HISTORY OF 1/8th BATTALION

SHERWOOD FORESTERS 1914—1919

Lieut.-col. G. H. Fowler.
Killed in action at Hohenzollern Redoubt, Oct. 15th, 1915.

THE SHERWOOD FORESTERS
IN THE GREAT WAR
1914—1919

1/8th Battalion

By

CAPTAIN W. C. C. WEETMAN
M.C., CROIX DE GUERRE

With an introduction by
BRIG-GENERAL C. T. SHIPLEY, C.B.

NOTTINGHAM
THOS. FORMAN & SONS
1920

To (p. 004)
Our Fallen Comrades

“In truth they were young Gentlemen, Yeomen and
Yeomen’s Sons, and Artificers of the most brave sort,
such as went voluntarily to serve of a gaiety and
joyalty of mind: all which kind of people are the
Flower and Force of a Kingdom.“

Sir John Smyth to Lord Burleigh
on our Men in Flanders in 1589-90.

INTRODUCTION (p. 005)

It is not only a great honour to have been asked to
write an introduction to this book, but it is a real
pleasure to me to be linked in this manner to a Battalion
with which I was so intimately connected for nearly
six years and in which I made so many friends, of whom
many, alas, have passed the “great divide.”

The Battalion has been lucky in finding in Capt.
Weetman an author with such a ready and amusing pen,
and one especially who was in a position to see the
workings of the Battalion in almost every phase of its
career and from every standpoint, first as a Company
Officer, then as Adjutant and finally from Brigade
Headquarters.

To me, perhaps naturally, the most interesting part
of the book is the early chapters. From the time, in
1911, when I took over the command of what, I was
informed by a Staff Officer qualified to know, was the
best Territorial Brigade in the Kingdom, I was a firm
believer in the Territorial Force. But I hardly think
that the most hardened optimist would at that time
have thought it possible for a Territorial Division to
mobilise and march complete with equipment and
Transport to its Mobilisation area on the sixth day
after receiving the order “Mobilise.” The amount of
work done by Battalions and Companies was marvellous
and only those who experienced it can have an idea
of what it meant.

As (p. 006) for the Training, I don’t believe better work
was ever done than during those weeks at Harpenden.
True we were lucky in the weather and in the Training
area, and the 8th Battalion were specially lucky in their
excellent staff of Sergeant-Instructors. All ranks put
their heart into the work. I remember particularly
the excellent work done by the large batch of recruits
which joined the Battalion at that time, including
surely as good a lot of young Officers as ever joined
a regiment. The author has described fully the training
carried out at Harpenden and in Essex, and that the
time and labour spent in it were not wasted is proved
by the manner in which all ranks so quickly took on
their responsibilities in the trenches, and with such
success. That the Territorial Force was in many ways
neglected by the Higher Authorities during those early
days is well known, but that the Force amply justified
itself is proved by its actions and was fully recognised
by those General Officers under whose command it
came. The following extract from a speech made by
Lieut-General Sir C. Fergusson, Commanding II Corps,
to the Brigade at Locre, when it left his command, is
worth recording to show the high opinion he held of our
work in front of Kemmel. “No Battalion,” he said,
“and no Brigade could have held the lines better than
you have done or have done better work than you have
done…. Your work during the last three
months is work of which any Brigade and any Battalion
might be proud.” No higher praise could have been
given to any troops by an officer of such standing and
repute.

I have written rather at length on this period for
I consider the metamorphosis of a Territorial Battalion
into as fine a fighting Battalion as ever took the field,
is well worth the study of all those who have joined
since those days or will join in the future.

It (p. 007) is only fitting that some acknowledgment be made
to the memory of the man who did more than any
other to make the North Midland Division worthy to
take its place in line with the Regular Army. I refer
to the late Major-General Hubert Hamilton, who
commanded the Division from 1911 to June, 1914, and
fell early in the war at Richebourg-St. Vaast. He
foresaw that war with Germany must come and worked
with all his power to make the Division efficient in
every way—in Training as in Organisation. And it was
very largely due to his efforts that Mobilisation was
carried out so successfully.

One word more. I am fully convinced that if every
Officer and man who joined up in 1914 after the outbreak
of war, had joined the Territorial Force and made
himself efficient before August, 1914, there would have
been no war. If Germany had known that England
could put 1,000,000 men into the field within a few
weeks of the declaration of war, instead of only 160,000,
she would never have dared to embark on her campaign
of spoliation. The risk would have been too great.

If this story of the doings of a Territorial Battalion
in the Great War can do anything to bring that Battalion
up to strength, to keep it there, and to encourage all
ranks to make themselves thoroughly efficient, I am
sure that the author will consider himself well repaid
for all the time and all the trouble he has spent on it.

C. T. SHIPLEY.
12th September, 1920.

AUTHOR’S NOTE. (p. 008)

In compiling this history of the 1/8th Sherwood
Foresters in the Great War, I have relied for my
main facts on the Official War Diary, but from many
other sources I have received much help. My thanks
are due especially to Lieut.-Col. H. Mellish, C.B.,
for advice on many general points; to Lieut.-Col.
A. Hacking, D.S.O., M.C., for much help with “The
Salient” and “Lens” chapters, and for kindly revising
the whole of the book; to Capt. A. L. Ashwell, D.S.O.,
for most of the “Hohenzollern” chapter, and for much
general assistance; to Capt. A. Andrews, M.C., for much
of the detail of the “Gorre and Essars” chapter, and
information on many other points, and to Capt. A. B.
Miners, M.C., for help with the account of the “Battle
of Ramicourt” and subsequent fighting.

I have also to thank Capt. C. Davenport for some
details of Transport work; Capt. R. H. Piggford for
a few notes and the sketch dealing with Mining
operations; and Lieuts. C. H. S. Stephenson and E. W.
Warner, M.C., for some Signalling items, and the diagram
of Signal communications. I am also indebted to
Capt. J. D. Hills, M.C., of the 5th Leicestershire
Regiment, for many hints on the general arrangement
of the work, and to Pvte. A. Hunstone of the 6th
Battalion for the excellent plans. To many others
who have supplied me with information and helped
me on various points, I offer my grateful thanks.

The book is not intended in any way to be a literary
effort. All that has been attempted has been a simple
narrative of our doings for the use primarily of persons
connected with the Battalion. My main endeavour
throughout, has been to secure accuracy, but it will
be understood that in sifting the mass of material
placed at my disposal, errors may have crept in. I
trust, however, that these are few.

W. C. C. WEETMAN.
Hereford, October, 1920.

CONTENTS. (p. 009)

CHAPTER.

Summary of Events
 1. England
 2. France
 3. The Salient
 4. Hohenzollern
 5. Richebourg—Marseilles—Candas
 6. Vimy Ridge
 7. The Battle of Gommecourt
 8. Bellacourt
 9. The Capture of Gommecourt
10. Lens
11. St. Elie and Hill 70
12. Spring, 1918
13. Gorre and Essars
14. Auchel to Pontruet
15. Bellenglise
16. Ramicourt and Montbrehain
17. The Last Fight
18. Home Again
Appendix.
 1. Roll of Honour
 2. Honours

ILLUSTRATIONS. (p. 010)

Lieut.-Colonel G. H. Fowler
Officers at Harpenden, Nov. 1914
The Avenue, Kemmel
Major J. P. Becher, D.S.O.
R.S.M. Westerman and N.C.O.’s of A Company
R.S.M. Mounteney and N.C.O.’s of C Company
Lieut.-Colonel B. W. Vann, V.C., M.C.
The Brasserie, Foncquevillers
Air Photograph of Lens and Loos Area
Air Photograph of Part of St. Elie Sector
The Beuvry—La Bassée Road
Gorre Brewery
The Clock Tower, Béthune
St. Quentin Canal, Bellenglise

MAPS AND PLANS. (p. 011)

Sketch of Mine Galleries
Kemmel Sector
Hooge and Sanctuary Wood
Hohenzollern Redoubt
Gommecourt
Lens District
Diagram of Signal Communications
Battle of Ramicourt
Battle of Regnicourt
Battle of Bellenglise
General Map of Western Front

SUMMARY OF EVENTS (p. 013)
1914.

CHAPTER I (p. 019)

ENGLAND

August 4th, 1914.—February 25th, 1915.

When the 8th Sherwood Foresters concentrated
at Hunmanby, at the end of July, 1914, for
their usual annual training, the International horizon
was clouded with the diplomatic conversations which
had followed the murder of the Archduke Francis
Ferdinand of Austria by Servians at Sarajevo. Many
hoped, no doubt, that the experience of the Morocco
incident of 1905 and the Agadir incident of 1911, would
again be repeated and that once more the clouds of a
world war would be dissipated, but when we reflect upon
this period of the world’s history it is easy now to see
that war with Germany, sooner or later, was inevitable.

The atmosphere was so charged with electricity
that it was impossible to settle down to the normal
routine of training, and there was little surprise when
on August 3rd, Bank Holiday, Germany declared war
on France, and when on the following day, August 4th,
Great Britain herself, following upon the violation of
the neutrality of Belgium, joined forces with Russia
and France.

Territorial Camps were at once broken up and all
ranks ordered home, with instructions to hold themselves
in readiness for any emergency.

The Royal Proclamation for the embodiment of
the 8th Battalion Sherwood Foresters (Notts. and Derby
Regiment) was issued at 6.45 p.m. on Tuesday,
August 4th, and notified to all units in the briefest
possible telegram—”Mobilise.” During Wednesday and
Thursday, August 5th and 6th, all Companies were
endeavouring to purchase locally and issue to every
man, underclothing and necessaries according to scale.
This (p. 020) was a big undertaking, as the scheme for earmarking
such goods in the case of embodiment had not been
completed, and there was, therefore, some delay in
obtaining all requirements. The strength of the Battalion
on mobilisation was 29 officers and 852 other ranks.

On Friday, August 7th, the Battalion concentrated
at Newark, under the Command of Lieut.-Col. C. J.
Huskinson, T.D., with Major G. H. Fowler second in
Command, and Capt. E. N. T. Collin, Adjutant,
Companies and their Officers at this time being as
follows:—

A Company—Retford.—Lieut. W. R. Smith, 2nd Lieuts.
L. Rose and E. C. A. James.

B     ”    Newark.—Capt. L. C. B. Appleby, Lieuts.
C. Davenport and A. H. Quibell.

C     ”    Sutton-in-Ashfield.—Lieut. M. C. Martyn,
2nd Lieuts. H. G. Wright and R. H. Piggford.

D     ”    Mansfield.—Capt. A. C. Clarke, 2nd Lieut. J. W. Turner.

E     ”    Carlton.—Lieut. F. G. Cursham, 2nd Lieut. H. Kirby.

F     ”    Arnold.—2nd Lieuts. G. Clarke and A. F. O. Dobson.

G     ”    Worksop.—Capt. E. W. E. Tylden-Wright, Lieut. W. H. Allen.

H     ”    Southwell.—Capt. J. P. Becher, Lieut. J. K. Lane,
2nd Lieut. H. B. S. Handford.

Lieut. A. L. Ashwell was Machine-Gun Officer; Capt.
F. W. Johnson, and Surgeon-Capt. H. Stallard, Medical
Officers, and Rev. J. P. Hales, Chaplain; Major W. N.
Sarll was Quarter-Master, but, being medically unfit,
at once handed over his duties to Capt. R. F. B.
Hodgkinson, who joined from the Territorial Force
Reserve. Capt. R. J. Wordsworth mobilised with Brigade
Headquarters.

The (p. 021) Battalion was billeted for the most part in
Schools: B Company were detailed for various duties
in the town, and H Company found guards on bridges
and other points on the Great Northern Railway, the
most important being the Tubular Bridge. Nothing of
interest happened except that a too keen sentry one night
loosed off at some suspicious looking persons, who turned
out to be innocent platelayers returning home from
work. Fortunately there were no casualties.

On Monday, August 10th, at 9.30 a.m., we paraded
in the Market Place ready to begin our move to concentration
areas. The Mayor (Mr. J. C. Kew) and
Corporation were present, accompanied by Canon
Hindley, Vicar of Newark, and other Clergy, and there
was a dense crowd of onlookers. After an address by
the Mayor, who wished us God speed, and a short service,
we marched off via the Fosse Way to Radcliffe-on-Trent,
leaving behind H Company under Capt. Becher, to
guard the railway.

For the first time in its history the Battalion had
complete First Line and Train Transport with it, this
being under the command of Lieut. Davenport, who had
been appointed Transport Officer. The vehicles were not
exactly regulation pattern, but little fault could be found
with the horses, all of which had been purchased locally.
Floats from Warwick and Richardson’s and Hole’s
formed the majority of the Small Arm Ammunition and
tool carts, whilst Dickens’s Mineral Water drays and
Davy’s Brewery drays made fairly good General Service
wagons, when fitted with light wooden sides. A furniture
van full of blankets, two Corporation water carts, and
a bread cart with a large red cross on each side,
completed the collection. We feel sure that few
Regimental Transports can have looked more like a circus
than did ours as we left Newark.

The (p. 022) march of 14 miles to Radcliffe-on-Trent was
completed about 4 p.m., and after a good night’s rest
we left early on August 11th, and proceeding via
Nottingham, arrived at Derby at 6.30 p.m., after a
23 mile march. This was a very severe test for all,
as few were really “hard” enough at that time for
such a long trek. Route marches were accordingly
carried out, on each of the three extremely hot days
spent at Derby, as the main part of our programme.

Whilst at Derby the main subject of discussion
was that of Imperial Service for Territorial units. So
far as we were concerned a considerable number of
officers and men had already volunteered. There
were many others who had not actually done so, but
there was no doubt as to what their answer would be.
Of the remainder many were practically disqualified
from serving abroad by reason of age, unfitness, family
and business ties, and other reasons, and for them,
in the light of the little we knew then, the decision was
most difficult, and the need for it we hardly thought
fair. The demand for volunteers was in the first instance
put rather baldly, with little notice, and with apparently
little realisation of the enormous difficulties under
which so many were labouring, and it was not surprising
that this appeal met with little response. A second
earnest appeal, reinforced by the feeling that the honour,
even the existence of the Battalion was in danger,
resulted in over 800 volunteering, which was eminently
satisfactory, though it is impossible to avoid the feeling
that many who volunteered then did so against their
better judgment, and that the decision should have
been made for them.

All the other units in the Division having more or
less similarly settled this vital question, training was
started in earnest.

The (p. 023) first area allotted to the Division was Hertfordshire,
and we entrained on August 15th, for the
first time, and by no means the last. Hours went
by after our scheduled time before there was any sign
of the train. In an adjoining field, however, the
various Company entertainers had full scope and played
to large audiences. Eventually we got off in two trains,
and detraining at Leagrave marched the last three miles
to Luton, where we arrived in the early hours of August
16th. Here we stayed for six days and carried out a
little training, mostly at Luton Hoo and Markyate.
We cannot say that we regarded this as the most pleasant
of our experiences, as our billets were not of the best
either for Officers, who were mostly crowded into a few
cottages, and took turns at bathing in small tin baths
in the sculleries, or men who were also crowded in somewhat
unwholesome schools, while our menu consisted
monotonously of bully beef and pickle, and army biscuit
and cheese.

Better things fortunately were in store, for on
August 21st, we moved on a few miles to Harpenden,
where we were destined to stay for three months, and
where we received on all sides the greatest possible
hospitality. We are sure that all who were billeted at
Harpenden will look back with the greatest pleasure
to the time spent in that delightful district. The men
for the most part were billeted in small houses, three
or four together, and with the more than ample rations
and billeting allowances then in force, both men and
billet owners were exceedingly well off.

Here we had also the 5th, 6th and 7th Sherwood
Foresters, which, with ourselves, formed the Notts,
and Derby Infantry Brigade, under the Command of
Brigadier-General C. T. Shipley, who had Major E. M.
Morris as Brigade Major, and Capt. R. J. Wordsworth as
Staff Captain. The Stafford and Lincoln and Leicester
Infantry (p. 024) Brigades completed the North Midland Division,
which was commanded by Major-General The Hon.
E. J. Montagu Stuart-Wortley.

Fortunately the weather for some time was splendid,
and the Battalion soon began to shew the result of
constant and regular drill, and the turnout and smartness
improved rapidly. Training comprised almost every
possible form that could be required to make both
officers and men efficient, and went so far as to include
the detailing of Sergt.-Instructor Mounteney to carry out
the by no means easy task of trying to turn Officers
into swordsmen. It is no disparagement of his efforts to
congratulate ourselves that we never had to put our lessons
to the test of stern reality. “Infantry Training” and
“Field Service Regulations” were studied and more or less
followed out in practice in all we did. Most of our drill,
musketry instruction, bayonet fighting, physical exercises,
and outpost drill were carried out on the splendid
Common at Harpenden, but our training area extended
to most of the surrounding parks and farms, where the
bulk of our more advanced work in attack practice and
tactical exercises was carried out. Perhaps some of
the best remembered places are “High Firs,” where we
first spent a night in bivouacs, Sandridge, where there
was a small range, Rothamstead Park, Redbourn,
Ayre’s End, Hammond’s End Farm, Annable’s Farm,
Mackery End, Thrale’s End Farm, where barbed wire
entanglements were put up, the like of which we never
saw in France or anywhere else, and Cold Harbour.
At Sundon, not far from Dunstable, we dug and occupied
our first real trench system, which after a preliminary
skirmish at night, when rockets were used to guide the
attacking troops, had to withstand a heavy dawn attack
by the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade.

Classification practices were fired at Wardown and
Galley Hill ranges, near Luton, on thoroughly wet and
disagreeable (p. 025) days, with ammunition not intended for the
rifle we were using, and altogether under such adverse
conditions, that good scores were impossible.

In addition to Brigade and Divisional schemes in
the neighbourhood of Harpenden we had big shows on
two days at Kinsworth, near Dunstable. Of our indoor
classes, probably the most entertaining were the French
lessons given after mess sometimes by a kind friend
from the Y.M.C.A.; he did his best, but we fear that
it was not quite the right time of day to find a class
of Officers in a mood for imbibing instruction.

Meanwhile there were many changes in personnel:
Lieut. James took over A Company from Lieut. Smith,
who was unfit; Capt. Appleby and Lieut. Cursham
proceeded to Dunstable to take charge of Home Service
men; Lieut. Quibell went to the Depôt at Newark;
Capt. Tylden-Wright being unfit, G Company was
handed over to Capt. Allen; Lieut. Turner took over
the Machine-Gun Section on Lieut. Ashwell becoming
Assistant Adjutant; Lieut. G. Clarke was Musketry
Officer; Lieut. H. B. S. Handford, Signalling Officer;
and Lieut. Piggford, Scout Officer. Subalterns who
joined during these early days included 2nd Lieuts.
W. H. Hollins, J. V. Edge, A. Hacking, E. M. Hacking,
W. N. Wright, J. R. Eddison, B. W. Vann, J. M. Gray.
J. S. C. Oates, R. E. Hemingway, A. P. F. Hamilton, and
W. C. C. Weetman. Hamilton soon left us to join the
Divisional Cyclists and afterwards served with the Tank
Corps, winning the M.C. In other ranks there were also
changes: Sergt.-Instructors Hancock, Holmes and Walker
went to other units, a number of men went to Dunstable,
and a good many were discharged medically unfit,
but our numbers were constantly being swelled by the
arrival of recruits who kept coming in batches at frequent
intervals from the Depôt, and made up our strength
practically to establishment.

Officers At Harpenden; Nov., 1914.

Back Row: 2nd Lieut. A. F. O. Dobson, 2nd Lieut. J. S. C. Oates, 2nd Lieut. E. M. Hacking. 2nd Lieut. A. Hacking, 2nd Lieut. W. C. C. Weetman,
Lieut. H. B. S. Handford, Capt. J. K. Lane, 2nd Lieut. J. R. Eddison, 2nd Lieut. H. Kirby.

Middle Row: 2nd Lieut. J. M. Gray, 2nd Lieut. W. N. Wright, Lieut. H. G. Wright, 2nd Lieut. B. W. Vann, 2nd Lieut. J. V. Edge,
Lieut. G. Clarke, 2nd Lieut. W. H. Hollins, 2nd Lieut. E. C. A. James, 2nd Lieut. J. W. Turner, Lieut. C. Davenport.

