engineer R. C. Bates, who as a
U. S. revenue inspector of mines and an explorer and mountain climber, did much
pioneer work about Mt. McKinley. He also goes on record in the Los Angeles
Tribune of February 13th, 1913, as saying: “Dr. Cook really succeeded in ascending
the north-east ridge of Mt. McKinley as claimed in 1906.” Bates confirms
the charge of $5,000 being paid the Parker-Brown expedition to refute my 1906
ascent, and says: “In 1906 Dr. Cook claimed he climbed Mt. McKinley by the
north-east ridge. In the account of the 1910 expedition, Parker claimed that
‘the north-east ridge, the one used by Dr. Cook, was absolutely unsurmountable’.
I, with a party of two, explored the mountain in 1911 and selected the north-east
ridge as the only feasible route to the top. I ascended to 11,000 feet, according
to barometric measure. I told of the exploit to members of the Parker party,
who took the same course in 1912. Mr. Parker now contradicts his former statement
by saying, ‘The north-east ridge is the only feasible ridge, and whoever
goes up will follow in my footsteps.'” It is important to note that Dr. Cook’s
previous footsteps were eliminated, $5,000 had been paid for that very purpose.
In a personal interview Mr. Bates made the very grave change that one
of the leaders of the very expedition sent out to discredit me, had offered him
a bribe to swear falsely to certain assessment work on claims which had not been
done. The Peary-Parker-Brown movement is therefore from many sources a
proven propaganda of bribery, conspiracy and perjury. That such men can escape
the doom of prison cells is a parody upon human decency, and yet such are the
men who are responsible for the distrust which has been thrown on my work.
THE DUNKLE-LOOSE FORGERY
ITS PRO-PEARY MAKING
XXXV
The Last Perjured Defamation
With the bitterness of the money-bought document
to shatter my veracity regarding the ascent of Mt.
McKinley ever before me, I canceled in November all
my lecture engagements. Mr. William M. Grey, then
managing my tour, broke contracts covering over
$140,000. But, for the time being, these could not be
filled. I was nearing a stage of mental and physical
exhaustion, and required rest. Seeking a quiet retreat,
my wife and I left the Waldorf-Astoria and secured
quarters at the Gramatan Inn, in Bronxville, N. Y.
Here was prepared my report and data to be sent to
Copenhagen.
At this time, as if again destined by fate, innocently
I made my greatest error, opened myself to what became
the most serious and damaging charge against my
good faith, and the misstated account of which, published
later, was used by my enemies in their efforts
to brand me as a conscious faker and deliberate fraud.
When I now think of the incidents leading up to
the acquaintance of Dunkle and Loose, it does seem
that I had lost all sense of balance, and that my brain[Pg 536]
was befogged. Shortly before I had started West,
Dunkle was brought to me by Mr. Bradley on the pretext
of wanting to talk life insurance.
During my lecture tour threats from fanatics
reached me, and in my nervous condition it was not
hard for me to believe that my life was in danger.
Then, too, it seemed that all the money I had made
might be spent in efforts to defend myself. I decided
to protect my wife and children by life insurance. How
Dunkle guessed this—if he did—I do not know. But
at just the right moment he appeared, and I fell into the
insurance trap.
At the time I did not know that Dunkle had been
a professional “subscription-raiser,” who, while I was
in the North, had volunteered to raise money for a relief
expedition—provided he was given an exorbitant percentage.
For this reason both Anthony Fiala and Dillon
Wallace had refused to introduce him to me before he
secured the introduction by Mr. Bradley. When Mrs.
Cook first saw him, with feminine intuition she said:
“Don’t have anything to do with that man. I
don’t like his looks.”
I did not heed this, however. After some futile
life insurance talk, he surprised me by saying irrelevantly:
“By the way, I have an expert navigator, a friend
of mine, who can prove that Peary was not at the Pole.”
“I have not challenged Mr. Peary’s claim,” I replied,
“and do not wish to. The New York Herald,
however, may listen to what you have to say.” That
was all that was said at the time.[Pg 537]
After my return from the western lecture tour,
Dunkle seemed to be always around, and at every opportunity
spoke to me. He gained a measure of confidence
by criticising the press campaign waged against me. I
naturally felt kindly toward anyone who was sympathetic.
At this time, when the problem of accurate
observations was worrying me, when my mind was
beginning to weigh the problem of scientific accuracy—again
just at the psychological moment—Dunkle
brought Loose out to the Gramatan Inn and introduced
him to me, saying that he was an expert
navigator.
Pretending a knowledge of the situation in Europe,
Loose told me the Danes were becoming impatient. I
replied that I was busy preparing my report.
“Something ought to be done in the meantime,” he
said. “Now, I have connections with some of the Scandinavian
papers, and I think some friendly articles in
the meantime would allay this unrest.”
The idea seemed reasonable; anything that would
help me was welcome, and I told Loose, if he wanted to,
that he might go ahead. He visited me several times,
and broached the subject of the possible outcome of the
Copenhagen verdict. By this time I felt fairly friendly
with him. Finally he brought me several articles.
They seemed weak and irrelevant. Lonsdale read
them, said there was not much to them, but that they
might help. Loose mailed the articles—or said he did.
Then, to my amazement, he made the audacious suggestion
that I let him go over my material. I flatly
refused.
He pointed out, what I myself had been thinking[Pg 538]
about, that all observations were subject to extreme
inaccuracy. He suggested his working mine out backward
to verify them. As I regarded him as an experienced
navigator, I thought this of interest. I was not
a navigator, and, moreover, had had no chance of checking
my figures. So, desiring an independent view, and
thinking that another man’s method might satisfy any
doubts, I told him to go ahead, using the figures published
in my story in the New York Herald.
At the time I told him to purchase for me a “Bowditch
Navigator,” which I lacked, and any other almanacs
and charts he needed for himself. He came out to
the Gramatan to live. Arrangements for his stay had
been made by Dunkle—under the name of Lewis, I have
been told since—but I knew nothing of this at the time.
I gave Loose $250, which was to compensate him in full
for the articles and his running expenses. It struck me
that he took an unnecessarily long time to finish his
work of checking my calculations.
Late one night, returning from the city, I went to
his room. Dunkle was there. Papers were strewn all
over the room.
“Well,” said Loose, “I think we have this thing all
fixed up.”
Dunkle, smooth-tongued and friendly as ever, said,
“Now, Doctor, I want to advise you to put your own
observations aside. Send these to Copenhagen!“
I looked up amazed, incredulous. I felt stunned
for the moment, and said little. I then took the trouble
to look over all the papers carefully. There was a full
set of faked observations. The examination took me
an hour. During that time Dunkle and Loose were[Pg 539]
talking in a low tone. I did not hear what they said.
I saw at once the game the rascals had been playing.
The insinuation of their nefarious suggestion for the
moment cleared my mind, and a dull anger filled me.
“Gentlemen,” I said, “pack up every scrap of this
paper in that dress-suit case. Take all of your belongings
and leave this hotel at once.”
I stood there while they did so. Not a word was
spoken. Sheepish and silent, they shuffled from the
room, ashamed and taken aback. Sick at heart at the
thought that these men should have considered me
unscrupulous enough to buy and use their faked figures,
I went to my room. From that day—November 22—I
have not received a letter or telegram from either.
Months later, in South America, I read with horrified
amazement a summary of the account of this occurrence,
sold by Dunkle and Loose to the New York
Times. Distorted and twisted as it was I doubt if even
the Times would have used it had Dunkle and Loose not
forced the lie that these faked figures were sent to
Copenhagen. They knew, as God knows, that every
scrap of paper on which they wrote was packed in a
suit-case as dirty as the intent of their sin-blotted paper.
If my report to the Copenhagen University proved
anything, it was, by comparison, figure by figure, with
the affidavits published, that in this at least I was guilty
of no fraud.
In a re-examination later, a handwriting expert has
come to the conclusion that the name of Loose was
forged, and Loose was later put in jail for another
offense. To the city editor of a New York evening
paper Loose offered to sell a story retracting the[Pg 540]
charges published in the Times. Dunkle admitted to
witnesses that he had been paid for the affidavit published
in the New York Times. Loose, willing to discredit
the Times story, said, however, he “wanted big
money” for a retraction. One question that is forced in
the interest of fair-play is, Why did the New York
Times, without investigation, print a news item by
which a man’s honor is attacked, which is not only a
perjury but a forgery? The managing editor was
shown the evidence of this forgery, admitted its force,
but not a word was printed to counteract the harm done
by printing false news.
Captain E. B. Baldwin, a year later, discovered
that this pro-Peary faked stuff was in possession of
Professor James H. Gore, one of Mr. Peary’s friends in
the National Geographic Society, which prostituted its
name for Peary by passing upon valueless “proofs.”
From the methods pursued by this society later, I am
inclined to the belief that the Dunkle-Loose fake was
concocted for members of this society. If not, how does
it happen that Professor Gore is in possession of this
faked, forged, and perjured stuff?
HOW A GEOGRAPHIC SOCIETY PROSTITUTED ITS NAME
XXXVI
The Washington Verdict—The Copenhagen Verdict
While one group of pro-Peary men were early
engaged in various conspiracies, extending from New
York to the Pacific coast, fabricating false charges,
faking, and forging news items designed to injure me,
men higher up in Washington were planning other
deceptions behind closed doors. The Mt. McKinley
bribery and the Dunkle-Loose humbug had the desired
effect in reducing the opposition in Washington, and by
December of 1909 the controversy was settled to Mr.
Peary’s satisfaction by a group of men who, by deception,
betrayed public trust.
The National Geographic Society very early
assumed a meddlesome air in an effort to dictate the
distribution of Polar honors. With the excuse that
they would give a gold medal to him who could prove
priority to the claim of Polar discovery, they began a
series of movements that would put a dishonorable
political campaign to shame. In the light of later
developments, medals from this society are regarded by
true scientific workers as badges of dishonor. By way[Pg 542]
of explanation, one of the officers said that they made
it a rule to examine all original field observations before
the society honored an explorer. This was a deliberate
falsehood, for no explorer going to Washington had
previously packed his field papers and instruments for
inspection. If so, then this society again convicts itself
of a humbug, as it did later. Mr. Peary had been given
a gold medal for his claim of having reached the farthest
north in 1906. Peary admitted that his position
rested on one imperfect observation. I happened,
quite by accident, to be in a position, soon after Peary’s
return, to examine the instruments with which the
farthest north observations had been made. Every
apparatus was so bent and bruised that further observations
were impossible. Of course Peary will say that
the instruments were injured en route on the return.
But this does not excuse the idle boast of the members
of the National Geographic Society, who said that they
always examined a returning explorer’s field notes and
apparatus, when in this case they did not see Mr.
Peary’s observations nor his instruments.
As a matter of fact, the National Geographic, like
every other geographic society, had previously rated the
merits of an explorer’s work by his published reports.
Their tactics were now changed to bring about a position
where they might focus the controversy to Mr. Peary’s
and their advantage. There would have been no harm
in this effort, if it had been honest; but, as we will see
presently, falsehood and deception were evident in
every move.
The position of the National Geographic Society
is very generally misunderstood because of its preten[Pg 543]tious
use of the word “National.” In reality, it is
neither national nor geographic. It is a kind of self-admiration
society, which serves the mission of a
lecture bureau. It has no connection with the Government
and has no geographic authority save that which it
assumes. As a lecture bureau it had retained Mr. Peary
to fill an important position as its principal star for
many years. To keep him in the field as their head-line
attraction they had paid $1,000 to Mr. Peary for the
very venture now in question. This so-called “National”
Geographic Society was, therefore, a stock owner
in the venture upon which they passed as an unbiased
jury.
Of course Mr. Peary consented to rest his case in
their hands; but, for reasons above indicated and for
others given below, I refused to have any dealings with
such an unfair combination. The Government was
appealed to, and every political and private wire was
pulled to compel me to submit my case to a packed
jury. During all the time when this was done, its
moving spirits, Gilbert Grosvenor and Admiral Chester,
were publicly and privately saying things about me and
my attainment of the Pole that no gentleman would
utter. That Mr. Peary was a member of this society;
that his friends were absolute dictators of the power of
appointment; that they were stock owners in Mr.
Peary’s enterprise—all of this, and a good many other
facts, were carefully suppressed. To the public this
society declared they were “neutral, unbiased and scientific”—no
more deliberate lie than which was ever forced
upon the public.
Of course I refused to place my case in dishonest[Pg 544]
pro-Peary hands. With shameless audacity this society
helped Mr. Peary carry along his press campaign by
disseminating the cowardly slurs of Grosvenor, Chester,
and others. They watched and encouraged the
McKinley bribery; they closed their eyes to the Kennan
lies. Through Chester and others, they faked pages of
sensational pseudo-scientific news, all with the one centered
aim of forcing doubt on opposing interests before
the crucial moment, when, behind closed doors, the matter
could be settled to their liking.
Thus, when Peary, his club, and his affiliated
boosters at Washington were carrying their press slanders
to a focus, there came a loud cry from the National
Geographic Society for proofs.
With some wrangling, and a good deal of protest
from half-hearted men, like Professor Moore, a jury
was appointed to pass upon Mr. Peary’s claims and
mine. My claims were to be passed upon against my
will. Unbiased and real Arctic explorers like General
Greely and Admiral Schley were carefully excluded
from this jury. Instead, armchair geographers, who
were closely related to the Peary interests, were appointed
as a “neutral jury,” as follows:
Henry Gannett, a close personal friend of Mr.
Peary.
C. M. Chester, related to Mr. Peary’s fur trader, a
member of a coterie that divided the profits of fleecing
the Eskimos.
O. H. Tittman, chief of a department under which
part of Mr. Peary’s work was done.
With a flourish of trumpets, including pages of
self-boosting news distributed by Mr. Peary’s press[Pg 545]
agents, this commission began its important investigation.
At the time, it was said that all of Mr. Peary’s
original field papers and instruments were under careful
scrutiny. Later it was shown that one of the jury saw
only COPIES. On November 4, 1909, was issued the
verdict of this jury: “That Commander Peary reached
the North Pole on April 6, 1909.”
This verdict, at its face value, was fair; but the
circumstances which surrounded it before and after
were such as to raise a doubt that can never be removed.
With the verdict came the insinuation that no one else
had reached the Pole before Peary; that my claim of
priority was dishonest. A nagging press campaign
continued to emanate from Washington.
I have no objection to Mr. Peary’s friends
endorsing him—a friend who will stretch a point is not
to be condemned. But when such friends stoop to dishonorable
methods to inflict injury upon others, then a
protest is in order. My aim here is not to deny that
Mr. Peary reached the Pole near enough for all practical
purposes, but to show how men sacrificed their
word of honor to boost Mr. Peary and to discredit me.
The verdict of this jury which was to settle the
controversy for all time was sent out on wires that
encircled the globe. Soon after there was a call for the
data upon which that jury passed. The public called
for it; the Government called for it; foreign geographical
societies asked for it. No one was allowed to see
the wonderful “proofs.” Why?
Officially, that commission said that Mr. Peary’s
contract with a magazine prevented the publication of
the “proofs.” But every member of the commission[Pg 546]
was on the Government pay-roll. Why, may we ask,
should a Government official be muzzled with a bid for
commercial gain? This contract was held by Benjamin
Hampton, of Hampton’s Magazine. If Hampton’s
contract muzzled the Government officials, Mr. Hampton
thought so little of the so-called “proofs” that he
did not print them. For, in Hampton’s installment,
with the eye-attracting title, “Peary Proofs Positive,”
the real data upon which the Peary case rests were
eliminated. Why? In Mr. Peary’s own book that
material is again suppressed. Why? For the same
reason that the jury was muzzled. The material would
not bear public scrutiny!
The real difficulty is that, in the haste to floor rival
claims, Mr. Peary and all his biased helpers fixed as the
crucial test of Polar attainment an examination of field
observations. Mr. Peary had his; he had refused to let
Whitney bring part of mine from the North; and,
therefore, he and his friends supposed that I was helpless,
by assuming this false position. But when Mr.
Peary’s own material was examined, it was found that
his position rested on a set of worthless observations—calculations
of altitudes of the sun so low that it is
questionable if the observation could have been made at
all. So long as three men, behind closed doors, could
be made to say “Yes, Peary reached the Pole,” and so
long as this verdict came with the authority of a Geographic
Society and the seeming endorsement of
national prestige, the false position could be impressed
upon the pubic as a bona-fide verdict. But, with publicity,
the whole railroading game would be spoiled.
These three men could be influenced. But there are a[Pg 547]
hundred thousand other men in the world whose lives
depend upon their knowledge of just such observations
as were here involved. They knew publicity would
bring the attention of these men to the fact that Mr.
Peary’s polar claim rests upon the impossible observations
of a sun at an altitude less than 7° above the
horizon. The three armchair geographers, seldom out
of reach of dusty book-shelves, passed upon these
worthless observations. Not one of one hundred
thousand honest sextant experts would credit such an
observation as that upon which Mr. Peary’s case rests—not
even in home regions, where for centuries tables for
corrections have been gathered.
[29]A year later, at the Congressional investigation of
the Naval Committee in Washington, Mr. Peary and
two of his jurors admitted that in the much-heralded
Peary proofs “there was no proof.” Members of the
Geographic Society acknowledged their “examination”
of Peary’s instruments was made in the Pennsylvania[Pg 548]
Station, when they opened Mr. Peary’s trunk and
casually looked over its contents. Therefore, Mr.
Peary’s claim for a second victory now rests upon his
book.
In forcing the controversy, the press and the public
have come to the conclusion that one or the other report
must be discredited. This is an incorrect point of view.
Each case must be judged upon its own merits. To
prove my case, it is not necessary to disprove Peary’s;
nor, to prove Peary’s, should it have been necessary to
try to disprove mine.
Much has been said about my case resting in foreign
hands. This came about in a natural way. It was[Pg 549]
not intended to convey the idea that my own countrymen
were incompetent or dishonest. In the case of the
National Geographic Society they have irretrievably
prostituted their name; but the same is not true of other
American authorities.
When I came to Copenhagen, the Danish Geographic
Society gave me a first spontaneous hearing.
The Copenhagen University honored me. It was,
therefore, but proper that the Danes should be the first
to pass upon the merits of my claim. While these
arrangements were in progress, I met Professor Thorp,
the Rector of the University of Copenhagen, at the
American Legation. I did not know the purport of
that meeting, nor of his detailed, careful questions; but
on the 6th of September appeared an official statement
in the press reports. In these it was stated that the[Pg 550]
meeting had been arranged to satisfy the University
authorities as to whether the Pole had been reached.
Among other things, Professor Thorp said:
“As there were certain questions of a special astronomical
nature with which I myself was not sufficiently
acquainted, I called in our greatest astronomical scientist,
Professor Stromgren, who put an exhaustive series
of mathematical, technical and natural scientific questions
to Dr. Cook, based particularly on those of his
contentions on which some doubts had been cast.
“Dr. Cook answered all to our full satisfaction.
He showed no nervousness or excitement at any time.
I dare say, therefore, that there is no justification for
anybody to throw the slightest doubt on his claim to
have reached the Pole and the means by which he did it.
Professor Stromgren and I are entirely satisfied with
the evidence.”
I have always maintained that the proof of an
explorer’s doings was not to be found in a few disconnected
figures, but in the continuity of his final
book which presents his case. To this end I prepared
a report, accompanied by the important part of the
original field notes and a complete set of reduced
observations. These were submitted to the University
of Copenhagen in December of 1909. The verdict on
this was that in such material there was no absolute
proof of the attainment of the Pole.
The Peary press agents were in Copenhagen, and
sent this news out so as to convey the idea that Copenhagen
had denounced me; that, in their opinion, the
Pole had not been reached as claimed, and that I had
hoaxed the world for sordid gain; all of which was[Pg 551]
untrue. But the press flaunted my name in big headlines
as a faker.
“In the Cook data there is no proof,” they repeated
as the verdict of Copenhagen.
A year later Mr. Peary and his jurors confessed
unwillingly in Congress that in the Peary data there
was no proof.
This was reported in the official Congressional
pamphlets, but, so far as I know, not a single newspaper
displayed the news. The two cases, therefore, so far as
verdicts go, are parallel.
Wearied of the whole problem of undesirable publicity;
mentally and physically exhausted; disgusted
with the detestable and slanderous campaign, which, for
Mr. Peary, the press forced unremittingly, I decided to
go away for a year, to rest and recuperate. This could
not be done if I took the press into my confidence; and,
therefore, I quietly departed from New York, to be
joined by my family later. Out of the public eye, life,
for me, assumed a new interest. In the meantime, the
public agitation was stilled. Time gave a better perspective
to the case; Mr. Peary got that for which his
hand had reached. He was made a Rear-Admiral, with
a pension of $6,000 under retirement.
By the time I had resolved my case, I received
through my brother, William L. Cook, of Brooklyn,
and my London solicitor, various offers from newspapers
and magazines for any statement I desired to
make. Because I had gone away quietly and remained
in seclusion, the newspapers had inflamed the public
with an abnormal curiosity in my so-called mysterious
disappearance. This fact imparted a great sensational[Pg 552]
value to any news of my public reappearance or to any
statement which I might make. Eager to secure a
“beat,” newspapers were offering my brother as high as
one thousand dollars merely for my address. The
New York newspaper which had led the attack against
me sent an offer, through my London solicitor, of any
figure which I might make for my first exclusive statement
to the public. One magazine offered me ten
thousand dollars for a series of articles.
While in London I received a message from Mr.
T. Everett Harry, of Hampton’s Magazine, concerning
the publication of a series of articles explaining my
case. Mr. Harry came to London and talked over
plans for these. The opportunity of addressing the
same public, through the same medium, as Mr. Peary
had in his serial story, strongly influenced me—in fact,
so strongly that, while I had a standing offer of ten
thousand dollars, I finally gave my articles to Hampton’s
for little more than four thousand dollars.
In order that Hampton’s Magazine might benefit
by the publicity attaching to my first statement, and in
response to the editor’s request, I came quietly to the
United States with Mr. Harry, by way of Canada, to
consult with the editor before making final arrangements.
Mr. Harry and I had agreed upon the outline
for the articles. They were to be a series of heart-to-heart
talks, embodying the psychological phases of the
Polar controversy and my own actions. In these I
determined fully to state my case, explain the ungracious
controversy, and analyze the impossibility of
mathematically ascertaining the Pole or of proving such
a claim by figures. The articles that eventually[Pg 553]
appeared in Hampton’s, with the exception of unauthorized
editorial changes and excisions of vitally important
matter concerning Mr. Peary, were practically the same
as planned in London.
Coming down from Quebec, I stopped in Troy,
New York, to await Mr. Hampton, who was to come
from New York. While there, a sub-editor, with all
a newspaper man’s sensational instincts, came to see me.
He communicated, it seems, a brilliant scheme for a
series of articles. As he outlined it, I was to go secretly
to New York, submit myself to several employed alienists
who should pronounce me insane, whereupon I was
to write several articles in which I should admit having
arrived at the conclusion that I reached the Pole while
mentally unbalanced! This admission was to be supported
by the alienists’ purchased report! This plan, I
was told, would “put me right” and make a great
sensational story!
When I was told of this I felt staggered. Did
people—could they—deem me such a hoax that, in
order to obtain an unwarranted sympathy, or to make
money, I should be willing to admit to such a shameful,
mad, atrocious and despicable lie? I said nothing when
the suggestion was made. At heart, I felt achingly
hurt. I felt that this newspaper man, not hesitating
at deceiving the public in order to get a sensation,
regarded me as a scoundrel. I was learning, too, as I
had throughout the heart-bitter controversy, the
duplicity of human nature.
After a talk with Mr. Hampton, who finally
arrived, and who, I am glad to say, had no such suggestion
himself to offer, I got to work on my articles after[Pg 554]
the general plan spoken of in London. These
were written at the Palatine Hotel, in Newburgh.
The articles finished, I returned to London to
settle certain business matter prior to my public return
to America by Christmas.
Imagine my amazed indignation when, shortly
before sailing, the cables brought the untrue news, “Dr.