Front Row: Capt. and Qtr.-Mtr. R. F. B. Hodgkinson, Capt. W. H. Allen, Major A. C. Clarke, Rev. J. P. Hales, Capt. and Adjt. E. N. T. Collin,
Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson, Major G. H. Fowler, Capt. J. P. Becher, Capt. M. C. Martyn, Capt. A. L. Ashwell, Surgeon-Capt. H. Stallard.

On Ground: 2nd Lieut. R. H. Piggford 2nd Lieut. A. P. F. Hamilton.

Reproduced by permission of H. A. Valentine, Photographer, Harpenden.

Lieut.-Col. (p. 026) G. S. Foljambe, who had joined from
the Territorial Force Reserve, was in charge at the
Depôt, and later commanded for some time the 3rd
Line, with the unenviable task of getting together
and training in an extraordinarily short space of time,
personnel to replenish the 1st and 2nd Lines. Many
young Officers and others who passed through his hands
in those days look back with pleasure and affection to
the happy times spent under his kindly care at Newark
and Belton Park.

Recreations in these early days were run on the
usual lines. Padre Hales had a reading room and
organised Battalion Concerts from time to time, at
which much local talent was displayed, but with everyone
living in houses organised entertainment was not so
necessary as we later found it to be in isolated camps,
or at out-of-the-way villages in France.

We were inspected three times during this period;
once at Harpenden by Lieut.-General Sir Ian Hamilton,
commanding the Central Force, again on September
29th, by Lord Kitchener in Luton Hoo Park, when we
thought we made a very creditable display, and lastly,
on October 6th, after we had carried out an attack
scheme ending up on the Sandridge Rifle Range, when the
Battalion had the honour of marching past Lord Roberts.

The air, of course, was full of rumours. As early
as September 1st, we were told that we should be
off to France in a month: later the date was fixed for
October 30th, and then November 7th, Bordeaux being
mentioned as the elusive objective. On this last occasion
it seemed so certain that we were going that a farewell
sermon was preached, which turned out to be decidedly
premature. We heard with every conceivable detail
the delicious stories of the thousands of Russians
who kept pouring through Nottingham, and like
others we had the usual excitements of spy scares,
all of which were very entertaining, and one at least
highly (p. 027) dangerous, when one of our chases took some of
us over the railway embankment armed with loaded
revolvers.

Whatever the possibilities of our going out early
may have been, one step was taken which could have
had only that object in view, viz. inoculation against
typhoid. We can only hope that the Medical Officers
who operated on us got more fun out of the operation
than we did.

Marching orders came eventually, and as ever, when
least expected. Late on Sunday evening, November
15th, we were told to be ready to move at an hour’s
notice. This was presumed to be due to a feared raid
and landing on the East Coast—at any rate one hopes
there was some equally good reason for it, for quite a
number of Officers and men had been allowed to go on
week-end leave, and had to be recalled by telegram,
whilst the following day was to have been a holiday.

We shall not easily forget that night—the energy
we expended in packing valises, brows sweating, tempers
bad, language beyond description,—all trying the
impossible feat of making the wonderful collection of
kit we had got together on the advice of one friend or
another keep within the allotted allowance of 35lbs.

Apart from our own individual troubles, we had the
additional enormous task set of issuing new equipment
to everybody. The 1908 bandolier pattern had been
withdrawn, and new leather equipment (pattern 1914)
had arrived on the previous Friday and Saturday, and
the Quarter-Master’s staff had been busy marking it and
getting it ready for issuing. This all had to be issued
during the Sunday night, and was carried round to billets
in blankets. The language of something like 900 men all
trying to put together an entirely new set of equipment,
the like of which they had never seen, may well be
imagined. We were the first Battalion to be issued
with this equipment, which on the next day’s march
proved (p. 028) very unsatisfactory, many buckles and straps
pulling right out of the webbing of the packs and haversacks.
We were glad when a month later it was all
withdrawn, and we were issued with the much more
popular and lasting web equipment.

Eventually the Battalion paraded at 9 a.m. on
November 16th, one hour late, and in consequence
instead of leading the Brigade we had to march in rear.
We got to Harlow, a distance of something like 26 miles,
about 8 p.m. This was a very trying march, and as
many men had only been issued with new boots during
the night, it was not surprising that several fell out. On
this march we first realised what a difficult and technical
job “supply” can be. The supply and baggage wagons
appear to have been hopelessly overloaded, and in
consequence both rations and blankets failed to reach
us that night. It was largely owing to the extreme
kindness and hospitality of the inhabitants of the delightful
little village of Harlow, amongst whom was the
evergreen veteran Sir Evelyn Wood, V.C., that we were
fed and breakfasted and able to continue the march the
following day, 14 miles to Dunmow. This proved
more trying than the previous day, and the Medical
Officer and stretcher-bearers had a busy time attending
to those who fell out.

On the 18th, we finished the journey by a nine mile
march to Bocking, and there settled down into billets
for the rest of our time in England. Though we were
spoilt at Harpenden, we are sure that all ranks have
nothing but pleasant recollections of the time spent at
Braintree and Bocking, where one and all treated us
with the greatest kindness, and we hope were sorry to
lose us. Where all were so kind it is almost invidious
to mention names, but one feels (though they themselves
would be the first to deny it) that a special debt
of gratitude is owed to the Nuns of the Convent at
Booking, (p. 029) whose kindness and care for those who were
billeted at the Convent, and for all with whom they
came in contact, were beyond all praise.

In order to prepare for any possible German landing
on the Essex coast orders had been issued for a series
of trenches to be dug to form defensive lines for the
protection of London, and we were at once set on to this
work, which was pushed on as rapidly as possible, systems
of trenches, redoubts, gun positions, and other defensive
works being put in hand. Our work was mainly at Panfield,
Marks Farm and Black Notley. It was not an
ideal season for trench digging, especially in the clay
of Essex, which was the “genuine” article, and we were
glad when the bulk of it was finished by Christmas.
This work was carried out under Royal Engineers’
supervision and was in some ways instructive, although
we thought that the principles we had been taught in
the Military Manuals were frequently violated by the
siting of trenches along the sides of prominent hedgerows.
Nevertheless, what we did was more after the
nature of what we were to meet in France, and therefore
of considerable practical value. That our work was
satisfactory was testified to by the insertion in Central
Force Orders of January 23rd, 1915, of the General
Officer Commanding-in-Chief’s keen appreciation of the
soldierly spirit and enthusiasm shewn for the work
by all ranks. All the same, we have no regrets that it
was never necessary to occupy the trenches for actual
warfare.

Owing to another scare Christmas leave was
cancelled. Scarborough had been bombarded on
December 22nd, and there was apparently a bit of a
“breeze.” According to one writer this was due to a
little lack of liaison between our Naval and Military
authorities. The former had apparently spread a
rumour that an invasion of the German Coast was to
take (p. 030) place, and the enemy concentrated numbers of
troops there in case it happened. This concentration
came to the knowledge of our military spies, who, however
were not told of the cause, and their report appears to
have caused our War Office to think that an invasion of
England was contemplated. We were not, however,
by any means dull at Christmas. On December 24th,
we beat the 6th Battalion 2—1 in the first round of
the Divisional Football competition, Vann being skipper,
and in the evening the Warrant Officers and N.C.O.’s had
a dance at Braintree Corn Exchange. On Christmas Day
there was Church Parade at Braintree, when the Bishop
of Derby preached. Later, dinners were issued on a
sumptuous scale, and in the evening the Officers were
entertained at the White Hart by the Colonel and Major
Fowler.

In a later round of the Divisional Cup Competition,
we beat the Divisional Mechanical Transport Column
3—0, and got into the semi-final, when, however, we were
badly beaten by the 4th Leicesters at Bishop’s Stortford,
by 3 goals to nil. In a Brigade paper chase which was
held on December 26th, Pvte. Allen of E Company
came in first.

On December 28th, we returned to Luton by train
to carry out final firing practices at the Wardown and
Galley Hill Ranges, and field firing practice at Dunstable
in appalling weather, when frost, snow and rain made
accurate shooting perfectly impossible, and we were
glad indeed to get back to Bocking on January 6th,
1915.

The rest of our time was spent in final training,
mainly carried out at Gosfield Park and Abbot’s Hall,
and in preparations for going out, in which the inspection
and completion of equipment of all kinds played a
prominent part. This was not too easy a job for the
young Company or Section Commanders, as the men by
this (p. 031) time were up to all the “old soldier” tricks, and
were very clever at making one article appear
almost simultaneously in half-a-dozen different kits.
Drill included a certain amount of new bayonet
fighting and other exercises under Major A. C.
Clarke, who had attended a course at Chelsea. Mules
arrived in January and were objects of much interest;
our miscellaneous transport vehicles were discarded and
replaced by new ordnance pattern issues, to which were
added two Lune Valley Cookers, kindly presented by
the ladies of Nottinghamshire. At the end of January
the Battalion had to be completely reorganised in order
to come into line with the regular Battalions: the old
8-Company system was abolished, and the 1914
Double Company organisation introduced, entailing an
immense amount of work and keeping us busy right up
to the time of our departure. The situation was not
helped by the absence of Major Fowler with eight
Subalterns and 407 recruits, who were away carrying
out musketry classification practices at Luton from
February 3rd to 20th.

Our chief relaxation at Bocking in the early
part of 1915 was night searching for elusive spies,
who were supposed to carry on lamp signalling;
more often than not when these were tracked down
they turned out to be innocent stable guards doing their
nightly rounds. At other times we picketed the roads
to hold up motor cars which were supposed to be acting
as guides to Zeppelins, but it is doubtful whether either
of these occupations did a great deal towards bringing
about the more rapid conclusion of the war.

One also remembers the excitement caused by
the first Boche aeroplane dropping bombs within a
mile of the village, which we, of course, imagined had
been dropped for our especial benefit. One of the
Scouts secured a “dud,” which was the object of
much (p. 032) interest to everyone, up to the Divisional
Commander.

It was about this time that the first distinguishing
patches were allotted to Battalions. Our first was a
square green patch worn behind the cap badge, undoubtedly
very smart, and the envy of the other
Battalions in the Brigade. When we got to France the
Officers of the Battalion had to wear two short vertical
green stripes at the top of the back of the jacket, to enable
them to be picked out from behind, as all ranks were
more or less similarly dressed and Officers’ swords were
discarded. Later still these marks were worn by all
ranks in the Battalion, and the practice was continued
up to the end of the war.

On February 15th, confidential orders were received
that we were to proceed abroad at a very early date.
Final preparations were put in hand, equipment, stores
and clothing were issued to complete, and everything
was made ready for a move.

On February 16th, Col. Huskinson received notice
of his appointment as Commander of Base Details on
Lines of Communication with Capt. G. Clarke as his
Adjutant. Col. Huskinson had been to a great extent
responsible for the recruiting of the Battalion to full
strength before the war, and his keenness and enthusiasm
throughout the difficult times of reorganisation and
training during these first six months of the war, contributed
largely to the high standard of morale and
general efficiency reached in England. One and all were
sorry to lose him, but we were glad indeed to find
that Major Fowler was to succeed him in Command of
the Battalion.

On February 19th, we had the honour of being
inspected with the rest of the Division by H.M. the King,
at Hallingbury Place, near Bishop’s Stortford.

Into (p. 033) the last few days was crowded an immense
amount of work, for the final arrangements never seemed
to finish, and changes took place right up to the last.
We were made up to establishment in Officers by the
arrival of Lieuts. G. S. Heathcote and F. B. Lawson,
and 2nd Lieuts. C. L. Hill and T. H. F. Adams, whilst
large reinforcements from the 2/8th Battalion on
February 22nd, brought us up to full strength, and when
we left Bocking on February 25th, we were 31 Officers
and 996 other ranks. Second Lieut. R. E. Hemingway
was left behind with 100 men as the First Reinforcement,
and the Orderly Room was handed over to the care of
Col.-Sergt. Instructor F. Kieran. We left by two trains
at 7.50 and 9.15 a.m., and by 4.0 p.m. had all
detrained at Southampton Docks.

On the whole the Battalion was well equipped, and
physically everyone was fit. The chief drawback
appeared to be that we had rather a large percentage of
young and inexperienced Officers and N.C.O.’s, but as
all had much to learn of the kind of warfare actually
going on, this was no great disadvantage. With so
many late additions and the very recent reorganisation,
few Commanders had had the opportunity of getting to
know their men. So far as training was concerned we
had covered in a way the whole of what the books had
to say, and were fairly well acquainted with ordinary
methods of fighting. There was a tendency towards
staleness at the moment, and it is doubtful whether
prolongation of our training in England would have been
beneficial. We felt somewhat ignorant of many practical
points affecting trench warfare, into which the fighting
on most of the Western front had degenerated, and
though we had received useful hints from Major Hume,
who had been out, we yet had a great deal to learn; this
we did in France, in the hard school of bitter experience.
Whatever our shortcomings, we felt proud indeed to
belong (p. 034) to the first complete Territorial Division to
embark for France.

At this time the personnel of Battalion and
Company Headquarters were as follows:—

CHAPTER II (p. 036)

FRANCE

February 25th, 1915.—June 20th, 1915.

As soon as the detrainment was completed, we
proceeded on board the “Mount Temple,” with
certain Royal Field Artillery Details, the ship being under
the command of Major Kent, R.F.A. At 6.30 p.m. we
dropped down to Netley, imagining we were off, instead
of which we anchored there for the night. The greater
part of the next day, February 26th, was spent on board
in physical and other exercises and inspections. Late in
the afternoon, much to our surprise, orders were received
that 21 Officers and 763 other ranks were to disembark,
presumably because it was not desirable for so many
troops to cross on a slow going boat like the “Mount
Temple.” Having left on board Major Clarke, Capt.
Ashwell, and Lieut. Heathcote with two-and-a-half
platoons of A Company, and Capts. Hodgkinson and
Davenport with the Signal, Transport and Machine-Gun
Sections, the remainder of us disembarked about 6.30 p.m.,
and proceeded to a Rest Camp about three miles outside
Southampton. It was very disappointing to be split up,
but there was nothing to be done but to make the best
of it. We cannot say that our two days’ stay at the
Rest Camp was exactly enjoyable, for the camp was
uncomfortable, and no passes were allowed to the town.
We therefore fully appreciated the kindness of the ladies
of the St. John Ambulance Association, who had huts
near the camp, and gave us most excellent meals.

On February 28th, a further contingent of 101 men
under Captain Becher embarked on the “Caledonian,”
and later in the day the rest of us went on board a small
Clyde (p. 037) pleasure steamer, the “King Edward,” where we
were crowded beyond description. Neither party sailed,
however, that day, and we spent the night on board.
The next day those on the “King Edward” had to
disembark once again! This took place early in the
morning, and after a little wandering we ultimately
obtained billets for the Officers at the Central Hotel,
and for the men at the Watt Memorial Hall.

In the end we embarked on the “King Edward”
on the afternoon of March 2nd, and sailed the same night.
There was so much to interest everyone until we got
out to sea that we had little time in which to indulge
sentimental feelings. That gliding down Southampton
Water in silence broken only by the throbbing of
the engines, with lights out, sentries posted, and in some
cases Machine-Guns mounted, the sudden appearance
out of the darkness from somewhere off the Isle of Wight
of a destroyer to pilot us across the Channel, the challenge
to the ship as to who we were, and the order to “carry
on,” the numberless rays of searchlights sweeping around
on all sides—such was the start of our great expedition,
precisely the same, no doubt, as that of most other troops
who crossed during the war.

We had an excellent crossing and anchored off
Havre early the following morning, disembarking about
7.30 a.m. The morning was spent amongst the hangars
at the docks, drawing sheep-skin coats and other
equipment. Here we were met by Major Clarke who
reported that Capt. Ashwell with two platoons had
already proceeded up country, and that they had all
had a very uncomfortable time at Havre, sleeping in
trucks or wherever they could. They had been joined
by M. Lacolle, who was to be attached to the Battalion
as Interpreter. After dinner we marched down to our
entraining point, and were able to entrain more or
less at leisure during the afternoon—our first experience
of (p. 038) a French Troop train. Later on we got accustomed
to their ideas, but certainly for the men, and often for
Officers too, the French way is not quite in accordance
with our own ideas, and we must confess it went very
much against the grain to have to crowd 36 to 40 men
in nothing more or less than a cattle truck. “Hommes
40: Chevaux 8,” may be all right for the “Chevaux,”
but for the “Hommes” we consider a revised number
is required.

During these first few hours spent at Havre we
learnt to appreciate the Y.M.C.A. huts, which supplied
much excellent refreshment, and the Officers will certainly
not forget the delicious tea and cakes so generously
provided by Mrs. Pitt.

We left for the North at 5.15 p.m. At Rouen a
halt was made for the engine to take in water, and ourselves
coffee and rum. The taste of the latter was new
to most of us, but we liked it well enough to hope that
we might make its acquaintance again. Early in the
morning of March 4th, we had a short “halte repas”
at Abbeville for breakfast, and continuing via Calais
and St. Omer we eventually, about 1 p.m., after a
20 hours journey, detrained at Cassel, which if tradition
does not lie, was the happy hunting ground of the
good old Duke of York, who

“Had ten thousand men,
He marched ’em up to the top of the hill,
And he marched ’em down again.”

If the English Tommy of those days was anything like
the modern “Old Bill” he probably had something
pointed to say about the Hill of Cassel, and was equally
unappreciative of the magnificent view one got from
its summit!

Capt. Ashwell met us at the Station and acted as
our guide to the little village of Oudezeele, which we
reached about 5 o’clock after a trying seven miles’ march.
The (p. 039) men were tired after their long, cramped journey;
many wore new boots, whilst all were weighed down
with enormous packs, which had been added to by the
newly drawn sheep-skin coats. It was not surprising
that under such conditions many fell out, and that most
of us were thoroughly weary by the time we reached our
destination. Ashwell and his party too, had not had a
pleasant time. Strangers in a strange land without
Battalion, Brigade or Divisional Headquarters—or any
of the other luxuries which make life worth living—they
had found existence rather precarious. Ashwell himself
had walked 45 miles in three days in search of rations,
so that our arrival with the transport was more than
welcome.

We found our billets rather strange after the houses
and cottages to which we had become accustomed in
England, as they consisted mostly of scattered farms,
several platoons and sometimes a whole Company or
more being billeted at one farm, generally in barns.

Capt. Becher and his party arrived late the following
day, having been kept three days on the “Caledonian,”
and the Battalion was once more complete. As the
rest of the Brigade had crossed before us and had already
gone up for trench instruction, we were temporarily
attached to the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade.

We spent a few days training at Oudezeele, including
one or two route marches to get accustomed to the pavé
roads, and Edge, as newly appointed Sniping Officer,
gave a little special instruction in that branch of warfare.
We had a visit from Major-General Stuart-Wortley,
who discussed the training to be carried out, and our
coming duties in the trenches. The weather was very
cold, and a good deal of work was in the shape of lectures
in billets, and the reading of various routine and other
orders issued to troops on arrival.

It (p. 040) was during one of our route marches in this
district, which took us through the little village of
Wormhoudt, that we made our first acquaintance with
French troops. Many of them were back resting in
billets, and the warm welcome they gave us as we
passed through the narrow streets of the village crowded
with French “poilus,” the whole Battalion whistling
the “Marseillaise,” was an experience which will not
be readily forgotten.

On March 9th, we marched with the Lincoln and
Leicester Brigade via Cassel, Caestre (where General
Smith-Dorrien saw us march past), and Strazeele to
Merris, where we joined up with the rest of our Brigade,
back from their course of instruction in the trenches.
Fortunately the fur coats which had caused us so much
trouble on the last march were now carried for us by
motor ‘bus. At Merris we saw our first real signs of
fighting, both the Church and the Hospice having been
hit several times by shells, whilst there were isolated
graves of both French and English scattered about the
surrounding country. Here too, we saw our first
“fighting” aeroplane (armed with one short French Rifle),
which had crashed just outside the village. It was
also at Merris that we had our first experience of paying
a Company “in the Field.” Instructions on the subject
had led us to believe that this was a complicated
performance, but in practice it turned out to be quite
easy. Company “Imprests” were at a later date done
away with and a Battalion Imprest instituted, which
was much more convenient, as also was the very handy
“Officer’s Advance Book,” which was introduced later.
At first there seemed but little check on the money
that was drawn, and Field Cashiers appeared to issue
money to all and sundry on the flimsiest authority.