Cook Confesses.” Imagine my heart-aching dismay
when, on reaching the shores of my native country, I
found the magazine which was running the articles in
which I hoped to explain myself, had blazoned the
sensation-provoking lie over its cover—”Dr. Cook’s
Confession.”
I had made no confession. I had made the admission
that I was uncertain as to having reached the exact
mathematical Pole. That same admission Mr. Peary
would have to make had he been pinned down. He did
make this admission, in fact, while his own articles, a
year before, were being prepared, in the Hampton’s
office.
In order to advertise itself, the magazine employed
the trick of construing a mere admission of uncertainty
as to the exact pin-point attainment of the Pole as a
“confession.” To the public I had apparently authorized
this. The misrepresentation hurt me, and for a
time placed me in an unhappy dilemma.
Before the appearance of the January Hampton’s,
in which the first instalment of my articles appeared,
a series of press stories supposedly based upon my forthcoming
articles were prepared and sent out by the sub-editor
who had suggested the insanity plan. These were
prepared during the absence of Mr. Harry in Atlantic[Pg 555]
City. By picking garbled extracts from my articles
about the impossibility of a pin-point determination of
the Pole, and the crazy mirage-effects of the Arctic
world, these news-stories were construed to the effect
that I admitted I did not know whether I had been at
the North Pole or whether I had not been at the North
Pole, and also that I admitted to a plea of insanity.
These stories were printed on the first pages of hundreds
of newspaper all over the country, under scareheads
of “Dr. Cook Admits Fake!” and “Dr. Cook
Makes Plea of Insanity!”
In these reports, written by the sub-editor, he gave
himself credit for the “discovery” of Dr. Cook and the
securing of his articles for Hampton’s. This claim for
the magazine “beat” was as dishonest as his handling of
the press matter for Hampton’s. My dealings with the
magazine were entirely through Mr. Harry, whose
frankness and fair-dealing early disposed me to give
my story to the publication he represented.
The widespread dissemination of the untrue and
cruelly unfair “confession” and “insanity-plea” stories
dazed me. I felt impotent, crushed. In my very
effort to explain myself I was being irretrievably hurt.
I was being made a catspaw for magazine and newspaper
sensation.
But misrepresentations do not make history. The
American people cannot always be hoodwinked. The
reading public soon realized that my story was no more
a confession than the “Peary Proof Positive” instalment
in Hampton’s had been the embodiment of any
real Polar proofs.
Finding that it was impossible, in magazines and[Pg 556]
newspapers, to tell the full truth; finding that what I
did say was garbled and distorted, I concluded to
reserve the detailed facts for this book. There were
truths about Mr. Peary which, I suppose, no paper
would have dared to print. I have told them here.
There were truths about myself which, because they
explain me, the papers, preferring to attack me, would
not have printed. I have told them here.
I climbed Mt. McKinley, by my own efforts, without
assistance; I reached the Pole, save for my Eskimos,
alone. I had spent no one’s money, lost no lives. I
claimed my victory honestly; and as a man believing in
himself and his personal rights, at a time when I was
nervously unstrung and viciously attacked, I went
away to rest, rather than deal in dirty defamation,
alone. At a time when the tables seemed turned, when
the wolves of the press were desirous of rending me, I
came back to my country—alone.
I have now made my fight; I have been compelled
to extreme measures of truth-telling that are abhorrent
to me. I have done this because, otherwise, people
would not understand the facts of the Polar controversy
or why I, reluctant, remained silent so long. I
have done this single-handedly. I have confidence in
my people; more than that, I have implicit and
indomitable confidence in—Truth.
RETROSPECT
Returning from the North, in September, 1909,
while being honored in Copenhagen for my success in
reaching the North Pole, there came, by wireless from
Labrador, messages from Robert E. Peary, claiming
the attainment exclusively as his own, and declaring
that in my assertion I was, in his vernacular, offering
the world a “gold brick.”
On April 21, 1908, I had reached a spot which I
ascertained, with as scientific accuracy as possible, to be
the top of the axis around which the world spins—the
North Pole.
On April 6, 1909, a year later, Mr. Peary claimed
to have reached the same spot.
To substantiate his charge of fraud, Peary declared
that my Eskimo companions had said I had been only
two sleeps from land. Why, he further asked, had I
not taken reputable witnesses with me on such a trip?
I had taken, on my final dash, two expert Eskimos.
Mr. Peary had four Eskimos and a negro body servant.
Before launching further charges, Mr. Peary delayed
his ship, the Roosevelt, at Battle Harbor, on the
pretext of cleaning it, that he might digest my New
York Herald story, compare it with his own, and fabricate
his broadside of abuse. There he was in constant
communication with the New York Times, General
Thomas Hubbard—president of the Peary Arctic Club
and financial sponsor of the “trust”—and Herbert L.
Bridgman. The Times, eager to “beat” the Herald,[Pg 558]
was desirous of descrediting me and launching Peary’s
as the bona-fide North Pole discovery story. General
Hubbard, Mr. Bridgman, and the “trust” were eager
for a publicity and acclaim greater than that which
might attach to any honorable second victor. Dishonor
and perjury, to secure first honors, were not even to be
weighed in the balance.
When I arrived in New York, I was confronted
by a series of technical questions, designed to baffle me.
These questions, I learned, had been sent to the Times
by Mr. Peary with instructions that the Times “get
after” me.
I answered these questions. I had answered them
in Europe. Mr. Peary, when he arrived at Sydney,
and afterward, refused to answer any questions. He
continued simply to attack me, to make insinuations
aspersing my honesty, playing the secret back-hand
game of defamation conducted by his friends of his
Arctic Club.
Why had I not, on my return from my Polar trip,
told anyone of the achievement, Mr. Peary asked in an
interview, aiming to show that my Polar attainment
was an afterthought.
On my return to Etah I had told Harry Whitney
and Pritchard. They, in turn, told Captain Bob
Bartlett. Captain Bartlett, as well as the Eskimos,
in turn told Peary at Etah that I claimed to have
reached the Pole. At the very moment when this
charge was made, Peary had in his pocket Captain
Adams’ letter which gave the same information. Why
did Mr. Peary suppress this information, convicting
himself of insinuating an untruth from three different[Pg 559]
sources to challenge my claim. Returning from the
North with the negro, Henson, and Eskimos, Mr.
Peary himself had not told his own companions on the
Roosevelt of his own success. Why was this?
In a portentous statement Mr. Peary and his party
declared my Eskimos said I had not been more than
two sleeps from land.
I had instructed my companions not to tell Peary
of my achievement. He had stolen my supplies. I felt
him unworthy of the confidence of a brother explorer.
I had encouraged the delusion of E-tuk-i-shook and
Ah-we-lah that almost daily mirages and low-lying
clouds were signs of land, so as to prevent the native
panic and desertion on the circumpolar sea. They
had possibly told this to Peary in all honesty; but other
natives also told him that we had reached the “Big
Nail.”
Why was the news to Mr. Peary’s liking given,
while that which he did not like was ignored?
Not long ago, Matthew Henson, interviewed in the
south, was quoted as saying that Peary did not get to
the Pole. In another interview he said that Peary,
like a tenderfoot, rode in a fur-cushioned sledge
until they got to a place which was “far enough.” I
still prefer to believe Peary rather than Henson.
Peary’s Eskimo companions of a former trip positively
deny Peary’s claimed discovery of Crocker Land. I
still prefer to believe that Crocker Land does deserve a
place on the map. Peary’s last Eskimo companions
say that he did not reach the Pole. But I prefer to
credit his claim. Mr. Peary’s spirit has never been that
of fairness to others when a claim impinges upon his[Pg 560]
own. He has always adopted the tactics of the claim-jumper.
In a like manner, and with similar intent, Mr.
Peary had attacked many explorers before me. To
prevent his companions from profiting by their own
work, members of each expedition were forced to sign
contracts that barred press interviews, eliminated cameras,
prohibited lecturing or writing, or even trading for
trophies. To insure Mr. Peary all the honor, his men
were made slaves to his cause.
In a quarrel which resulted from these impossible
conditions, Eivind Astrup was assailed. Broken-hearted,
he committed suicide. Captain Otto Sverdrup
was made to feel the sting of the same grasping spirit.
General A. W. Greely has been unjustly attacked.
All of this detestable selfishness culminated in the treatment
of Captain Bob Bartlett. When the Pole, to
Peary, seemed within reach, and the glory of victory
was within grasp, the ever-faithful Bartlett was turned
back and his place was taken by a negro, that Peary
might be, to quote his own words, “the only white man
at the Pole.”
When, on my return to New York, I found myself
attacked by a man of this caliber, I decided that the
public, without any counter-defamation on my part,
would read him aright and see through the unscrupulous
and dishonest campaign. So I remained silent.
Coming down to Portland from Sydney, where he
had landed, Mr. Peary gave out an interview insinuating
that I had had no instruments with which to take
observations. “Would Dr. Cook,” he asked, “if he had
had instruments, have left them in the hands of a stran[Pg 561]ger
(Harry Whitney), when upon these depended his
fame or his dishonor?”
On his return to this country, Mr. Whitney corroborated
my statement of leaving my instruments with
him. Mr. Peary’s own captain, who had cross-questioned
my Eskimos for Mr. Peary, later stated to two
magazine editors that my companions had described to
him the instruments I had had. Is it reasonable to
suppose that Mr. Peary did not know of this? I know
that he knew. If he is an honest man, why did he stoop
to this dishonesty? Even if he believed me to be dishonest,
dishonest methods only placed him in the class
of the one he attacked as dishonest.
By using the same underhand methods, as when he
got the New York Times to cross-question me for himself,
Peary now got his friends of the Geographic
Society, who had boosted him, to call for “proofs.”
Such proofs, it appeared, should always be presented
before public honors were accepted or the returns of a
lecture tour considered. But Peary had engaged in
exploration for twenty years, and had always given
lectures at once, without ever offering proofs. I was
asked to cancel lecture engagements and furnish what
Peary knew neither he nor anybody else could furnish
offhand. For the proof of an explorer’s doings is his
final book, which requires months and years to prepare.
With much blaring of trumpets, the Peary
“proofs” were submitted to his friends of the National
Geographic Society. With but a casual examination
of copies of data, claimed at the time to be original field
notes, with no explanation of the wonderful instruments
upon which it had been earlier claimed Polar honors[Pg 562]
rested, an immediate and favorable verdict was rendered.
A huge picture was published, showing learned,
bewhiskered gentlemen examining the Peary “proofs,”
and reaching their verdict. Mr. Peary’s case for a
rediscovery of the Pole was won—for the time. The
public were deceived into believing that positive proofs
had been presented; that the society, acting as a competent
and neutral jury, was honest. Later it was shown
that its members were financially interested in Mr.
Peary’s expedition, and still later it was admitted that
the Peary proofs contained no proof. All of this later
development has had no publicity.
In the meantime, I was attacked for delay. My
data was finally sent to the University of Copenhagen.
A verdict of “Unproven” was rendered.
Thereupon, Mr. Peary and his friends at once
shouted “Fraud!” The press parrot-like re-echoed that
shout. With this unfair insinuation there came to me
the biting sting of a burning electric shock as the wires
quivered all around the world. At the Congressional
investigation, a year later, the Peary data was shown to
be useless as proof. It was a verdict precisely like that
of Copenhagen on mine, but the press did not print it.
Did the Peary interests have any control over the
American press or its sources of news distribution?
After the call for “proof” came charges, from
members of the Peary cabal, that I was unable to take
observations. Mr. Peary was so much better equipped
than I to do so! Moreover, he had had the able scientific
assistance of Bartlett and—the negro.
When I was at the Pole the sun was 12° above the[Pg 563]
horizon. At the time Peary claims he was there it was
less than 7°. Difficult as it is to take observations at 12°,
because of refracted light, any accurate observation at
7° is impossible. It is indeed, questionable if an observation
could be made at all at the time when Peary
claims to have been at the Pole.
Finding that, despite all charges, the public believed
in me, Mr. Peary, through his coöperators,
attempted to discredit my veracity. An affidavit, which
was bought, as I have evidence to prove, was made by
Barrill to the effect that I had not climbed Mt.
McKinley. The getting of this affidavit is placed at
the door of Mr. Peary.
Do honest men, with honest intentions, buy perjured
documents?
Do honest men, believing in themselves, besmirch
their own honor by deliberate lying?
Dunkle and Loose came to me, offered to look over
the observations in my Herald story, and—suddenly—to
my amazement—offered a set of faked observations,
manufactured at the instigation of someone. I refused
the batch of faked papers, and turned the two
nefarious conspirators out of my hotel.
A comparison of my Copenhagen report with the
Dunkle perjured story, later printed in the New York
Times, proves I used not one of their figures.
Mr. R. J. McLouglin later proved that the hand
which signed “Dunkle” also signed “Loose” to that
lying document. It is, therefore, not only a perjury,
but a forgery.
Recently, Professor J. H. Gore, a member of the
National Geographic Society, and one of Peary’s[Pg 564]
friends, acknowledged to Evelyn B. Baldwin that he
had in his possession the faked observations which were
made by Dunkle and Loose.
How did he come by them? Why does he have
them? What were the relations between Dunkle and
Loose, Peary’s friends, the New York Times, and the
National Geographic Society? Do honest men, with
honest intentions, conspire with men of this sort, men
who offered to sell me faked figures—most likely to
betray me had I been dishonest enough to buy them—and
who, failing, perjured themselves?
Disgusted, I decided to let my enemies exhaust
their abuse. I knew it eventually would rebound. Determined
to retire to rest, to resolve my case in quietude
and secrecy, I left America. My enemies gleefully proclaimed
this an admission of imposture.
Yet, after they had turned almost every newspaper
in the country against me, having rested, having
resolved my case, having secured damaging proofs of
the facts of the conspiracy against me, I returned to
America.
Realizing my error in so long remaining silent;
realizing the power of a sensation-seeking press, which
has no respect for individuals or of truth, I determined,
painful as would be the task, to tell the unpleasant,
distasteful truth about the man who tried to besmirch
my name. This may seem unkind. But I was kind too
long. Truth is often unpleasant, but it is less malicious
than the sort of lies hurled at me.
After I had left America, the newspapers, desirous
of sensation, had played into the hands of those
who, with seeming triumph, assailed me. But mean[Pg 565]while,
however, I was taking advantage of the opportunity
to rest and gain an accurate perspective of the
situation. I thought out my case, considered it pro
and con, puzzled out the reasons for, and the source of,
the newspaper clamor against me. Through friends in
America who worked quietly and effectively, I secured
evidence, which is embodied in affidavits, which laid
bare the methods employed to discredit me in the Mt.
McKinley affair. I learned of the methods used, and
just what charges were made, to discredit my Polar
claim. Damaging admissions were secured concerning
Mr. Peary’s fabricated attacks from the mouths of Mr.
Peary’s own associates. Knowing these facts, at the
proper time, I returned to my native country to confront
my enemies. I have proceeded in detail to state
my case and reveal the hitherto unknown inside facts
of the entire Polar controversy. I have stated certain
facts before the public. Neither Mr. Peary nor his
friends have replied. One point in the Polar controversy
has never reached the public. Both Mr. Peary
and many of his friends asserted that I left the country
just in time to escape criminal prosecution. They said
the charge was to be that I had obtained money on a
false pretence by accepting fees for lecturing on my discovery.
I returned to America. I have been lecturing
for fees on my discovery since; I have not yet been
prosecuted.
Were Mr. Peary not the sort of man who would
stoop to dishonor, to discredit a rival in order to gain
an unfair advantage for himself, were he not guilty
of the gross injustice I have stated, he would have had
all the opportunity in the world for effectively[Pg 566]
coming back at me. But he has remained silent. Why?
I have, as I have said, absolute confidence in the
good sense, spirit of fair-play, and ability of reasoning
judgment of my people. My case rests, not with any
body of armchair explorers or kitchen geographers, but
with Arctic travelers who can see beyond the mist of
selfish interests, and with my fellow-countrymen, who
breathe normal air and view without bias the large open
fields of honest human endeavor.
In this book I have stated my case, presented my
proofs. As to the relative merits of my claim, and Mr.
Peary’s, place the two records side by side. Compare
them. I shall be satisfied with your decision.
Frederick A. Cook.


FOOTNOTES:
[1] Accused of being the most colossal liar of history, I sometimes
feel that more lies have been told about me than about anyone ever
born. I have been guilty of many mistakes. Most men really true to
themselves admit that. My claim to the North Pole may always be questioned.
Yet, when I regard the lies great and small attached to me, I am
filled almost with indifference.
As a popular illustration of the sort of yarns that were told, let me
refer to the foolish fake of the gum drops. Someone started the story
that I expected to reach the Pole by bribing the Eskimos with gum
drops—perhaps the idea was that I was to lure them on from point to
point with regularly issued rations of these confections.
Wherever I went on my lecture tour after my return to the United
States, much to my irritation I saw “Cook” gum drops conspicuously
displayed in confectionery store windows. Hundreds of pounds of gum
drops were sent to my hotel with the compliments of the manufacturers.
On all sides I heard the gum-drop story, and in almost every paper read
the reiterated tale of leading the Eskimos to the Pole by dangling a gum
drop on a string before them. I never denied this, as I never denied
any of the fakes printed about me. The fact is, that I never heard
the gum-drop yarn until I came to New York. We took no gum drops
with us on our Polar trip, and, to my knowledge, no Eskimo ate a gum
drop while with me.
[2] Among the many things which the public has been misled into
believing is that Mr. Bradley and I together connived the trip for the
purpose of essaying this quest of the Pole. The fact is, not until I
reached Annoatok, and saw that conditions were favorable for a long
sledge journey, did I finally determine to make a Poleward trip; not
until then did I tell my decision definitely to Mr. Bradley.
One of the big mistakes which has been pounded into the public mind
is that the proposed Polar exploit was expensively financed. It did cost
a great deal to finance the planned hunting trip. Mr. Bradley’s expenses
aggregated, perhaps, $50,000, but my journey Northward, which was
but an extension of this yachting cruise, cost comparatively little.
[3] The killing of Astrup.—The head of Melville Bay was explored by
Eivind Astrup while a member of the Peary expedition of 1894-1895.
Astrup had been a member of the first expedition, serving without pay,
during 1891 and 1892 and proving himself a loyal supporter and helper of
Mr. Peary, when he crossed the inland ice in 1892. As a result of eating
pemmican twenty years old, in 1895, Astrup was disabled by poisoning,
due to Peary’s carelessness in furnishing poisoned food. Recovering from
this illness, he selected a trustworthy Eskimo companion, went south, and
under almost inconceivable difficulties, explored and mapped the ice walls,
with their glaciers and mountains, and the off-lying islands of Melville Bay.
This proved a creditable piece of work of genuine discovery. Returning,
he prepared his data and published it, thus bringing credit and honor on
an expedition which was in other respects a failure.
Astrup’s publication of this work aroused Peary’s envy. Publicly,
Peary denounced Astrup. Astrup, being young and sensitive, brooded
over this injustice and ingratitude until he had almost lost his reason.
The abuse was of the same nature as that heaped on others, the same as
that finally hurled at me in the wireless “Gold Brick” slurs. For days and
weeks, Astrup talked of nothing but the infamy of Peary’s attack on himself
and the contemptible charge of desertion which Peary made against
Astrup’s companions. Then he suddenly left my home, returned to Norway,
and we next heard of his suicide. Here is one life directly chargeable to
Peary’s narrow and intolerant brutality. Directly this was not murder
with a knife—but it was as heinous—for a young and noble life was
cut short by the cowardly dictates of jealous egotism.
[4] The Death of John M. Verhoeff.—As we passed Robertson Bay,
there came up memories of the tragedy of Verhoeff. This young
man was a member of Peary’s first expedition, in 1891. He had paid $2,000
toward the fund of the expedition. Verhoeff was young and enthusiastic.
He gave his time, his money, and he risked his life for Peary. He was
treated with about the same consideration as that accorded the Eskimo
dogs. When I last saw him in camp, he was in tears, telling of Peary’s
injustice. Mrs. Peary—I advert to this with all possible reluctance—had
done much to make his life bitter, and over this he talked for days.
Finally he said: “I will never go home in the same ship with that man
and that woman.” It was the last sentence he uttered in my hearing.
He did not go home in that ship. Instead, he wandered off over the
glacier, where he left his body in the blue depths of a crevasse.
[5] Before he sailed on his last Northern expedition Mr. Peary, learning
that I had preceded him, took the initial step in his campaign to discredit
me by issuing a statement to the effect that I was bent upon the unfair
and dishonest purpose of enlisting in my aid Eskimos which he had the
exclusive right to command. Mr. Peary’s attitude that the Eskimos,
because he had given them guns, powder and needles, belong to him, is as
absurd as his pretension to the sole ownership of the North Pole. Although
Mr. Peary had spent about a quarter of a century essaying the
task by means of luxurious expeditions, he had done little more than other
explorers and did not, in my opinion, either secure an option on the Pole
or upon the services of the natives. In giving guns, etc., to the natives
he also did no more than other explorers, and the Danes for many years,
have done. Nor was this with him a magnanimous matter of gracious
bounty, for, in prodigal return for all he gave them, Mr. Peary on every
expedition secured a fortune in furs and ivory. The Eskimos belong to no
one. For ages they have worked out their rigorous existence without
the aid of white men, and Mr. Peary’s pretension becomes not only
absurd but grotesque when one realizes that following the arrival of ships
with white crews, the natives have fallen easy victims of loathsome
epidemics, mostly of a specific nature, for which the trivial gifts of any
explorer would ill repay them.
[6] One of the charges which Mr. Peary circulated before he returned
North in 1908, was, that I violated a rule of Polar ethics by not applying
for a license to seek the Pole, nor giving notice of my proposed trip.
There is no such rule in Polar ethics. The following letter, however, to his
press agent, Mr. Herbert Bridgman, dated Etah, August 26, 1907, answers
the charge:
“My dear Bridgman: I have hit upon a new route to the North Pole
and will stay to try it. By way of Buchanan Bay and Ellesmere Land
and northward through Nansen Strait over the Polar sea seems to me
to be a very good route. There will be game to the 82°, and here are
natives and dogs for the task. So here is for the Pole. Mr. Bradley
will tell you the rest. Kind regards to all—F. A. Cook.”
“It will be remembered,” continued Mr. Bridgman, in his press reports,
“that Dr. Cook, accompanied by John R. Bradley, Captain Moses Bartlett,
and a number of Eskimos, left North Sidney, N. S., early last July on
the American Auxiliary Schooner Yacht John R. Bradley, which landed
the party at Smith Sound. Mr. Bradley returned to North Sydney on the
yacht on October 1. The expedition is provisioned for two years and fully
equipped with dogs and sledges for the trip. The party is wintering thirty
miles further north than Peary did two years ago.”
And yet Bridgman, in line with the indefatigable pro-Peary
boosters, later tried to lead the public to believe that I had nothing but
gum drops with which to undertake a trip to the Pole. This same Bridgman
also printed in what Brooklyn people call the “Standard Liar” the
fake about my using, as my own, photographs said to belong to the newspaper
cub, Herbert Berri.
For fifteen years Bridgman used my photographs and my material for
his lectures on the Arctic and Antarctic, generally without giving credit.
Evidently, my work and my results were good enough for him to borrow
as Peary did. So long as my usefulness served the Bridgman-Peary interests,
there was no question of my credibility, but when my success interfered
with the monopoly of the fruits of Polar attainment, then I was to
be striped with dark lines of dishonor.
The most amusing and also the most significant incident of the Bridgman-Peary
humbug was the faked wireless message which Bridgman
printed for Peary in his paper. Peary claims he reached the Pole on April
6, 1909. In the Standard Union, Brooklyn, of April 14, 1909 (eight days
after the alleged discovery), Peary’s friend H. L. Bridgman, one of the
owners, printed the following:
“PEARY DUE NORTH POLE TWELVE M., THURSDAY”
(APRIL 15, 1909).
Is Mr. Bridgman a psychic medium? How, with Peary thousands of
miles away, hundreds of miles from the most northerly wireless station,
did he sense the amazing feat? Were he and Peary in telepathic communication?
Or, rather, does this not seem to point to an agreement entered
into before the departure of Peary, about a year before the attempt was
made, to announce on a certain day the “discovery” of the Pole?
From other sources we learn that the timing of the arrival of the ship
at Cape Sheridan seems to have been made good, but in an apparent effort
on the part of Peary to keep faith with Bridgman on April 15, we find
him in trouble. If Peary arranged his “discovery” for this agreed date, he
would have had to take nine days for his return trip from the Pole. This
would increase his speed limit 50 per cent., and since he is regarded with
suspicion on his speed limits, to make his “Pole Discovery” story fit in
between the known time when he left Bartlett and the time when he got
back to the ship, he was compelled to break faith with Bridgman and went
back nine days on his calendar, placing the date of Pole reaching at April 6.
[7] Game List.—The following animals were captured from August 15,
1907, to May 15, 1909:
Two thousand four hundred and twenty-two birds, 311 Arctic hares,
320 blue and white foxes, 32 Greenland reindeer, 4 white reindeer, 22 polar
bears, 52 seals, 73 walrus, 21 narwhals, 3 white whales, and 206 musk oxen.
[8] Auroras in the Arctic are best seen in more southern latitudes. The
display here described was the brightest observed on this trip. Not more
than three or four others were noted during the following year, but in
previous trips I have witnessed some very wonderful color and motion
displays.
The best illustrations of this remarkable color of aurora and night
come from the brush of Mr. Frank Wilbert Stokes. These were reproduced
in the Century Magazine of February, 1903. After their appearance,
Mr. Peary accorded to Mr. Stokes (a member of his expedition) the
same sort of treatment as he had accorded Astrup—the same as that
shown to others. In a letter to the late Richard Watson Gilder, editor of
the Century, he denounced and did his utmost to discredit Mr. Stokes by
insisting that no such remarkable colors are displayed by the aurora
borealis. Mr. Gilder replied, in defense of Mr. Stokes, by quoting from
Peary’s own book, “Northward,” Vol. II, pages 194, 195, 198 and 199,
descriptions of even more remarkable color effects.
[9] The so-called “Jesup” sled, which Mr. Peary used on his last Polar
trip, is a copy of the Eskimo sledge, a lumbering, unwieldy thing weighing
over one hundred pounds and which bears the same relation to a refined
bent-hickory vehicle that a lumber cart does to an express wagon. In this
“Jesup” sledge there is a dead weight of over fifty pounds of useless wood.
The needless weight thus carried can, in a better sledge, be replaced by
fifty pounds of food. This fifty pounds will feed one man over the entire
route to the Pole. Mr. Peary claims that the Pole is not reachable without
this sled, but Borup, in his book, reports that most of the sledges were
broken at the first trial.
Since an explorer’s success is dependent upon his ability to transport
food it behooves him to eliminate useless weight. Therefore, the solid
runner sled is as much out of place as a solid wood wheel would be in an
automobile.
[10] A great deal of careful search and study was prosecuted about
Svartevoeg, for here Peary claims to have left a cache, the alleged placing
of which he has used as a pretext for attempting to take from the map
the name of Svartevoeg, given by Sverdrup, when he discovered it, to the
northern part of Heiberg Land. Peary, coming later, put on his map the
name Cape Thomas Hubbard, for one who had put easy money in his
hands. But no such cache was found, and I doubt very much if Peary ever
reached this point, except through a field-glass at very long range.
[11] On their return to Etah, and after I had left for Upernavik, my
Eskimos, questioned by Mr. Peary, who was anxious to secure anything
that might serve towards discrediting me, answered innocently that they
had been only a few sleeps from land. This unwilling and naive admission
was published in a pretentious statement, the purpose of which was to cast
doubt on my claim. Other answers of my Eskimos, to the effect that I
had instruments and had made constant observations, it is curious to note,
were suppressed by Mr. Peary and his party on their return. Every
insinuation was made to the effect that I had had no instruments, had consequently
taken no observations, and had, therefore, no means of ascertaining
the Pole even had I wished to do so.
[12] My enemies credit me with a journey of two thousand miles, which
is double Peary’s greatest distance; but then, to deny my Polar attainment,
they keep me sitting here, on a sterile waste of ice, for three months.
Would any man sit down there and shiver in idleness, when the reachable
glory of Polar victory was on one side and the get-at-able gastronomic
joy of game land on the other? Only a crazy man would do that, and
we were too busy to lose our mental balance at that time. When leg-force
controls human destiny, and a half-filled stomach clears the brain for
action, for a long time, at least, insanity is very remote. Furthermore,
the Eskimo boys said we traveled on the ice-pack for seven moons, and
that we reached a place where the sun does not dip at night; where the
day and night shadows were of equal length. Has Mr. Peary reached that
point? If so, neither he nor his Eskimos have noted it.
[13] After my return to Copenhagen I was widely quoted as declaring that
I had discovered and traversed 30,000 square miles of new land. What I
did report was that in my journey I had passed through an area wherein
it was possible to declare 30,000 square miles—a terrestrial unknown of
water and ice—cleared from the blank of our charts. I have been quoted
as describing this land as “a paradise for hunters” and criticised on the
ground that animal life does not exist so far north. Whether animal life
existed there, I do not know, for the impetus of my quest left no time to
investigate. I passed the last game at Heiberg Land.
In my diary of the day’s doings, only the results of observations were
written down. The detail calculations were made on loose sheets of paper
and in other note books—wherein was recorded all instrumental data. Later
all my observations were reduced in the form in which they were to be
finally presented. Therefore, these field papers with their miscellaneous
notes had served their purpose, as had the instruments; and for this reason
most of the material was left with Harry Whitney. A few of the important
calculations were kept more as a curiosity. These will be presented
as we go along. Those left I thought might later be useful for a
re-examination of the results; but it never occurred to me that Whitney
would be forced to bury the material, as he was by Peary. I do not regard
those buried notes as being proof or as being particularly valuable, except
as proving Peary to be one of the most ungracious and selfish characters
in history.
In the subsequent excitement, because Peary cried fraud on the very
papers which he had buried for me, an agitated group of American armchair
explorers came to the conclusion against the dictates of history that
the proof of the Polar quest was to be found in the re-examination of the
figures of the observations for position.
Part of mine were buried. Peary had his. Thus handicapped, because
blocks of my field calculations were absent, with the instruments and
chronometer corrections, I rested my case at Copenhagen on a report, the
original notes giving the brief tabulations of the day’s doings, and the
complete set of reduced observations.
My friends have criticised me for not sending the data given below
and similar observations to Copenhagen to prove my claim, but I did not
deem it worth while to present more, taking the ground that if in this
there was not sufficient material to explain the movement step by step of
the Polar quest, then no academic examination could be of any value. This
viewpoint, as I see it at present, was a mistake. I am now presenting
every scrap of paper and every isolated fact, not as proof but as part of
the record of the expedition, with due after-thought, and the better perspective
afforded by time. Every explorer does this. Upon such a record
history has always given its verdict of the value of an explorer’s work.
It will do the same in estimating the relative merits of the Polar quest.
Observation as figured out in original field paper for March 30, 1908:
Longitude 95.36. Bar. 30.10 had risen from 29.50 in 2 hours. Temp. —34°.
Wind 2. Mag. N. E. Clouds Mist W.-Water bands E.
| 95½ | Noon, 0 | 18—46—10 |
| 4 | 0 | 18—48—20 |
| 60 | 382 | 2 | 37—34—30 | |
| 6—22 | 18—47—15 | |
| I. E. | +2 | |
| 2 | 18—49—15 | ||
| 58 | 9—24—38 | |
| 6½ h. | —16— 2 | |
| 29 | 9— 8—36 | |
| 348 | R. & P. | — 9 |
| 60 | 377 | 8—59—36 | |
| 6—17 | 90 | |
| 3—43—15 | 81—00—24 | |
| 3—49—32 | 3—49—32 | |
| 84—49—56 |
Shadows 39 ft. (of tent pole 6 ft. above snow).
(Directions Magnetic.)
Because of the impossibility of making correct allowances for refraction,
I have made a rough allowance of -9ʹ for refraction and parallax
in all my observations.
The tent pole was a hickory floor slat of one of the sledges. It was
6 ft. 6 ins. high, 2 ins. wide, and 1/2 in. thick. This stick was marked in
feet and inches, to be used as a measuring stick. It also served as a
paddle and steering oar for the boat.
By pressing this tent pole 6 ins. into the snow, it served as a 6 ft.
pole to measure the shadows. These measurements were recorded on the
observation blanks. Absolute accuracy for the measurements is not
claimed, because of the difficulty of determining the line of demarcation
in long, indistinct shadows; but future efforts will show that my shadow
measurements are an important check on all sun observations by which
latitude and longitude are determined.
[14] Peary claims to have seen life east of this position. This is perfectly
possible, for Arctic explorers have often noted when game trails were
abundant one year, none were seen the next. In these tracks of foxes and
bears, as noted by Baldwin, are positive proofs of the position of Bradley
Land—for such animals work only from a land base.
[15] Observation on April 8, from original field-papers. April 8, 1908,
Longitude 94°-2ʹ. Bar. 29.80, rising. Temp. —31°. Wind 2, Mag. N. E.
Clouds St. 3.
| 94° | 0 | 21°—59´—30´´ |
| 4´ | 0 | 21 —08 —20 |
| 60 | 376´ | 2 | 43 — 7 —50 | |
| 6—16 | 21 —33 —55 | |
| 56´´ | I. E. | +2 |
| × 6¼ | 2 | 21 —35 —50 | |
| 14 | 10 —47 —55 | |
| 336 | —9 | |
| 60 | 350 | 10 —38 —55 | |
| 5—50 | 90— | |
| 7— 9—33 | 79 —21 — 5 | |
| 7—15—23 | 7 —15 —23 | |
| 86 —36 —28 |
Shadows 32 ft. (of pole 6 ft. above snow).
[16] After trying to explain this impression fifteen months later to a
Swiss professor, who spoke little English, he quoted me as saying that the
sun at night about the Pole was much lower than at noon. No such
ridiculous remark was ever made. In reality the eye did not detect any
difference in the distance between the sun and the horizon through the next
twenty-four hours. There was no visible rise or set, the night dip of the
nocturnal swing of the sun was entirely eliminated. We had, however,
several ways of checking this important phenomena, which will be introduced
later.
[17] The Fall of Body Temperature—The temperature of the body was frequently
taken. Owing to the breathing of very cold air, the thermometer placed
in the mouth gave unreliable results, but by placing the bulb in the armpits, when
in the sleeping bag, fairly accurate records were kept. These proved that extreme
cold had little influence on bodily heat; but when long-continued overwork was
combined with insufficient food, the temperature gradually came down. On
the route to the Pole the bodily temperature ranged from 97° 5ʹ to 98° 4ʹ. In
returning, the subnormal temperature fell still lower. When the worry of being
carried adrift and the danger of never being able to return became evident, then
the mental anguish, combined as it was with prolonged overwork, continued
thirst and food insufficiency, was strikingly noted by our clinical thermometer.
During the last few weeks, before reaching land at Greenland in 1909, the subnormal
temperature sank to the remarkable minimum of 96° 2ʹ F. The Eskimos
usually remained about half a degree warmer. The respiration and heart action
was at this time fast and irregular.
In the summer period of famine about Jones Sound the temperature was
normal. At that time we had an abundance of water and an interesting occupation
in quest of game, but we often felt the cold more severely than in the coldest
season of winter.
[18] The Tragedies of Cape Sabine.—Cape Sabine has been the scene of
one of the saddest Arctic tragedies—the death by starvation of most of
the members of the Greely Expedition. Several modern travelers, including
Mr. Peary, have, in passing here, taken occasion to criticise adversely the
management of this expedition. In his last series of articles in Hampton’s
Magazine, Peary has again attempted to throw discredit on General Greely.
It is easy, after a lapse of forty years, to show the mistakes of our
predecessors, and thereby attempt to belittle another’s effort; but is it
right? I have been at Cape Sabine in a half-starved condition, as General
Greely was. I have watched the black seas of storm thunder the ice and
rock walls, as he did; and I have looked longingly over the impassable
stretches of death-dealing waters to a land of food and plenty, as he did.
I did it, possessing the accumulated knowledge of the thirty years which
have since passed, and I nearly succumbed in precisely the same manner
as did the unfortunate victims of that expedition. The scientific results
of the Lady Franklin Bay Expedition were so carefully and so thoroughly
gathered that no expedition to the Arctic since has given value of equal
importance. Greely’s published record is an absolute proof of his ability
as a leader and a vindication of the unfair insinuations of later rivals.
In passing along this same coast, E-tuk-i-shook called my attention to
several graves, some of which we opened. In other places we saw human
bones which had been left unburied. They were scattered, and had been
picked by the ravens, the foxes and the wolves. With a good deal of
sorrow and reserve I then learned one of the darkest imprinted pages of
Arctic history. When the steamer Erie returned, in 1901, a large number
of Eskimos were left with Mr. Peary near Cape Sabine. They soon after
developed a disease which Mr. Peary’s ship brought to them. There
was no medicine and no doctor to save the dying victims. Dr. T. F.
Dedrick, who had served Mr. Peary faithfully, was dismissed without the
payment of his salary, because of a personal grudge, but Dedrick refused
to go home and leave the expedition without medical help. He remained
at Etah, living with the Eskimos in underground holes, as wild men do,
sacrificing comfort and home interests for no other purpose except to
maintain a clean record of helpfulness. As the winter and the night
advanced, Dr. Dedrick got news that the Eskimos were sick and
required medical assistance. He crossed the desperate reaches of Smith
Sound at night, and offered Mr. Peary medical assistance to save the
dying natives. Peary refused to allow Dedrick to attempt to cure the
afflicted, crying people. Dedrick had been without civilized food for
months, and was not well himself after the terrible journey over the
storm-swept seas of ice. Before returning, he asked for some coffee, a
little sugar and a few biscuits. These Mr. Peary refused him. Dr. Dedrick
returned. The natives, in fever and pain, died. Theirs are the bones
scattered by the wild beasts. Who is responsible for these deaths?
“Peary-tiglipo-savigaxua” (Peary has stolen the iron stone), was now
repeated with bitterness by the Eskimos. In 1897 it occurred to Mr.
Peary that the museums would be interested in the Eskimos, and also in
the so-called “Star Stone,” owned by the Eskimos. It had been passed
down from generation to generation as a tribal property; from it the
natives, from the Stone Age, had chipped metal for weapons. This
“meteorite” was, without Eskimo consent, put by Mr. Peary on his ship;
without their consent, also, were put a group of men and women and
children on the ship. All were taken to New York for museum purposes.
In New York the precious meteorite was sold, but the profits were not
divided with the rightful owners. The men, women and children (merchandise
of similar value) were placed in a cellar, awaiting a marketplace.
Before the selling time arrived, all but one died of diseases directly
arising out of inhuman carelessness, due to the dictates of commercialism.
Who is responsible for the death of this group of innocent wild folk?
[19] These supplies had, fortunately, been left in the care of Mr. Whitney.
In the months that followed, Murphy several times threatened to take
these things, but Whitney’s sense of justice was such that no further
pilfering was allowed.
The unbrotherly tactics which Mr. Peary had shown to Sverdrup and
other explorers were here copied by his representative. Captain Bernier
was bound for the American coast, to explore and claim for Canada the
land to the west. He desired a few native helpers. There were at Etah
descendants of Eskimo emigrants from the very land which Bernier
aimed to explore. These men were anxious to return to their fathers’
land, and would have made splendid guides for Bernier. Murphy volunteered
to ask the Eskimos if they would go. He went ashore, pretending
that he would try to secure guides, but, in reality, he never asked a single
Eskimo to join Bernier. Returning, he said that no one would go. Later
he boasted to Whitney and Prichard of the intelligent way in which he
had deceived Captain Bernier. Was this under Mr. Peary’s instructions?
[20] I now learned, also, that the Eskimos had told their tribesmen of
their arrival at the mysterious “Big Nail,” which, of course, meant less
to them than the hardship and unique methods of hunting.
Among themselves the Eskimos have an intimate way of conveying
things, a method of expression and meaning which an outsider never grasps.
At most, white men can understand only a selected and more simple language
with which the Eskimos convey their thoughts. This partly accounts
for the unreliability of any testimony which a white man extracts from them.
There is also to be considered an innate desire on the part of these simple
people to answer any question in a manner which they think will please.
In all Indian races this desire to please is notoriously stronger than a
sense of truth. The fact that my Eskimos, when later questioned as to
my whereabouts, are reported to have answered that I had not gone far
out of sight of land, was due partly to my instructions and partly to this
inevitable wish to answer in a pleasing way.
While they spoke among themselves of having reached the “Big Nail,”
they also said—what they later repeated to Mr. Peary—that they had
passed few days beyond the sight of land, a delusion caused by mirages,
in which, to prevent any panic, I had with good intentions encouraged
an artificial belief in a nearness to land.
But we were for weeks enshrouded in dense fogs, where nothing could
be seen. The natives everywhere had heard of this, and inquired about it.
Why has Mr. Peary suppressed this important information? We traveled
and camped on the pack for “seven moons.” Why was this omitted? We
reached a place where the sun did not dip at night; where there was not
enough difference in the height of the day and night sun to give the
Eskimo his usual sense of direction. Why was this fact ignored?
[21] In appreciation of this kind helpfulness, the Danes later sent a
special ship loaded with presents, which were left for distribution among
the good-natured Eskimos who had helped Ericksen. Mr. Peary came along
after the Danes had turned their backs, and picked from the Danish presents
such things as appealed to his fancy, thus depriving the Eskimos of
the merited return for their kindness. What right had Mr. Peary to
take these things? The Danes, who have since placed a mission station
here, in continuation of their policy to guard and protect the Eskimos, are
awaiting an answer to this question to-day.
[22] When Captain Adams arrived off the haunts of the northernmost
Eskimos, he sent ashore a letter to be passed along to Mr. Peary, as he
was expected to return south during that summer. In his letter Captain
Adams told of my attainment of the Pole. The letter got into Mr.
Peary’s hands before he returned to Labrador. With this letter in his
pocket, Mr. Peary gave as his principal reason for doubting my success
that nobody else had been told that I had reached the Pole. I told Whitney,
I had told Pritchard—thus Peary’s charge was proven false later. But
why did he suppress the information which Captain Adams’ letter contained?
With this letter in his pocket, why did Mr. Peary say that no
one had been told?
[23] Captain Robert A. Bartlett, of the Peary ship Roosevelt, has figured
much in this controversy. Most of his reported statements, I am
inclined to believe, are distorted. But he has allowed the words attributed
to him to stand; therefore, the harm done is just as great as if the
charges were true. He allowed Henry Rood, in The Saturday Evening
Post, to say that my expedition was possible only through the advice of
Bartlett. Every statement which Rood made, as Bartlett knows, is a lie.
He has allowed this to stand, and he thereby stands convicted as party to
a faked article written with the express purpose of inflicting an injury.
Bartlett cross-questioned my Eskimos about instruments. By showing
them a sextant and other apparatus he learned that I not only had a full
set, but he also learned how I used them. Peary, although having Bartlett’s
report on this, insinuated that I had no instruments, and that I
made no observations. Bartlett knew this to be a lie, but he remained
silent. He is therefore a party to a Peary lie.
In the early press reports Bartlett is credited with saying that “Cook
had no instruments.” A year later, after Bartlett returned from another
trip north, faked pictures and faked news items were printed with the
Bartlett interviews and reports. There was no protest, and at the same
time Bartlett said that books, instruments, and things belonging to me
had been destroyed. In the following year Bartlett announced that he was
“going after Cook’s instruments.” Has the press lied, or has Bartlett
lied? Next to Henson, Mr. Peary’s colored servant, Captain Bartlett is
Peary’s star witness.
George Borup, in “A Tenderfoot With Peary,” after repeating in his
book many pro-Peary lies, tried to prove his assertion by an alleged study
of my sledge (P. 300): “Except for its being shortened, the sledge was
the same as when it had left Annoatok. It weighed perhaps thirty pounds,
and was very flimsy.”
This is a deliberate lie, for it was only a half-sled, reassembled and
repaired by old bits of driftwood. After this first lie he says, in the
same paragraph: “Yet it had only two cracks in it.” The upstanders had
been cracked in a dozen places, the runners were broken, and every part
was cracked.
Borup shows by his orthography of Eskimo words that he knows almost
nothing of the Eskimo language. Therefore he may be dismissed as incompetent
where Eskimo reports are to be interpreted. He is committed to
the Peary interests, which also eliminates him from the jury. But in his
report of my sled he has stooped to lies which forever deprive him of
being credited with any honest opinion on the Polar controversy.
[24] Professor Armbruster and Dr. Schwartz, of St. Louis, at a time
when few papers had the courage to print articles in my defence, appealed
to W. R. Reedy, of the Mirror, for space to uncover the unfair methods of
the Pro-Peary conspiracy. This space was liberally granted, and the
whole controversy was scientifically analyzed by the Mirror in an unbiased
manner. Here is shown an important phase of the Peary charges,
from the Mirror, April 21, 1910. As it clearly reveals the facts, I present
part of it as follows:
The point made by Dr. Schwartz, that there is a contradiction between
Peary’s statements of September 28 and October 13, is well taken. The
statement of October 13 is a point-blank contradiction of the previous one.
Dr. Schwartz notes that when Peary made, on September 28, what Peary
called his strongest indictment of Dr. Cook, Peary must have had with
him at Bar Harbor the chart with the trail of Cook’s route, and infers
that, as the later charge was by far the stronger indictment of the two,
there must be some other explanation of the contradiction.
Analysis of this contradiction develops one of the most serious propositions
of the whole Polar controversy. Mr. Peary might now say that he
was holding his strongest point in reserve, but such explanation would
not be sufficient, for he stated that the indictment of September 28 is “the
strongest that has been advanced in Arctic exploration ever since the
great expedition was sent there,” and no child is so simple as to believe that
the indictment of September 28 is at all comparable in magnitude to the
one of October 13. Upon analysis, we find that there is indeed another
explanation, and only one, and that is, that when the indictment of September
28 was made, the one of October 13 had not been conceived or concocted,
and it will show that Peary, Bartlett, McMillan, Borup and Henson,
all who signed the statement of October 13, perpetrated a gross falsehood
and imposition upon the public. All are caught in the one net.
If this coterie had received from the Eskimos such information as is
claimed by them in their statement of October 13, then they must have
received it from the Eskimos before Peary and his party left Etah on their
return to America. If they had the information when they left the
Eskimos at Etah, on their return to America, then they had it when
they arrived at Indian Harbor, and before their statement of September
28 was made.
In their statement of October 13, 1909, Peary, Bartlett, McMillan,
Borup and Henson state, and sign their names to the statement made to
the world and copyrighted, that they had a map on which E-tuk-i-shook
and Ah-we-lah, Dr. Cook’s two Eskimos, had traced for them the route
taken by Dr. Cook, and that this was also supported by the verbal statements
of the two Eskimos, that Dr. Cook had reached the northern point
of Heiberg Land, or Cape Thomas Hubbard; that he had gone two sleeps
north of it, had then turned to the west or southwest, and returned to the
northern headland of Heiberg Land, but on the west or northwest side,
and had sent back one of the Eskimos to the cache left on the headland,
but on the east side of the point, and remained at this new place on the
west side of the point for four or five sleeps. Then, all the time that
Peary was challenging and impugning that Dr. Cook had reached even the
northern point of Heiberg Land, according to their own statement of
October 13, they had in their pockets the map and information from the
Eskimos that Dr. Cook had not only reached the northern point of Heiberg
Land, but traveled above it and turned around the point. In so challenging
that Dr. Cook had reached even the northern point of said land, and
thereby discrediting Dr. Cook with all the force and influence at their
command, when, according to their own later statement, they had then and
at that time, and before such time (since they left Etah on their return
to America), the statements, trail of route and testimony of the Eskimos
entirely to the contrary, Peary and his coterie deliberately and knowingly
perpetrated on the public the grossest of falsehoods and impositions.
There are several other contradictions in the statement of October 13.