Preparations were being made about this time for
a British offensive at Neuve Chapelle, and our Brigade
was (p. 041) attached temporarily to General Gough’s 2nd
Cavalry Division, with the object, if the attack succeeded,
of breaking through in the region of the Bois du Biez.
In order to be nearer the scene of operations we were
moved from Merris at an hour’s notice at noon on
March 10th, and marched via Rouge Croix to Bac-St.
Maur. This was a memorable experience, but later on we
became accustomed to rapid movement, and the great
concentration of troops which was necessary when
fighting was imminent. Transport marched brigaded,
and in passing through Sailly-sur-Lys in the darkness
seemed to be so mixed up in the seething mass of
men that we almost began to doubt if they would
ever extricate themselves. Under the guiding hand
and voice of Capt. Davenport, however, our Transport
eventually got clear. During this operation “Davvy”
evidently made a great impression on one soldier (a
Regular), by his forcible language, as the latter was
heard to remark “There’s a bloke what knows ‘is job.”
Confusion was great in Bac-St. Maur too, for when we
got there, the billets which we had been allotted were
still occupied by Canadians. Eventually, we all got
shelter of a kind, in probably the dirtiest and poorest
billets we ever had either in France or Belgium. This
was our first meeting with our Canadian friends, and we
can hardly say we were impressed, though we all knew
well what they were made of. We have specially vivid
recollections of one Canadian sentry on duty at night
opposite D Company’s billet, evidently “well away,”
loosing off his rifle at intervals, apparently to let us
know that he was “present and correct.” One bullet
was close enough to be unpleasant, and fetched a lump
off the tree just outside the window. In this area we
were nearer to the line than we had yet been, some of
our guns firing from quite close to the village, and we
found it an interesting experience to see for the first
time an aeroplane being shelled.

We (p. 042) stood by for two days, ready to move at a
moment’s notice, hearing much of the noise of the
battle. The attack, however, was not successful and the
Bois du Biez plan, therefore, fell through. On March 13th,
we got orders to move to fresh billets. We had to travel
light as we were still regarded as a “flying column.”
Much superfluous kit was left behind, to be sent for
later on, and the weird bundles left at the Estaminet
at Bac-St. Maur will not readily be forgotten. We
marched that afternoon via Estaires to Neuf Berquin,
where we had again to be content with rather crowded,
if somewhat more comfortable billets than we had left.

One or two changes in personnel had already taken
place. Capt. Hodgkinson gave up the appointment of
Quar.-Master owing to some technicalities, and for the
moment acted as Censor. In this capacity he was obliged,
to our great annoyance, to carry out the order to relieve
us of our cameras, which were sent home,—no doubt on the
whole a wise and necessary precaution. Capt. Hodgkinson
was succeeded as Quar.-Master by Lieut. Torrance, who
was destined, with a short break in 1918, to carry out the
duties up to the end of the war. He performed them
with much success, and in a way that only Torrance could.
On his appointment as Quar. Master, the Orderly Room
came under the charge of Corpl. R. Harvey, who carried
out his difficult task with the utmost devotion, without
a break until the last man of the Battalion was
demobilised. Second Lieut. G. W. Fosbery, who
received his Commission as we were about to cross to
France, took over his platoon from Handford, who as
Signalling Officer had enough other work to keep him
busy.

We stayed at Neuf Berquin for ten days and did a
considerable amount of useful training, but unfortunately
at this time many men were sick, owing to the bad
water, so that parades were somewhat small. In addition
to (p. 043) continued route marches to keep feet in condition
we practised formations for advancing through woods
in the Bois d’Aval, open warfare attack under the
watchful eye of General Gough, and several trench-to-trench
attacks on the leap-frog principle, the first line
capturing and holding the front trench, and other lines
passing through them to attack the support trenches.
We also began to practise making and throwing the
old “jam-tin bomb,” the beginning of the attack of
“bomb fever,” which unfortunately was to play such
a prominent part in the warfare of the next two or three
years, undoubtedly to the detriment of all sound training
and tactics.

Arrangements had meanwhile been made for our
initiation into the mysteries of real trench warfare, and
with that object in view we were moved on March 24th,
to Vieux Berquin, and on the 26th, across the frontier
to Romarin in Belgium, being once more attached to
the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade. Much to our regret
the rum issue was stopped the next day!

We were attached for instruction to the 10th
Infantry Brigade, 4th Division, and the programme
arranged allowed each Company to spend two nights
in the trenches, with a break of 24 hours in billets. The
Battalions to which we were attached included the
Royal Irish Rifles, 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers, Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders, 2nd Seaforth Highlanders,
and 2nd Royal Warwicks, who held the trenches about
Ploegsteert and opposite Messines.

The first night each Officer and man studied the
work of his counterpart in the Battalion to which he
was attached, and the second night platoons were allotted
definite lengths of trench, for which they were held
responsible. This first experience was not exactly full
of incident, as on the whole we had a very quiet time,
but for us, as for all others on their first visit to the
line, (p. 044) many little incidents of everyday trench routine
were novel and exciting. Recollection lingers on the
long, slow tramp to the trenches, along corduroy tracks
in thick darkness lighted up from time to time by
Very lights from our own trenches and by the infinitely
superior ones from the enemy (we recollect that some of
us, faithful to our instructions, but slightly misguided,
began ducking quite five miles behind the line when a flare
went up), the constant order to keep closed up, the
whizz of bullets, at every one of which we ducked
instantly, the cracking of rifles, the ‘dead cow’ smell
which afterwards became so painfully familiar, the
arrival at the trenches and the posting of sentries.
Later the cautious creeping over the parapet to look
at the wire and at dawn stand-to, followed by the
frizzling of bacon and the brewing of tea (in these days
each side had a more or less respectable breakfast,
evidenced by the columns of smoke that went up from
the respective front line trenches directly after stand-down).
Such incidents we feel sure were sufficiently
novel at the time to impress themselves vividly on the
memories of those whom a kindly fate has preserved to
read these recollections.

Probably the most uncanny feeling some of us had
was, when on starting from Battalion Headquarters for the
trenches, we met a stretcher party carrying out one of our
own men, Comp. Sergt.-Major Hopkinson, who had been
wounded by a sniper, and was our first casualty. It was
an experience that everyone had to go through, but it
was not pleasant. Hopkinson and two men of D Company
wounded by shell fire were our only casualties during
our instructional tours. That we did not make a bad
impression is attested by a letter written from an Officer
of the 2nd Seaforths, who says:—”I thought your
Officers and men most awfully keen, and I was immensely
struck by the way your men came into the trench—no
noise (p. 045) at all, and perfect discipline and quietness and
keenness. They were awfully willing to act up to any
small suggestions you made as to what they ought to
do. They came in so much better than Regulars,
and I was genuinely filled with admiration for them.
They were a splendid body of men.” It is, perhaps,
needless to say that we on our part much appreciated
the great kindness shewn us by the units to which we
were attached. Those of us who happened to be in
or near Petit Douvre Farm during this attachment were
much interested in finding some of the early drawings of
Bairnsfather, as done for the “Bystander.” The interior
walls of the farm were covered with his charcoal sketches,
in some cases to the order of Commanding Officers who
were to follow! It was at the same farm that Pvte. Cottam,
of D Company, acted as head butcher in the slaughter
of an abandoned pig, causing a good deal of excitement
before final despatch. Most of the men brought away
with them “souveneers” of this first visit, none more
unaccountable than the dud 77 mm. shell carried about
in his pack for several days, by a sturdy sanitary man
of A Company—in fact, until discovered by a rather
alarmed Company Commander.

On March 31st, we left Romarin, and marched back
to our old billets at Vieux Berquin, being met at
Doulieu and escorted from there by the 6th Battalion
band. Only one band had been allowed to come out
with the Brigade, and after some discussion that of the
6th Battalion was selected, and carried on up to the end
of the war, virtually as a Brigade Band.

Orders were received on April 1st, for our Division
to take over its first portion of the British front in relief
of the 28th Division, and on April 2nd we marched with
the rest of the Brigade via Bailleul to Locre, in Belgium.
As few, if any of us, had ever studied Flemish, the
language question in some of the villages of Flanders
presented (p. 046) a little difficulty, but with his guiding principle
of “tout-de-suite, and the touter the sweeter,” the British
Tommy never seemed to have any trouble in getting
what he wanted. We were disposed to think sometimes
that the Belgians did not look very kindly on us.
Perhaps it was because in our early days we were rather
inclined to take too much notice of the frequent reports
we heard of supposed Belgian spies, and of Belgians
being in communication by various means with the
Boche on the other side of the lines. One well remembers
the suggestion made from time to time that signalling
was carried on by means of the windmill on Mont Rouge,
or by the display of washing laid out to dry on the ground
by Belgian housewives. At any rate we did find a house
at Locre, where a number of pigeons were kept, a fact
which aroused the suspicions of some of the Officers of
D Company, and in the same house were discovered
quantities of British stores of all kinds, which must have
been got from our troops in a not too straightforward
manner. Some of the inhabitants, too, treated us with
scant courtesy. It was here that the lady of the
establishment removed the handle from the pump
where Sergt. Markham’s platoon was billeted, and not
content with that went a step further, and for some
reason best known to herself, gave him a cold douche
when asleep one night. Some of us, on the other hand,
were more fortunate in our billets, and all who went to
the Hospice can have nothing but the most pleasant
recollections of the great kindness of the Mother Superior
and other ladies. Padre Hales, who left us to be attached
to Brigade Headquarters, when we crossed to France,
was billeted there with our Field Ambulance, and we
were allowed to go there for baths when out of the line,
and always received much kindness and hospitality.
Unfortunately during the German onslaught in 1918, this
delightful place was completely destroyed. The bathing
arrangements (p. 047) in general at this time were somewhat poor,
the nearest military baths being at Bailleul, about four
miles away, so that we were very delighted at receiving
during our stay at Locre, from Miss Gilstrap, of
Winthorpe, Newark, three galvanised iron baths, with
boiler complete. With these and other local devices
we were able to get the men bathed at their own billets,
which was a great boon. Another similar consignment
from Mrs. John Becher, unfortunately got lost in the
post, but we trust was of benefit to some other unit.

The Avenue Kemmel, 1915.
Reproduced by permission of Lieut.-Col. C. W. Birkin, C.M.G., T.D.

In the afternoon of Easter Eve, April 3rd, we
attended a Church Parade, taken by the Bishop of
London, of which many of us have bitter recollections,
as owing to a mistake in Divisional Orders, we were
rigged out in full marching order. Further, as it was
a damp and windy day, few of us could hear a word of
the address, and all wanted to get as much sleep as
possible in view of the great adventure before us.
The same night, which turned out to be miserably wet,
we left Locre, to take over the trench sector in front of
Kemmel held by the 1st Devons. Company Commanders
had already been in the trenches for 24 hours to get the
lie of the land, and they, together with the guides of the
Devons, met us at the appointed rendezvous, the celebrated
band stand at Kemmel. There were, of course,
no lights; rations and trench fuel, which had been
taken up by the Transport, were issued in sandbags,
and water in petrol tins, and each platoon was then led
off by itself. When one looks back on trench reliefs,
one is inclined to wonder how on some occasions they
were carried out at all, the possibilities of going wrong
seemed so great. In the present case, however, nothing
untoward happened, and we set off by our various
routes to the front line, passing such favourite spots as
the “Sahara Desert” (the final resting place of every
bullet fired within a radius of five miles, or so it seemed),
the (p. 048) “Willows,” “Irish Farm” or “The Orchard,”
and into the G and H trenches. In our heavy greatcoats
and with full packs, which we continued religiously
to carry for many months for no apparent reason, the
journey was not pleasant, and we were not sorry to get
into the trenches, where the relief was completed about
11 p.m. C Company being mainly composed of miners
and under the command of a Mining Engineer, were
put in the right sector where was our only mine, much
to the relief of, at least, one Company Commander, who
had mental visions of a mine as a large black cavern,
where hand-to-hand fighting went on incessantly! A
Company had the centre and D Company the left, B
Company occupying the two supporting points and
billets in Kemmel Village. Battalion Headquarters
were at the Doctor’s house in Kemmel, and the Transport
and Quar.-Master’s Stores remained at Locre.

There was practically only one trench line at this
time, and this, like most of the trenches in Belgium and
the low lying districts, was a line of breastworks with
very little wire in front, and only one or two small supporting
points. The opposing front lines varied from
25 to about 300 yards apart, being closest at “Peckham
Corner,” on the right. Shelters were built mostly of
timber and corrugated iron, strengthened with sandbags,
and were generally in the parados of the trench.

Easter day—our first day holding a bit of line on
our own—was fairly quiet, except for a little shelling
of D Company on the left during the afternoon. On
the right, some men of C Company sang hymns, and
the enemy made overtures for a truce by showing
a white flag. About 40 of them appeared on the
parapet, and a brisk conversation ensued for several
minutes across “No Man’s Land.” A somewhat unflattering
remark from one of the enemy who had a
wonderful knowledge of forcible English, ended the
armistice rather hurriedly.

On (p. 049) most nights during these early days of the war,
each side had its turn at five or ten rounds “rapid”
to relieve the monotony of things. In this we were on
equal terms with the enemy, but during the day we
were hopelessly outclassed owing to the great shortage
of periscopes, and the lack of telescopic rifles and well
constructed loophole plates, of all of which the Hun
seemed to have an abundant supply. It was long before
we got anything like adequate numbers of these very
necessary trench requisites. It was not surprising,
therefore, that for some time the Boche snipers had the
upper hand and could do almost what they liked. Their
shooting was extremely accurate, and as the trenches
were enfiladed on all sides, and there was in many cases
little parados, we soon had casualties, most of which
were sentries shot through the head. Our first fatal
casualty was Pvte. Hyde, of A Company, shot in this
way on April 6th. We were also short and entirely
inexperienced in the use of rifle grenades and trench
mortars, with which the enemy made very good practice.
A large trench mortar certainly did find its way up to the
trenches by some means one day, and provided considerable
amusement to our men. It is reported to have
dropped its first bomb into the enemy trench, and its
second into our own—its erratic behaviour ultimately
making it no doubt more annoying to ourselves than
to the enemy. Lieuts. A. Hacking and Hollins were
the pioneers in the use of rifle grenades, with which
they eventually did good work at “Peckham Corner.”

After a tour of four days which were most
uncomfortable owing to constant rain, we returned
to Locre. The system of four days in trenches and
four in billets, taking turns with the 6th Battalion,
continued for some time with little variation. When
out of the line we, of course, had to find those never-to-be-forgotten
working parties, which had become
part (p. 050) of the normal trench warfare system. Having
had a hard four days in the trenches, it was never a
pleasant duty to have to march up three or four miles on
one or perhaps two nights out of our few days’ rest, to do
a job for the Royal Engineers or some other specialists in
the trenches. Otherwise, our stays at Locre were fairly
pleasant. There were no great attractions, but we had
enough to do as a rule in general training and cleaning,
and the country round about was extremely pleasant,
either for walking or riding. Perhaps the greatest
excitement was to go down to Bailleul to shop and call
on “Tina.” Such luxuries as Canteens for supplying
the wants of the inner man were quite unknown in these
early days, when we had to rely mainly on parcels from
home or purchases in the local towns.

Work in the trenches consisted mainly of
strengthening or rebuilding the parapet and parados,
and in putting out barbed wire defences. As a rule, we
wanted far more sandbags than were ever forthcoming,
but in these days they were used indiscriminately, and
in consequence many very weak structures were built,
which could not possibly stand without support through
a single wet season. The barbed wire defences were
very poor, and as soon as we got into the way of doing
it much time was spent in that not too pleasant work,
for Boche snipers did execution by night as well as by
day, and made themselves very objectionable. Our
entanglements consisted mainly of “knife-rests”—wooden
frames strung with barbed wire. These were
made by the men in the Brigade workshop at Kemmel,
run by Major Wordsworth, the Staff Captain, to which
each Battalion contributed a quota of pioneers and
trade specialists. One Officer learnt a very practical
lesson in their use from the enemy. He had some
carefully placed in position one night, where he
thought his wire particularly weak, but his spirits fell
to (p. 051) zero the following morning, when on looking over
the top he saw his precious knife-rests in position
guarding the Boche trenches opposite! From that time
onwards knife-rests were securely fastened to each other
and to the ground. Our Brigade (hereafter known as
the 139th Infantry Brigade) had a good reputation for
trench work, and the digging element was used to great
advantage by the 6th Battalion commencing what was
one of the first long communication trenches dug on the
British front. It extended from the front line nearly
back to Kemmel and was for ever known as the “Via
Gellia.” In its later stages it was worked on by ourselves.
This trench was a great convenience, as it enabled reliefs
to be carried out much more securely by avoiding going
over the open, and permitted of visits of inspection to be
made by daylight, and the wounded to be carried back
to the dressing station at Kemmel. In the early days
they remained in the trenches until it was dark enough
for the journey to be made over the top.

On April 22nd, we experienced a little of the backwash
of the first Hun gas attack against the French and
Canadians in the Ypres Salient a few miles North of us.
During most of the time we had been in this area there
had been considerable activity in that quarter, and the
shelling and burning of Ypres could be plainly seen from
the Kemmel trenches. This attack was the beginning
of the second battle of Ypres. The only effect on
ourselves of the gas used on this occasion, was to make
our eyes smart and a few men sick. It did, however,
cause a commotion on all sides, and with unaccustomed
speed, the first consignment of respirators was sent out to
us—pieces of gauze which had to be filled with tea-leaves,
damped, and fastened round the mouth in the event of
attack. These were improved from time to time, and a
little later we got a gas-proof smoke helmet—the earliest
form known as “P,” and the later as “P.H.” Vermorel
sprayers (p. 052) were also provided in due course, and some
solution for spraying the trenches to clear them of gas.
Bells and gongs formed of shell cartridge cases or pieces
of iron were also hung in the trenches to be sounded
by the sentry if any sign of cloud gas was seen.
There was perhaps a natural tendency to imagine gas
when there was none, and an official report of gas by C
Company on the night of May 8th, was found to be due
to the proximity of a dead cow.

April 24th witnessed our first serious bombardment.
We had already had several somewhat severe baptisms,
but they were trifling in comparison. About 6 p.m., after
an exceptionally quiet day, and just before we were to
be relieved, the enemy began an organised trench mortar
bombardment of G1 and 2, occupied by platoons of C
and D Companies, and H 4 held by Lieut. Vann and his
platoon of B Company. It lasted for about an hour, and
made large breaches in the parapet of G1 and 2, and
practically demolished the whole of H 4, a small isolated
trench on the extreme left, opposite Petit Bois. Both
these trenches were completely enfiladed by the Boche,
so that their shooting was extremely accurate. It was
thought at one time that the enemy might attempt a
raid on G1 and 2, but this did not develop. A Machine
Gun team consisting of L.-Corpl. Sharrock and Pvtes.
Hopewell and Davis, which was posted in G1, behaved
most coolly, and Sergt. A. Phillipson, of D Company, did
very gallant work in the same trench under heavy fire with
Pvtes. Coombes and Durand, all in a more or less dazed
condition, helping to dig out the wounded. On the left
Vann and his platoon had a very bad time. Whilst he
was digging out wounded a bomb fell close by, killing
four and burying three others, and blowing Vann himself
several yards across the open at the back of the trench,
and practically wiping out the garrison. Major Becher
brought up reinforcements and helped Vann to get the
position (p. 053) made good, and great assistance was given by
2nd Lieut. Hollins and L.-Corpl. Humberstone. Pvtes.
F. Boothby and A. Gleaden of B Company also did
excellent work, helping to dig out and dress the wounded,
most of the time in full view of the enemy, not more
than 70 yards away. The 2nd Royal Scots on our
immediate left, also gave us valuable assistance. Our
total casualties during the hour’s bombardment were
14 men killed and two Officers (Vann and Gray), and
14 men wounded. When we were back at Locre
after this tour, General Shipley spoke to the Battalion
on parade and thanked them for the good work done,
especially congratulating Vann, and on the following
day the General Officer Commanding our Division also
congratulated the Battalion on its behaviour under fire.