One is the statement that Pan-ic-pa (the father of E-tuk-i-shook), was
familiar with the first third and last third of the journey of Dr. Cook
and his two Eskimos. Pan-ic-pa may be familiar with the territory of the
last third of the route, but not with the journey made by Dr. Cook and
E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah over this part of the route, for these three
alone made the journey from Cape Sparbo to Annoatok. Pan-ic-pa went
only as far as the northern point of Heiberg Land, and returned from there
nearly a year before Dr. Cook and his two Eskimos arrived from Cape
Sparbo. This is shown by Peary and his party themselves in their statement
that Pan-ic-pa, the father of E-tuk-i-shook, a very intelligent man,
who was in the party of Eskimos that came back from Dr. Cook from
the northern end of Nansen’s Strait (Sound), came in and indicated the
same localities and details as the two boys. Of course Pan-ic-pa could
only indicate the localities that he had himself journeyed to with Dr. Cook,
and not any after he had left Dr. Cook and the two Eskimos at the
northern point of Heiberg Land, or the northern end of Nansen’s Sound,
which is the same thing.
Another contradiction, a very serious one indeed, as important as the
first of the foregoing contradictions is, that if Peary and his party had
such information from the Eskimos as they claimed in their statement of
October 13, then they knew that the little sledge of Dr. Cook which
they saw at Etah was not the sledge that made the trip to the Pole.
The printed reports show that long before October 13 Peary and all his
henchmen were challenging and charging to the public that the little sled
in question left with Whitney, could not possibly have made the trip to the
Pole. In the statement of October 13, Peary and his party state that,
according to the Eskimos, Dr. Cook and his two Eskimos started from the
northern point of Heiberg Land with only two sledges. Further on in the
statement, that the dogs and one sledge were abandoned in Jones Sound,
and that at Cape Vera—western end of Jones Sound—Peary and his party
say that E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah, Dr. Cook’s two Eskimos, informed
them that (quoting Peary and his party’s statement verbatim), “here they
cut the remaining sledge off—that is, shortened it, as it was awkward to
transport with the boat, and near here they killed a walrus.”
During all the time then, before October 13, that Peary and his party
were belittling this sled, and referring to its character as a positive proof
that Dr. Cook could not have reached the Pole, and stating that it would
have been knocked to pieces in a few days, they, according to their own
statement of October 13, knew, even while using such argument against
Dr. Cook, that the little sled was not the original sled, but only a part
of one which the desperate and fearfully hard-pressed wanderers had themselves—having
no dogs—dragged their food for three hundred miles over
one of the roughest and most terrible stretches of the frozen zone, never
before traveled by man. According to their own statement of October 13,
Peary and his clique convict themselves of boldly and deliberately perpetrating
gross falsehoods against Dr. Cook and upon the people. Then shall
we believe anything further from them?
There is only one rational view to take of their statement of October
13. That, knowing their first charges were certain to fail, the statement
of October 13 was concocted for their own base purposes. No sane person
can believe that if they had had such exceedingly damaging information as
is claimed by them in their statement of October 13, they could have instead
made use of charges far less damaging and known to them to be false.
W. J. Armbruster.
St. Louis, Mo., April 13, 1910.
[25] One of the meanest and pettiest charges concocted for Mr. Peary at a
time when personal veracity was regarded as the test of rival claims was
that I had attempted to steal the scientific work of a missionary while I
was on the Belgica Antarctic Expedition. Director Townsend, of the
New York Aquarium, who, like Mr. Peary, was drawing a salary from
the taxpayers while his energies were spent in another mission, declared
I had taken a dictionary, compiled by Thos. Bridges, of Indian words,
and had put it forth as my own work. Dalenbagh, of the American
Geographical Society, and of the “Worm Diggers’ Union,” polly-like, also
repeated this charge. “Of the other charges against Dr. Cook we are at
sea,” he said, “but here is something that we know about.” By expending
five cents in stamps, five minutes with the pen, both Townsend and
Dalenbaugh might have learned that the dishonor which they were trying to
attach to some one else was on themselves.
Under big headlines, “Dr. Cook Steals a Missionary’s Work,” the
New York Times and other pro-Peary papers printed columns of absolute
lies in what purported to be interviews with Townsend. Dalenbaugh, pointing
to this gleefully, said “Dr. Cook has been guilty of wrong-doing for
many years.”
Now what were the facts? Among the scientific collections of the
Belgian Expedition, was a series of notes, embodying a Yahagan Indian
Dictionary, made by the missionary, Thomas Bridges. Although this was
of little use to anybody, it was a scientific record worthy of preservation.
In a friendly spirit toward the late Mr. Bridges and his Indians, I persuaded
the Belgians at great expense to publish the work. It was written
in the old Ellis system of orthography, which is not generally understood.
Working on this material for one year without pay, I changed it to
ordinary English orthography, but made few other alterations. The book
is not yet printed, but part of it is in press. The introduction was printed
five years ago, and among the first paragraphs appear these words:
“My visit among the tribe of Fuegians was not of sufficient length to
make a thorough study, nor had I the opportunity to collect much data
from Indians, but I was singularly fortunate in being in the company of
Mr. Thomas Bridges and Mr. John Lawrence, men who have made these
people their life study. The credit of collecting and making this Yahagan
Grammar and Vocabulary belongs solely to Mr. Bridges, who devoted most
of his time during thirty-seven years to recording this material. My work
is limited to a slight re-arrangement of the words, a few additions of notes
and words, and a conversion of the Ellis phonetic characters in which the
native words were written into ordinary English orthography. It is hoped
that this study of Yahagan language, with a few of their tales and traditions,
will, with a report of the French Expedition, make a fitting end to
an important record of a vanishing people.”
Then follows a short favorable biography of the man whose work I
was accused of stealing.
[26] Letter from Barrill’s associate:
Missoula, Mont., Oct. 12, 1909.
Friend Cook—I am sorry that I can’t come at present. But will come
and see you in about fifteen days if you will send me Three Hundred and
Fifty ($350.00), and I will say that the report in the papers (that Dr.
Cook did not ascend Mt. McKinley), from what I have, is not true.
Hoping to see you soon.
Your friend,
(Signed) Fred Printz.
[27] While this book was going through the press, several chapters of the
proof-sheets, stolen from the printers, Messrs. Lent & Graff, were found
on the table of the Explorers’ Club on June 27, 1911. It is important to
note that this pro-Peary repository of bribed, faked and forged writings,
which were issued to defame me, is also the den for stolen goods. Who are
the thieves who congregate there to deposit their booty? Why the theft
of a part of my book? What humbug has this club and its shameless
president next to offer?
[28] Letter from an onlooker when Mt. McKinley was climbed:
To Dr. Cook’s Friends:
Professor Parker says “regretfully” that Dr. Cook’s evidence as to the
ascent of Mt. McKinley was unconvincing.
I was located in the foothills of Mt. McKinley, and had been for
about a year, when Dr. Cook, Professor H. C. Parker, Mr. Porter, the
topographer of the party, and Mr. Miller, Fred Printz and the rest of the
party, landed at the head-waters of the Yentna River, in the foothills of
Mt. McKinley.
I met Professor Parker and the rest of the party, and saw a great
deal of them while they were up there, as I had three mining camps in
the foothills from which they made their try for the top of the mountain.
I let Dr. Cook have one of my Indian hunters, who knew every foot of
the country around there, for a guide. Dr. Cook also had some of his
caches in my camps, leaving supplies which he did not take along with
his pack-trains. Some of Dr. Cook’s party were in our camps nearly every
day or so, and consequently I became very well posted in regard to Dr.
Cook’s affairs, and very well acquainted with him. Dr. Parker should be
the last one to say anything about mountain-climbing or anything else
connected with the expedition, or anything where it takes a man and pluck
to accomplish results—good results; as he showed himself to be the rankest
kind of a tenderfoot while in the foothills of Mt. McKinley, and was the
laughing stock of the country. Mt. McKinley and the country around
there was too rough for him. He got “cold feet,” and started back for
the States, before he had even seen much of the country around there.
Looking over my memoranda, I find that Dr. Cook had given up his
attempt to climb Mt. McKinley for the time being, and had sent Printz
and Miller on a hunting expedition, and the rest of the party was scattered
out to hunt up something new.
At that time I came into Youngstown, and the boys were getting ready
to strike out on their different routes, and Dr. Cook was going down to
Tyonic, in Cook’s Inlet, with his launch, to meet a friend, Mr. Disston,
who expected to go on a hunting trip with him. The friend did not
arrive, so Dr. Cook returned to the head-waters of the Yentna River, to
Youngstown, arriving there on Monday, August 27. On Sunday, August
28, he started down to the Sushitna River. I went down with him as far
as the Sushitna Station, and he told me he was going to run up the river
and strike Fish Creek, which ran up on another side of Mt. McKinley, and
see what the chances were to make the top of the continent from that side.
He made it. I was one of the last to see him start on the ascent, and one
of the first to see him when he returned after he had made the ascent.
Dr. Cook proved to be a man in every respect, as unselfish as he was
courageous, always giving the other fellow a thought before thinking of
himself.
Upon his arrival from the ascent of the mountain, although tired and
worn and in a bad physical condition himself, he gave his unlimited attention
to a party of prospectors who had been picked up from a wreck in
the river, and brought into camp in an almost dying condition just before
his arrival. He spent hours working over these men, and did not give
himself a thought until they were properly cared for.
Evidence? No man who has known Dr. Cook, been with him, worked
with him, and learned by personal experience of his courage, energy and
perseverance, would ask for evidence beyond his word.
Dr. Cook is one of the most daring men, and can stand more hardships
than any man I have ever met, and I believe I have met some of the most
able men of the world when it comes to roughing it over the trails in
Alaska and the North.
Dr. Cook climbed Mt. McKinley. Of course there are always skeptics—men
who have a wishbone instead of a backbone, and who, when
wishing has brought to them no good results, their last effort is pushed
forth in criticism of the things which have been constructed or accomplished
by men, their superiors.
If Professor Parker wants evidence to convince him, I think he can
find it, provided he will put himself to as much trouble in looking for
evidence as he has in criticising such evidence as he has obtained.
Respectfully yours,
J. A. MacDonald.
Vontrigger, California.
Author’s Note.—It is a curious fact that most men who have assailed
me are themselves sailing under false colors. Herschell Parker was an
assistant professor and instructor in the Department of Physics in Columbia
University. This gave him the advantage of using the title, “Professor,”
but, like many others, his university association was mostly for the prestige
it gave him. His professorship assumption was, therefore, a deception.
Instead of devoting himself conscientiously to university interests, he was,
like Peary, engaged in private enterprises—such as the Parker-Clark light,
and other ventures—and employed substitute instructors to do the work
for which he drew a salary, and for which he claimed the honor and the
prestige. A man who thus sails falsely under the banner of a professorship
is just the man to try to steal the honor of other men. Here is a
make-believe professor who is not a professor; whose dwarfed conscience is
eased by drippings from the Arctic Trust; who has stooped to a photographic
humbug. He is a fitting exponent of the bribing pro-Peary
propaganda.
[29] When Mr. Peary first returned from the North, and began his
attacks upon me, he caused a demand for “proofs” through the New York
Times and its affiliated papers; he had them call for my instruments; he
insinuated that I had had no instruments with me in the North (despite
the fact that Captain Bartlett had informed him that my own Eskimos
had testified that I had); he declared that any Polar claim must be established
by an examination of observations and an examination of the
explorer’s instruments.
In view of the unwarranted newspaper call for “proofs,” I was embarrassed
by having left my instruments with Whitney. Mr. Peary had
his, however. But were they carefully examined by the august body who
so eagerly decided he reached the Pole? Was the verdict of the self-appointed
arbiters of the so-called National Geographic Society based
upon such examination as Mr. Peary—concerning my case—had declared
necessary?
Testifying before the subcommittee of the Committee on Naval Affairs,
when the move was on to have Peary made a Rear-Admiral, Henry Gannett,
one of the three members of the National Geographic Society, who
had passed on Peary’s claim, admitted that their examination of Mr. Peary’s
instruments was casually and hastily made in the Pennsylvania Station at
Washington. When Peary later appeared in person before the committee,
he admitted having come to Washington from Portland, Maine, to consult
with the members of the National Geographic Society who were to examine
his proofs, and that he had brought his instruments with him in a trunk,
which was left at the station. The following took place (See official Congressional
Report, Private Calendar No. 733, Sixty-first Congress, Third
Session, House of Representatives, Report No. 1961, pages 21 and 22):
“Mr. Roberts—How did the instruments come down?
“Captain Peary—They came in a trunk.
“Mr. Roberts—Your trunk?
“Captain Peary—Yes.
“Mr. Roberts—After you reached the station and found the trunk,
what did you and the committee do regarding the instruments?
“Captain Peary—I should say that we opened the trunk there in the
station.
“Mr. Roberts—That is, in the baggage-room of the station?
“Captain Peary—Yes.
“Mr. Roberts—Were the instruments all taken out?
“Captain Peary—That I could not say. Members of the committee
will probably remember better than I.
“Mr. Roberts—Well, do you not have any recollection of whether
they took them out and examined them?
“Captain Peary—Some were taken out, I should say; whether all were
taken out I could not say.
“Mr. Roberts—Was any test of those instruments made by any member
of the committee to ascertain whether or not the instruments were
inaccurate?
“Captain Peary—That I could not say. I should imagine that it would
not be possible to make tests there.
“Mr. Roberts—Were those instruments ever in the possession of the
committee other than the inspection at the station?
“Captain Peary—NOT TO MY KNOWLEDGE.”
Note.—This, then, was the basis of the glorious verdict of the packed
jury which assailed me; which demanded as necessary instruments of me
which had been left in the North, and which posed as a fair body of
experts!
All important questions asked of Peary, Tittman and Gannett were
hedged, their aim being to avoid publicity. In substance, they admitted
that in the “Peary Proofs,” passed upon a year before, there was no
proof. They admitted that their favorable verdict was reached upon an
examination of COPIES of Mr. Peary’s observations, and that the examination
and decision occurred at a sort of social gathering in the house of
Admiral Chester, who had attacked me. Chairman Roberts, commenting
on the testimony, wrote (see page 15):
“From these extracts from the testimony it will be seen that Mr.
Gannett, after his careful examination of Captain Peary’s proofs and
records, did not know how many days it took Captain Peary from the
time he left Bartlett to reach the Pole and return to the Roosevelt, that
information being supplied by a Mr. Grosvenor. It will be also observed
that Mr. Gannett, as a result of his careful examination of Captain
Peary’s proofs and records, gives Captain Peary, in his final dash to the
Pole, the following equipment: Two sledges, 36 or 32 dogs, 2 Eskimos,
and Henson. It will be seen later from Captain Peary’s testimony, that
he had on that final dash 40 dogs, 5 sledges, and a total of six men in
his party. This discrepancy on so vital a point must seem quite conclusive
that the examination of the Geographic Society’s committee was
anything but careful.”
APPENDIX
COPY OF THE FIELD NOTES
The following copy of the daily entries in one of my
original note-books takes the expedition step by step from
Svartevoeg to the Pole and back to land.
As will be seen by those here reproduced, the original
notes are mostly abbreviations and suggestions, hasty tabulations
and reminders, memoranda to be later elaborated. The
hard environment, the scarcity of materials, and cold fingers
did not encourage extensive field notes. Most of these field
notes were rewritten while in Jones Sound, and some were also
copied and elaborated in Greenland.
In planning this expedition, every article of equipment
and every phase of effort was made subordinate to the one
great need of covering long distances. We deliberately set
out for the Pole, with a desperate resolution to succeed, and
although appreciating the value of detail scientific work, I
realized that such work could not be undertaken in a pioneer
project like ours. We therefore did not burden ourselves
with cumbersome instruments, nor did we allow ourselves to be
side-tracked in attractive scientific pursuits. Elaborate
results are not claimed, but the usual data of Arctic expeditions
were gathered with fair success.
(Notes usually written at end of day’s march.)
| Date. | Miles Covered. | OBSERVATIONS, ETC. (Exact copy from original Field Papers) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| March 1908. | 18 | 26 | Svartevoeg. Made cache here for return. Supporting party goes back. Noon start; 4 men, 46 dogs, 4 sleds; 26 miles. Ice heavy, wavy; little snow; crystals hard; land screened by drift. Camp on old field. Night uncomfortable; air humid, penetrating. Snowhouse of hard snow imperfectly made. (Other notes of this date so dim that they cannot be read. Compass directions, unless otherwise noted, are true.) |
| [Pg 570] | 19 | 21 | Clearer, overland thick; -56° F.; Wind 2 W.; sun feeble; blue haze. On march, ice smaller; use of axe; crossings troublesome. Camp lee of big hummock. Cannot send supply back; must follow for another day. |
| 20 | 16 | Land more clearly visible; sky overcast; wind W. S. W. 1; ice worse. Small igloo. The last feed men return. | |
| 21 | 29 | Awoke, sun N. E.; orange glow; -63° F.; bar. 30.10, steady; no clouds; sky pale purple. More snow (on ice); groaning sledges; mirages, lands, mountains, volcanoes. Air light; wind sky N.; Grant Land a mere line; -46°. Torture of light snow; march 14 hours. | |
| 22 | 22 | A. M.; wind E. 3; -59°. Start 12 (noon); sky clearer; wind 2; water sky N. Grant Land visible P. M. (Later) Temp. rose to -46°. Wind tolerably high; pressure lines; the big lead. Camp on old field on bank; ice noises; search for the crossing. Young, elastic ice. | |
| 23 | 17 | Cross the big lead. Young ice elastic and dangerous; western sky again threatening; ice movement east; fields small; narrow open lanes. Course for 85th on 97th; -40°; march 11 hours; 23 miles, credit 17 miles. Ice noises; night beautiful; sun sank into pearly haze. (Later) Orange glow; pack violet and pale purple blue; sky late—partly cl. appearance of land W. | |
| 24 | 18 | Observations 83.31—96.27; -41°; bar. 29.70. West bank of fog and haze. Start afternoon; no life; old seal hole and bear tracks; long march; ice improving. 10 h.; pedometer 21 m.; camp in coming storm; rushing clouds; signs of land W. 18 m. (credited on course). | |
| 25 | 18 | Early awakened by dogs. Storm spent soon; sunrise temp. -26°, later -41°; west again smoky. Back to the bags; cracking ice; the breaking and separating ice and the crevasse episode; in a bag and in water; ice-water and pemmican; masks of ice. Good march over newly-fractured ice; ice in motion. | |
| 26 | 17 | Still windy; some drift snow; another storm threatening. How we need rest! Strong wind during the night. Position D. R. 84.24—96.53. | |
| [Pg 571] | 27 | 16 | In camp until noon. Strong winds all night; eased at noon; clearing some; sun; weather unsettled. Short run; squally en route; made early camp. Bar. 29.05. |
| 28 | 0 | Weather still unsettled. Temp. -41°; Bar. 29.15; west ugly. No progress. The drift. In camp. Anxious about stability of igloo. The collapsed camp. Midnight; north cloudy, but ice bright; many hummocks. | |
| 29 | 9 | Start early P. M. A little blue in the west; sun bursts; pack disturbed; hard traveling, due to fresh crevasses. Camp midnight; only 9 miles. | |
| 30 | 10 | Land, 9 A. M., cleared; land was seen; westerly clouds settled over it. Observations 84.50, 95.36; bearing of land, southern group, West by South to West by North true. Other bearings taken later place a coast line along the 102 meridian from lat. 84° 20´ to 85° 10´. There must be much open water about the land, for banks of vapor persistently hide part. A low fog persistent; cannot see shore; for days we have expected to see something W., but never a clear horizon. Probably two island S. like Heiberg, 1,800 ft. high, valleys, mountains, snow N., table 1,000, thin ice sheet, bright nights. From observation paper: Bar. 30.10, had risen from 29.50 in 2 hours; wind 2-3 mag. S.; clouds mist, East, water-bands W.; shadow (of 6 ft. pole) 39 ft. | |
| 31 | 10 | Land screened by mist; wind W. 2-0. Ice fracture; no sign of life—none since 83. | |
| April 1908. | 1 | 26 | (Time of traveling) 9 to 6; ice better; fields larger; crevasses less troublesome; temp. -32°. There is no more darkness at night. |
| 2 | 12 | (Start) 9.30; (stop) 8. Smooth ice; hard snow; ice 28 ft. and 32. Night bright but cloudy. Temp. -35°; bar. 30.10; leads difficult. | |
| 3 | 10 | 8.30 to 6.30. Temp. -39°; bar. 30.12; sky clearing at noon, but low clouds and frosty haze persist in the W. and N. Night bright; sun at midnight under cloud and haze. | |
| 4 | 14 | 8.45 to 6.10. Snow softer; used snowshoes; have crossed 11 crevasses; much chopping; brash and small hummocks. | |
| 5 | 14 | 9 (A. M.) to 5.45 (P. M.). Snow better. Ice larger. Oh, so tired! Snowshoes. | |
| 6 | 14 | 8.10 (A. M.) to 6.15 (P. M.). Snow hard. Ice flat. Few hummocks. Less wavy. Snow (shoes). Sun faces. | |
| [Pg 572] | 7 | 14 | 11 to 10. Beautiful clear weather; even the night sky clear. Midnight sun first seen. Ice 36 ft. (thick). (Another measurement gave 21 feet.) |
| 8 | 9 | Observation before starting, 86.36, 94.2. In spite of what seemed like long marches we made only 106 miles in 9 days. Much distance lost in crossings. (From field paper) bar. 29.50, rising; temp. -37°; wind mag. N. E., 2; clouds St. 3; shadow (6 ft. pole), 32 feet. | |
| 9 | 14 | 9 A. M. to 5.30 P. M.; snow hard; ice about the same; wind cutting; frost bites. Clothes humid. | |
| 10 | 16 | 10 P. M. to 7 A. M. Working hours changed; big marches and long hours no longer possible; snow good; ice steadily improving; bodily fatigue much felt; wind 1-28 W. | |
| 11 | 15 | 10.30 to 8 A. M. Observation end of March, 87.20, 95.19; the pack disturbance of B. Ld. lost; farthest north; little crushed ice; old floes less irregular; anxious about food; wind 3 W. (true); 300 miles in 24 days; work intermittent; too tired to read instruments. (From other field notes, Temp. -39°; bar. 29.90°.) | |
| 12 | 21 | 11 P. M. to 7 A. M. Thoughts of return. Food supply reduced. Hope to economize in warmer weather. Very heavy ice. Much like land ice. Wind 2 W. S. W. The awful monotony! | |
| 13 | 17 | 12 P. M. to 7 A. M. The same heavy glacier-like ice…. The occasional soup. Hummocks 15-20 ft. Ahwelah in tears at start. W. black. Sun under rushing vapors. Ice changes. Leads. | |
| 14 | 23 | 11 P. M. to 7.10 A. M. 88.21, 95.52. Wind light but penetrating. Off the big field, ice smaller. Some open leads. Little sign of pressure. Snow soft, but less precipitation. Dogs get up better speed. 100 miles from Pole. (From other observation papers: Bar. 29.90, falling; temp., -44°; shadow (6 ft. pole) 30½ feet.) | |
| 15 | 14 | 10 P. M. to 7 A. M. Ice same. Wind -1, S. W. Working to the limit of muscle capacity. So tired and weary of the never ceasing tread! | |
| 16 | 15 | 10.30 to 8 A. M. Ice passed. Several heavy old floes. Made 6 crossings. Wind 1-3, W. S. W. | |
| [Pg 573] | 17 | 13 | 10.15 to 8 A. M. Ice same. Crevasses new. 7 crossings Saw several big hummocks. Ice less troublesome. Temp., -40°; bar., 30.00. Sled friction less. |
| 18 | 14 | 9 P. M. to 6. Ice, though broken, smooth. The horizon line not so irregular as that of more S. ice. Sky and ice of a dark purple blue. (Bar. 30.02.) | |
| 19 | 16 | 11 P. M. to 8 A. M. (Position) 89.31. D. R. 94.03. Camp on an old field—the only one on the horizon with big hummocks. Ice in very large fields; surface less irregular, but in other respects not different from farther S. Eskimos told that in two average marches Pole would be reached. Extra rations served. Camp in tent. (Bar., 29.98; Temp., -46°.) | |
| 20 | 15½ | 8 P. M. to 4 A. M. An exciting run; ice aglow in purple and gold; Eskimos chanting. Wind, S. 1 89; 46.45. (D. R.) 94.52. New enthusiasm; good march. Temp., -36°; bar. (not legible on notes); course set for 97th. | |
| 21 | 13½ | 1 A. M. to 9 A. M. Observations noon: 89; 59.45; ped. 14. Camp; sleep in tent short time; after observations advance; pitch tent; (also) made camp—snow—prepared for two rounds of observations. Temp., 37.7°; bar., 29.83. Nothing wonderful; no Pole; a sea of unknown depth; ice more active; new cracks; open leads; but surface like farther south. Overjoyed but find no words to express pleasure. So tired and weary! How we need a rest! 12, night. Sun seems as high as at noon, but in reality is a little higher, owing to its spiral ascent. The mental elation—the drying of furs, and (making) photos—Eskimos’ ideas and disappointment of no Pole—thoughts of home and its cheer. But oh, such monotony of sky, wind and ice! The dangers of getting back. (From other observation papers: Temp, ranged from -36° by mercury thermometer to -39° by spirit thermometer; clouds Alt. St., 1; wind mag. S., 1; ice blink E.; water sky, W.; shadow (of 6 ft. pole) 28 feet.) | |
| 22 | 0 | Moved camp 4 m. magnetic S. Made 4 observations for altitude; S. at noon, W. at 6, N. at 12M, E. at 6 A. M. Ice same; more open water; wind 2-3; temp., -41°; (from field paper) W. S. W., 1 to 2. There are only two big hummocks in sight. (Made a series of observations for the sun’s altitude, 2 on the 21st at the first camp, 4 on the 22nd at W. M. camp, and another midnight 22-23. Before we left deposited tube.) | |
| [Pg 574] | 23 | 20 | Start for home. 12.30 to noon. Fairly clear—ice smooth, but many new crevasses. Temp., -41°. Course for 100 mer. |
| 24 | 16 | 11 P. M. to 9 A. M. These records, being made at the end of the day’s journey, give the doings of the day previous—this note for the 24th is in reality written on the morning of the 25th, when comfortable in camp. Wind 1-2 W. Temp., -36°. Ice smooth—fields larger; 5 crossings; the pleasure of facing home. | |
| 25 | 15 | 8-8. Temp., -37°; Wind 1-2 W. S. W.; ice same. The worry of ice breaking up for me, signs of joy for the Eskimo. | |
| 26 | 14 | 9 to 7. Still much worried about return; possibility of ice disruption and open water near land; wind light; ice shows new cracks, but few have opened; seems to be little pressure; few hummocks; snow hard and traveling all that could be desired. | |
| 27 | 14 | 9.30 to 8. Ice same; wind S. E. 1; good going; crossings not troublesome; dogs in good spirits; Eskimos happy; but all very tired. Temp., -40°. | |
| 28 | 14 | 9.15 to 7.45. Ice same; wind 1 W.; snow moderately hard; few hummocks and no pressure lines. | |
| 29 | 13 | Midnight to 8.45 A. M. Ice more active; fresh cracks; some open cracks but no leads. Wind 1 S. | |
| 30 | 15 | Midnight to 8 A. M. Ped. registered 121 m. from Pole; camp by D. R., 87.59-100; observations 88.01, 97.42. Course half point more W. Temp., -34°. Start more westerly. | |
| May 1908. | 1 | 18 | 12.30 to 9 A. M. Much color to the sunbursts, but the air humid; the temperature persistently near -40°, but considerable range with the direction of the light winds and mists when they come over leads. Much very heavy smooth ice—undulating, not hummocky like S. |
| 2 | 12 | 2 A. M. to 11 A. M. Fog, clouds and wet air. Temp., -15°. Hard to strike a course. | |
| 3 | 13 | 1 A. M. to 10 A. M. Thick weather; wind E. 2; ice friction less; occasional light snow fall. | |
| 4 | 14 | 3 to 11 A. M. Air clear but sky obscured; ice very good, but hummocks appearing on the horizon. | |
| [Pg 575] | 5 | 11 | 11 P. M. to 6 A. M. Strong wind; occasional breathing spell behind hummocks; squally with drifts. |
| 6 | 0 | In camp. Stopped by signs of storm; tried to build igloo but wind prevented; in a collapsed tent for 24 hours; eat only half ration of pemmican. | |
| 7 | 10 | 8 A. M. to 3 P. M. Wind detestable; ice bad; life a torture; sky persistently obscured; no observations; pedometer out of order, only time to gauge our distance. | |
| 8 | 12 | 2 A. M. to 10. Weather bad; windy, S. W.; some drift; heavy going. | |
| 9 | 13 | 1 to 8 A. M. (Weather) thick; wind easier; ice in big fields; snow a little harder, snowshoes steady. | |
| 10 | 13 | 11 P. M. of the 9th to 6 A. M. Heavy going but little friction on sled; some drift; see more hummocks. | |
| 11 | 0 | May 11. In camp. Strong wind; heavy drift; encircle tent with snow blocks. | |
| 12 | 11 | 12.30 to 8.30 A. M. Wind still strong; cestrugi troublesome, but temperature moderate; sled loads getting light. | |
| 13 | 12 | 11 P. M. of 12th, to 7.30 A. M. of 13th. Wind easier, S. S. W.; snow harder; ice very thick and very large fields; fog. | |
| 14 | 9 | 3 A. M. to 9 A. M. No sky; strong wind compelled to camp early. | |
| 15 | 13 | 1 A. M. to 10. Fog; ice much crevassed; passed over several cracks—some opening. | |
| 16 | 14 | May 16. 11 P. M. of the 15th to 6 A. M. Cl. 10; wind again troublesome; light diffused, making it difficult to find footing. | |
| 17 | 11 | 2 A. M. to 10. Thick; ice more and more broken; smaller and more cracked—cracks give much trouble. | |
| 18 | 11 | 1 A. M. to 9.30. Wind more southerly and strong; ice separating; some open water in leads. | |
| 19 | 12 | 11 P. M. to 7.30. Wind veering east; fog thicker; ice very much broken, but snow surface good. | |
| [Pg 576] | 20 | 6 | Midnight to 9 A. M. Open water; active pack; almost impossible. |
| 21 | 8 | 11 P. M. to 9. Conditions the same; our return seems almost hopeless; no observations—cannot even guess at the drift. | |
| 22 | 0 | In camp. Gale N. E.; temp, high; air wet; ice breaking and grinding; worried about the ultimate return; food low. | |
| 23 | 5 | 3 A. M. to 7 A. M. Still squally, but forced a short march. | |
| 24 | 12 | 12 noon to 8 A. M. Short clearing at noon; the first clear mid-day sky for a long time; west still in haze. Water sky W. and S. W.; no land in sight—though the boys saw the land later when I was asleep; ice much broken. 84° 02ʹ-97° 03ʹ. | |
| 25 | 14 | 10 P. M. to 6 A. M. Ice better; no wind; thick fog; snow hard. Temp., -10°. | |
| 26 | 12 | 11 P. M. to 7.45 A. M. Ice in fields of about 1 M. somewhat hummocky; crossings hard; no wind. | |
| 27 | 11 | 11.30 P. M. to 9.30 A. M. Ice same; thick fog. | |
| 28 | 13 | 12 m. night to 10 A. M. Ice still same; fog; wind 3, shifting E. S. E. and S. W. | |
| 29 | 11 | 11.30 P. M. to 9.30 A. M. As we came here the water sky in the southwest to which we had aimed, gradually working west, led to a wide open lead, extending from north to south, and almost before knowing it, in the general plan of the ice arrangement, we found ourselves to the east of this lead. Temp. rose to zero. Ice much broken; air thick; light vague; impossible to see irregularities. Food 3/4 rations; and straight course for Nansen Sound. | |
| 30 | 10 | 12 to 11 A. M. Ice in heaps; open water; brash the worst trouble; little fog. | |
| 31 | 11 | 11.15 P. M. to 9 A. M. Ice little better; snow hard; sleds go easy; much helping required (over pressure lines). | |
| June 1908. | 1 | 12 | 10.45 to 8. Ice in large fields; many hummocks; few heavy fields. |
| [Pg 577] | 2 | 12 | 10 P. M. to 9 A. M. Ice steadily improving. |
| 3 | 11 | 10 P. M. to 8 A. M. Ice begins to show action of sun. Temperature occasionally above freezing. | |
| 4 | 10 | 9.30 P. M. to 7.30 A. M. Fog; ice offering much trouble, but friction little and load light. | |
| 5 | 11 | 9.45 P. M. to 7 A. M. Hummocks exposed to sun have icicles. | |
| 6 | 0 | In camp. Strong N. W. gale. | |
| 7 | 0 | In camp. Gale continues, with much snow; the ice about breaks up; anxious about map. (Not knowing either drift or position, were puzzled as to proper course to set.) | |
| 8 | 14 | 1 A. M. to noon. Ice bad, but snow hard, and after rest progress good; wind still blowing west. | |
| 9 | 10 | 11 P. M. to 9 A. M. With thick ice and this kind of traveling it is hard to guess at distances. | |
| 10 | 0 | 10.30 P. M. to 8. Bad ice; open leads; still no sun. | |
| 11 | 14 | 10 P. M. to 8 A. M. Large smooth ice; little snow; wind S. W., 1; no fog, but sky still of lead. | |
| 12 | 15 | 10.30 to 5. Small fields but good going; sky black to the east. | |
| 13 | 14 | 10 to 8 A. M. Fog cleared first time since last observation. Land in sight south and east. Heiberg and Ringnes Land; water sky; small ice; brash and drift eastward. We have been carried adrift far to the south and west, and examination of ice eastward proves that all is small ice and open water. Heiberg Island is impossible to us. What is our fate? Food and fuel is about exhausted, though we still have 10 bony dogs. Upon these and our little pemmican we can possibly survive for 20 days. In the meantime we must go somewhere. To the south is our only hope. |
Note.—June 14 and thereafter to September 1, all notes were briefly
jotted down in another diary, a collection of loose leaves in which the
observations of the return were made. This diary was left with the instruments
at Etah with Mr. Whitney. The data, however, had been rewritten
at Cape Sparbo, so that the notes had served their purpose and were of
no further value when no pretentious publication was anticipated.
Other notes were made on loose sheets of paper or on leaves of the
note books. Many of these were destroyed, others were rubbed out to
make room for recording what was regarded as more important data, and
a few were retained quite by accident.
QUESTIONS THAT ENTER CALCULATIONS FOR
POSITION OF THE NORTH POLE.
By Frederick A. Cook.
Much abstruse, semi-scientific and academic material has
been forced into the polar discussions about proofs by observation.
The problem presented is full of interesting points, and
to elucidate these I will ask the reader to go back with me to
that elusive imaginary spot, the North Pole. Here we find
no pole—and absolutely nothing to mark the spot for hundreds
of miles. We are in the center of a great moving sea of ice and
for 500 miles in every direction it is the same hopeless desert of
floating, shifting crystal. I believed then that we had reached
the Pole, and it never occurred to me that there would be a cry
for absolute proof. Such a demand had never been presented
before. The usual data of the personal narrative of the explorers
had always been received with good faith. But let us
reopen the question and examine the whole problem.
Is there any positive proof for a problem of this kind?
Is there any one sure shoulder upon which we can hang the
mantle of polar conquest? We are deprived of the usual landmarks
of terrestrially fixed points. The effort to furnish proof
is like trying to fix a point in Mid-Atlantic. But here you
have the tremendous advantage of known compass variation,
sure time, reasonably accurate corrections. Not only by careful
observation at sea of fixed stars and other astronomical
data, but by an easy and quick access to and from each shore,
and by reliable tables for reductions gathered during scores of
years of experience.
All this is denied in the mid-polar basins at the time when
it is possible to arrive there. There is no night, there are no
stars, and the sun, the only fixed object by which a position
can be calculated, is not absolutely fixable. It is low on the
horizon. Its rays are bent in getting to the recording instruments
while passing through the thick maze of floating ice mist.
This mist always rests on the pack even in clear days. The
very low temperature of the atmosphere and the distorting,[Pg 579]
twisting mirage effect of different strata of air, with radically
different temperatures, wherein each stratum has a different
density, carry different quantities of frosted humidity.
All of this gives to the sunbeam, upon which the calculation
for latitude and longitude is based, the deceptive appearance
of a paddle thrust into clear water. The paddle in such
case seems bent. The sunbeam is bent in a like manner, since
it passes through an unknown depth of refractory air
for the correction of which no law can be devised until modern
aerial navigation brings to a science that very complex problem
of the geography of the atmosphere. For this reason, and for
others which we will presently show, this whole idea of proof by
figures as devised by Mr. Peary and the armchair geographers,
falls to pieces.
Let us take the noon observation—a fairly certain method
to determine latitude in most zones of the earth where for
hundreds of years we have learned to make certain corrections,
which by use have been incorporated as laws in the art of
navigation. About five minutes before local noon the sea captain
goes to the bridge with sextant in hand. His time is
certain, but even if it were not, the sun rises and sets and
therefore changes its altitude quickly. The captain screws the
sun down to a fixed angle on his sextant; he puts the instrument
aside; then takes it up again, brings the sun to the
horizon, examines his instrument. The sun has risen a little
further; it is not yet noon. This is repeated again and again,
and at last the sun begins to descend. It is now local noon.
This gives a rough check for his time. There is a certain sure
moment for his observation at just the second when it is
accurate,—when the sun’s highest ascent has been reached.
Such advantages are impossible when nearing the Pole. The
chronometers have been shooting the shoots of the pack for
weeks. The sudden changes of temperature also disturb the
mechanism, and therefore time, that very important factor upon
which all astronomical data rest, is at best only a rough guess.
For this reason alone, if for no other, such as unknown refraction
and other optical illusions, the determination of longitude
when nearing the Pole becomes difficult and unreliable. All
concede this, but latitude, we are told by the armchair observer,
is easy and sure. Let us see.
The time nears to get a peep of the sun at noon, but what[Pg 580]
is local noon? The chronometers may be, and probably are,
far off. And there is no way to correct even approximately.
I do not mean on hours, but there may be unknowable differences
of minutes, and each minute represents a mile. Let us
see how this affects our noon observation. Five or ten minutes
before local noon the observer levels his artificial horizon and
with sextant in hand lies down on the snow. A little drift and
nose bleaching wind complicate matters. The fingers are cold;
the instrument must be handled with mittens; the cold is such
that at best a shiver runs up the spine, the eye blinks with
snow glitter and frost. The arms, hands and legs become stiff
from cold and from inaction. He tries exactly what the sea
captain does in comfort on the bridge, but his time is a guess,
he watches the sun, he tries to catch it when it is highest,
but this is about as difficult as it is to catch a girl in the act of
winking when her back is turned.
The sun does not rise and set as it does in temperate
climes—it circles the horizon day and night in a spiral ascent
so nearly parallel to the line of the horizon that it is a practical
impossibility to determine by any possible means at hand when
it is highest. One may lie on that snow for an hour, and
though steadied with the patience of Job, the absolute determination
of the highest point of the sun’s altitude or the local
noon is almost a physical impossibility.
This observation is not accurate and gives only results of
use in connection with other calculations. These results at
best are also subject to that unknown allowance for really
great atmospheric refraction. The geographic student will, I
am sure, agree that against this the magnetic needle will offer
some check, for if you can be certain that when the needle
points to a positive direction, then it is a simple matter to get
approximate time with it and the highest noon altitude; but
since the correction for the needle, like that of latitude and
longitude, is based on accurate time, and since it is further
influenced by other local and general unknown conditions—therefore
even the compass, that sheet anchor of the navigator,
is as uncertain as other aids to fixing a position in the polar
basin.
In making such observations an artificial horizon must be
used. This offers an uncontrollable element of inaccuracy in all
Arctic observations when the sun is low.[Pg 581]
My observations were made with the sun about 12° above
the horizon. At this angle the image of the sun is dragged
over the glass or mercury with no sharp outlines, a mere streak
of light, and not a perfect, sharp-cut image of the sun which
an important observation demands.
Mr. Peary’s altitudes were all less than 7°. I challenge
any one to produce a clear cut image of the sun on an artificial
horizon with the sun at that angle. All such observations
therefore are unreliable because of imperfect contact, for which
there can be no correction.
The question of error by refraction is one of very great
importance. In the known zones the accumulated lesson of ages
has given us certain tables for correction, but even with these
advantages few navigators would take an observation when the
sun is but 7° above the horizon and count it of any value
whatever.
In the Arctic the problem of refraction presents probable
inaccuracies, not of seconds or minutes, but possibly of degrees.
Every Arctic traveler has seen in certain atmospheric conditions
a dog enlarged to the image of a bear. A raven frequently
looks like a man, and a hummock, but 25 feet high, a
short distance away, will at times rise to the proportions of a
mountain. Mirages turn things topsy-turvy, and the whole
polar topography is distorted by optical illusions. Many explorers
have seen the returning sun over a sea horizon after the
long night one or two days before the correct time for its
reappearance. This gives you an error in observations which
can be a matter of 60 miles.
Here is a tangle in optics, which cannot under the present
knowledge of conditions be elucidated, and yet with all these
disadvantages, the group of armchair geographers of the National
Geographic Society pronounces a series of sun altitudes
less than 7° above the horizon as proof positive of the attainment
of the Pole. Furthermore these men are personal friends
of Mr. Peary, and the society for whom they act is financially
interested in the venture which they indorsed.
Is this verdict based upon either science or justice, or
honor?
In response to a public clamor for a peep at these papers,
a more detestable unfairness was forced on the public. The
venerable director of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, who was[Pg 582]
one of Mr. Peary’s jurors, instead of showing his hand, and
thus freeing himself from a dishonest entanglement, asked his
underlings, H. C. Mitchell and C. R. Duval, to stoop to a
dishonor to veil the humbug previously perpetrated. Under
the instruction of their chief, the first figures of Mr. Peary’s
sextant readings have been taken, and by manipulating these
they have helped Mr. Peary by saying that their calculation
placed Mr. Peary within two miles of the Pole.
Perhaps Mr. Peary was at the pin-point of the Pole, but
when he allows his friends to use questionable methods to give a
false security to his claim, then his claim is insecure indeed.
Mitchell and Duval took the sextant readings at face value.
If Mr. Peary or his computers had frankly admitted the uncertainty
of the grounds upon which these sextant readings rested,
then one would be inclined to grant the benefit of doubt; but
as was the case regarding the verdict of the National Geographic
Society, the public was carefully excluded from a
knowledge of the shaky grounds upon which these calculations
are based. The impossibility of correct time and adequate
allowance for refraction render such figures useless as proof of
a position. But what about the image of the sun upon the
artificial horizon?
An important observation demands that this should be
sharp and clear, otherwise the observation is worthless. Mitchell
and Duval have surely thought of this. Perhaps they have
tried an experiment. As real scientific students they should
have experimented with the figures with which they played. If
the experiment has not been made they are incompetent. In
either case a trick has been used to bolster up the deceptive
verdict of the National Geographic Society.
A dish of molasses, a bull’s eye lantern and a dark room are
all that is necessary to prove how the public has been deceived
by men in the Government pay as scientific computers. With
the bull’s eye as the sun, the molasses or any other reflecting
surface as a horizon, with the light striking the surface at less
than 7 degrees, as Mr. Peary’s sun did, it will be found that the
sun’s image is an oblong streak of light with ill-defined edges.
Such an image cannot be recorded on a sextant with sufficient
accuracy to make it of any use as an observation. Mitchell and
Duval must know this. If so, they are dishonest, for they did
not tell the public about it. If they did not know it they are[Pg 583]
incompetent and should be dismissed from the Government
service.
With all of these uncertainties a course which gives a
workable plan of action can be laid over the blank charts, but
there always remains the feebly guarded mystery of the ice
drift. When the course is set, the daily run of distance can be
checked by estimating speed and hourly progress with the
watches. Against this there is the check of the pedometer or
some other automatic measure for distance covered. The shortening
night shadows and the gradual coming to a place where
the night and day shadows are of about equal length is a
positive conviction to him who is open to self-conviction, as a
polar aspirant is likely to be. But frankly and candidly, when
I now review one and all of these methods of fixing the North
Pole, or the position of a traveler en route to it, I am bound
to admit that all attempt at proof represented by figures is
built on a foundation of possible and unknowable inaccuracy.
Figures may convince an armchair geographer who has a preconceived
opinion, but to the true scientist with the many
chances for mistakes above indicated there is no real proof.
The verdict on such data must always be “not proven” if the
evidence rests on a true scientific examination of material which
at best and in the very nature of things is not checked by the
precision which science demands. The real proof—if proof is
possible—is the continuity of the final printed book that gives
all the data with the consequent variations.
FROM A CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE POLAR CLAIMS IN A
FORTHCOMING BOOK
By Captain Thomas F. Hall of Omaha, Neb.
DR. COOK’S VALID CLAIM.
Cook’s narrative has been before the public nearly two years. It has
been subject to the most minute scrutiny that invention, talent and money
could give. It is to-day absolutely unscathed. Not one item in it from
beginning to end has been truthfully discredited. It stands unimpeached.
Mud enough has been thrown. Bribery and conspiracy have done their
worst. A campaign of infamy has been waged, and spent its force; but
not one solitary sentence has been proven wrong. Musk-ox fakes, starved
dogs, fictitious astronomical or other calculations may have some effect on
popular opinion; but they have none on the actual facts. They do not
budge the truth a hair’s breadth and they do not make history.
Cook’s claim to the Discovery of the North Pole is as sound and as
valid as the other claims of discovery, or the achievement of any one
preceding him in the Arctic or the Antarctic.
VERDICT OF GEN. A. W. GREELY, REAR ADMIRAL W. S. SCHLEY
AND OTHER ARCTIC EXPERTS
Dr. Cook is the discoverer of the North Pole.—General A. W. Greely.
No one familiar with the Polar problem doubts Dr. Cook’s success. Peary
never tried to get to the Pole. He copied Cook’s data and then, by official intrigue
tried to “put it over.” A study of Peary’s deception on compass variation will
prove that.—Clark Brown.
You can prove the discovery of Northermost Land. The Eskimo talk is
nonsense. The Polar discussion should be settled by an International Commission—Prof.
Otto Nordenskjold.
Dr. Cook was the first and only man to reach the North Pole—Chas. E.
Rilliet.
I have gone over all of Dr. Cook’s data, and, in spite of the statements to
the contrary, I believe he reached the Pole.—Maurice Connell.
It has always been my pleasure to support Dr. Cook. I can see no reason
for doubting his success. Who are his accusers, surely not Arctic Explorers?—Captain
Otto Sverdrup.
I am convinced that if anyone reached the Pole, Dr. Cook got there.—Andrew
J. Stone.
From first to last I have championed Dr. Cook’s cause, and after going
over the printed records of both claimants I am doubly convinced that he reached
the Pole.—Captain Edward A. Haven.
Dr. Cook reached the Pole, I doubt Peary, his observations bear the stamp
of inexcusable inaccuracy and bunglesome carelessness. One cannot read Peary’s
book and believe in him.—Captain John Menander.
Washington, D. C.,
Jan. 7th, 1911.
Dear Dr. Cook:
… I would assure you that I have never varied in the belief that you reached the Pole.
After reading the published accounts, daily and critically, of both claimants, I was forced
to the conclusion from their striking similarity that each of you was the eye witness
of the other’s success.
Without collusion it would have been impossible to have written accounts
so similar, and yet in view of the ungracious controversy that has occurred since
that view (collusion) would be impossible to imagine.
While I have never believed that either of you got within a pin-point of the
Pole, I have steadfastly held that both got as near the goal as was possible to
ascertain considering the imperfections of the instruments used and the personal
errors of individuals under circumstances as adverse to absolute accuracy.
Again I have been broad enough in my views to believe that there was
room enough at the Pole for two; and never narrow enough to believe that only
one man got there.