Several changes took place during April, owing to
casualties. Capt. Allen went down sick on April 6th,
and Lieut. James took over the command of D Company
until the 14th, when Capt. Hodgkinson was appointed.
He, however, also had a short stay there, for on April
22nd, when in an excess of zeal to see what was going on
opposite G1, where some suspicious work was reported,
he apparently thought he could sufficiently camouflage
himself behind a pair of field glasses to gaze over the
top of the parapet, the almost immediate result was a
bullet which just grazed his head, and he, too, had to
leave us. D Company then came under Capt. Lane.
Second Lieut. Eddison, our first fatal Officer casualty,
was killed on April 21st, being hit by a bullet whilst out
wiring, and though help was instantly rendered by
Drummers Newton and Robb, who pulled him out of
the shell-hole of water, into which he had fallen, and
carried him into the trench, he died in a few minutes.
Four Officers were down for a short time with measles,
including Capt. Martyn, who unfortunately was
invalided to England, and was succeeded in command
of (p. 054) C Company, by Capt. H. G. Wright. Martyn served
later in Ireland and France, as Second-in-Command of
the 2/8th Battalion and in command of the 2/7th
Battalion, and won the D.S.O. and M.C. Lieut. Lawson
got a shell wound in the shoulder and had to leave, and
2nd Lieuts. Gray and Vann also had to be in hospital
for a short time from what was later known as “shell-shock.”
A great loss, too, was Sergt. Wilmore, a very
gallant soldier, who was sniped one day when outside
his trench.

May found us beginning to feel our feet. The Commanding
Officer had talks with Officers as to a more
aggressive attitude being taken up; we had a lecture
from Major Howard, R.E., at Kemmel as to the construction
of an invisible loophole, low down in the parapet,
and so built as to afford a good field of fire and permit of
our replying better to the Hun snipers. Sergt.-Drummer
Clewes also got into action with his telescopic rifle from
sniping posts cunningly placed behind the front line,
the only possible position from which really successful
sniping could be done, and was not long in getting
quite a good “bag.” Shortly afterwards he was put
in charge of the newly-formed Brigade Sniping Section.
A trench mortar was actually got into use, and did
a certain amount of damage to the Boche trenches, but
naturally produced considerable retaliation. Further
efforts to fire rifle grenades met with some success,
whilst a “Gamage” catapult introduced to throw bombs
provided, at any rate, a little amusement. In patrolling
considerable progress was made. Second Lieut. A.
Hacking did some very daring work at “Peckham
Corner,” and near Petit Bois; 2nd Lieut. Hollins and
L.-Corpls. Heath and G. Gadd of B Company made
splendid reconnaissances of the enemy’s wire; and 2nd
Lieut. Edge, who was always to the fore in wiring, no
matter how bright the night, carried out a daring daylight
reconnaissance, (p. 055) the first attempted in the Battalion,
getting nearly up to the German front line in company
with Pvte. C. E. Bryan, of A Company. Pvte. W. O’Brien,
of the same Company, was another who knew no danger;
in fact, at night it was difficult to keep these two men
in the trench at all. Daring patrols were also carried
out by 2nd Lieut. Vann, Sergt. Pickering and L.-Corpl.
Humberstone. Perhaps the most successful was a
fighting patrol, which went out on the night of May
9-10th under 2nd Lieut. Oates, with the object of
rounding up a Hun patrol. Oates, who had a party
of six men with him, went forward with Pvte. Nicholson,
leaving the remainder behind, to within about 50
yards of the German wire. On their way back they
ran into a Boche patrol. Oates promptly shot one
man, Nicholson bayoneted another, whilst two others
who were wounded got away. Oates and his party
got back safely.

On May 14th, we carried out one of those little
manoeuvres which may have been of immense importance,
but appeared to us at the moment to be so much waste
of time, trouble and energy. Instead of proceeding to
the trenches that night according to programme, we got
sudden orders to “embus” for Hill 60, in the Ypres
Salient, to dig there under Royal Engineers’ supervision
for the 5th Division. The net result was that of the 600
who went, 400 dug for one-and-a-half hours, and 200 for
three-quarters-of-an-hour, after which the party returned
to Locre in the ‘buses. The idea, doubtless, was a good
one, as it was necessary to dig more trenches where part
of our line had given way during the recent fighting,
but the organisation of the work seemed to leave a good
deal to be desired. It was the remnants of a Canadian
Battalion returning from this fighting in the Salient
shortly after midnight on one occasion, whilst we were
back at Locre, which made us think we must have had
more (p. 056) than an ordinary nightmare, for we awoke with
a start to hear the strains of a brass band coming along
the pavé,—at 1 a.m. such a proceeding seemed decidedly
strange. It was not long, however, before we found
that all was well, and that it was our own Brigade
Band playing the Canadians through the village. This
was evidently appreciated by them, for one of their
number in a letter to the Daily Telegraph, after describing
the magic effect of the music on his men, concludes with
the remark: “The Canadians will remember how the band
of the Sherwood Foresters played them through the
darkness at midnight out of ‘Bloody Ypres.'”

About the middle of May we began reliefs with
the 7th Battalion, and our sector was extended slightly
left to include some of the J trenches opposite Petit
Bois. An interesting entry in the War Diary is that
May 16th, the day following relief, was the first day
absolutely free from casualties since we took over our
portion of the line. This, however, must have been
an exceptional day, for bad luck so far as casualties
went pursued us with great regularity. Capt. Lane
was badly wounded on May 26th, when out wiring, and
the command of D Company then passed to Lieut.
James. Capt. H. G. Wright, to the great regret of
his friends in all ranks was killed on June 6th, being
shot, through the double loophole plate from which he
was firing, and was succeeded in command of C Company
by Capt. G. S. Heathcote. Lieuts. Kirby and Weetman
and 2nd Lieut. Fosbery were wounded in May, and
2nd Lieut. Oates early in June, and all had to leave
the Battalion. Capt. Ashwell and 2nd Lieut. Edge
were also slightly wounded. Our only reinforcement
Officers were 2nd Lieuts. N. L. Hindley and G. G.
Elliott. Comp. Sergt.-Major Mabbott, of A Company,
was invalided to the Base, and was succeeded by
Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Haywood, Sergt. G. W.
Godfrey (p. 057) being promoted Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt.
in his place. Comp. Sergt.-Major Mounteney, B Company,
was invalided to England and Sergt. Chappell
was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of that Company.
Sergt. J. A. Green was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of
C Company in place of Comp. Sergt.-Major Hopkinson
wounded, and Sergt. T. Powell became Comp. Sergt.-Major
of D Company after Comp. Sergt.-Major Spencer
left, also wounded. The latter obtained a Commission
some time later, only to be killed in France when
doing excellent work in command of a Company of
another Battalion of the Regiment. A change had also
taken place in the Brigade Staff, Major E. M. Morris,
the Brigade Major, who had worked so strenuously all
through our period of training in England, and done
so much to help us in learning our job in France, having
left on June 1st, to take command of the 2nd Royal
Irish Rifles. He was succeeded by Major W. G. Neilson,
D.S.O., of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.

Early in June we moved still further left and took
over more of the J and K trenches, with the reserve
company at Siege Farm, and Battalion Headquarters
at Rossignol Farm. Our numbers at this time were
swelled by the presence of a Company of the 8th King’s
Royal Rifle Corps who were attached for instruction—the
first of Kitchener’s Army that we had seen.

Sketch Shewing Arrangement Of Mine Galleries.

Our severest handling in the Kemmel area occurred
on the last day of our last tour there, and was begun
by the blowing of enemy mines, a form of warfare
which had already developed considerably at various
points along the battle front. Tunnelling Companies
of the Royal Engineers had been formed, but their
numbers were not sufficient to cope with all the work,
and in order to help them Mining Sections were formed
in some of the Infantry Brigades as well. From the
miners of the 139th Brigade, it was not difficult to select
suitable (p. 058) men for this purpose, and towards the end of
May, a small party was taken from the Battalion to
join the Brigade Mining Section, which was put under
the command of Capt. Piggford. Included in the party
were Corpls. Boot and Attenborough, both of whom later
received decorations for gallantry in underground work.
These Brigade Sections were normally used for defensive
mining only—broadly to prevent the enemy blowing
up our trenches. The Royal Engineers’ Tunnelling
Companies on the other hand, were employed for offensive
work in blowing up the enemy. Where mining was
feared, sentries in the front line had to report at once if
any suspicious sounds were heard, which might indicate
that the enemy were mining in the neighbourhood, in
order (p. 059) that protective measures might be taken. The
J trenches, which varied from 30 to 70 yards away
from those of the Boche, were mostly built on water-logged
ground, where to sink shafts and drive galleries
was not an easy task. Nevertheless, for some time
signs and sounds had been reported which seemed to
indicate that mining on the part of the enemy was
going on in this very region. Attempts had, therefore,
been made by us to sink shafts and take counter measures,
but these had proved unavailing owing to the bad nature
of the ground. The enemy, however, succeeded where
we failed, and on June 15th, exploded three mines, one
of which blew up a portion of J 3 Right. This took
place at 9.10 p.m., when the 7th Battalion were just
beginning to arrive to relieve us. At the same time
a terrific fire was opened with artillery, trench mortars,
rifle grenades, Machine Guns and rifles, and for over an
hour an incessant cannonade was kept up on our front
line, Support Company and Battalion Dump. Telephone
wires were broken—an occurrence looked on later with
less anxiety as it happened so often, and we had
no S.O.S. signal; pigeon service, which had been
established in the trenches just before this time, was, of
course, of no avail for night work, and Battalion Headquarters
were out of communication with the trenches
except by runner. Our reply to the bombardment was
almost negligible, and whatever the politicians and their
statistics may prove, we know that our supply of gun
ammunition at this time was totally inadequate. Some
of the enemy got into the mine crater, but were driven
out by C Company at the point of the bayonet. Pvte.
J. Sharman, of B Company, who was practically the only
man left in the trench when the enemy tried to occupy
it, shot one and drove off another, both of them having
attacked him at the same time. He was hit on the leg
by a dud bomb, and got a bullet through his haversack.
Excellent (p. 060) work was also done by Corpl. Humberstone
in reorganising the garrison, and by L.-Corpl. Templeman
and Pvte. Tongue in repairing telephone wires. Eventually
things quietened down, and when the relief was complete,
we returned to Locre for a few days’ well-earned rest.
Our casualties were unfortunately heavy, and included
two excellent Officers, Eric Dobson and Humphrey
Hollins, also Corpl. Wilcox and eight men killed, and
29 wounded, whilst the 6th King’s Own Yorkshire Light
Infantry, some of whom were in the trenches with us for
instruction, also lost several men.

Map Shewing Kemmel Sector Spring. 1915.

This was one of the earliest raids that ever took
place, and was planned doubtless to inflict casualties
and secure prisoners, but not to capture trenches. One
man of D Company is reported to have blamed this
affair for the loss of a pair of boots, as he assured his
Platoon Commander at a kit inspection a little later
“that they were lost when that there mine at Kemmel
went up!” As no man had more than one pair at a
time the Platoon Commander scratched his head.

Thus ended our stay in the Kemmel sector, which
was taken over by the 50th (Northumbrian) Division.
We were now beginning to feel quite “old hands,” but
our experience had been dearly bought. We had lost
heavily and were sadly in need of a draft, for to balance
our total casualties in other ranks of 49 killed or died
of wounds, and 120 wounded, we had so far received only
20 reinforcements.

The Corps paid a tribute to the work performed by
the Brigade during our stay at Kemmel. Far more
valuable, however, were our first experiences of trench
warfare. The meaning and importance of responsibility
and discipline were for the first time really impressed
upon the minds of Officers and men alike. Gradually,
if imperceptibly, they had learnt something of what
would be required of them in the times of fighting ahead.

Sometimes (p. 061) one is tempted to compare conditions
at Kemmel with trench routine three years later. In the
Kemmel days the Platoon Commander lived with his
Platoon, and seldom even visited his Company Headquarters
and he undoubtedly acquired an intimate
knowledge of every man of his Platoon, which was
never equalled in later days. This further bred a sense
of responsibility and initiative which was all to the good
at a time when comfort, safety and enterprise depended
so largely on individual initiative. At the same time it
must not be forgotten that in later days Officers and
men alike were called upon to undertake more patrols
and raids, and had to suffer far heavier and more
incessant shelling and trench-mortaring than was our
general experience at Kemmel.

As a school of instruction our time at Kemmel
undoubtedly provided a very valuable lesson not only
to Officers, N.C.O.’s and men of the Battalion, but to
Officers of the Brigade and Divisional Staffs, whose
experience of the new form of warfare could hardly
have been learnt under better conditions than those
which obtained during our first two months of trench
routine.

CHAPTER III (p. 062)

THE SALIENT

June 20th, 1915.—
October 1st, 1915.

The Canadian’s description of it as “Bloody Ypres,”
referring doubtless to the Salient in general, was
very apt, and will be endorsed by all who ever had the
misfortune to sample it at any period of the war. We
have never met anyone who boasted of having found
a “cushy spot” in it, and so far as we ourselves were
concerned, the three months spent in the Salient were
very nearly, if not quite, the hardest months of the
war.

Leaving Locre on the evening of June 20th, we
marched with the rest of the Brigade to the Ouderdom
Huts on the Reninghelst—Vlamertinghe Road. These
were the first “huts” ever occupied by the Battalion;
they were absolutely exposed to view, the surroundings
being open ploughed fields, and when the Boche
“Sausage” went up “Silent Percy,” a German long-range
gun, warned anyone walking about that movement
must cease. There were, however, deep shelter trenches
round the huts, which afforded good protection, and
we escaped without casualties, though the Transport
having had a few shells in the horse lines, deemed it
wise to move back a little. We left there on June
23rd, and marching via Kruistraat and Zillebeke
proceeded to “Sanctuary Wood,” where we relieved
the 5th East Yorkshires in trenches 7 to 12. These
trenches were good, being both narrow and deep. There
was a good deal of liveliness on both sides, and things
were anything but pleasant in the region of a wood.
whose (p. 063) title was something of a misnomer. The Transport
too, had many good runs for their money when bringing
up rations and stores. The congestion on the road each
night was intense. Only one bridge, “14,” over the
Ypres-Comines Canal was available for the transport of
all units occupying the centre of the Salient, and the
journey from the transport lines to the dump and back,
took something approaching seven hours. We were not
particularly envious of their job here on many occasions,
though never once did they fail to get supplies up to
the dump. This was at the South-West corner of
“Sanctuary Wood,” and a very unhealthy spot, where
we were lucky indeed in not getting very heavy casualties.
There was hardly any water fit for drinking in the front
area, so that one of the water carts had to be brought
up full every night and left in the shelter of the wood,
and the empty one taken back.

Rain made the trenches very uncomfortable, and
we had plenty to do in keeping them in order, and in
building shelters, of which we were very short. These
consisted for the most part of two or more waterproof
sheets laced together, and held in position across the
trench, by stones placed on the ends on the parapet
and parados. Little was done by us in the way of
active operations during our first tour, except a certain
amount of patrolling, in which 2nd Lieut. Adams and
Pvte. Needham were the leading lights, and got some
useful information. A Company had rather a bad time,
suffering over 20 casualties from “Whizz-bangs” (77 mm.
shells) and salvoes of 5.9’s.

We were relieved on the night of June 29/30th,
after a seven days’ tour, by the 5th Lincolns, and moved
back to bivouacs at a charming camp near Poperinghe,
where we spent 12 of the most enjoyable days we
ever had in France. The weather was glorious, and we
made the most of it. We were spared strenuous work
as (p. 064) far as possible on the very hot days, but carried out
much useful training of a general kind, and reorganised
and refitted all the units in the Battalion. Two new
Officers, 2nd Lieuts. R. E. Hemingway, and E. S. Strachan
joined us, the former eventually succeeding Lieut. A.
Hacking, who had just been appointed our first Battalion
Grenade Officer. A draft of 69 men also arrived,
together with 11 rejoined men,—a most acceptable
addition to our numbers. Several quite interesting
cricket matches were played, the last of which, Officers
v. N.C.O’s., was won by the Officers. We managed
one concert, which was given entirely by our own artistes,
and went off very successfully. Poperinghe was quite
close, and though possessing no great attraction, yet
it was a change to walk or if possible get a horse for
the afternoon and ride over there sometimes to see
what was going on, and call on our little friend “Ginger”
at the café, and do any shopping that was wanted.
Here for the first time we encountered a Divisional
Troupe, and enjoyed many a pleasant evening with
the 6th Division “Fancies,” with their Belgian artistes
“Vaseline” and “Glycerine.” But perhaps the
greatest source of pleasure to all ranks now, was
that great institution “Leave” which had just been
started. True it was but four days, and for an extremely
small number, but it was something after all, and
encouraged those who were not lucky enough to have
it at the moment, that their turn would eventually
come to get out of the war for a brief space, and return
to their families at home. Capt. Ashwell left us whilst
we were here to take charge of reinforcements at St.
Omer. During his absence of five or six weeks A
Company was commanded by Lieut. J. V. Edge.

We left camp with much regret on the afternoon
of July 11th, and proceeding via Kruistraat, where a
halt was made for tea, at the “White Château,” we
eventually (p. 065) took over trenches B 2, 3, 4, 7 and 8, in
the Hooge sector, from the North Staffords. The
trenches here were close together, at some points not
more than 25 yards apart. This nearness necessitated
in some cases the erection of small-mesh wire netting
to prevent the enemy throwing hand-grenades into
our trenches. Mining was carried on unceasingly, and
with both sides displaying abnormal activity with
every kind of war machine invented, life was not at all
pleasant. Possibly we had the greatest dislike for the
rifle grenades which the Hun was in the habit of showering
over on every possible occasion, but his shelling of the
whole of our sector, which he carried out with great
regularity, was extremely uncomfortable, and casualties
mounted rapidly. To the more normal means of trying
to wear down the enemy, we were now able to add
fixed rifles and rifle batteries. These were laid on
definite targets, and fired according to a time table
specially arranged, and we hope had the effect desired.
Sergt.-Drummer Clewes too, in charge of the Brigade
Sniping Section, was always worrying the Huns on every
possible occasion, and made some splendid “bags.”
Work in the trenches was of a more or less normal
kind, consisting chiefly of strengthening fire and support
trenches and putting out wire, not forgetting the never-ending
efforts to drain away the water. Good patrols
were carried out by Lieut. James and Corpl. Hotson.

After a heavy tour of 12 days we were relieved
on July 23rd, by the 7th Battalion, and marched back
to bivouacs near Ouderdom, a long trek, the last Company
not getting there until 7 a.m. the following morning.
We were shelled out of this camp almost immediately,
doubtless because a Staff Officer anxious for the comfort
of the Officers had had four beautiful white tents put
up. Unfortunately they had been pitched on the
Eastern slope of the field in full view of the “Sausage”
already (p. 066) mentioned, and “Silent Percy” soon got busy!
On July 25th, we took over another field near Busseboom,
where we were left in peace, so far as the Hun was
concerned, though as the field had just previously been
used by Gunners for horse lines we had in other ways
quite a lively time. Here we were joined by 2nd Lieut.
Everard Handford and an excellent draft from the
2/8th Battalion.

We had little time during this six days’ rest to do
more than the usual refitting and cleaning, as large
fatigue parties were required on two days for Divisional
work. Bathing was an easier matter, as we were now
able to use the new Divisional baths at “Pop.” So
far as the washing of clothing was concerned, the men
did their own, laundries being very few and far between.

We had now in front of us what turned out to be
the longest and most trying of all the Battalion’s experiences
in the trenches, for after relieving the 7th
Battalion in trenches B 3, 4, 7, and 8 at “Sanctuary
Wood” on the night of July 29/30th, we did not get
out for 19 days.

Col. Fowler at this time was on leave, whilst Major
A. C. Clarke was unfit, and a little later had to return
to England. Major Becher, who succeeded him as Second-in-Command
was, therefore, in temporary command of
the Battalion. Much to our regret our old friend “Doc”
Stallard had also just left us for a tour of home duty.
Well had he stuck it all through, but he was beginning
to feel the strain of his strenuous duties, which were now
taken over by Surgeon-Lieut. C. B. Johnstone. The
latter had a memorable journey to join the Battalion,
which was then in the line, riding up on the front of the
horse ambulance that used to go nightly to “Maple
Copse” to evacuate the previous twenty-four hours’
wounded. The road was very rough and mostly shell
holes full of water, and he had a decidedly rough passage.
Other (p. 067) arrivals about this time included three new
subalterns, Lieut. C. M. Houfton, and 2nd Lieuts. R. V.
Harvey and A. H. Date, whose first experience of trench
warfare was to be rather more exciting than the average!
Comp. Sergt.-Major J. A. Green was temporarily acting
as Regimental Sergt.-Major in place of Sergt.-Major
Westerman, who had just left for England.

The trench system taken over ran partly on the
outskirts of “Sanctuary Wood,” and partly through the
wood itself, which in those days was most picturesque,
with delightful wild flowers and thick undergrowth.
The right was held by B Company (Lieut. J. W. Turner)
and C Company (Capt. G. S. Heathcote) and the left
by D Company (Lieut. E. C. A. James), whilst A
Company (Lieut. J. V. Edge) were in reserve. By a
very happy coincidence, we had with us A Company
of the 10th Sherwood Foresters, sent into the line for
the first time for instruction. Capt. G. P. Goodall,
subsequently killed at St. Eloi, was in charge of this
Company, amongst whom our men found many friends.

We occupied the left of the 46th Divisional sector,
with the 5th Battalion on our right, the 7th Battalion
in immediate support in “Maple Copse,” and the 6th
Battalion in Brigade Reserve.

The 14th Division, which had only been in France
a few weeks, and had been with us for instruction at
Kemmel, had recently taken over the sector on our left,
where there had been much fighting during the past few
weeks for the possession of Hooge, which centred about
the stables and wall running near the Château. It was
there that in our last tour we had seen a brilliant assault
by the Gordons and Middlesex, after a terrific mine
explosion.

At 3.30 a.m. on July 30th, immediately after stand-down,
and within a few hours of our arrival in the
trenches, on a perfect summer morning, the whole of
the (p. 068) wood was suddenly surrounded by a ring of fire,
while at the same time a heavy bombardment was
opened, concentrating apparently on the trenches
around “Hooge Crater.” Under cover of this bombardment,
and behind “flammenwerfer,” the enemy attacked
the point of the salient held by C Company, at the same
time throwing the greater weight of his forces against
the Hooge sector occupied by units of the 14th Division.
The latter, who like ourselves had only come into the
line the night before, were undoubtedly surprised by the
sudden attack, and by this first use of “flammenwerfer.”
Their men, dead tired, had just got down to sleep,
and the rapidity of the enemy attack left little opportunity
for organising successful defence.

The result was that the enemy succeeded at once
in gaining the whole of the front and support trenches
on our left, pushing forward into the North end of the
wood, and threatening to cut off the whole of the salient,
and leaving the trenches held by D Company in imminent
danger of being turned from the rear.

The first attack on the point of the salient was
driven off by rifle and machine gun fire. Here Pvte.
Grantham displayed conspicuous gallantry in remaining
at his post, in spite of being surrounded by flames, and
killing several of the enemy at close quarters. Very few
of the enemy succeeded in getting into our lines, though
for a short space of time there was a dangerous gap on
the left of C Company, which was filled up by the presence
of mind of 2nd Lieut. Hindley and Sergts. Sheppard and
Smith, and a platoon of B Company, one of whom,
Pvte. Tyne, did particularly fine execution by throwing
back unexploded enemy bombs. This platoon lined
the parapet, and by opening rapid fire prevented the
attack from developing. Unfortunately, an enemy
machine gun traversed the parapet, killing many of the
men of this gallant platoon, until a bomb thrown a
prodigious (p. 069) distance by Sergt. G. F. Foster appears to have
fallen on the top of it, evidently knocking it out, and by
the volume of smoke produced wrecking a “flammenwerfer.”
Several of the enemy were seen to be killed
or wounded by this lucky bomb.

Further attacks by the enemy on the point of the
salient were made during the day, and a more serious
one early next morning, but they were readily driven
off with loss. We should like here to pay a tribute to
the magnificent courage and coolness of the men of the
10th Battalion, which contributed very largely to the
entire defeat of the enemy’s attack on this front.

Meanwhile the position on the left was uncertain
and very alarming, and Sergt. A. Phillipson in particular,
in command of the left platoon, No. 13, had a most
anxious and trying time. Elements of the 14th Division
straggled from the left with stories of the German
advance. These accounts might easily have demoralised
our Battalion but for the magnificent example of Lieut.
James, his Second-in-Command, 2nd Lieut. Vann and
Sergt. A. Phillipson, and the coolness and courage of
every man of D Company. The situation on this flank
was serious indeed. All the trenches on the left had been
captured, and the enemy were reported as pushing into
the wood in the rear of our trenches. James acted
promptly, and immediately pushed out a left flank-guard.
Major Becher at Headquarters sent forward
reinforcements from the Reserve Company, and
eventually the 7th Battalion from “Maple Copse”
were despatched by Brigade and did splendid work in
spite of heavy shelling, in digging a switch line connecting
the trenches in the neighbourhood of “Zouave Wood”
to our left flank.

Early in the afternoon the Reserve Brigade of the
14th Division, who had only reached bivouacs near
Poperinghe at three in the morning, returned and
made (p. 070) a gallant but fruitless counter-attack to recover
the lost trenches. Could it have been expected that
men, who had been in the trenches for a week, marched
back during the night no less than 12 miles, only
to turn once more, march back those interminable
12 miles, part of the time under heavy shell fire,
dog-tired, without sleep or food, could without adequate
artillery preparation perform a feat which later required
a Division of fresh troops, after one of the most carefully
planned and destructive bombardments at that time
known? The Brigade could but have failed, and to the
onlooker it seemed a tragic blunder, but to those who
have read the pathetic story of a tragic day, the title
given by “The Student in Arms” of “The Honour
of the Brigade” alone provides the excuse for an operation
which from every other point of view, was one of the
costly blunders of the war.

On August 9th, the 6th Division attacked after a
very heavy bombardment and re-established the
situation. No troops could have done finer work.
The enemy who had manned the redoubtable “Hooge
Crater” in great strength, suffered very heavily, but
the total prisoners captured in a hard fought attack
amounted to five. The 2nd Sherwood Foresters, under
that magnificent Officer Col. Hobbs, who in pre-war
days had at one time been Adjutant of our Battalion,
eventually endeavoured to hold the crater on our left,
but this was soon found to be untenable, and remained
in No Man’s Land.

An incident which is not without its humour, while
illustrating the tiredness of our men, may be worth
recalling. During the bombardment preliminary to
the counter-attack, when the noise of our own artillery
was deafening, and the proximity of the enemy shelling
far from assuring, a platoon commander discovered one
of his men fast asleep on the firestep. With some
difficulty (p. 071) he was aroused and, rubbing his eyes, he
exclaimed, not without a certain degree of indignation
that his slumbers had been cut short—”What’s oop?”

Our casualties during the activities of July 30th
and 31st, amounted to 21 killed and 40 wounded,
and the 10th Battalion had ten casualties in addition.
This total was increased from day to day by incessant
shelling, trench mortars and rifle grenades, and by
the unfortunate inaccuracy of one of our 6-inch naval
guns, which persisted in firing into our trenches
until its identity was eventually discovered. During
the first fortnight in the line here, our casualties were
no fewer than four Officers wounded (Vann, E. M.
Hacking, Hindley and G. G. Elliott); 36 other
ranks killed, or died of wounds, and 90 wounded.
Included amongst the killed were Sergt. A. Phillipson,
who throughout had shewn the utmost coolness and
gallantry, and Sergt. E. Layhe, who had done very good
work as Scout Sergeant. “Jimmy” James, who had
struggled on manfully in spite of being very unfit,
eventually had to give up and go to hospital, D
Company being taken over by Vann.

During these days there was much active patrolling
in order to make certain of the dispositions of
the enemy, and much daring work was carried out by
Lieuts. Vann, Turner, and H. B. S. Handford, 2nd
Lieuts. A. & E. M. Hacking, Corpl. Gadd, L.-Corpl. Wilson,
and Pvtes. Nicholson and Thompson. Vann in particular
was much in the good books of General Allenby, the
Corps Commander, for his splendid work, though he was
once the cause of his very nearly spoiling an immaculate
pair of breeches when showing him with much glee
a particularly un-get-at-able loophole plate in a very
muddy trench. We are led to believe, however, that
this crime was forgiven, as Vann was later honoured by
the General with an invitation to dinner.

Map To Illustrate Fighting At Sanctuary Wood. July-august. 1915.

Apart (p. 072) from shelling, which continued intermittently,
the rest of our stay in the line was uneventful. It was
not, however, until August 17th, that the Battalion,
reduced in numbers but tried at last in real fighting, were
relieved by the 7th Battalion, and marched back to
bivouacs near Ouderdom, dead tired but happy in the
thought that they could hand over intact the trenches
which they had taken over three weeks before.

The attack had evidently not been an attempt to
break through. The enemy no doubt had hoped to
seize our front line system from the right of B 4
trench northwards. There can be no doubt that had
this succeeded the difficulty of the counter-attack
would have been largely increased. Indeed, at a time
when troops could ill have been spared, it is probable
that the Ypres Salient would have been considerably
reduced, and the morale of the enemy proportionately
increased. This was pointed out by General Allenby,
who, addressing the Battalion on parade on August
25th, said: “I have read with great pleasure and
pride the report of the General commanding your
Division, telling of the arduous work which you recently
did in the neighbourhood of Hooge. By your boldness,
tenacity, and gallantry, you did work of very great
importance. Perhaps you do not know that not only
did your action have an important bearing on that
particular bit of line, but on the whole campaign, because
of the political reason for holding the Salient. The
town of Ypres is nothing to us, but if the Boche took it
they would publish it to the world that they had captured
the fortress of Ypres, which we have held since November,
1914.”

The Battalion also received the special thanks of
the Field Marshal Commanding-in-Chief on their efforts
during the tour. To the delight of everyone, especially
all ranks of B Company, John Becher was awarded the
D.S.O., (p. 073) a very well-deserved honour for most splendid
work whilst in command of the Battalion, during one of
the most anxious periods in its history; Vann for his
gallantry here and previously at Kemmel got the M.C.
Mention must also be made of the splendid work of
our new Medical Officer (Johnstone), his assistants Corpls.
Sissons, Martin, and Bescoby, and all the stretcher-bearers,
who worked indefatigably day and night, often
in circumstances of great personal risk in dressing and
evacuating the wounded, not only of our own Battalion,
but of the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, the Rifle Brigade,
and the 2nd Sherwood Foresters. In these operations
they established a reputation for gallantry and devotion
to duty which in the whole Brigade was conspicuous
throughout the war.

Our bivouacs were in a nice spot sheltered from
view by a small wood. Our rest was not a long one,
and was much of the usual type, but had an additional
interest in that we were fortunate in getting two very
good entertainments from the 46th Divisional Concert
Party, the “Whizzbangs,” which had lately been
formed, and was to be a source of much pleasure from
now on to the end of the war. Whilst there we were
joined by two new Officers, 2nd Lieuts. A. H. G. C.
Moore and P. C. Hemingway, and 107 other ranks, but
we wanted men badly now, as in addition to our heavy
casualties in the line, we lost during the month of August
41 N.C.O’s. and men, whose term of enlistment expired
on the completion of one year’s war service. These
included many old hands who were difficult to replace.

On August 29th, we took over trenches at
“Middlesex Wood,” where the Brigade were holding
the line astride the Ypres-Comines Canal, near St.
Eloi, and there we stayed, with one short rest in bivouacs,
for a month of more or less normal trench warfare.
Perhaps the main points of interest were that we were
covered (p. 074) by Belgian gunners, who were not too particular
where or when they fired, that we were now getting a
supply of sniperscopes (specially constructed rifles,
fitted with periscopes, for firing from a trench without
looking directly over the parapet), which formed most
useful additions to our trench stores, and seemed to cause
the enemy considerable annoyance, and that we were
able on one or two occasions to make good practice
with Col. Fowler’s Elephant Gun against some of
the enemy’s loophole plates. On September 25th,
in conjunction with attacks by the French and British,
on various other parts of the Western front, we had to
“demonstrate” by means of artillery, machine gun
and rifle fire, and a dummy gas and smoke attack, which
was to be provided by burning on the parapet of the
front line trenches large quantities of damp straw,
which had been carried up with much labour, and a
good deal of very frank comment. Much to the relief
of those intimately concerned with this bonfire, the
wind on the day of the attack was unfavourable, and
the straw at least did not end in smoke. The
demonstration provided some amusement to our
Grenadiers, who, with the assistance of a “Gamage”
catapult, and two West Spring Throwers succeeded,
to their immense delight in bursting the old Béthune
bomb as shrapnel over the German trenches. It was
only when the last bomb was thrown that Sergt. G. F.
Foster, the stoutest Bomber that ever lived and fell,
ended a demonstration which can hardly have caused
a flutter in the dove-cotes of the German Higher
Command.

Here, as on many other occasions, all ranks would
have worked more intelligently, and with greater personal
satisfaction, if they had known something of the general
plan, and the part they were being asked to play. This
plan really must have been a big thing, for some one
was (p. 075) kind enough to send us a lot of literature on such
subjects as “How to guard against spies in newly
captured territory,” and generally how to behave there;
whilst maps and other documents gave us the most
intricate detail of every well, and other supply of water
for at least 20 miles East of where we were. Evidently
the sender was an optimist!

On the 30th September, the 8th Lincolns took over
from us in support in the Canal dug-outs. The enemy
having already given us an extremely unpleasant afternoon
chose this very inconvenient occasion for “putting
up” a mine under the trenches held by the 6th Battalion,
on the South side of the Canal. This operation and the
accompanying bombardment involved a stand-to, and
caused a certain number of casualties both in the trenches
and among the troops in the support dug-outs. The
relief was, however, duly carried out, and the Battalion
marched back to tents near Ouderdom in the early
hours of October 1st, where a little later in the day
General Allenby came to say goodbye and wish us
luck in our new sphere of action.

We had previously, on September 21st, had the
honour of being inspected by General Plumer, commanding
the Second Army, who expressed himself as
very satisfied with the smart turnout of the Battalion.
We were still very weak, though we had continued to
receive small drafts of reinforcements, and had been
joined by five new Officers, 2nd Lieuts. G. H. F. Payling,
R. T. Skinner, R. A. Abrams, G. H. Fisher, and C.
Pickerell; “Dolly” Gray also came out again and
rejoined. We had, however, lost Capt. Collin, the
Adjutant, who had just left to take up a Staff Captaincy,
and his place after being held for a few days by Lieut.
A. Hacking, was now taken by Lieut. Weetman, who
had just rejoined. Capt. Piggford had gone home
sick, and 2nd Lieut. P. C. Hemingway wounded; and
we (p. 076) had also recently lost M. Lacolle, our one and only
Battalion Interpreter. Henceforth we were not to be
allowed this luxury.

It is, perhaps, not out of place to mention here an
interesting little episode which had taken place at
home, namely the depositing of the Colours in Newark
Parish Church. This ceremony was carried out on
July 24th, and was attended by the Mayor and Corporation
of Newark. Lieut.-Col. G. S. Foljambe was in
charge of the parade, and Capt. R. F. B. Hodgkinson
commanded the escort to the Colours, which were
carried by 2nd Lieuts. R. J. Shipley and C. Pickerell.

CHAPTER IV (p. 077)

HOHENZOLLERN REDOUBT

October 1st, 1915.—
October 17th, 1915.

We packed up during the afternoon of October 1st,
and in the evening marched to Abeele, where we
entrained for a destination unknown to most of us, but
presumed to be somewhere in the far South. We made
ourselves as comfortable as we could for the expected
long journey, only to be rudely awakened after what
seemed to be a five minutes’ sleep, and turned out into
the cold dark night at Fouquereuil, a suburb of Béthune.
The remainder of the night was spent at a somewhat
elusive Orphanage in the town itself. On the following
day we moved into billets at the Northern end of the town
on the banks of the La Bassée Canal, where we were
joined by the Transport which had come from Ouderdom
by road. October 3rd saw us once more on the move to
Mont Bernenchon, a clean, attractive little village, a
few miles N.W. of Béthune. Our hopes of spending a
day or two in peace were soon shattered, for on the
following day we made what seemed to be another
emergency move to Béthune, where we embussed for
regions unknown. Shortly after dark we arrived at
Vermelles, and picked up guides, who led us as only
guides can, to what proved to be a portion of the German
front line system captured in the fighting a few days
before. The trenches, which were near the “Lone Tree,”
and within sight of the famous “Tower Bridge” at Loos,
were little damaged, and seemed to have been captured
without a great deal of fighting, but the incessant rain and
scarcity of habitable dug-outs made our stay as uncomfortable
as the most hardened stoic could have desired.
Our (p. 078) work consisted of reversing portions of the original
German support trench to form a fire trench facing the
other way. Owing to the distance to the then German
line (1,000 to 1,500 yards) and the low visibility, we
were able to work openly and practically unmolested.
Our only casualties were the result of an unlucky shell
which fell on the morning of October 5th, amongst
a party of Signallers, killing L.-Sergt. C. E. Harrison,
Signalling Sergeant, and three men, whilst another
man died of wounds a few days later.

The same evening we got orders to leave the trenches,
and after a thoroughly unpleasant tramp, in heavy rain
and thick darkness over the slippery chalk tracks,
which were guess-work to most of us, we arrived soon
after midnight at Mazingarbe, which for dirt, damp,
and general cheerlessness, almost rivalled our never-to-be-forgotten
billets at Bac-St. Maur. So ended a
beastly, tiring, and, for all we ever learned, quite purposeless
expedition.

After a short meal and much needed rest we felt
fit for anything, and made light of the trek on the early
morning of October 6th, to our rest billets, which we
found at Fouquières, a nice clean little village about a
mile west of Béthune. Here we found ourselves, for a
short time, in peace and something approaching luxury.

Our move South had brought us into the First
Army (General Haig) and XI Corps. (Lt.-General Haking),
which had been busy in the recent fighting, and we now
learned definitely for the first time that in the further
fighting that was shortly to take place we were to play
a prominent part. On Saturday, October 9th, preliminary
orders and plans were issued, and we learned that our
task was to be the capture of the “Hohenzollern
Redoubt” and “Fosse 8,” an admirably constructed
scale model of which had been made on the ground
outside Divisional Headquarters at Gosnay, where
Officers (p. 079) and N.C.O.’s (and stray inhabitants) spent some
time in a careful and interested examination of it.

In addition, a somewhat hurried reconnaissance of
the position itself was made by Col. Fowler and the
Company Commanders from our trenches in front of
Vermelles, from which the attack was to be made. In
the short space of a couple of hours they endeavoured
to get a working knowledge of the maze of communication
trenches, and the hostile ground over which, if all went
well, we should have to advance. Sunday was spent
in Church Parade, and in going again through the
preliminary orders and plans, and in the afternoon the
Corps Commander interviewed the Officers of the
Division at Divisional Headquarters. We were then
told something more as to the reason and general plan
of the attack, and were informed that we should be
supported by the heaviest concentration of artillery
yet known in the war—400 guns of all calibres,—that all
contingencies had been provided for, and that in spite
of the strength of the position, we should probably
encounter very little opposition before reaching our
objective.

The object of the attack, which was to be undertaken
by the XI Corps, was to establish the left flank of
the First Army, and to render possible a further advance
in conjunction with the French on the South. The
objective included the “Quarries” and Fosse 8,
the 46th Division being allotted the task of capturing
the Hohenzollern Redoubt and Fosse 8, whilst the
12th Division was to attack on our right, and be
responsible for the Quarries. The Fosse and surroundings
had already been in our hands once, having
been attacked and captured during the last week in
September by the 9th Division, who unfortunately,
however, had been compelled to withdraw, and a
subsequent attempt by the 28th Division to recapture
it (p. 080) had also proved a dismal failure. What, we wondered,
was in store for the 46th Division?

Fosse 8 is, or rather was, a typical colliery pit,
with the usual winding and head gear and other plant,
and pit-head pile of slag (called in this case “The Dump”),
which like its neighbour, the famous Tower of Wingles,
overlooked the whole position, whilst in rear there were
the usual rows of miners’ cottages. These cottages (called
“Corons”) had cellars, and were thus very easy to defend
with machine guns, which could fire with great effect,
and comparative safety, from ground level. In front
of the Fosse and protecting it lay the Hohenzollern
Redoubt, consisting of a salient trench system shaped
rather like a big bean, and projecting well in front of the
German main system, to which it was connected by
communication trenches, and by two flank trenches
known as “Big Willie” and “Little Willie.” The
importance of the position lay in the fact that it was
on the top of a gentle rise, giving command and good
observation of our position on either side. Its capture
was rendered difficult by the fact that the ground in
front of it was level, and almost devoid of cover, affording
a very fine field of fire, which could be swept from
practically every direction. From our trenches very
little could be seen except the Dump, and the roof of
the manager’s house.