I believe that both are entitled to the honor of the achievement.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) W. S. Schley.
POSITIVE PROOF OF DR. COOK’S ATTAINMENT
OF THE POLE
By CAPTAIN EVELYN BRIGGS BALDWIN
METEOROLOGIST PEARY EXPEDITION, 1893-4, SECOND-IN-COMMAND
WELLMAN EXPEDITION 1898-9, AND ORGANIZER AND
LEADER OF THE BALDWIN-ZIEGLER POLAR EXPEDITION,
1901-2, ETC.
I can prove the truth of Dr. Cook’s statements in regard
to his discovery of the North Pole from Peary’s own official
record of his last dash to the Northward.
So far as I can learn, Dr. Cook has never made a “confession”
in regard to his trip to the Pole in the sense that he
denied his first statements. He has merely said that, in view of
the great difficulty in determining the exact location of the
Pole, he may not have been exactly upon the northernmost
pin-point of the world. Peary, under pressure at the Congressional
investigation, was forced to admit the same.
For three hundred years there has been a rivalry among
civilized men to be the first to reach the North Pole. I believe
that the honor of having succeeded in the attempt should go—not
to Peary—but to the man who reached the Pole a year
before Peary claims to have been there.
Dr. Cook is now in New York City, and I have talked with
him several times recently. With the information that I myself
have gathered, I believe that he really did reach the Pole,
or came so close to that point that he is entitled to the credit
of the Pole’s discovery.

THE LAND-DIVIDED ICE-PACK REPORTED BY PEARY
PROVES COOK’S ATTAINMENT OF THE POLE
Bradley Land is located between latitude 84 and 85.
It was discovered by Cook in his Poleward march. The land
ice, or glacial ice, which Cook also discovered, is located
[Pg 587]
between latitude 87 and latitude 88. Cook’s line of march carried
him thirty or forty miles to the east of Bradley Land and
then upon the glacial ice. The proximity to the new land
gave Cook a favorable land-protected surface upon which to
travel, and also afforded him protection from gales and from
the consequent movements of the pack-ice westward of the new
lands. Cook traveled in the lee of the groups of islands and
over ice floes more stationary than the ice farther to the east,
over which Peary traveled.
Evidence of Cook’s Travels
A critical examination of Peary’s book not only reveals
a remarkable corroboration of Cook’s discovery of Bradley
Land and the glacial island north of it, but also seems to indicate
the existence of islands farther west between the same
parallels of latitude.
Referring to page 250, when beyond the 86th parallel,
Peary says: “In this march there was some pretty heavy going.
Part of the way was over some old floes, which had been broken
up by many seasons of unceasing conflict with the winds and
tides. Enclosing these more or less level floes were heavy pressure
ridges over which we and the dogs were obliged to climb.”
In other words, the floes which Peary describes in this part of
his journey clearly indicate that they were just such floes as
one would expect to find after having passed through a group
of islands, and, therefore, contrasting naturally with the immense
size of the floes which both Cook and Peary traversed
north of the 88th parallel.
Beginning with page 258, we have a most instructive description
by Peary of the ice between the parallels wherein
Cook locates the glacial ice and upon which he traveled for two
days. It is such ice as one would expect to find after having
passed around the north and south ends of an island from forty
to sixty miles to the westward. This particular area Peary designates
as a veritable “Arctic Phlegethon,” and it is inconceivable
to believe in this Phlegethon without also believing in the[Pg 588]
existence of the glacial ice, as located and described by Dr.
Cook. Let us, therefore, examine Peary’s narrative minutely. He
says, on page 259, “When I awoke the following day, March
28, the sky was apparently clear; but, ahead of us, was a thick,
smoky, ominous haze drifting low over the ice, and a bitter
northeast wind, which, in the orthography of the Arctic, plainly
spelled ‘Open Water’….”
Also, on the same page: “After traveling at a good rate
for six hours along Bartlett’s trail, we came upon his camp beside
a wide lead, with a dense black, watery sky to the northwest,
north and northeast.”
Again, on page 260: “… The break in the ice had
occurred within a foot of the fastening of one of my dog teams,
… Bartlett’s igloo was moving east on the ice raft, which
had broken, and beyond it, as far as the belching fog from the
lead would let us see, there was nothing but black water.”
Finally, on page 262, Peary says: “This last march had
put us well beyond my record of three years before, probably
87° 12ʹ. The following day, March 29, was not a happy
one for us. Though we were all tired enough to rest, we
did not enjoy picnicing beside this Arctic Phlegethon which,
hour after hour, to the north, northeast and northwest, seemed
to belch black smoke like a prairie fire…. Bartlett
made a sounding of one thousand two hundred and sixty
fathoms, but found no bottom.”
In the foregoing we have positive proof that this almost
open water area was not caused by shoals at that immediate
point.
Peary’s concern as regards this big hole in the ice-pack is
set forth further on page 265, as follows: “The entire region
through which we had come during the last four marches was
full of unpleasant possibilities for the future. Only too well
we knew that violent winds, for only a few hours, would send
the ice all abroad in every direction. Crossing such a zone on
a journey north is only half the problem, for there is always
the return to be figured on. Though the motto of the Arctic
must be ‘Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof,’ we ardently[Pg 589]
hoped there might not be violent winds until we were south of
this zone again on the return.”
From this it is apparent that Peary realized fully the permanent
character of this Phlegethon over which he was traveling.
With astonishing persistency, he refers again and again
to this particular locality. Quoting from page 303, when on
his return march, he says: “There was one region just above
the 87th parallel, a region about fifty-seven miles wide, which
gave me a great deal of concern until we had passed it. Twelve
hours of strong wind blowing from any quarter excepting the
north would have turned that region into an open sea. I
breathed a sigh of relief when we left the 87th parallel behind.”
And, as though the Phlegethon had not already been sufficiently
described, on page 307 we find recorded: “Inspired by
our good fortune we pressed on again completing two marches,
and when we camped we were very near the 87th parallel. The
entry that I made in my diary that night is perhaps worth quoting:
‘Hope to reach the Marvin Igloo (86° 38ʹ) to-morrow.
I shall be glad when we get there on to the big ice
again. This region here was open water during February and
the early part of March and is now covered with young ice
which is thoroughly unreliable as a means of return. A few
hours of a brisk wind east, west, or south, would make this entire
region open water for some fifty to sixty miles north and
south, and an unknown extent east and west. Only calm
weather or a northerly wind keeps it practicable.'”
Absolute Proof of Cook’s Claim
From the foregoing it is self-evident that Peary’s observations
by sextant could not be more corroborative of Cook’s
latitude than that the Phlegethon is proof of the existence of
a glacial island between the same two parallels traversed by both
explorers. Cook had discovered the cause, and Peary followed
to discover the effect of that cause. To one familiar with the
conditions of ice-floes in the vicinity of islands in the Arctic
the reasons for this are as clear as it would be to the lay mind[Pg 590]
should it be suddenly announced that on a certain date
an astronomer had discovered the head of a comet, which
being doubted by rival investigators, might lead to the unhappy
discrediting of the original discoverer; but should it be
as suddenly announced that a rival astronomer had observed
the tail of a comet in the same locality there would quite certainly
follow a reversal of public sentiment.
Evidence of His Travels
Of first importance also in proving the existence of new
lands discovered by Cook is the evidence derived from the existence
of animal life, since Arctic game clings close to the
shore line in its search for food. Birds must find their nesting
places on lands. Foxes live upon birds and the refuse left in
the trails of polar bears and seals. Seals feed upon shrimps
and find the chief source of food in waters close to the land.
Polar bears in turn feed upon seals, and necessarily are found
more numerously about lands or islands.
For this reason we will examine Peary’s official narrative
of his journey north for evidence of Dr. Cook’s discovery of
land to within 2° of the North Pole. Having noted
Dr. Cook’s statement relative to the blow hole of a seal near
Bradley Island, we will follow in Peary’s trail for corroboration
of Cook’s journey eleven months previous, and a comparatively
short distance westward of Peary’s line of march.
Referring to Peary’s “North Pole” on page 249, while in latitude
85° 48ʹ he records:
“While we were engaged in this business we saw a seal
disporting himself in the open water of the lead.”
Still farther along, when in latitude 86° 13ʹ, Peary
states, on page 252: “Along the course of one of those leads
we saw the fresh tracks of a polar bear going west.”
Animal Trails Verify Cook’s Report
Arctic travelers will well appreciate the force of this statement
relative to the polar bear, who, scenting the land a few[Pg 591]
miles to the westward, was in search of seals. The freshness of
the bear’s tracks is proof that it had not drifted on some ice floe
from remote parts of the Arctic basin.
Again, referring to page 257, we find that Peary while
traveling through deep snow March 28, records: “During the
day we saw the tracks of two foxes in this remote and icy wilderness,
nearly two hundred and forty nautical miles beyond
the northern coast of Grant Land.”
It is worthy of note that Peary does not state just how
far from the glacial or land ice upon the submerged island over
which Cook traveled the fox tracks were. But it is evident
that the foxes were less than two sleeps from land, since Peary
states that Marvin’s observation placed them in about latitude
86° 38ʹ, the very latitude in which Cook traveled upon the stationary
land ice.
Still again, page 307, while on his return march and near
the 88th parallel Peary observes: “Here we noticed some fox
tracks that had just been made. The animal was probably
disturbed by our approach. These are the most northerly
animal tracks ever seen.”
Certainly. Why not? Since they were so near the northern
termination of the land ice discovered by Dr. Cook. In
this connection it is also important to remark that between
latitude 88 and his approximate approach to the Pole, Dr.
Cook makes no mention of animal life, and this is corroborated
by Peary’s own statement that he observed no tracks of animals
beyond the 88th parallel. Thus Peary corroborated Cook by
the very absence of animal life in the very region where Cook
states he saw no land.
Peary’s Statements Prove Cook’s
On Peary’s return journey he states that as they approached
Grant Land the fresh tracks of foxes and other evidences
of animal life were very numerous. And if the nearness
of land was evidenced in this case it is also clear that the tracks
and appearance of animals on his journey in the high latitudes[Pg 592]
should be given equal weight as evidence of the lands discovered
by Cook.
The line of deep sea soundings taken by Peary from Cape
Columbia northward indicates a steady increase in depth to
latitude 84° 24ʹ, where the lead touched bottom at eight hundred
and twenty-five fathoms, until, in latitude 85° 23ʹ, the
sounding showed a depth of but three hundred and ten fathoms.
Referring to this, we find that Peary says, on page 338 of his
narrative: “This diminution in depth is a fact of considerable
interest in reference to the possible existence of land to the
westward.”
It seems to me that it is not impertinent to remark that this
land to the westward was scarcely two sleeps distant, as Dr.
Cook has steadfastly maintained. Finally, on page 346, Peary
says: “Taking various facts into consideration it would seem
that an obstruction (lands, islands or shoals) containing nearly
half a million square statute miles probably exists, and another
at or near Crocker Land.”
More Accurate Observations by Cook Than by Peary
And this is all that Dr. Cook claims in his location of land
to the northward of the very Crocker Land to which Peary
alludes.
As to Dr. Cook’s and Peary’s observations when in the
immediate vicinity of the Pole, I would call attention to the
following facts: Cook’s determination by the sextant of the
sun’s altitude was made April 21, 1908; Peary’s final observations
were taken April 7 of the following year. The sun being
thus two weeks higher at the time Cook made his observations,
he was able to secure a more accurate series of altitudes, and
this will have an important bearing in substantiation of his
claims.
Considering the difficulty which Peary has had in proving
whether he was at 1.6 miles from the Pole on the Grant Land
side or the Bering Strait side, and whether he was ten or fifteen
miles away, I think Dr. Cook was justified in saying that, al[Pg 593]though
he believed he was at the North Pole, he is not claiming
that he had been exactly at the pin-point of the North Pole.
At any rate, it places Dr. Cook in the position of endeavoring
to tell the truth.
In this connection I feel like replying to a criticism which
Mr. Grosvenor, editor of the National Geographic Magazine,
published over his own signature immediately following Dr.
Cook’s return from the Pole. “Cook’s story reads like that of a
man who had filled his head with the contents of a few books on
polar expeditions and especially the writings of Sverdrup.”
Armchair Criticisms Unfair
Now, since Sverdrup is a real navigator, having accompanied
Nansen during his three years’ drift on the Fram, and,
following this, having himself organized and led an expedition
during three years to the westward of Grinnell Land, in the
course of which he discovered and charted, in 1902, Heiberg
Land and contiguous islands (which, however, Peary charted
four years later and named Jessup Land), I do not consider
Mr. Grosvenor’s armchair criticism of the writings of Capt.
Sverdrup and of Dr. Cook quite in keeping with the principles
of a square deal and fair play.
Among the reasons which Peary assigns for doubting
Dr. Cook is one pertaining to the original records which Dr.
Cook unwillingly left at Etah. The leaving behind of these
papers, according to Peary, was merely a scheme on Cook’s
part, so that he might claim they had been lost or destroyed
and thus escape being forced to produce them in substantiation
of his claim. Recently, when I asked Dr. Cook about this, his
reply was: “This does not sound very manly. If this was
so in Peary’s belief, why did he not bring them back? Here
was absolute proof in his own hands. Why did he bury it?”
Armchair geographers and renegades may endeavor to
discredit Dr. Cook, but the seals and polar bears and little foxes
will bear testimony of unimpeachable character to substantiate
his claims as the discoverer of the North Pole. The reading[Pg 594]
public will not forget that when Paul Du Chaillu, returning
from his expedition to Africa, reported the discovery of the
pigmies, he was denounced as a faker and a liar. For three
years Du Chaillu, as he has told me himself, sought in vain to re-establish
his credibility, and when at the end of that time he
succeeded in bringing some of the pigmies and exhibiting them
before the scientific bodies of the world, then the “doubting
Thomases” were obliged to give him credit as the discoverer of
the African dwarfs. The yellow press and sensation mongers
will decry Dr. Cook as they did Du Chaillu, for some years to
come, but Arctic explorers endorse him to-day.
Rear Admiral W. S. Schley, General A. W. Greely, Captain
Otto Sverdrup, Captain Roald Amundsen, and all the
world’s greatest explorers have indorsed Dr. Cook.
I have seen Dr. Cook’s original field notes, his observations,
and the important chapters of his book, wherein his claim
is presented in such a way that the scientific world must accept
it as the record and the proof of the greatest geographic accomplishment
of modern times.
Putting aside the academic and idle argument of pin-point
accuracy—the North Pole has been honestly reached by Dr.
Cook 350 days before anyone else claimed to have been there.
(Signed) Evelyn Briggs Baldwin.
VERDICT OF THE GEOGRAPHIC HISTORIAN
DR. COOK’S RECORD IS ACCURATE
IT IS CERTIFIED—IT IS CORROBORATED
HE IS THE DISCOVERER OF
THE NORTH POLE
By Edwin Swift Balch
(From the N. Y. Tribune, April 14, 1913)
Which was it: Cook or Peary? Who discovered the North
Pole? Everybody thought the question had been settled long
ago, but now comes an eminent geographer and explorer, who
says, over his name, that both got to the “Big Nail,” and that it
was the Brooklyn doctor who did it first. And in defense of his
belief he cites chapter and verse, and uses Peary’s own story
to prove that his hated rival it was who first stood at the top
of the earth, “where every one of the cardinal points is South.”
The intrepid defender of Cook is Edwin Swift Balch, fellow
of the Association for the Advancement of Science, member of
the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, the Franklin
Institute, American Philosophical, American Geographical and
Royal Geographical Societies, writer on arctic, antarctic geographical
and ethnological topics for the learned societies of the
world. Dr. Balch lives at No. 1412 Spruce street, Philadelphia,
and the title of his book, just published by Campion & Co., of
Philadelphia, is “The North Pole and Bradley Land.”
“All Travellers Called Liars“
“From time immemorial travellers have been called liars,”
says Mr. Balch in a chapter devoted to “travellers who were
first doubted and afterward vindicated,” and it is on this general
assumption of their Munchausen-like proclivities that much of[Pg 596]
the weight of argument depends. But most of all the truthfulness
of the doctor’s assertion that on April 21, 1908, he and his
two Eskimo boys, E-tuk-i-shook and Ah-we-lah, reached the
goal and “were the only pulsating creatures in a dead world of
ice,” is shown by the fact that conditions reported by Cook as
existing there were corroborated by Peary.
“The man who breaks into the unknown may say what
he chooses and present such astronomical observations as he
sees fit,” says Mr. Balch, “but his proof rests on his word. But
if the next traveller corroborated the discoverer, instantly the
first man’s statements are immeasurably strengthened.
“To solve such a problem as that of who discovered the
North Pole, this comparative method seems to the writer the
only one available. It is not a matter of belief, it is a matter
of comparison and reasoning. It is not the evidence which Cook
produces which in itself alone could prove Cook’s claims. It is
the geographical evidence offered by both Cook and Peary,
which, when carefully compared, affords, in the writer’s judgment,
the only means of arriving at a conclusion. It is Peary’s
statements and observations which prove, as far as can be proved
at present, Cook’s statements.”
All Discoverers First Doubted
The writer then mentions a score of the great discoverers
and explorers of history who have been defamed and berated
by their contemporaries, yet whose achievements have in time
proved them to be truth tellers. Marco Polo, “greatest of mediaeval
travellers, was generally discredited.” Amerigo Vespucci
“to this day remains under a cloud for things he did not do.”
Fernao Mendes Pinto, Nathaniel B. Palmer, Robert Johnson,
James Weddell, von Drygalski, Nordenskjold, Bruce, Charcot,
Dr. Krapf, Dr. Robmann, Du Chaillu, Stanley, Livingstone,
Colter, all have been reviled as fabricators, yet all have been
honored by those who came later, he says.
“There are three records of Dr. Cook’s journey of 1908,”
says the writer. “Cook’s first announcement was a long cable[Pg 597]gram
sent from Lerwick, Shetland Islands, and published in the
‘New York Herald’ of September 2, 1909. The full original
narrative was sent immediately after this and published in the
‘New York Herald’ between September 15 and October 7, 1909,
with the title ‘The Conquest of the Pole.’
“Both of these were written and sent before Cook could, by
any possibility, have seen or heard of any of the results of Peary’s
last expedition.
The third record is Cook’s book “My Attainment of the
Pole,” which is simply an enlargement on the earlier story.
Cook Must Have Been First
The point here emphasized is that Cook could not have
had anything on which to base his description of conditions
north of 83:20 north latitude, and as his description agreed with
that later given by Peary, there could be no doubt that Cook
was there first.
“The reason for this is that these statements can be based
on nothing but Cook’s own observations,” says Mr. Balch, “for
Cook started for Denmark from South Greenland before Peary
started for Labrador from North Greenland, and therefore everything
Cook stated or wrote or published immediately after his
arrival in Europe must be based on what Cook observed or
experienced himself.
“Cook’s original narrative stands on its own merits; it is the
first and most vital proof of Cook’s veracity, and yet it has passed
almost unnoticed.
The points on which the two accounts, Cook’s and Peary’s,
of conditions at 90 degrees north agree most fundamentally, and
hence most definitely establish the truthfulness of Cook, are
first the “account of the land sighted in 84:20 north to 85:11
north (Bradley Land). The second is the glacial land ice in
87-88 degrees north. The third is the account of the discovery
of the North Pole and the description of the ice at the North
Pole.”
Cook’s Three Achievements
Cook’s first great discovery, the writer holds, was Bradley
Land, named after his friend and backer. This land, Cook
declared, had a great crevasse in it, making it appear like two
islands, the southerly one starting at 84:20 north. Peary made
no mention of land north of 83:20 north.
“Whether there is land or water in the intervening sixty
geographical miles is a problem,” says the writer, “but in order
to be perfectly fair to both explorers and to allow for errors in
observation one might split the difference at 83:50 north and
consider that latitude as a dividing line between the lands discovered
respectively by Cook and Peary.”
“The second important discovery of Cook’s is the glacial
land ice in 87 north to 87 north-88 north,” says the writer. “A
closely similar occurrence was observed by Peary on his 1906
trip in about 86 north, 60 west.”
But the most important particular in which the two men
agree, in the mind of Mr. Balch, is in their description of the
ice at the pole. Cook reported that it was “a smooth sheet of
level ice.” The writer adds: “if that description of the North
Pole is accurate, the writing of it by Cook, first of all men, on
the face of it is proof that Cook is the discoverer of the North
Pole.”
The Snow Was Purple
But not only was the ice at the pole smooth and level, but
the snow there was “purple” in the story of Cook, a detail in
which he is again borne out by Peary.
“Purple snow,” says the writer, “is a linguistic expression,
an attempt to suggest with words what Frank Wilbert Stokes
has done with paints in his superb pictures of the polar regions.
Hence,” he says, “the use of the word ‘purple’ by Dr. Cook,
who is not a trained artist, proves that he has the eye of an
impressionist painter and that he is an extremely accurate observer
of his surroundings….[Pg 599]
That Cook’s description is accurate is in the next place
certified to by Peary. Peary corroborates Cook absolutely
about conditions enroute to the North Pole; and Cook is corroborated
by Peary, not only by what Peary saw, but by what
Peary did. If there was anything in the Western Arctic between
the North Pole and 87:47 north but ‘an endless field of purple
snows,’ smooth and slippery, Peary could not have covered the
intervening 133 geographical miles in two days and a few hours.
Peary, therefore, from observation and from actual physical
performance proves that Cook’s most important statement is
true.”
The evidence is thus examined, step by step. The statements
of the two men are compared, word by word, and this is
the conclusion reached:
“In view of all these facts it becomes certain that Cook
must have written his description of the North Pole from his
own observations, for until Cook actually traversed the Western
Arctic between 88 degrees north and the North Pole, and told
the world the facts, no one could have said whether in that area
there was land or sea, nor have stated anything of the conditions
of its ice, with its unusual, perhaps unique, flat surface.
“But Cook, in his first cable dispatch, stated definitely and
positively and finally that at the North Pole there was no land,
but sea, frozen over into smooth ice, and Peary confirmed Cook’s
statements.
“Cook was accurate, and the only possible inference is that
Cook was accurate because Cook knew; and the further inevitable
conclusion is that since Cook knew, Cook had been at the North
Pole.”
(Ed.) In personal letters Balch further says, “I have tried
to look at it as if this were the year 2013, and all of us in heaven….
It is only a question of time till Dr. Cook is recognized
as the discoverer of the North Pole.”
FOR A NATIONAL INVESTIGATION
A REQUEST
By Dr. Frederick A. Cook
For three years I have sought in various ways to bring about
a National investigation of the relative merits of the Polar Attainment
and the unjust propaganda of distrust which followed.
Such an investigation would do no harm if the original work and
the later criticism has been done in good faith. Why has it
been refused? To take the ground that it is a private matter
and that the Government has taken no official part in the Polar
race is to assume a false position. The injustice of this evasive
policy is brought out in my telegram to former President Taft—and
again in my letter to President Wilson. To compel such
an investigation and to appoint Arctic explorers as National
experts has been my main mission on the platform. Much
against my will I have been forced to adopt the usual political
tactics of getting to the voters to force action by Congress and
the official circles of Washington.
When in 1911 the bill was introduced in Congress to retire
Peary as a Rear Admiral with a pension, I supposed that this
would automatically bring about a thorough scientific examination
of the merits of the rival Polar claims. And such an investigation
I then believed would surely bring about the only reward
I have ever claimed—The appreciation of my fellow countrymen.
It was however, as I learned later, a bold Pro-Peary movement
fostered by lobbyists whose conscience was eased by drippings
from the Hubbard-Bridgeman Arctic Trust, but I still believed
that the dictates of National prestige were such that the usual
white-washing and rail-roading process could not be adopted
in a question of such International importance. I did not[Pg 601]
begrudge Mr. Peary a pension if honest methods were pursued
to adjust the bitterly fought contention in the eyes of the world.