The attack was to be carried out by the 137th
Brigade on the right under Brigadier-General E. Feetham,
C.B., and the 138th Brigade on the left under Brigadier-General
G. C. Kemp, whilst the 139th Brigade were to
be in Divisional Reserve under Brigadier-General C. T.
Shipley. To the 137th Brigade were attached 100 Grenadiers
from the 139th Brigade, two sections Divisional
Cyclist Company, and the 1/2nd Field Company, Royal
Engineers (less one section), and to the 138th Brigade,
the 1st Monmouthshire Regiment (Divisional Pioneer
Battalion), (p. 081) 125 Grenadiers from the 139th Brigade, two
sections Divisional Cyclist Company, and the 1/1st Field
Company, Royal Engineers (less one section), whilst
General Shipley’s Divisional Reserve consisted of the
139th Brigade (less 225 Grenadiers), one Platoon Divisional
Cyclist Company, and two Troops Yorkshire Hussars.
The covering Artillery consisted of three groups of heavy
Artillery under the Corps Commander, and one group
of Divisional Artillery (six Brigades of 18-pounders,
and one Brigade of 4.5 Howitzers).

To his immense pleasure, 2nd Lieut. R. E.
Hemingway, our Battalion Grenade Officer, was put
in charge of the Grenadiers attached to the 138th Brigade,
the party also including the Battalion Grenadier Sergeant,
G. F. Foster. Bombing was now entering on the period
of its greatest importance—always in our humble
opinion greatly exaggerated. The Mills bomb was
rapidly ousting all other kinds, and shortly became
almost the only one in normal use. Much time was put
in at throwing practice, and every kind of artifice was
adopted by instructors to make it interesting, and at
the same time improve the aim and distance thrown.
A “platoon” of “grenadiers,” as they were at first
called, was formed in each Battalion, consisting of a
Grenadier Officer, a sergeant and 32 men, (eight from
each Company), and to show how much we respected
them, we put them when on the march at the head of
the Battalion. There was a Brigade Grenadier Officer
too, who made himself generally responsible for the
training and work of Grenadiers throughout the Brigade.
The first Officer appointed to this post in our Brigade
was Lieut. A. Hacking, who had taken over the duties
just before the Hohenzollern battle. The task allotted
to the Grenadiers in this fight, was to bomb the various
communication trenches leading from “West Face”
to “Fosse Trench,” clear dug-outs and establish blocks
in “Fosse Alley.”

Information (p. 082) regarding the enemy, gained by Corps
Intelligence during the attacks of September 25th,
and following days from our own Officers, and from the
examination of prisoners, was to the effect that the
enemy trenches in the Redoubt, with the exception
of “Dump Trench” and “South Face,” were badly
damaged and not strongly wired, that previous attacks
had been exposed to heavy enfilade fire from “Mad Point”
or “Madagascar,” that it was not thought there
would be much enfilade fire from the South-East, and
that it was not necessary to waste a lot of heavy shell
on the Dump, as it could be made untenable by
both sides. How far this was justifiable will be seen.

Our few days at Fouquières passed very quickly in
the bustle of completing equipment, going again and
again with all ranks through the maps and plans of attack,
detailing and organising bombing squads in the place of
those detached for duty with the other Brigades, and
writing last letters home “in case——” There was little
or no excitement. We had most of us seen too much by
this time to be either unduly pessimistic or over-confident
about our own chances, so that everything seemed to
go quietly and smoothly. The first steel helmets had
just arrived—quaint, antique, Japanese looking things,
with ingenious corrugations to catch the bullets—and
were issued to the Machine Gunners, who had also
received the first supply of the new Box Respirator,
issued in place of the Smoke Helmet. The Machine
Gun section was now commanded by Lieut. Adams.

It was at 3.45 p.m. on October 12th, after making
our final inspections and collecting blankets, packs and
other surplus stores at a convenient barn, that we moved
off from Fouquières on a fine Autumn afternoon, leaving
behind only 2nd Lieut. Gray, and a few odd men, who
were not fit to go into action. Transport marched in
rear of the Battalion to temporary lines behind Noyelles,
where it remained until after the battle.

We (p. 083) had a very pleasant and easy march up to
Vermelles, where a halt was made for tea. Here we
were passed by one of the Stafford Battalions who were
to make the assault. It was too dark to see their faces,
but their voices were full of confidence and cheeriness,
which it did one good to hear.

A temporary Quarter-Master’s Stores was fitted up
at “Clarke’s Keep,” Vermelles, where Companies picked
up their rations for the 13th, water in petrol tins,
grenades, Vermorel sprayers, and other odds and ends
likely to be required. An emergency ration of cold
bacon and bread was also issued.

Eventually after a very slow march through
Vermelles, which was a seething mass of men and
transport, we arrived about 11 p.m. at our assembly
position in “Sussex Trench,” where space was allotted
to us by Lieut. C. L. Hill, Signalling Officer, who had
gone on ahead with a few Signallers for that purpose.
We soon settled down and made the best we could of
what remained of the night. This was not long, for the
carrying parties for the 138th Brigade, and others had
to report for duty at Clarke’s Keep at 6 a.m. on
October 13th. In all we provided a total of five Officers
and 300 other ranks for this duty, and they were
busy most of the morning taking up to the front line
such necessary articles as rations, water, grenades,
and rum. His devotion to the last-named duty was
too much for one bloodthirsty, but very ill-disciplined
member of the Battalion, who became “non-effective”
in consequence, and was reported by someone, who
saw him lying in the bottom of a communication trench,
as “dead—shot through the head.” He was “dead”
right enough, but he lived to fight—and, it is feared to
“die” again—another day!

Our artillery fire during the morning was normal,
“so as not to arouse the suspicions of the Germans,”
who, (p. 084) as a fact, probably knew quite as much as
most of us about the time and nature of our attack.
But at 12.0 noon, every gun began in real earnest, and
it was possible to stand on the firestep of our trench,
and get an undisturbed, if rather distant, view of the
shells bursting all over the German trenches. After
half-an-hour of this most unusual, but very pleasing
spectacle, one felt that there would be little left for us
to attack.

At 1 p.m. the greenish yellow clouds of smoke and
chlorine gas (known for some time as “The Auxiliary”)
discharged from cylinders in our front line began to
roll towards the enemy lines, the breeze being exactly
right both in strength and direction, and we became
happier still at the thought of paying the Germans back
in their own coin. During the whole of our bombardment
we could hear very little reply from the German guns,
though from time to time we could see a few “woolly
bears” and other shell-bursts, at odd points about the
forward trenches. Probably they were saving most
of their fire for the actual assault, and except for a stray
machine gun bullet or two, we ourselves were in no kind
of danger. One of those, however, which must have
dropped at a steep angle, slightly wounded Regimental
Sergt-Major Mounteney, who was standing in the trench
with the Officers of Battalion Headquarters. He had
only rejoined from England a few days before, and
was our first casualty in the attack.

At 1.50 p.m. the gas discharge ceased, but the
smoke was continued until 2.0 p.m., when our guns
“lifted” from the enemy front line, and the 137th and
138th Brigades began the assault. As the smoke
cleared away, we could get a fair view of a portion of
the attacking troops (Staffords) on the right as they
went steadily, and apparently in excellent order over
the top, but, almost at the same time we heard with
surprise (p. 085) and dismay, the somewhat slow “tap-tap”
of numbers of those enemy machine guns, which were
to have been so completely silenced by our bombardment!
We watched the Staffords for a few moments
until they disappeared from view.

Then followed a period of anxious waiting, and the
only information we got was to the effect that the 138th
Brigade on the left had practically gained their portion
of the Redoubt.

Soon after 3 o’clock, we received orders to move
forward, and began to proceed by way of “Inverness
Trench,” “Bomb Alley” and “Left Boyau” to
“Reserve Trench.” Movement was very slow, owing
to the congestion of the traffic, and the narrowness of
the trenches, and took a long time to complete. There
we were destined to remain for several hours, and suffered
a few casualties from shell fire, apparently directed at
the junctions of the trench with “Central” and “Right
Boyaux.” We were now nominally at the disposal of
General Officer Commanding 137th Brigade, but never
received any orders from him, and eventually drifted
to the command of General Officer Commanding 138th
Brigade.

Traffic became more and more congested by the
stream of wounded which was now pouring down
Central Boyau and “Barts Alley,” and by carrying
parties and supports endeavouring to get along the
Reserve Trench up to the Redoubt.

Soon we began to gather scraps of information
from those who were coming down, and to realise that
things were going far from well. The usual answer
was “Don’t ask me, all I know is it’s Hell up there!”
It was now getting too dark to see, and we could only
gather that at any rate we were holding the West
Face and having a pretty bad time in doing so; also
that our Grenadiers attached to the 138th Brigade, had
suffered (p. 086) heavily. Sergt. G. F. Foster was carried down
dying from wounds in the body, and Hemingway was
reported to be dangerously wounded, if not already dead.

Things had not gone well. As we learned afterwards
the attack of the Staffords on the right had been held
up almost immediately by machine gun fire, and very
little ground had been made. On the left, the Lincolns
and Leicesters at first were more fortunate, and reaching
West Face with comparatively few casualties, began
to make their way up to Fosse Trench. But the
further they advanced, the more heavy became their
losses, until eventually the advance came to a standstill,
the furthest point reached being about 100 yards from
Fosse Trench. From these more advanced positions
they were gradually forced back, until only the West
Face was in our hands. It is abundantly clear that the
effect of our bombardment did not come up to expectations,
and that many machine guns were untouched, and,
worst of all, that the Dump, on which “heavy shell
need not be wasted, as it could be made untenable by
either side,” proved to be a miniature Gibraltar, honeycombed
with shafts and galleries leading to concealed
machine gun emplacements. Small wonder that little
ground could be made or held in the face of such defences.

The news that things were going badly induced a
Battalion Commander of another Brigade, whose
Battalion had been taken from him piecemeal and
scattered to the four winds of heaven, to order A
Company, in the absence of Col. Fowler, to go across
to the Redoubt to reinforce the troops there. Information,
however, was brought by L.-Corpl. Simpson of A
Company (killed a few hours later), who made a rapid
and courageous journey over the open to West Face,
to the effect that that trench was already overcrowded,
and that the troops there required thinning, rather
than reinforcing.

It (p. 087) was now getting late and things seemed to be in
a very unsatisfactory state, when orders were issued
by Col. Fowler, who had met General Kemp in the
trenches, and received verbal instructions to be prepared
to carry out an attack at short notice on the right portion
of the Redoubt, for Companies (except B who were
detached for other work) to begin to move up in readiness
to our front line trenches. This movement began about
9.0 p.m. very slowly along Reserve Trench and
“Hayward’s Heath.” The difficulty of moving a
Battalion at night, in single file, through a maze of
unfamiliar trenches without losing touch, may be better
imagined than described, and it was after midnight
before we had covered the 400 or 500 yards, which was
all we had to do.

Whilst this was going on Col. Fowler and the
Adjutant, accompanied by the Staff Captain, Major
Wordsworth, made a hasty reconnaissance of the position,
and found that elements of the 138th Brigade and
Monmouths were holding the North-Western portion
of West Face, whilst the Eastern portion of Big
Willie was held by the 6th Battalion. Except for
a short distance near the barricade on each flank, the
trench between these points was held by the enemy.

At 2.45 a.m. on October 14th, we received from
General Officer Commanding 138th Brigade, written
orders to attack and consolidate “as soon as possible”
the South-Eastern portion of West Face, the junction
of South Face and Big Willie (shewn on the map
as Point 60), and if possible the “Chord” of the
Redoubt. The order stated that the 6th Battalion in
Big Willie would co-operate by a bombing attack
along that trench “at the same time.” Owing to the
difficulty of getting messages to and fro, in the maze
of unknown trenches in the dark, it was quite impossible
to get in touch with the 6th Battalion so as to give them
any (p. 088) idea when our attack would begin, so that we were
not able to rely on getting much help from them. The
Commanding Officer decided that two Companies would
be sufficient for the attack, which was of course going to
be without artillery support, and A Company (Major
A. L. Ashwell), and D Company (Capt. B. W. Vann),
were detailed. A hasty conference was arranged at a
small dug-out at which Col. Fowler, who intended himself
to lead the attack, gave the few orders that were
possible in the circumstances:—”A quiet advance, no
firing, and in with the bayonet.”

Owing to the darkness and the unfamiliar ground,
it was necessary to make some arrangement for keeping
direction. Major Becher was, therefore, sent across
to the West Face, with instructions to stay at the
extreme right flank of the 138th Brigade position, and
there to show a light from a flash lamp on which the
left flank of our attack would be directed.

As soon as this was settled, and Company Commanders
had issued their instructions, we began to
deploy in front of our original front line trench, as nearly
as possible opposite our objective.

It was again a very slow job getting the men out
of the deep and narrow support trenches, and over a
single duck-board bridge across the front line into
position; indeed many men of D Company never
received the order at all, and remained in the support
trench in ignorance of what was going on. The men
were extended to about four paces, D Company on
the right, A on the left. This movement was carried
out very quietly, with entire absence of hesitation or
confusion, and the men were then dressed as nearly as
possible on the required alignment—no easy matter
when one has only a map, and has never seen the objective
or the ground in front of it. Rifles were loaded
and bayonets fixed, Col. Fowler with characteristic
unselfishness, (p. 089) giving his rifle to an Officer who had a
bayonet, but no rifle to put it on. All these preliminaries
were carried out without attracting the attention of the
enemy, who were about 250 yards away. Finally at
about 3.45 a.m. the order was given to advance, keeping
our left flank on Becher’s lamp, which we could see
from time to time across the intervening ground. It
was a strange experience, this slow night advance through
the darkness and mist in the almost uncanny stillness
which, sooner or later, always follows heavy fighting;
so like what many of us had done in peace-time “night-ops,”
that it was difficult to realise that this was war,
and would end in hand-to-hand fighting; that, however
quietly we went, we must eventually be discovered,
and perhaps swept away by machine gun and rifle fire.
The ground was for the most part level, and not badly
cut up, and there was little wire. A few of our dead, one
or two severely wounded still struggling painfully back
to our lines, and a number of abandoned rifles were
all that were left to show what had happened on the
previous day. When we were about half-way across
it was realised that we were getting too far to the left,
and direction was changed half-right. It was not
until the right of the line was close up to the old German
wire, that we were discovered. Fire was opened from
somewhere half-right, probably in the neighbourhood
of Point 60, but it was not severe, and only a few
casualties were caused. On arriving at West Face
it was found to be practically empty on the right, the
few Germans who had been there having probably left
hurriedly as we approached. On the left we found
a mixed crowd of Lincolns, Leicesters, and Monmouths,
with a few Robin Hoods, all under the command of
Col. Evill, of the Monmouths. Many of them were
wounded, and nearly all were exhausted by their dreadful
experiences of the previous day. Our arrival was,
therefore, (p. 090) very opportune and put fresh life into
them.

It was now quite evident that we had come too
far to the left, and although we had gained 100 yards
or so of the West Face, our right flank was not in
touch with the 6th Battalion in Big Willie. In their
eagerness to get at the Germans, and urged on by the
shouts of the Lincolns and Leicesters, the left half of
A Company ran through the West Face and began
pushing on. The enemy, however, were waking up,
and our men were met with much heavier fire, which,
although unaimed, caused a number of casualties.
Edge was severely wounded in the arm and chest, and
Everard Handford was killed instantaneously by a
bullet in the head, whilst numbers of men also fell. It
was then seen that any further advance was out of the
question. The only thing to be done was to consolidate
what we had, and try to extend our gains laterally
by bombing along the West Face. Grenadiers and
grenades (English and German) were collected, parties
were organised by Ashwell and Vann, and several more
yards of trench were gained. Strachan leading one of
these along the trench with utter fearlessness was never
seen again, and was probably killed at once. Shortage
of grenades soon made it clear that we must stop and
build a barricade to hold up the Germans, who as usual
seemed to have a never-ending supply.

On the extreme right, Vann and others of D Company
had come across some Boches out of the trench,
apparently preparing to make an attack over the open.
Most of these were slaughtered, and the rest made all
possible haste back to their trench. This appears to
have been part of an organised counter-attack, as the
enemy tried a similar attack on the left as well, which
also failed. Nothing was heard of the bombing in Big
Willie by the 6th Battalion, but we learnt afterwards
that (p. 091) they had made several attempts to progress along
that trench without success.

All available tools and sandbags were got together
in the trench to build a barricade at the right flank.
It was now getting light, and this was attended with
much danger, and in the work of filling sandbags and
placing them at the barricade, we had several men
killed in a very short time.

Vann had already been wounded by a bullet in the
left forearm, and had gone down to be dressed, returning
with his usual courage and tenacity, after having his
wound attended to. The Commanding Officer, however,
would not let him stay, and he had to go down again
to hospital. Ashwell was hit by a bullet in the right
shoulder a few minutes after Vann, and he, too, had to
leave us.

The enemy were not more than fifty yards away,
and the least exposure brought a bullet with deadly
aim, though in this respect they did not have things
entirely their own way. We could distinctly see the
tops of their helmets over the parapet, and at one time
there was such a collection that we thought they were
going to attack, but nothing came of it, and we settled
down to work again. There was no wire or obstacle
of any kind between the two trenches. We were too
close to get our guns on to them, otherwise we could
have done much execution. Practically all the work
on the right was done by men of D Company, who
eventually made a barricade, which was more or less
bullet-proof, and dug a length of trench to protect that
flank. Here Sergt. W. L. Green did excellent work,
encouraging everyone by his fine example. For nearly
24 hours he stuck to his post in spite of bombs
and rifle fire. He was ably assisted by Sergt. Turgoose
and Pvtes. Keeling, Hubbard, Dickinson, Offord and
Sly of D Company, also Pvte. F. Attenborough of A
Company, (p. 092) whilst L.-Corpl. Skelton did splendid work
in attending to wounded.

Meanwhile Col. Fowler had made arrangements for
the defence of the trench on the left, from which, much to
their relief the Lincolns, Leicesters, and Monmouths, had
been withdrawn during the early hours of the morning.
Their place had been taken by A Company, which
having lost all its Officers, was now commanded by Sergt.
L. Bell. Parties were set to work to improve the trench,
which was badly knocked about, and during the following
night the Company dug a new trench a few yards in
front, in order to get a better field of fire and for better
protection. The Northern end of West Face was all
this time held by the 7th Battalion.

C Company (Capt. H. B. S. Handford, in place
of Capt. G. S. Heathcote, who had left to do duty at
the Base) who had been left behind in Hayward’s
Heath when A and D Companies went over to attack,
stayed there until 5.0 a.m. when 2nd Lieut. R. A.
Abrams and a party of 15 were detailed to carry grenades
up to A Company in the Redoubt, where many of them
remained. The rest of the Company moved up to a
communication trench near the original front line,
where they received orders from a Battalion Commander
of another Brigade, to carry water and grenades over
the open to the Redoubt. They started shortly after
7.30 a.m., but as it was quite light, they were seen
immediately, and heavy machine gun and rifle fire
was opened on them at once. Basil Handford and
several others were killed instantaneously, and several
were wounded. The attempt was foredoomed to failure,
and the men were ordered back into the trench. For
the rest of the day they helped to carry stores to the
Redoubt by way of a new communication trench and
to fetch in and attend to the wounded. Very gallant
work was done in this operation by Comp. Sergt.-Major
Haywood, (p. 093) Sergts. Leivers and Bexton, and Pvtes.
Winterbottom, Allen, and Eyre.

B Company (Capt. Turner) had been detached
about 5.0 p.m. on October 13th, and ordered to proceed
over the open to reinforce the garrison of our original
front line. They remained for some time in the old
support line, from which all the Company Grenadiers
were sent up to reinforce the men in the Redoubt.
One of these, L.-Corpl. G. W. Moore, did very gallant
work in remaining alone for three-quarters-of-an-hour
on the enemy’s side of a barricade, which was being
built up behind him, and then continued to bomb the
enemy for eight hours. The Company was later ordered
to dig a communication trench to link up the Redoubt
with our old front line. They started about 9.0 p.m.,
and worked continuously on it throughout the night,
much of the time under heavy rifle fire, and by dawn
a serviceable trench had been dug, and a very important
communication established. Capt. Turner was congratulated
by the Officer Commanding the 7th Battalion
on the very good work of his Company, in the supervision
of which he had been most ably assisted by Sergt.
Rawding.

Map to illustrate the Battle of HOHENZOLLERN. October 13th-15th. 1915.