My friends made no protest in Congress. As matters progressed,
however, I saw that such men as Prof. Willis Moore and others
of his kind—men I had previously trusted as honest, really proved
themselves, double-faced, political back-scratchers. Then I
changed my tactics. When one’s honor is bartered by thieves
under the guise of friends—and when these thieves are part of a
government from which justice is expected—Then one is bound
to uncover the leprous spots of one’s accusers. I am glad to
note that Prof. Moore, the President of the National Geographic
Society, has since been exposed as being too crooked to fit into
a berth of the present administration. There are others whose
long fingers have been in the Polar-pie who will also meet their
fate as time exposes their flat-heads.
To call a halt on this National Humbug where only official
chair-warmers and political crooks served as experts, I sent
the following telegram to former President Taft:
COPY OF TELEGRAM SENT TO
FORMER PRESIDENT TAFT
Omaha, Neb., March 4, 1911
The President—The White House,
Washington, D. C.
When you sign the Peary bill you are honoring a man with sin-soiled hands
who has taken money from our innocent school children. A part of this money
I believe was used to make Arctic concubines comfortable. I am ready to produce
others of the same opinion. Thus for twenty years while in the pay of the
navy, supplied with luxuries from the public purse, Peary has enjoyed, apparently
with National consent, the privilege denied the Mormons.
There are at least two children now in the cheerless north crying for bread
and milk and a father. These are growing witnesses of Peary’s leprous character.
Will you endorse it?
By endorsing Peary you are upholding the cowardly verdict of Chester,
Tittman and Gannett, who bartered their souls to Peary’s interests by suppressing
the worthlessness of the material upon which they passed. These men on the
Government pay-roll have stooped to a dishonor that should make all fair-minded
people blush with shame. This underhanded performance calls for an investigation.
Will you close these dark chamber doings to the light of justice?
In this bill you are honoring one, who in seeking funds for legitimate
exploration, has passed the hat along the line of easy money for twenty years. Much
of this money was in my judgment used to promote a lucrative fur and ivory
trade, while the real effort of getting to the pole was delayed seemingly for commercial
gain. Thus engaged in a propaganda of hypocrisy he stooped to immer[Pg 602]ality
and dishonor and ultimately when his game of fleecing the public was threatened,
he tried to kill a brother explorer. The stain of at least two other lives is
on this man. This bill covers a page in history against which the spirits of murdered
men cry for redress.
Peary is covered with the scabs of unmentionable indecency, and for him
your hand is about to put the seal of clean approval upon the dirtiest campaign
of bribery, conspiracy and black-dishonor that the world has ever known.
If you can close your eyes to this, sign the Peary bill.
(Signed) Frederick A. Cook
The telegram was received but not acknowledged—the
Peary bill was signed. But the false assumption of Peary’s
“Discovery of the Pole” was eliminated from the bill. There is
therefore no National endorsement of Peary; though he was given
an evasive Old Age Pension which the newspapers quoted incorrectly
as an official recognition of Peary’s claim to polar priority.
I now appeal to President Wilson and the present administration
to make some official endeavor to clear our National
emblem of the stain of the envious Polar contention. To that
end I have written the following letter:
AN APPEAL TO PRESIDENT WILSON
(COPY OF A LETTER)
Chicago, May 1, 1913
Honored Sir:
I appeal to you to forward a movement which will adjust in the eyes of
the world the contention regarding the rival Polar claims. The American Eagle
has spread its wings of glory over the world’s top. It would seem to be a National
duty to determine officially whether there is room for one or two under those
wings.
The graves of our worthy ancestors are marks in the ascent of the ladder
of latitudes. Hundreds of lives, millions of dollars, have been sacrificed in the
quest of the Pole. The success at last attained has lifted the United States to
the first ranks as a Nation of Scientific Pioneers. Every true American has
quivered with an extra thrill of pride with the knowledge that the unknown boreal
center has been pierced and that the stars and stripes have been put to the virgin
breezes of the North Pole. The unjustified and ungracious controversy which
followed has wounded our National honor; it has left a stain upon our flag. Is it
not, therefore, our duty as a Nation to dispel the cloud of contention resting over
the glory of Polar attainment?
I have given twenty years to the life-sapping task of Polar exploration—all
without pay—all for the benefit of future man. Returning—asking for nothing,
expecting only brotherly appreciation of my fellow countrymen, I am compelled
to face an unjust battle of political intrigues by men in the pay of the Government.
My effort now is not for money nor for a pension, but to defend my honor and
that of my family. The future of my children demands an exposition of the
unfair methods of the arm-chair geographers in Washington. However, I do
not ask the administration to defend me or my posterity, but do ask that the[Pg 603]
men who draw a salary from the National treasury be made answerable for a
propaganda of character assassination, among these is Prof. Willis Moore and
others of the so-called National Geographic Society.
The National Geographic Society with Prof. Moore as President is responsible
for the false interpretation of the rival Polar claims. This society is a private
organization used mostly for political purposes; for two dollars per year a college
professor or a street-sweeper becomes with equal facility a “national geographer.”
It is, therefore, not “national” nor “geographic,” and when this society poses as
a scientific body, it is an imposition upon American intelligence, and yet it is this
society, with the well-known political trickery of Prof. Moore, which has attempted
to decide for the world the merits of Polar attainment. An investigation of the
wrong doings of this society will quickly bring to light the injustice of the Polar
controversy.
A commission of Polar explorers appointed by National authority will
end for all times the problem of the rival Polar claims. There is an abundance
of material on both sides by which such a commission could come to a reasonable
conclusion. The general impression that the Polar contention has been scientifically
determined is not true. There has been no real investigation into either
claim. Such an investigation could only be made by Arctic explorers, and to
bring about this end I would suggest the appointment of an International Commission
of such men as General A. W. Greely, U. S. A., Captain Otto Sverdrup
of Norway and Professor Georges Lecointe of Belgium. Their decision would
be accepted everywhere. Greely and Sverdrup have each spent four years in
the very region under discussion, and Lecointe is the Secretary of the International
Bureau for Polar Research and also director of the Royal Observatory of Belgium.
Such men will render a decision free from personal bias, free from National prejudice
and their verdict will be accepted by the Nations of the world.
Though I am an interested party I insist that my appeal is not altogether
a personal one. In the interest of that deep-seated American sense of fair play,
in the interest of National honor, in the interest of the glory of our flag, it would
seem to be a National duty to have the distrust of the Polar attainment cleared
by an International commission.
Respectfully submitted,
(Signed) Frederick A. Cook
To the President,
The White House,
Washington, D. C.
Thousands of requests similar to those reproduced below
have gone to various officials in Washington. Such appeals
demand action.
Chicago, May 7, 1913
Mr. Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
Rear Admiral Peary wears the stripes of the Navy, he is drawing a pension
of $6,000.00 per year from the tax-payers—The National dictates of honor compel
such a man to be clean morally—honest and upright officially. Dr. Cook has
publicly made charges against Peary which relegate this Naval Officer to the rank
of a common thief and degenerate. In his book, “My Attainment of the Pole,”
(Mitchell-Kennedy, N. Y.) there are specific charges made which call for an
investigation. These charges have remained unanswered for three years—Why?
In the Polar controversy the flag has been dragged through muck, and this
dishonor seems to rest upon a man for whose actions you are responsible.
The American people have a right to demand an investigation into the
intrigue of the Peary Polar Propaganda, and as one believing in justice at the
bar of public opinion, I ask that you take steps to clear this cloud in the eyes of
the world.
Respectfully,
Fred High
Editor of The Platform,
The Lyceum and Chautauqua Magazine,
Steinway Hall, Chicago.
Chicago, May 22, 1913.
To Congressman James R. Mann,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
The conquest of the North Pole has lifted the United States to a first
position as a Nation of scientific pioneers. The controversy which followed is a
blot on our flag and it is a slur at our National honor. From the Government
purse and from private resources we have spent millions to reach the top of the
earth; it would appear therefore to be our duty as a Nation to adjust the Polar
contention in the eyes of the world.
If Dr. Cook has reached the Pole, a year earlier than Peary, as most Arctic
explorers believe, then the seeming endorsement and the pension of the Naval
officer is an injustice to Dr. Cook and an imposition on the public; if both have
reached the Pole then there should be a suitable recognition and reward extended
to each. As one of thousands of American citizens, I beg of you to forward a
movement which will bring about a National investigation into this problem,
with a suitable provision for a proper recognition.
Respectfully,
CHARLES W. FERGUSON,
Pres.,
The Chautauqua Managers Association,
Orchestra Bldg., Chicago.
CAN THE GOVERNMENT ESCAPE THE
RESPONSIBILITY?
By Fred High
While the Danes were royally entertaining Dr. Cook on
September 4th, 1909, telegrams were being showered upon him
by all the world. The King of Sweden sent this message:
“A BRILLIANT DEED, OF WHICH THE AMERICAN PEOPLE MAY
RIGHTLY BE PROUD.”
The American minister to Denmark made Dr. Cook’s visit
state business and joined in the effort to share Cook’s honors.
Dr. Cook paused in the midst of all this splendor to cable the following
message to our President:
Copenhagen, Sept. 4, 1909.
President,
The White House, Washington.
I have the honor to report to the chief magistrate of the United States
that I have returned, having reached the North Pole.”
To which President Taft cabled the following reply:
Beverly, Mass., Sept. 4, 1909.
Frederick A. Cook,
Copenhagen, Denmark.
Your dispatch received. Your report that you have reached the North
Pole calls for my heartiest congratulations, and stirs the pride of all Americans
that this feat which has so long baffled the world has been accomplished by the
intelligent energy and wonderful endurance of a fellow countryman.”
William H. Taft.
Was President Taft speaking for the American people when
he called Dr. Cook’s achievement the pride of all Americans?
Were we ready to share Cook’s joys? Share his honors? If so,
then in all fairness, should we not share in his trials and tribulations?
Are we like the crazy base ball fan who cheers a pitching
hero when he wins and insults him with all kinds of vile epithets
when he loses?
For one I shared in that thrill of pride and was glad to know
that I had had dealings with Dr. Cook before he went in search
of the Pole, consequently, I felt in honor bound to withhold any
hasty criticisms that I might feel tempted to hurl at Dr. Cook.
All who joined in his praises should insist upon it that he be given
a chance to disprove every charge that has been brought against
him, that he be given a chance to explain his every act before[Pg 606]
we join in the cry to crucify him. “Crucify him, or give us the
most contemptible coward, moral leper and political crook that
has lived in our time,” if Dr. Cook’s charges are true.
Believing that this is a matter that ought to be fairly settled
by competent and orderly methods, I have written to several
congressmen and senators, and the following correspondence
speaks for itself:
Chicago, Illinois, May 7, 1913.
Hon. Wooda N. Carr,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
I wish to ask a personal favor of you, one that I think the public is interested
in and one that I think the world ought to know more about. It is the
Cook-Peary controversy. I have given this considerable thought and study.
I have heard Dr. Cook lecture a number of times and have talked to him personally
and tried to find out from every angle the facts as to whether or not his story
is true. So far I have been unable to find a flaw in any of his statements, and Mr.
Peary by his actions has given every evidence that Dr. Cook is telling the truth.
Therefore, as a citizen who is interested in the larger affairs of this country, and
as the editor of The Platform, which is devoted to the Lyceum and Chautauqua
movement, I am asking whether or not it would be compatible with fair play and
our sense of justice and real national dignity to take this controversy out of the
hands of individuals and settle it by an official tribunal, or by a commission of
arctic explorers.
I shall be very glad, indeed, if you will inform me of what steps could best
be taken to bring about the settlement of this controversy. If there are any
authoritative facts developed along this line, I will be glad to know where to
locate them as my sole object is to learn the truth.
Under separate cover I am sending you copy of The Platform which contains
Doctor Cook’s letter to President Wilson, which I hope you will read.
Yours very truly,
(Signed) Fred High.
House of Representatives, U. S.
Washington, D. C., May 13, 1913.
Mr. Fred High,
602 Steinway Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
Dear Sir:
Your letter of the 7th inst., regarding the Cook-Peary controversy, received.
I do not think it would be possible to get Congress to interfere in this
matter. It is a question of little concern to many who discovered the Pole, or
whether it was discovered at all. It seems to be a personal matter, the settlement
of which should be determined by the persons interested.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) Wooda N. Carr.
Is it a matter of no concern whether or not the North Pole
has been discovered? Is it a matter of no concern whether a man
can fake a story about having discovered the North Pole, receive
the homage of the world, fleece the American public out of thousands
of dollars for fees to hear his lecture and go unpunished?
If Dr. Cook has hoaxed the world as so many have charged him
with having done, this is more than a private matter.[Pg 607]
If Dr. Cook has discovered the North Pole, are we acting
the part of fellow countrymen by shirking our duty? Shall Congress
say that the clique at Washington either make good its
charges against Dr. Cook, or be made to retract and stand disgraced
in the eyes of the world? We shared Cook’s honors.
Will we shirk when he calls upon his countrymen for a square
deal?
The following letter was received from Senator Miles
Poindexter and should be carefully studied:
United States Senate, Committee on Expenditures in the War Department.
Washington, D. C. May 9, 1913.
Mr. Fred High, Editor,
The Platform, 602 Steinway Hall,
64 E. Van Buren St.,
Chicago, Illinois.
My dear Mr. High:
I have yours of 7th inst., and was very much pleased to know that you are
interested in securing a fair examination, officially if possible, into Dr. Cook’s
claims of discovery.
Ever since the Cook-Peary controversy began, I have paid more or less
close attention to the questions involved therein. I have talked with a number
of residents around the neighborhood of Mt. McKinley, Alaska, some of whom
are friendly and some unfriendly to Dr. Cook; have read with great care Dr.
Cook’s book describing his polar expedition; and have followed through the newspapers
and otherwise the various phases of the controversy and happenings in
connection therewith. As a lawyer, I have always been especially interested in
the study of the credibility of witnesses, the weight of evidence; and in deducing
logical conclusions therefrom. From the careful consideration of the comparative
character of the witnesses for and against Dr. Cook, their motives, and the attitude
and hearing throughout the controversy of Cook and Peary themselves, I
have a very fixed and firm conviction that Dr. Cook’s story is true. I believe
the majority of the people of the country who are interested in the subject are
of the same opinion.
From my observation of the miserable petty cliques and factional squabbles
in official circles of the Government, such for instance as the Sampson-Schley
controversy and innumerable smaller disputes, I have long ago ceased to accept,
as necessarily correct, official evidence merely because it is official.
I have not yet seen a copy of The Platform containing Dr. Cook’s letter
to President Wilson which you say you are forwarding me under separate cover,
and when received will read it with much interest. Not having read it, I do not
know just what plan Dr. Cook proposes for an official investigation. I will be glad
however, to learn the basis upon which it is proposed to make the test an official
investigation. It occurs to me that it is entirely a private matter and that the
Government officially has nothing to do with it. Every man has as much right
as any other man to form a conclusion in the case; public opinion, if the facts
can be presented to the public, is the best judgment. I would be apprehensive of
submitting the absolute determination of the question to an official tribunal for
the reasons, among others, which I have mentioned above. However, will be
glad to learn further as stated of the proposal.
With kind regards.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) Miles Poindexter.
Senator Poindexter’s letter is a stricture on official Washington
that ought to cause every true patriot to blush with shame.
Are we at the point where even an impartial investigation can
not be had into the controversy as to who discovered the North
Pole?
There are thousands who believe this is a question that
touches our national honor and therefore is a rightful subject for
a Congressional Investigation. Those who believe this, ought
to write to their representatives at Washington and urge such
action as will lay the facts before the world.
The following letter from Hon. Champ Clark is worthy of
much consideration as it reveals the real status of this controversy
as it exists in official circles.
Dr. Cook is a private citizen with no Cook Arctic club to
back him and share his gains. No National Geographical Society
helped to finance his venture with the hope of managing his
lectures as a sort of bureau graft. He is a private citizen.
Speaker Clark’s letter furnishes us with the reason for
asking Congress to take a hand in this affair for it shows how
ready our statesmen are to give ear when the people speak:
THE SPEAKER’S ROOM
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, D. C.
May 10, 1913.
Mr. Fred High,
Editor of The Platform,
Chicago, Illinois.
My dear Mr. High:
I have your letter touching the Cook-Peary controversy. I note what
you say. I do not see clearly what it is that you are suggesting. That is, whether
you want Congress to formulate some plan to determine the matter by appointing
a commission of Arctic explorers, or exactly what it is that you do want.
Of course, I do not know very much about Arctic explorations and do not
set a very high store on them as I never could understand what sort of good would
come of locating the North Pole. I am a good deal of a utilitarian, and am a
disciple of the Baconian philosophy rather than of the philosophy of Aristotle
and the Greek school. To tell the truth, I have always had a hazy sort of an
idea that both Cook and Peary discovered the North Pole. I have not valued
my opinion highly enough to undertake to exploit it or to induce anybody else
to believe it as I have enough other matters on hand to employ the time and
attention of one man.
Wishing you success, I am
Your friend,
(Signed) Champ Clark
The following opinion of the men on the Chautauqua platform
is attributed to our good friend from Missouri:
“The Chautauqua has been a powerful force in
directing the political thought of the country, which is
largely sociological in these latter days. I approve the
Chautauqua lecturers, with whom I have been associated,
because they constitute as fine a group of men
and women as can be found among the splendid citizenship
of America. I have a deep and abiding interest
in them, and bid them a hearty godspeed in their
work.”
Dr. Cook is perhaps the leading Chautauqua lecturer of
the present season. He is now booked to appear at seventy
Chautauquas this Summer and it is certain that even the genial
Speaker of the House wouldn’t want to associate with a man
who would hoax the world for gain. Certainly he wouldn’t
want “The greatest liar of the Century” to be one of the powerful
forces directing the political thoughts of the Century. If Dr.
Cook discovered the North Pole he should be given the credit
for that great achievement.
We certainly have a right to see to it that neither Dr. Cook
nor Mr. Peary are treated as though they were the scum of the
earth. Dr. Cook has brought charges against Mr. Peary as a
Naval officer. He still brings these charges, and he should be
made to prove them. Peary, an officer of the Navy, has brought
charges against Cook and he should be made to prove them.
Mr. Peary is an officer of our navy, drawing an old age pension.
His position is such that he cannot ignore Dr. Cook’s open
charges. He is honor bound to protect the good name of this
great country by asking an investigation of these charges. To
remain silent, is to stand to be branded as the arch-degenerate
of our day. Don’t forget it was he who opened up the mud batteries
and caused this undignified controversy.
No honorable man can allow such open charges of gross
immorality as Dr. Cook preferred against Mr. Peary in his telegram
to President Taft. These have been printed in magazines
and newspapers as well as appearing in Dr. Cook’s books, now
in the sixtieth thousand edition.
Here in Illinois press stories of improper conduct implicating
Lieutenant-Governor Barrett O’Hara were circulated and he
immediately asked the state legislature to investigate them. The
legislature appointed a committee that took testimony and reported
these stories were groundless and false.[Pg 610]
Is a retired Admiral less important in the eyes of the world
than the Lieutenant-Governor of Illinois, or has the “old tar”
taken an immunity bath?
Are we any farther along than were those who put Columbus in
chains and stoned the Prophets and nailed the Christ to the Cross?
Are we so engrossed in the material things that all questions of
honor are of no concern to us?
It is true that the bar of public opinion is the court of last
resort in a real democracy, but it is equally true that it is essential
to see that the source of public opinion be not polluted. Should
our school children be taught that Peary discovered the Pole if
Dr. Cook was there first?
Senator Robert M. LaFollette says: “You can’t buy,
you can’t subsidize the Lyceum. At least, it never has been
done. The Press has been subsidized. Papers and magazines
which were printing the bad records of public officials and political
parties have, in many instances, been forced out of the field or
silenced. Special privilege organized as a System has its own
press.
But the Lyceum platform is free. Really, I sometimes
think that, from the days of Wendell Phillips to now, the Lyceum
has pretty nearly been the salvation of the country.”
The Lyceum and the Chautauqua have given Dr. Cook a
fair hearing, and it is now a matter of National pride that when
the press was silent or hostile, Congress indifferent, the Chautauqua,
the one distinctively American institution, gave him an
honest, impartial hearing.
I write as I do because, being the editor of The Lyceum and
Chautauqua Magazine, I have tried to give Dr. Cook the same
opportunity to present his case as I would expect him to do by
me were I in his place and he in mine.
AFTER YOU HAVE READ THIS BOOK KINDLY WRITE
YOUR CONGRESSMAN CALLING FOR AN INVESTIGATION.
INDEX
Acpohon, Trail Along, 183;
“The Land of Guillemots,” 191
Acponie Island, 50
Adams, Captain, 458;
Peary Suppressed Letter Presented by, 459, 487, 489
Advance Bay, 106
Ah-tah, Turns Away Ma-nee, 58
Ah-we-lah, Told Bartlett That Observations Were Made, 13, 189;
Chosen for Dash to Pole, 196;
Sure of Nearness of Land, 225, 230, 269, 270, 284, 293, 307, 327, 335;
Prevents Boat From Sinking, 366, 385, 399;
Recounts Remarkable Journey to the Pole, 452
Ahwynet, 96
Alaskan Wilds, 29
Alexander, Cape, 65, 117, 122, 152
Al-leek-ah, 95
American Legation, 469
Amund Ringnes Land, 329
Anderson, Mr., 460
Annoatok, 25;
Supplies Stored at, 30;
Started for, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71;
First Day at, 75;
Erected a House of Packing Boxes at, 76, 79, 83, 84, 85, 104, 110, 117, 152, 157, 194, 195, 226, 312, 336, 379, 437, 442, 443, 447, 451, 456
Antarctic Exploration, 28
Arctic, Bradley, Expedition, 24, 27
Arctic Circle Crossed, 34
Armbruster, Professor W. F., Defense of Dr. Cook by, 490
Armour of Chicago, Food Supplies by, 135
Arthur Land, 191
Astrup, Eivind, Death of, 38, 511, 515, 560
Atholl, Cape, Sailed Around, 46
Auckland, Cape, 60
Auks, 62
Auroras, 112
Axel Heiberg Land, 193, 194, 201, 212, 246, 327, 329, 333
Bache Peninsula, Headed for, 158, 435
Baffin’s Bay, 362
Baldwin, Captain Evelyn B., 135, 540, 564
Baldwin-Zeigler, Cache of Supplies Left by, 203
Bancroft Bay, 103
Bangor, 483
Barrill Affidavit, 13, 14, 522, 523, 524
Bartlett, Capt. Robt. A., Learns from Eskimos That Observations Were Made, 13;
Assisted Peary in His Lies, 485, 558, 560, 562.