October 14th seemed a never-ending day for those in
the Redoubt. Fortunately in a way, the lines were too
close together for us to be shelled, but bombing went
on almost uninterruptedly, and our casualties mounted
rapidly. Grenadier reinforcements were sent along
from time to time from every Company in the Battalion,
also from the 5th Battalion, whilst 2nd Lieut. G. H.
Fisher, who was acting as Grenade Officer in the absence
of Hemingway, came up during the morning, and at the
right barricade displayed the greatest courage until
he was badly wounded and had to leave, dying a few
days later. Bombing was also going on at the left
barricade, and throughout the day from one flank or
the (p. 094) other, the cry was ever “more bombs” or “more
Bombers.” We had fortunately been able to get a
signal line up to the Redoubt, and a station established
there, in a fairly deep dug-out, so that most of the time
we were in telephonic communication with those behind.

Our relief promised for the night of October 14th,
never came, and we were compelled, alas, to remain
in the Redoubt. Everyone was tired out, having had
little or no sleep, and very little food, for 48 hours.
As soon as it was dark the Sappers put out some wire
in front of West Face, which encouraged us considerably,
and we got through the night without any
untoward incident. About 6.30 a.m., on the morning
of October 15th, we were relieved in West Face by
portions of the 5th and 6th Battalions, and by
Grenadiers of the Irish Guards, and withdrawn to
“Railway Reserve Trench,” where we joined up with
the remainder of B and C Companies. By the tragic
irony of fate, as the Guards were actually filing
into West Face and the relief was nearly complete,
Col. Fowler, who was taking a last glance over the
top to see if he could find any trace of Major Becher,
the last signs of whom had been the flashes of his lamp,
to guide us across to the Redoubt—was killed instantaneously
by a sniper’s bullet. So determined had he
been to find Becher, that he had himself gone out during
the night with Sergt. Stokes in a gallant but unsuccessful
endeavour to find him.

Major J. E. Blackwall of the 6th Battalion took
over the remnants of the Battalion the same evening,
and shortly before midnight we were devoutly thankful
to be relieved by the Irish Guards. As the relief was
taking place, the enemy attempted an attack against
the garrison of West Face, but as this was now swelled
by the relieving troops, they got rather more than they
bargained for, and were beaten off with heavy loss. At
the (p. 095) same time they put down quite a barrage on the
reserve trenches, and made our relief distinctly unpleasant,
but eventually we got it completed without
further casualty.

Much to our delight, just before leaving, we heard
that Becher had been found. It appears that whilst
we were going over to the attack, he had been bombed
by the Boches, and badly wounded, as also had Daniels,
his batman, who was with him. They got separated,
but both managed to crawl away, though Becher eventually
had to lie by in an old bit of trench near the German
lines. It was from here that, after having been discovered
by an Officer of the Leicesters, he was eventually rescued
on October 15th, by Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood, and
L.-Sergt. T. Martin, who carried him a distance of 200
yards under more or less continuous rifle fire. Alas, however,
he was not to recover, and after lingering on for ten
weeks, he died in hospital on January 1st, 1916. In John
Becher the Battalion lost one who was beloved by all,
who had throughout ever had at heart the welfare of
his men, whether in or out of the trenches, at work or
at play. What he did in the early trench days at
Kemmel, was known to few. Often and often he was out
on patrol at night in “No Man’s Land,” mainly for the
sake of example, for it was part of his creed never to
tell a man to do anything that he would not dare to do
himself. He lies buried in the British cemetery at
Abbeville. It was a hard fate that struck down John
Becher and his two brothers-in-law, Basil and Everard
Handford—two of the most promising young Officers in
the Battalion—within a few hours of each other.

Much untiring energy and devotion were shewn
by many during these strenuous three days, not by any
means the least by our Medical Officer, Capt. C. B.
Johnstone, and his stretcher bearers. Johnstone himself
worked almost incessantly for over 48 hours in attending
the (p. 096) wounded, and in many cases helped to carry them
long distances, often under heavy fire. To him and all
his helpers are due our grateful thanks for their work
on that occasion.

On relief we marched out to the Transport Lines
behind Noyelles, where, in the early hours of October
16th, we got some most welcome and refreshing tea,
supplied by Torrance and his followers, and then moved
on, most of us more asleep than awake, to Vaudricourt,
where we arrived about 6.30 a.m., and at once got down
to sleep in some of the poorest billets it was ever our
misfortune to strike.

Thus ended the more or less fruitless battle of
Hohenzollern Redoubt. Though we held a portion
of the Redoubt as a result of the fighting, it was of no
tactical value, and indeed later on was evacuated or
blown up. The 12th Division fared no better, and we
can only look back on the whole attack as, through no
fault of our own, a dismal failure. The battle caused
us enormous casualties, all to no purpose. Our Battalion
alone lost seven Officers and 35 other ranks killed or
died of wounds, three Officers and 132 other ranks
wounded, and 14 missing, all of whom were afterwards
found to have been killed. Amongst the casualties
were Sergt. H. Hall, killed, and Sergts. Archer, Burn,
Barrow, and I. B. Bell and Corpl. Bruerton wounded.

It was a pleasure to all to hear a little later that for
his gallantry and splendid work in this attack, and on
many other occasions, “Pat” Ashwell was awarded
a well-deserved D.S.O.

At 5.0 p.m. on the afternoon of October 17th, the
whole Battalion and many Officers of the Brigade and
Division, attended the funeral of our beloved Colonel
in the English cemetery, under the Church at Fouquières,
the service being taken by his old friend Padre Hales.
Some 18 months afterwards the Battalion arrived in billets
six (p. 097) miles away from this spot, after a long and tiring
march. They were expected to move into the line the
next day, and some Officers who were lucky enough to
be mounted, rode over to see the Colonel’s grave. Around
the grave, which had been carefully looked after by
the Curé and other kind friends, and was covered
with snowdrops and daffodils just in bloom, they found
a number of the old Warrant Officers and N.C.O.’s of
the Battalion paying a silent tribute to their old
Commanding Officer. Such a tribute, surely is the
finest testimonial to the character of a man who ever
inspired in all ranks an affection and respect, which can
never have been exceeded in any unit of the army.

CHAPTER V (p. 098)

RICHEBOURG—MARSEILLES—CANDAS

October 18th, 1915.—
March 5th, 1916.

We were now little more than a skeleton of a
Battalion, so that the arrival of 103 reinforcements,
including Sergt. E. E. Deverall, was very
welcome, but so far as Officers were concerned we
remained for the moment very depleted. Capt. Turner
remained in command of B Company; Lieut. E. M.
Hacking took over A; Lieut. Abrams C, and Lieut.
Gray D.

Major-General Stuart-Wortley came to see us on
October 18th, when the Battalion paraded in a field
just outside Vaudricourt, and thanked us for our work
in the battle, and spoke to a few of the N.C.O.’s and
men, whose names had been forwarded as having done
specially well.

The following day we were not sorry to leave our
wretched billets and march to Lapugnoy, where we
got very comfortable quarters, and stayed for a week.
Here we were able to do a little reorganising, and were
fortunate in getting several new subalterns, viz.: 2nd
Lieuts. A. Andrews, H. R. Peerless, who shortly became
Battalion Grenade Officer, F. E. Kebblewhite, C. H.
Powell, A. H. G. Cox, E. Hopkinson (formerly Comp.
Sergt.-Major of C Company) and H. B. Hammond.
With their welcome arrival. Companies got more or less
into shape. We were unfortunate in having to send a
large party by ‘bus one day to Sailly Labourse, to
help to fetch out the empty gas cylinders from the
Hohenzollern (p. 099) trenches, but on the whole the few days
spent at Lapugnoy were very pleasant. The “Whizzbangs”
were in the same village, and gave several good
shows, which after our recent gruelling were very
refreshing, the more so as on this occasion they were
assisted by two French ladies, who, needless to say,
added enormously to the attraction.

The “Vin blink” of Lapugnoy was also most
attractive, and apparently rather more than usually
potent, for it was undoubtedly the cause of casualties
amongst all ranks. We left there on October 26th, and
marched to Béthune, where we were again fortunate
in being comfortably billeted at the Orphanage, with
Officers’ billets and Headquarters’ Mess in the Rue de
Lille.

Two days later, on October 28th, a review of troops
of the XI Corps, was held by the King and the Prince
of Wales at Hesdigneul. Representatives of all units of
the 46th Division were included in the parade, to which
we contributed a composite Company of six Officers and
250 other ranks, under Capt. Davenport. The parade
ground was a newly ploughed field, and as for several
days previously there had been heavy rain the conditions
were extremely unfavourable. After taking the
salute, the King went on to inspect another unit in an
adjoining field, where, unfortunately, he had a nasty
accident, and the last we saw of him was driving
away from the parade ground and looking very ill.

Further reinforcements joined us at Béthune,
mostly from entrenching Battalions, making our strength
up to more normal figures, though for many months to
come, we seldom exceeded 600 to 700 all told.
Capt. Hill was appointed to command D Company,
2nd Lieut. Cox succeeding him as Signalling Officer.
Mounteney rejoined and resumed his duties as Regimental
Sergt.-Major.

Our (p. 100) next move was to the Richebourg sector—probably
the most miserable trenches we ever met with,
and then held by Indian troops. Leaving Béthune on
November 4th, we proceeded via Epinette, where we
spent one night, to Vieille Chapelle and relieved the
58th Rifles (Meerut Division) in front line trenches on
November 6th, with Battalion Headquarters in “Edward
Road,” just behind Richebourg L’Avoué, and the front
line a little in front of that village, and just South of
Neuve Chapelle. This was a bad country for trenches,
being flat and low lying, with the water level even at
normal times very near the surface. The Boche as
usual had such high ground as there was. This was
mainly in the region of the Bois du Biez on our left, from
which he got a fair view over much of our area. The
Indians had done little trench work, and all that was
taken over was a very poor front line, with a few scraps
of support trenches, and one or two communication
trenches, mostly full of water. It was during our first
tour that a waggish Hun called out one night, after one
of our Very lights had made rather a worse display than
usual, “Better luck next time. I’ll shew you how to
send them “—which he promptly did, adding later, “I
don’t want to fight, I’ve had enough of the war.” Towards
the end of our stay in this area, we came across
another talkative lot of Boches, who had a good deal to
say one night, enquiring what regiment we were, and
making various remarks about cigarettes and plum
puddings.

It was towards the end of our first tour that we
had the first of our happily few casualties in this area,
Lieut. Houfton being killed early in the morning of
November 11th. He was endeavouring to make his way
with Lieut. Abrams along an absolutely water-logged
trench to “Boar’s Head,” the extreme right of our
Battalion sector, and they were evidently being carefully
watched (p. 101) by a Boche sniper, who was doubtless able from
time to time to catch a glimpse of their caps above the
parapet. Eventually, when they got to a spot where the
parapet was particularly low, he fired, the bullet killing
Houfton, and passing through the peak of Abrams’ cap.
Sergt. T. Martin gallantly went to Houfton’s aid, across
400 yards of very difficult and exposed ground.

The front we held was changed somewhat after a
time, and we side-stepped to the left, with Battalion
Headquarters in dug-outs, at the side of the Rue du Bois.
The few odd houses left along this road were mostly
used by the Gunners as observation posts, the principal
being “Ritz,” “Carlton,” “Princes,” and “Trocadero,”
and as the Boche gunners probably had a very shrewd
suspicion of this, the neighbourhood of the road was
often not a healthy spot, and on one or two occasions
was shelled fairly heavily. It was on one of these, when
we had some men wounded near “Factory Corner,” that
Pvte. Redfern, the old bandsman, coolly went to their
aid in the midst of the shelling, and was dressing one of the
men when he was himself mortally wounded. L.-Corpls.
W. H. Lacey and S. Matthews also shewed great bravery
in rescuing wounded men at the same time. In
connection with this shelling of areas behind the front
line, a somewhat unhappily worded order was received
to the effect that daily reports frequently omitted
to mention the activities of hostile artillery, and that
as an example at a certain time on a certain day,
“Guards Trench” was subjected to a sharp bombardment,
and that had it not been for the fact that “a
Staff Officer was accidentally in the front line at the
time,” nothing would have been known of this at
Divisional Headquarters!

The Boche machine gunners gave us a certain amount
of trouble too, particularly at night, when they regularly
sprayed all the area from the Rue du Bois to “Windy
Corner,” (p. 102) doubtless hoping to catch transport and
carrying parties. One particular artiste used to try to
play tunes with his gun and we had no difficulty in
recognising his favourite as an attempt at “Yip-y-addy.”
It was a very unlucky burst from one of these one night
that killed that very brave soldier Sergt. Sheppard, who
had previously been awarded the D.C.M. for gallantry at
Hooge. Lieut. Adams, our machine gun Officer, did his
best to get his own back against them, and used to stalk
out nightly alone, contrary to all regulations, and fire off
his guns at odd times in the hope of catching someone.
He was rewarded one night, after patiently lying in
wait for a search light that the enemy had used occasionally
from their front line parapet, by knocking it out
with a burst of fire almost the instant it shewed itself.
But on the whole there was very little excitement;
in fact, we hardly had time for much, as we only spent
a total of 16 days in the trenches here altogether. Cold
winter weather had set in, and there was little or no
comfort possible for the men holding the front line. It
was here that we first really found it necessary to use
“gumboots thigh” when they could be got, and to
dress legs and feet daily with whale oil to try and ward
off that horrid complaint “trench feet,” which might
easily have caused many casualties in such trenches
as these. A most complicated form had to be filled up
with every case sent down to hospital suffering from
trench foot, and no mercy was shewn to any Commanding
Officer who did not take every precaution to prevent it.
Fortunately we had a very good record. Every effort
was made to relieve the men in the front line every
24 hours, and to take them back as often as possible
to the billets near Windy Corner, where they were able
to get their clothes dried, and a good night’s rest before
going back to the line.

Our (p. 103) rest billets and Transport were at Vieille Chapelle.
The field where the latter had their lines was nothing
but a mass of mud, in most places knee-deep. The
Transport at this time shewed remarkable activity,
limbers going backwards and forwards all day to
Lacouture on some mysterious duty, which was by no
means unconnected with the excitement which arose
in “A” Branch of Divisional Headquarters towards
the end of our stay, about some houses missing from
that village! They had been removed piecemeal to the
transport lines, where they were used to form standings.

During one tour spent in Brigade support, Battalion
Headquarters and two Companies were in that village,
and two Companies in billets in Richebourg St. Vaast,
or finding garrisons for “St. Vaast,” “Grotto” and
“Angle” posts. An interesting discovery in the rafters
of a ruined house at Richebourg St. Vaast was a pepper
box found to contain several gold louis. Capt. E. M.
Hacking was the means of their being handed over to
the French authorities and, we hope, eventually restored
to their owner. The billets at Lacouture were not very
good, but we had a great find there in the shape of what
had once been a billiard table in the remains of the
Village Institute. At the same time curiously enough,
and for some time afterwards, the Quarter-Master reported
that the demand for green cloth for putting
behind cap badges was extraordinarily small!

The main drawback to our periods of rest was those
wretched working parties, which seemed to pursue us
everywhere. Here the work in hand was the building
of a solid breastwork in continuation of Guards Trench,
just East of the Rue du Bois. Two nights out of each
four we were at rest, we had to send large parties to
Richebourg to carry on this work, which was being done
“by the piece.” A certain number of sandbags were
issued to each man about half-a-mile before he got to
his (p. 104) work, and he was told that when these had been
filled and laid he could return. It is perhaps needless
to say that many of the sandbags found a resting place
in the nearest ditch, not far from the Royal Engineers’
dump, where they were issued, and that the building of
the breastwork did not proceed very rapidly.

During our stay here several new Officers joined,
including 2nd Lieuts. H. K. Simonet, G. A. P. Rawlings,
and A. H. Michie from the 2/8th Battalion, and 2nd
Lieuts. A. Bedford, G. G. Elliott, and W. W. Pitt. We
were also given as Second-in-Command, Major E. H.
Heathcote, from the 6th Battalion, whilst his brother
Capt. G. S. Heathcote, rejoined at the end of November
and resumed command of C Company. At the same
time Capt. E. M. Hacking went to Brigade Headquarters
to learn Staff duties, leaving A Company
under Lieut. Andrews, until taken over a little later
by Capt. A. Hacking, who rejoined from Brigade. We
also lost 2nd Lieut. Pickerell, who was invalided home.
Our losses in other ranks during our stay amounted
to three killed and 15 wounded.

On December 2nd—we retain most pleasant
memories of that night—we were relieved by the 7th
Battalion in the left sector, and on one of the darkest
nights known, made our way back in the usual way to
Vieille Chapelle. About 9.30 p.m. a message was
received from Brigade that the Commanding Officer or
Adjutant was wanted at once. The Adjutant was sent
and came back with the news that we were to be
“prepared to move at short notice to an unknown
destination.” At 5.0 a.m. the next morning further
orders were received and we left Vieille Chapelle at noon
the same day, marching via Merville to Haverskerque,
where we got very good if scattered billets. There we
proceeded to clean off some of the mud of the Richebourg
trenches. During our march we met units of the
19th (p. 105) Division, moving up to relieve the troops in the
trenches, and could not help feeling a touch of sympathy
for them having been suddenly fetched away from
comfortable billets, to take over such water-logged
trenches, and we felt that for once fortune had
favoured us.

Rumours of all kinds began to float around, and of
all quarters of the globe that were mentioned “Egypt”
was believed to be “it,” and it was not long before we
found out that that indeed was our intended destination.

Everyone was happy, and we were soon looking smart
once more; in fact, so splendid was the effort at cleaning
up, that the Battalion was congratulated by our
Divisional Commander at his inspection on December
7th, as being the smartest Battalion of the eleven he
had inspected.

Odd men who had been detached for duty with
other units rejoined. We had a few small drafts, and
one new Officer, 2nd Lieut. W. H. B. Rezin.

We now settled down for drill, interior economy,
and lectures. Particular attention was given to guard
drill and guard mounting ceremonies, as the Divisional
Commander expressed a wish that we should turn out
like the Guards Division, who were in the same Corps.
Fur coats and other winter kit were handed in. A
horrid pro forma certificate reached Orderly Room, and
the Commanding Officer found he had to sign a
certificate to the effect that the Battalion was in
possession of every article enumerated in A.F.G. 1098
(Mobilisation Store Table). This document contained
such items as “screws, brass, buckle roller 1 in. × 7/8 in.—2”
“awls, brad—1;” “cordage, tarred spun yarn,—lbs.
14,” and other luxuries which had long been
considered superfluous, and mostly lost in the Salient.
We had been told to indent for anything we wanted
in the way of clothing or equipment, so that there
was (p. 106) some consternation on the arrival of a new and
fierce Deputy Assistant Director of Ordnance Services
just at this moment, who told Quarter-Masters that
during the last month, the whole of the Guards Division
had not used the number of articles they were indenting
for. Formal indents for “awls, brad,” etc., were therefore
out of the question. The Quarter-Master accused
the Transport Officer, and the Transport Officer accused
the Quarter-Master, but in the end the mess cart, which
had a good cover, was requisitioned, and made two
or three secret journeys by night to Merville, and
when surprise was expressed that everything on the
Mobilisation Store Table was present, both the individuals
concerned looked supremely innocent, and no more was
said about it. It has since transpired that a jar of
rum played a prominent part in this incident.

Here we parted with “Big Ben,” “Old Bob,”
and other heavy draught horses, which had been with
us since leaving Newark, and received in exchange mules
from the Guards Divisional Ammunition Column, two
of which rejoiced in the aristocratic names of “Harry
Thaw,” and “Legs Eleven.”

We were inspected by the Assistant Director of
Medical Services; we had lectures on “Duties on board
ship” and “Entraining.” Special short leave was
granted to a few lucky ones, and all preparations were
made for a big move. Our billets were very comfortable.
We could get good dinners at the “Corner Café,”
and those of us who were there, will never forget the
wonderful concert given by the 19th Divisional Ammunition
Column who were billeted there, in which two
ladies from Merville assisted.

On December 19th, we marched to Wittes, a small
village on the La Bassée Canal, near Aire. This was
a short march on a bright Sunday morning, chiefly
memorable for a wonderful equestrian feat on the part
of (p. 107) a certain Company Commander, who went with his
horse into a dyke at the starting point, and instead of
coming out with the animal, stayed in by himself, and
for the fact that an unfortunate mistake in map reading,
caused the Battalion to perform a most startling and
snake-like turning feat in a lane only a few feet wide,
the mistake being discovered just as the last transport
vehicle had entered the lane. However, as it was a
bright day and we were going away, great good humour
prevailed, and each Company played “Here we go
round the water cart” in its own good time, and the
tangle was soon sorted out.