Bathurst Land, 337
Battle Harbor, Arrival at, 31;
Questions Prepared by Peary at, 483, 489, 557
Bay, Baffin’s, 362;
Bancroft, 103;
Braebugten, 358, 377;
Buchanan, 77;
Cannon, 162;
Dallas, 103, 104;
Flagler, 154, 161, 168;
Melville, 38;
Entered, 39, 42, 44, 45;
North Star, 46;
Anchored in, 50, 462;
Olrick’s, 59, 63;
Pioneer, 314;
Robertson, 63;
Sontag, 451
Bay Fiord, Overland to, 162, 168
Bear Hunting, 177, 184, 189, 432
Belcher Point, Passed, 361, 362
Belgian Antarctic Expedition, 28, 497
Belle Isle, Straits of, Entering, 31
Bennett, James Gordon, Cable to, 464, 465;
Selling Narrative Story to, 491, 492, 493
Berri, Herbert, 502
Berry, Robert M., 478
“Big Lead,” Peary’s Eskimos Become Panic-Stricken at, 11;
Dr. Cook Reaches the Shores of, 217;
Crossing the, 221, 222, 224, 250
Blethen, J., 527
Bonsall Island, 106
Booth Sound, 453
Bradley, John R., Compact Made for Expedition, 24;
Expedition, 29;
Join Party, 31;
Called to Action, 51;
Assumed Direction, 53;
Shoots Duck, 54, 537
“Bradley, John R.,” S. S., Sailed July 3, 1907, 23;
Going Northward, 28;
Aboard the, 30;
Sailing Qualities of the, 31
Bradley Land, 246, 249;
Positive Proof of, 251
Breton, Cape, 30
Bridgeford, 527
Bridgman, Herbert L., Kitchen Explorer, 13, 77, 78, 502, 529, 557
Bridges, Thomas, Yahgan Dictionary, 497, 498
Brooklyn Dairy Business, 27
Brooke’s Island, 106
Brown, Belmore, 524
Buchanan Bay, 77
Bushwick Club, 481
Cairn Point, Passed, 68
Camped for the Winter, 393
Cannon Bay, 162
Cannon Fiord, 203
Cape Alexander, Passed, 65, 117, 122, 152;
Athol, Sailed Around, 46;
Auckland, 60;
Breton, 30;
Clarence, 429;
Faraday, 429, 430;
Hatherton, 167;
Inglefield, 68;
Isabella, 428;
Louis Napoleon, 435;
Paget, 428;
Parry, 59;
Robertson, Proceeded to, 61, 62;
Rutherford, 159;
Sabine, Note Left at, 149, 150, 154, 157, 158, 161, 336, 426, 431;
Tragedies of, 433, 434;
Seiper, 103;
Sheridan, 78;
Sparbo, 344, 355, 357, 363, 364, 377, 378, 413, 497;
Tennyson, 427, 428, 429;
“Thomas Hubbard,” 201;
Veile, 154, 161;
Vera, 343, 352, 353;
York, 44, 454, 455
Cardigan Strait, 350
Caribou Hunting, 109
Chester, Rear-Admiral, 502, 543, 544
Christiansaand, 476
Clarence, Cape, 429
Coast and Geodetic Survey, 488
Coburg Island, 428
Cold, Director, 477
Columbus, Christopher, 7
Conger, Fort, Party Left by Peary to Die of Cold and Hunger at, 454
Congress, Investigation of, Admission of Peary Witnesses in, 15, 18, 547
Contracts, Book, 494
Controversy, Polar, 5
Cook, Mrs., 478
Copenhagen, 12, 15, 244, 465, 466, 476, 479, 482, 494, 497, 538, 539, 540, 549, 550, 551, 557, 563
Copenhagen, University of, 549, 562
Cornell University, 485
Crown Prince Gustav Sea, 329, 336
Crystal Palace Glacier, 451
Dahl, Charles, 456
Danes, Hospitality of the, 515
Danish Literary Expedition, 453, 515
Davis Straits, Entered, 31
Dedrick, Dr., Harshly Treated by Peary, 434, 454, 515
De Gerlache, 134
“Devil’s Thumb,” 456
Dial Shadow, at the Pole, 308
Disco, Island of, Sighted, 34
Dundas Island, 337
Dunkle, Faked Observations of, 15, 535;
Introduced to, 536, 537, 538, 539, 540, 563
Dunkle-Loose Forgery, Explanation of, 355
Eggedesminde, 462;
First Banquet in Honor of Discovery of the Pole at, 463, 466
Eidsbotn, Descended to, 343
Ellef Ringnes Land, 329
Ellesmere Land, 71;
the Promised Land, 101, 191, 344
Elsinore, 466
Endor, 2
Equipment, Examination of, 149
Eric the Red, 33
“Erik,” S. S., Peary Supply Ship, 443,
449, 451, 515
Eskimos, Delusions of, 11;
Testimony of, 12, 34;
Married Life Among the, 48;
Tents, 49;
Bargaining, 49;
Study of Walrus Habits, 52;
Customs Pertaining to Children, 54;
Romance, 55;
Have No Salutation, 61;
Equality of Children and Dogs to the, 63;
Prosperity Measured by the Number of Dogs, 68;
Engaged in Request of Reserve Supplies, 85;
Making Clothes, 90;
Gloom When the Long Night Begins, 92;
Mourning for the Dead, 95;
Dancing, 97;
Joy in Killing a Bear, 108;
Christmas Festivities, 137;
Ice Cream, 137;
the Coming of the Stork to the, 142;
Love for Children, 145;
Belief in Shadows, 180;
Show Anxiety, 206;
Questioned by Peary, 206;
Comedies and Tragedies of the, 322;
Weird Customs of the, 399;
Describe Trip to Pole, 452;
Hostility to Peary, 454;
Put Through the Third Degree by Peary, 488;
Put on Board Peary’s Ship Against their Will, 514
Etah, 13;
Steered for, 64;
Landing Difficult at, 69, 70;
Eskimos Return to, 206, 312, 448, 449, 451, 558
E-tuk-i-shook, 12;
Told Bartlett That Observations Were Made, 13;
Sights Bears, 183;
Chosen for Dash to Pole, 196, 293;
Sure of Nearness to Land, 225, 230, 270, 279, 284, 293, 307, 327, 335;
Kills a Walrus, 373, 381;
Secures a Hare, 384;
An Adept With a Sling Shot, 399;
Recounts Remarkable Journey to the Pole, 452.
Eureka Sound, Reached, 102, 183, 192
Explorers’ Club, 529
Faroe Islands, 464
Fenker, Governor, 36
Fiord Umanak, Reached, 38;
Bay, Overland to, 162, 168;
Snag’s, 193;
Cannon, 203;
Musk Ox, 343;
Talbot’s, 429
Floundering in the Open Sea, 231
Flagler Bay, Advance Supplies Sent to, 154, 161, 168
Foulke Fiord, Entered, 66
Fox, Arctic, 398
Francke, Rudolph, 25;
Selected as Companion to Dr. Cook, 72, 73, 79;
Hunting, 89, 90;
Meat Gathered and Dried in Strips by, 114;
Prepared a Feast, 147, 148;
Asked to Join Party, 153, 155;
Remained in Charge of Supplies at Annoatok, 204;
in Starving Condition Refused Bread and Coffee by Peary, 442;
Compelled by Peary to Turn Over Furs and Ivory, 443, 517
Franklin Bay Expedition, Lady, 158
Fridtjof Nansen Sound, 315, 327
Game, Captured, 100
Gannett, Henry, 544
“Gates of Hades,” 66
Gilder, Richard Watson, 112
Glacier, Crystal Palace, 451;
Humboldt, 45, 100, 106, 109;
Petowik, Sighted, 45
Gloucester, 23
“Godthaab,” S. S., Supply Ship, 461
Godhaven, Sheltered in, 36, 37
Goggles, Amber-Colored, Used to Protect the Eyes, 226
“Gold Brick,” Slurs, 39
Gramatan Inn, 535
Grant Land, 191, 212, 214, 215, 226
Great Iron Stone, 513
Greely Expedition, Camp of, 158;
Peary Throws Discredit Upon the, 433, 515
Greely, General A. W., 168, 544, 560
Greely River, 168
Greenland, Steered for, 31;
Interior, 32, 37, 45, 62, 69, 79, 117, 364, 408, 433, 436, 489, 497
Grinnell Land, 191
Gulf, Inglefield, 46, 59;
Crossing, 60, 453;
of St. Lawrence, Sailed Over, 31
Gum Drop Story, Explanation of, 30
Hague Tribunal, The, 441
Hampton’s Magazine, 546, 552, 553
“Hans Egede,” S. S., Sailed on, 464, 466, 467
Hansen, Dr. Norman, 462
Hatherton, Cape, 67
Hearst, W. R., Offer From, 491
Hell Gate, 348;
Drifting Towards, 350, 353
Henson, Matthew, Statement of, 506, 559
Holland House, Compact Made at, 24
Holsteinborg, 32
“Hope,” S. S., 513
“Hubbard, Cape Thomas,” 201, 489
Hubbard, General Thomas, 528, 558
Humboldt Glacier, 45, 100, 106, 109
Hunting, Caribou, 109;
Bear, 177, 184, 189, 432;
Hare, 67, 89, 163;
Musk Ox, 171, 184, 378-392;
Narwhal, 87;
Walrus, 54, 64, 367-373;
In the Moonlight, 114-129
Icarus, 43
Ice, Explosion of, 124
Iceberg, Adrift on an, 346
Iceland, 464
Igloo, Building an, 166
Ik-wa, the Cruelty of, 55, 56, 57
Inglefield, Cape, 68
Inglefield, Gulf, 46, 59;
Crossing, 60, 453
Instruments, Carried on Journey to Pole, 198;
Left With Whitney, 450;
Buried, 499
Investigation of Peary’s So-Called Proofs, 544, 545
Isabella Cape, 428
Island, Bonsall, 106;
Brook’s, 106;
Coburg, 428;
Disco, 34, 50;
Littleton, Passing Inside of, 67;
Dundas, 337;
Faroe, 464;
North Cornwall, 336;
Saunders, 54;
Schei, 185;
Shannon, 203;
Shelton, 478;
Weyprecht, 159
Jensen, Inspector Dougaard, 461, 463, 464, 497
Jesup, Mrs. Morris K., 514
Jones Sound, 324, 342, 383, 396, 406, 426
Kraul, Governor, 457, 458, 459, 460, 461, 497
Kane, Dr., 66
Kanga, 59
Karnah, 60
Kennedy Channel, 66
King Christian Land, 336
“King’s Guest House,” Only Hotel in Greenland, 462
“Kite,” S. S., 511
Kookaan, 63
Koo-loo-ting-wah, Leading Man, 101, 105, 108, 109, 184;
Took Instructions to Francke, 204;
Paid by Peary to Abandon Supplies, 448
Ky-un-a, the Death of, 127
Labrador, 9, 31, 463, 484, 557
Lancaster Sound, 192, 336, 342, 425
Lands-Lokk, 195
Lerwick, Sent First Cable to New York From, 464
Loose, 15;
Faked Observations, 535, 537, 538, 539, 540, 563
Louis Napoleon, Cape, 435
Lifeboat Cove, Searched for Relics Along, 67
Lincoln Land, 191
Lincoln Sea, 214
Littleton Island, Passing Inside of, 67
MacDonald, J. A., Describes the Mt. McKinley Ascent, 531, 532, 533
McLaughlin, A. J., 563
Ma-nee, the Romance of, 55, 56, 57
Marshal, Colonel, 527
Marvin, Ross, the Suspicious Death of, 485;
Letters Suppressed, 488
Matin, Paris, offer $50,000, 494
McMillan, Makes False Statements, 484
“Melchior,” S. S., 476
Melville, Admiral, 502
Melville Bay, 38;
Entered, 39, 42, 44, 45, 455
Meteorite, “Star Stone,” Stolen by Peary, 435, 454, 512
Mirror, St. Louis, the Only Paper to Grant Space to Uncover the Unfair Methods of the Pro-Peary Conspiracy, 490, 491, 492
“Morning,” S. S., 458
Mountain, Table, “Oomanaq,” 46
Mt. McKinley, Affidavit, 13, 14;
Scaled, 29, 522;
Description of ascent, 531, 535, 541
Murchison Sound, 453
Museum of Natural History, 513
Musk Ox Fiord, 343
Musk Ox Hunting, 171, 184, 387
My-ah, Disposes of Wives to Gain Dogs, 48;
Direct Hunting, 51
Nansen, introduced the Kayak, 133, 495
Nansen Sound, Through, 164, 193, 195, 203
Nansen Straits, 77
Narwhal Hunt, Description of, 87
Naval Committee, 10
National Geographic Society, 10, 13, 540, 541, 542, 544, 549, 561, 564
Needles, Eskimo, How They are Made, 91
Newfoundland Boats, 31
New York Globe, 528
New York Herald, 465, 482, 493, 527, 538, 557
New York Times, Published Lying Document, 15;
Peary’s Questions Sent to, 483, 521, 540, 557, 561, 564
New York World, 506
New York, University of, Graduated From, 27
Nordenskjold, 495
Nordenskjold, Expedition, 468
Nordenskjold System Borrowed by Peary, 511
North Cornwall Island, 336
North Devon, 183, 342, 359, 396, 423
North Lincoln, 406
North Pole, 3, 4, 5, 8, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 30, 74, 155, 284, 287, 310, 449, 452, 455, 557
North Star Bay, 44, 46;
Anchored in, 50, 462
Norwegian Bay, 336
Observations, 245, 257, 274, 292, 302
Olafsen, Professor, 472
“Oomanaq,” Table Mountain, 46
Oomanooi, Village of, Visited, 47, 453
Oscar II, S. S., Sailed on to New York, 475, 476, 477, 494, 495
Paget, Cape, 428
Palatine Hotel, 554
Parker, Professor Herschell, 13, 523, 524
Parry, Cape, 59
Peary, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 27, 28, 38, 39, 77, 112, 131, 200, 212, 244, 253, 433, 438, 439, 440, 441, 443, 444, 447, 448, 451, 452, 454, 459, 463, 474, 477, 482, 483, 484, 485, 487, 490, 491, 492, 493, 496, 499, 500, 501, 502, 505, 506, 507, 508, 509, 510, 511, 512, 513, 514, 516, 517, 518, 519, 527, 528, 529, 530, 540, 542, 543, 544, 545, 557, 558, 563, 565
Peary, Mrs., 63
Pennsylvania R. R. Station (Washington), Casual Examination of Peary’s Instruments in, 10
Penny Strait, 337
Petowik Glacier, 45
Phoenix Hotel, Stayed at, 468
Polar Ethics, Accused of Violating, 439
Poe, Edgar Allen, 140
“Polaris,” S. S., Stranded in Sinking Condition, 67
Pole, Copy of Note Left in Tube at, 313
Pole Star, 136
Pond’s Inlet, 425
Portland, 560
Press, Injustice of the, 19
Printz, F., 525
Proofs, Peary’s Demands for, 547, 548, 549
Quebec, 553
Rassmussen, Knud, Lived Among Eskimos, 46;
Heard Story From Eskimos of Finding the “Big Nail,” 462;
Foretold Return of Peary and Prophesied Discord, 463
Rensselaer Harbor, 101
Rice Strait, Through, 158
Roberts, Mr., 548
Robertson Bay, 63
Robertson, Cape, Proceed to, 61, 62
Robeson Channel, 218
“Robinson Crusoe” Life, 391
Rocky Mountains, 33
Rood, Henry, 485
Roosevelt, Stolen Tusk Presented to, 443
“Roosevelt,” S. S., 438;
Piratical Career of the, 444, 447, 451, 484, 557
Route to the Pole, 285
Royal Geographical Society, 472, 473, 475
Rutherford, Cape, 159
Sabine, Cape, Notes Left at, 149, 150, 154, 157, 158, 161, 336;
Tragedies of, 426, 431, 433, 434, 515
Saunders Island, 54
Schei Land, 185
Schley, Rear-Admiral, 168, 544, 584
Schley River, 168
Schwartz, Dr. Henry, 490
Seattle Times, 527
Seiper, Cape, 103
Shackleton’s Journey to the South Pole, 458
Shadows at the Pole, 304, 306, 308
Shainwald, Ralph L., 469
Shakespeare, 140
Shelter Island, 478
Shannon Island, 203
Sheridan, Cape, 78
Schoubye, Captain Henning, 46, 515
Sledges, Making of, 128
Smith, Mrs., 514
Smith Sound, Entered, 65, 66;
Left, 71, 104, 122, 150
Snag’s Fiord, 193
Sontag, Astronomer, Lost Life, 222
Sontag Bay, 451
Sound, Booth, 453;
Eureka, 182, 183, 192;
Fridtjof Nansen, 315, 327;
Hassel, 329, 334, 365;
Jones, 324, 342, 383, 396, 406, 426;
Lancaster, 192, 336, 425;
Murchison, 453;
Nansen, Through, 164, 193, 195, 203;
Smith, Entered, 65, 66;
Left, 71, 164, 122, 150;
Whale, Entered, 59;
Wolstenholm, 46;
Walrus Adventure in, 50, 433.
Sparbo, Cape, 344, 355, 357, 363, 364, 377, 378, 413, 497
Speed Limits, Criticized, 502;
Peary’s, 505
Spitzbergen, 289
Squint, Boreal, 275
Stars and Stripes Pinned to the North Pole, 287
Stead, William T., 467, 468, 491
Steinsby, Professor, 461
St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 31
St. Louis, Lecture, 496
Stockwell, Professor, 503
Stokes, Frank Wilbert, 112
Straits, Davis, 31;
Belle Isle, Entering, 31;
Rice, Through, 158;
Vaigat, Passed, 38;
Cardigan, 350
Stromgren, Professor Elis, 472, 550
Stork, Visits at Christmas, 142
Supplies, 197;
Taken for Journey to Pole, 198, 199;
Seized by Peary, 444
Sydney, Harry Whitney, Arrives at, 12;
Journey to, 236, 558, 561
Svarten Huk, 38
Svartevoeg, 180;
Camped South of, 193, 194, 195, 201, 206, 247, 287, 363
Sverdrup, Captain Otto, Exploration of, 80, 191;
Mapped Channels by, 192, 201, 342;
Peary Stole the Honor of the Naming of Svartevoeg From, 489, 490, 516, 560
Table Mountain, “Oomanaq,” 46
Talbot’s Fiord, 429
Tassuasak, Arrived at, 456
Temperature of the Body, 324
“Tent, The,” Meteorite, 513
Tents, Eskimo, 49
Thompsen, Professor, 461
“Thumb, The Devil’s,” 39
Tittman, O. H., 544
Torp, Professor, 472, 549, 560
Townsend, Director, of the New York Aquarium, Falsely Accused Dr. Cook of Stealing a Dictionary Compiled by Thomas Bridges of Indian Words, 497, 498
To-ti-o, 107;
Joy in Killing of Bear, 108
Troy, 553
Tung-wing-wah, 95
Umanak Fiord, 38
United Steamship Company, 477
Upernavik, Island, Appeared, 38, 206, 448, 449, 457, 459, 461
Vaigat Straits, Passed, 38
Verhoeff, John M., the Death of, 63, 511, 515
Vespucci, Amerigo, 7
Wack, H. Wellington, 527
Waldorf-Astoria, Arrived at, 481;
Dinner Given at, 504, 535
Wallace, Dillon, 536
Walrus Hunting, 15, 50, 122, 123, 367-373;
In the Moonlight, 114-129
Whale Sound, Entered, 59
Whitney, Harry, 12;
Instruments left with, 244, 437;
Ill Treated by Peary’s Boatswain Murphy, 445, 449, 451;
Peary Refused Permission to Bring From the North Instruments and Data Left in His Hands, 497;
Forced to Bury Instruments, 499, 558
Weapons, Making, 381
Weche, Handelschef, 461
Weed, General, 527
Weyprecht Island, 159
Wolstenholm Sound, 46, 50, 453
“Worm Diggers’ Union,” 529
Wyckoff, E. G., 471
INDEX OF NEW MATERIAL
Arctic Club of America (b)
Balch, Edwin Swift, Article by, 595-599 (b)
Bates, R. C., Credits Mt. McKinley ascent, 534 (b)
Bradley Land, 597-598
Chautauqua Managers Association, Article by (a, b, c)
Caines, Ralph H., Credits Mt. McKinley ascent, 534 (b)
Cook-Peary Controversy, 606, 607, 608
Cook Must Have Been First, 597
Cook’s Three Achievements, 598
Carr, Wooda N. Letter to and from, 606
Can Government Escape Responsibility, 605
Clark, Champ, Letter from, 608
Danish Geographical Society (b)
“Discoverer of the Pole,” Peary denied title (a)
Daniels, Josephus, Card to, 603
Discoverers Doubted, 596
Explorers, Verdicts of, 584
Geographic Societies, European, Forced to Honor Peary (a)
Glacial Land, Discovery of, 598
Hubbard-Bridgeman, Arctic Trust, 600
Hoax the World, 606
High, Fred, Editor of Platform, Article by, 604, 605, 610
King of Belgium (b)
Kill Brother Explorer, Tried to, 602
Lecointe, Prof. Georges, 603
Lyceum and Chautauqua Magazine, 604, 610
Mann, Congressman James R., Card to, 604
Mt. McKinley Expedition, 534
National Investigation, Desired by Cook, 600
National Geographical Society, 601, 603, (a)
Overland Magazine, Article by R. H. Caines, 534
Official Evidence not Necessarily Correct, 607
O’Hara, Barrett, 609
Pension Peary, Old Age, 602, 603
Peary’s Data proves Cook’s, 596, 597, 599
Poindexter, Miles, Letter from, 607
Petty Cliques in Washington, 607
Peary-Parker-Brown Humbug up to date, 534
Parker-Brown Mt. McKinley Expedition, 534
Schley, Rear Admiral W. S. (b)
Sampson-Schley Controversy, 607
Scientific Pioneers, U. S. first rank, 602
Tribune, N. Y., Article from, 595
Travelers Called Liars, 595
Taft, Wm. H., Telegram to, 606
University of Copenhagen, Conferred Degree, Ph. D. (a, b)
Wilson, Woodrow, Letter to, 602
OTHER BOOKS BY DR. COOK
You have read Dr. Cook’s narrative of his expedition to the North Pole. His other
books are of equal interest.
Through the First Antarctic Night
A narrative of the Belgian South Pole Expedition of 1897, in charge of Commander
de Gerlache, with Dr. Cook as surgeon.
This expedition came near sharing the fate of Captain Scott of the English expedition.
Captain Roald Amundsen, discoverer of the South Pole, in speaking to the Press of the
hardships which the members of the Belgica expedition withstood says: “During the
winter scurvy broke out and at the same time several of the party showed signs of mental
trouble. Dr. Cook proved himself a surgeon equal to the situation. All of his patients
recovered. Here I learned to know Dr. Cook and to appreciate him as one of the ablest,
most honest, most reliable men I have ever met. Members of the Belgica expedition owe
their lives to Dr. Cook, as it was through his ingenious plan of sawing the channel through
the pack-ice to open water, thus releasing the ice locked ship, that saved the entire party
from death.”
The above is covered in detail in similar words on pages 19, 20, 23 Volume One of “The
South Pole” a late book by Captain Amundsen. On page 24 of the same volume he says:
“Upright, honorable, capable and consciencious in the extreme; such is the memory we
retain of Dr. Frederick A. Cook.”
To the Top of the Continent
Exploration in Sub-Artic Alaska. A thrilling account of the first ascent of America’s
highest mountain—Mount McKinley.
Dr. Cook has been engaged in exploration for twenty years—the best part of his life—all
without pay. He has furnished his own money for most of his expeditions. He is a
quiet, unassuming man and has done all of his work with little thought of personal gain
or honorary publicity. Quietly he came forward and told us that one of the greatest exploits
ever made in mountain climbing was now accomplished. It did not occur to him to beat a
drum or blow a trumpet to make this known to the world. The work was accomplished;
this was sufficient for him. Little was known of the Mt. McKinley trip until Peary brought
it up as a side issue to throw doubt on Dr. Cook’s Polar Claim; see page 534 of this book.
My Attainment of the Pole
Edition de Luxe
Captain Amundsen in speaking of Dr. Cook’s Polar trip says: “It was a pity that
Peary should besmirch his beautiful work by circulating outrageous accusations against
a competitor who had WON THE BATTLE in open field. If Peary is to prove the accusation
by the evidence of Cook’s two followers, I must confess it is a very weak foundation.”
The above books by Dr. Frederick A. Cook have been printed in edition de Luxe,
especially for subscription purposes. The regular price is $5.00 each, but to accommodate
those further interested in exploration, we have arranged to make a special reduced price;
see next page.
………………………………
………………………………
The Polar Publishing Co.,
601 Steinway Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
Gentlemen:
Enclosed find three dollars ($3.00) for which please send me postpaid, one copy of
“Through the First Antarctic Night,” by Dr. Frederick A. Cook, and oblige
Yours truly,
………………………………….
………………………………
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The Polar Publishing Co.,
601 Steinway Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
Gentlemen:
Enclosed find three dollars ($3.00) for which please send me postpaid, one copy of “To
the Top of the Continent,” by Dr. Frederick A. Cook, and oblige
Yours truly,
………………………………
………………………………
………………………………
………………………………
The Polar Publishing Co.,
601 Steinway Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
Gentlemen:
Enclosed find three dollars ($3.00) for which please send me postpaid, one copy of
“My Attainment of the Pole,” Edition de Luxe, by Dr. Frederick A. Cook, and oblige
Yours truly,
………………………………
………………………………
Remove this sheet, clip and fill out any or all of the above coupons and mail to this
office and we will forward the books at once.