Our before breakfast parade at Wittes on a few
occasions took the novel form of the whole Battalion
doubling up and down along the Canal side to the
accompaniment of the drums. This was entertaining
for a brief space, but the novelty soon wore off. Ordinary
training was continued, and included several route
marches. It was during one of these that the C Company
“wag” brought forth a spontaneous remark one day
when passing one of those little dog-carts one used to
see so often. It was very heavily laden and the dog
was straining every nerve. A big, powerful looking
woman was walking at the side carrying a horse whip,
but taking no share in the burden. As the Company
passed, our friend remarked “Eh, mum, you’ve forgotten
your spurs!”

Christmas, 1915, spent at Wittes was a very cheery
one. All sorts of good things had been received from
home, including a present for every Officer and man
from the Nottingham Comforts Fund, and altogether
we had a most enjoyable time. Football matches and
sports of all kinds were indulged in, and one has vivid
recollections of Sergt. Deverall giving a wonderful boxing
display, and of a poor Frenchman waking up one morning
to find his best wagon at the bottom of the Canal.

Major J. P. Becher, D.S.O.
Died of wounds, Jan. 1st, 1916.

On (p. 108) Boxing-Day we marched via Aire to fresh
billets at Molinghem, which were probably the most
verminous we ever found. In spite of this drawback
we had a very good time, and on January 6th, 1916,
had the pleasure of welcoming the 11th Sherwood
Foresters, who marched over from a neighbouring
village and played us at football. After a good game
we beat them by two goals to one. A Brigade inter-Battalion
football competition was also played, in which
after beating the 5th Battalion one—none, and the 7th
Battalion three—none, we won the Brigade championship
and some very neat medals.

Whilst at Molinghem, we got our long expected
orders to move South, and on January 7th, A and C
Companies, and half the First Line Transport vehicles,
under Major E. H. Heathcote entrained at Berguette,
and were followed by the remainder of the Battalion on
January 9th, except the horses, which were entrained at
Lillers on January 11th. Eventually, after a train
journey of nearly three days, the Battalion was concentrated
at Marseilles, where after some rearranging,
Battalion Headquarters and B and D Companies were
billeted at Camp Moussot, and A and C Companies under
Major Heathcote, at Camp Borely.

At Marseilles we spent what was probably our
happiest fortnight in France. It is not difficult to
imagine the pleasure everyone experienced at being
transported to the shores of the Mediterranean in January
after the filth and mud in the trenches, and wet and
fogs of Northern France. The change was marvellous,
and the turnout and appearance of the men splendid,
and indeed the subject of comment by English people
arriving from abroad, who said they could not help being
struck on landing at finding the place full of well set-up
and healthy English Tommies. Truly the change was
delightful, though the Officers who had the misfortune
to (p. 109) be billeted for a time in the draughty bathing establishment
opposite Borely Camp, are not likely to forget
the cold nights they spent there. Sea bathing, which
we got almost next door to the Camp, was a great
delight, and of course the town itself was full of
attractions. We need only mention such names as
the Cannibière, Theresa’s Bar, Lindens, The Alcazar,
Castell Muro, The Palais Crystal, The Bodega, and The
Novelty, to recall many incidents to all those who
were fortunate enough to be with us. It was certainly
delightful, but played havoc with our banking accounts,
and must have given Mr. Cox a very busy time.
We did a certain amount of training in our more
serious moments, which were not many, ordinary work
normally finishing about 1.0 p.m., and the men being
allowed out from 2.0 p.m. onwards. Many guards
and camp and town fatigues had to be found, however,
almost daily, which much depleted our numbers
on parade. Training was mainly of the barrack square
type. There was a certain amount of interest for those
at Moussot Camp, in watching the Indian Troops,
whilst those at Borely spent much time either in
dodging the loose horses and mules, which wandered
at will about the Camp, or the Camp Commandant,
who had a violent dislike to orange peel, and if he
found any at once arrested the nearest man, whether
guilty or not!

Four new Officers joined us there, viz., 2nd Lieuts.
C. G. Tomlinson, E. C. Marshall, A. A. Hodgson, and
W. S. Jones, and a draft of 39 men, all of whom no
doubt thought it a very “bon” war.

Plans for our sea journey had got so far advanced
that our transport vehicles had actually been taken down
to the docks for loading, when, alas for us, our hopes of
going East were shattered on January 24th, by the
receipt of orders to entrain the next night.

What (p. 110) exactly caused the sudden change of plans we
did not know at the time, but subsequently heard it was
due to the unexpected ease with which Gallipoli had
been evacuated. Needless to say there was much regret
on all sides, especially when we found that we were to
go back to the North of France and join the Third Army
on the Western Front. On the evening of the
25th January, we marched down through cheering crowds
of French people to the Gare d’Arenc, where after
waiting about for four hours, we entrained at 4.10 a.m.
on the 26th. It is sad to think that this wait gave an
opportunity once more for light-fingered people in the
Transport Section to annex eight or nine P.L.M. goods
sheets, which were carefully stowed away, one on each
limber, and later proved of great value in several places
where there was a scarcity of billets.

We detrained at Pont Remy on the morning of
January 28th, after a peculiarly uncomfortable journey,
and owing to our guide preferring to go three miles
uphill to one on the flat our march to Ergnies was a
somewhat lengthy business. In this area we followed
the Ulster Division, and we are glad to add that the
billets taken over from them were invariably scrupulously
clean, and had evidently been vastly improved under
their able medical authorities. We stayed here for
several days, and had an opportunity of resting the men
after their long journey, and of carrying out a little
training. Some of this was in preparation for a Brigade
ceremonial parade, which took place on February 3rd,
when General Shipley spoke of the splendid work done
by the Brigade in France up to that time, and read out
a list of the honours and decorations awarded, of which
we had had a fair share. At Ergnies we had flying
visits from Col. Huskinson and “Doc.” Stallard, both
of whom we were delighted to see looking very fit.

On (p. 111) February 10th, we marched to Ribeaucourt,
where we stayed for a little over a week. Here on
February 16th, we parted with Lieut. Adams, 2nd Lieut.
Rezin, and 35 N.C.O.’s and men of the Machine Gun
Section, who went to form part of the newly created
“Brigade Machine Gun Company.” In place of the
Vickers gun thus withdrawn, we were issued with the new
light Lewis Machine Gun, air cooled, mounted on a bipod
and easily carried. Each Company had two of these
and the whole were supervised by a Battalion Lewis
Gun Officer, 2nd Lieut. Simonet being the first to be
appointed to this duty. Musketry was carried out on
a 300 yard range, which we fitted up near the village,
and bombing practice under the guidance of 2nd Lieut.
Peerless, who made considerable progress in the use of
the West Spring Thrower. Capt. A. Hacking had
been again taken to Brigade Headquarters, to act as
Grenade Officer, and Capt. Lawson who had rejoined
at Wittes, was appointed to command A Company
in his place. All this time we were well in the back
regions out of harm’s way. The only journey made to
the front area was that by a party of Officers, who one
day had to reconnoitre some reserve lines of trenches
near Forceville and Mailly Maillet. We once had orders
to be prepared to take over the line at Beaumont Hamel,
but this fell through.

Ribeaucourt we shall always remember, owing to
the exorbitant claims made by the inhabitants for
damage to billets. Never before nor after did
we receive such demands as those made by the good
people of that village, headed by the Maire, who after
showing much hospitality to a few of us, seemed to want
to give the villagers a lead in their demands! How
they were eventually settled we never found out. Here,
too, Capt. Davenport and Sergt. Blunt were chased
down the village street one day by two infuriated women
armed (p. 112) with broomsticks, their store of bully beef and
army shirts having been discovered by the former, when
looking for odds and ends to hand into the Deputy
Assistant Director of Ordnance Services in exchange for
new articles. The D.A.D.O.S. had just issued an
ultimatum to the effect that he would issue nothing
except on the return of the old article. Transport
men, therefore, scoured the country side for bottoms of
nose-bags, backs of dandy brushes, pieces of rope, etc.,
which were cleaned and handed in and quite a good
stock of new articles was obtained in return.

On February 20th, we were taken in motor ‘buses
by a somewhat circuitous route to fresh billets at
Candas, where we stayed until March 6th. Most of
this time the weather was extremely cold and there
were several heavy snowstorms. Navvying on new railways
was our chief work, under the supervision of the
112th Company Royal Engineers, either about Puchevillers,
or the station at Candas, in preparation for the
offensive that was to take place later on. Our fortnight
at Candas completed three whole months of what was
practically “rest” in the back areas. We were now to
play a more active part in the war.

CHAPTER VI (p. 113)

VIMY RIDGE

March 6th, 1916.—
April 21st, 1916.

Vimy Ridge will always bring up in the minds of
those of the 8th Sherwood Foresters, who were
with us at that time the word “Mines.” Everyone
seemed somehow or other to have heard that that part
of the line was famous for mining warfare, and as the
news was passed on from one to another that Vimy
Ridge was our destination, a kind of whisper of “Mines”
passed with it. The area proved to be a mass of mines,
and we found that mining warfare was extremely unpleasant,
though most of our own experience was confined
to the latter part of our stay there.

The front line in this sector, in the early part of 1915
had run through the East end of the Lorette Ridge to
Carency, and thence to La Targette, but on September 25th
of that year, the French had driven the enemy back
nearly a mile, practically to the foot of the Vimy
Ridge itself. In this area were portions of the front
having such well-known names as “The Labyrinth,”
and Souchez Sugar Refinery—reminders of the fact that
some of the most savage fighting of the whole war took
place there, owing to the struggle of the enemy to
retain a footing on that splendid line of observation,
the Lorette Ridge. The Arras-Béthune Road, known
as the Route de Béthune, and bordered by a few
scraggy trees, ran through the sector more or less
from North to South—about a mile behind the front
line, and two miles in front of Mont St. Eloy. The
forward area was a scene of desolation—trenches and
wire, shell-holes everywhere, mine craters here and
there, (p. 114) shewing more or less where No Man’s Land
was, and beyond them the gently sloping ridge, with
little variation except a few shattered trees marking the
site of La Folie Wood.

Such was the sector that our advance party of
Officers went up to reconnoitre on March 5th. The
French were holding the line, and this was the Battalion’s
only experience of taking over from them. We were
not let into the secret of the why and wherefore of the
move, but doubtless we relieved in order to allow them
to send much wanted help to their friends at Verdun,
who were now so hard pressed owing to the enemy’s
continued attacks. It was hoped that the fact of our
taking over this part of the line could be kept from the
Boche, at least until relief was complete, and to further
this object the advance party were given French “tin
hats” to wear so as to maintain the deception. We fear
that despite our efforts, the enemy knew just about as
much of the relief as we did, and rumour says that a
Boche scout, on getting across to the French front line
two days before we relieved them, openly expressed
his surprise to the French sentry that the English had
not already arrived! We were shewn the greatest kindness
by the French when we went up to reconnoitre,
and they did all they could to explain the situation,
and many an Officer drank confusion to the enemy
in a glass of sweet sparkling wine. Those who were
there will doubtless well remember the group of Officers
being assembled just behind the Arras-Béthune road,
in full view of the German lines, under the French Brigade
Major, who was acting as guide, when the Hun gunners,
not being able to let such an opportunity slip, at once
put over a few “pip-squeaks,” and we discovered
with a considerable amount of pleasure, that our gallant
Allies were just about as good in getting to ground
as ourselves, if not a trifle better. It was, however,
a (p. 115) rude awakening to the fact that a war was still on,
which we had rather forgotten during our stay in the
South of France, and in the back areas.

Leaving Candas on March 6th, we marched on a
very snowy day, via Doullens, to Iverny, moving on the
8th to Maizières, and on the 9th to Acq, where we had to
make the best of most uncomfortable billets, the whole
village being a seething mass of troops, French and
English, and every billet crowded to its utmost limit.
On the occasion of this move we marched, in accordance
with instructions, in column of three’s. This system
was tried owing to the narrow roads, but only lasted a
few months.

On the following day we moved up into support
trenches, just in front of the Route de Béthune, where
we stayed for four days cleaning trenches, carrying out
general trench repairs, and improving dug-outs. There
were a certain number of deep dug-outs in this sector—our
first experience of them—proof against all but the
heaviest shells, though in every other respect a bad
invention. Further behind, at Berthonval Farm, were
huge caverns hewn out of the chalk, fitted up with wire
beds, absolutely shell-proof, and having accommodation
for about two Companies. The dug-outs in the front
line trenches, however, were mere shelters. Later on
we were told to make our shelters in this area of a uniform
pattern in small saps running back from the trenches,
and when men could be spared from other more pressing
work, a certain amount of progress was made in this
respect.

The French dug-outs possessed one unique quality;
they were decorated as only a Frenchman could decorate
them, with most wonderful designs in pokerwork, which
were always objects of the greatest interest to our
visitors.

On (p. 116) March 15th, we were relieved by the 2nd Royal
Irish Rifles, and withdrew for four days to rest billets,
which consisted of some French huts partly in the wood,
and partly in the open, just behind Mont St. Eloy.
We are afraid we could not have given our predecessors
a “billet clean” certificate in respect of these huts,
many of which were a foot or more deep with accumulated
rubbish of every description. There were no baths,
and we had to rig up home-made ones with ground
sheets and other means, using the cookers for providing
the necessary hot water. We managed, however, to get
clean clothing from time to time from the Staff Captain,
Major Wordsworth, who got together a fascinating
crowd of French ladies, and did much useful work as
Officer Commanding Laundry, at Mont St. Eloy.

We were at this time called upon to provide a
contribution towards the Brigade Mining Section, which
was re-formed to help the French Miners in the sector,
and on March 17th, we had to part temporarily with
Lieut. R. V. Harvey, Corpl. Boot and 12 men, who joined
the Brigade Section under Lieut. Webster, of the Robin
Hoods. The arrival of 140 reinforcements the previous
day had, however, swelled our numbers considerably,
amongst several old friends in the draft being Sergt.
G. Powell, who shortly became Comp. Sergt.-Major of
A Company, Sergts. I. B. Bell, S. Foster, Collins and
Beniston, and Corpl. A. B. North. We thus had a reasonable
trench strength when we relieved the 7th Battalion
in the left sub-sector on March 19th.

In this area we always kept to the same sub-sector,
relieving as on many other occasions with the Robin
Hoods. The 5th and 6th Battalions shared the right
sub-sector, whilst the 138th Brigade were on our left.
Each Company, too, had its own section of trench,
finding its own supports. From right to left they ran
in order: D (Capt. Hill), B (Capt. Turner), C (Major
G. S. Heathcote), (p. 117) A (Capt. Vann, who had recently
rejoined; during his absence on a course at 3rd Army
School, his place was taken by Capt. Lawson). Battalion
Headquarters was in a delightful spot just under the
steep side of the Talus des Zouaves, and well nigh out
of reach of everything but aeroplane bombs. Second
Lieut. Cox was Signalling Officer, 2nd Lieut. Simonet,
Lewis Gun Officer, 2nd Lieut. Peerless, Grenade Officer,
and 2nd Lieut. Marshall, Intelligence Officer. The last-named
was the first Officer in the Battalion to hold that
newly created appointment.

The enemy front line was close to ours, in most parts
about 70 yards away, but bombing posts in saps were
in several cases not more than 10 to 15 yards apart.
Talking and movement in the front line could often
be heard quite plainly, whilst our Bombers in the posts
used to indulge sometimes in lobbing practice, and
spent their odd moments in erecting or repairing wire
netting to catch the Boche “potato mashers.”

Our two communication trenches running forward—”Boyau
Central” and “Avenue Lassale”—though well
cared for and kept up by the French, were almost straight,
and hardly traversed at all, particularly the former, and
movement along them was precarious. The fire and support
trenches, bearing such names as “Schiller,” “Grange,”
“Broadmarsh,” “Duffield,” and “Bertrand,” were in
very bad order, and work was at once concentrated in
an effort to make a good line of resistance along “Guerin
Trench,” practically the support line. Some work was
also done on a reserve trench, known as “Blanchetière.”
We felt this all the more necessary, as just before we
took over from the French, the Boche had driven them
out of their front line, and it seemed quite within the
range of possibility that he might try to make a further
advance. Our fears turned out to be correct, for later
he did make an onslaught, though luckily not whilst we
were there.

Unfortunately (p. 118) the enemy in capturing the trenches,
had secured the shafts of all the French mines, and
had consequently got a good start at various points
along the front before the French could begin again.
The result was that practically all the French mines
were defensive, and intended merely to try and blow
the Germans, before they could get under our lines.
No doubt each side knew almost exactly where the
other side was working, and at what approximate time
any particular mine would go up. These were all shewn
to us on a plan, and carefully explained by the Officer
in charge of the French Miners, who were still at work
in the sector. Each Company had a cut-and-dried
scheme for carrying out the instant a mine went up in
its own or adjoining sectors. Anticipating the mine,
parties were kept available to seize the near lip of the
crater formed, with covering parties of Lewis gunners,
riflemen, and bombers to go out on each flank, and working
parties behind them to begin at once to dig a trench to
join up the broken front line across the lip of the crater,
wire the front and establish observation posts on the
lip. All this work had to be started the instant the
mine was exploded, in order to make certain that the
Boche did not get possession of our lip of the crater,
as well as his own. This entailed constant readiness
and considerable anxiety on the part of those holding
the front line.

The enemy shewed no special activity, though on
several occasions our front and support lines were badly
knocked about, both by shells and trench mortars, which
necessitated a vast amount of repairs, and caused us
considerable casualties. In addition to high explosive he
now began to send over for the first time “lachrymatory”
gas shells, having a sweet smell and doing little harm
except to make our eyes water. In the later stages of
the war, they became, as we shall see, much more disagreeable.

As (p. 119) it was so difficult in this sector for our Gunners
to be able to identify our front line, we had to mark it
with “artillery boards,”—white boards about 3 ft. by
2 ft., marked with different letters denoting the different
sections of the front. These were stuck up by the
Infantry at night, in such a position that they could
be seen by our Gunners but be invisible to the enemy.
Whether they were any real help or not is doubtful.
Later on we were given a smaller portable type of board,
coloured brown and marked with a black cross, a number
of which were issued to each Battalion, and carried with
us as part of our equipment. They were intended for
use in moving warfare to mark our advanced positions,
but were eventually discarded as unsuitable.

We now began seriously to try and harass the
enemy with trench mortars, for which purpose Trench
Mortar Batteries were formed. The medium batteries
fired a fairly heavy shell with a long tail (known
as “Footballs” or “Toffee Apples”), and the Stokes
batteries a light shell, which could be fired at the rate
of 20 or more per minute. We had recently sent
2nd Lieut. Kebblewhite and five men to a school for
a course in this work. It is feared, however, that the
first efforts of the trench mortar experts in the trenches
were not fully appreciated. A very nervous Officer would
go to his emplacement, fire off a few shells, and then
gracefully, but rapidly retire, leaving the people on the
spot to put up with any retaliation. And we well remember
Capt. Lawson being so annoyed at this going on,
that on one occasion the bed plate mysteriously disappeared.
On another occasion an emplacement was
made one night with much care on D Company’s front,
ready for a big bombardment, but when completed was
found to be in full view of six enemy sniper plates,
about 100 yards away!

At (p. 120) sniping we more than held our own, though the
enemy were very keen, and used to fire from steel plates
fixed round the mine craters. We were unfortunate
in losing at this period Sergt.-Drummer Clewes, who
went home for discharge. He had done much excellent
work in charge of the Brigade Snipers, his own “bag”
being stated to amount to considerably over 100. As
some recognition of his good work he was later awarded
the D.C.M. His son, Corpl. G. W. Clewes, another excellent
sniper, left at the same time. L.-Corpl. Hagues took
over the duties of N.C.O. in charge of Snipers, and
with 2nd Lieut. Marshall, did some splendid work,
including the blowing-in of several loophole plates with
Col. Fowler’s Elephant Gun, which was now brought
into use again.

Marshall’s “pet,” however, was the “dummy
tree” on the Route de Béthune. This was a hollow
tree about 20 feet high, formed of steel casing, and
covered with imitation bark. Inside there were ledges
to climb up by, and from it a most excellent view for
a very long distance around, could be obtained. It
had been erected by the enemy before they had been
driven back.

Another item in the “Intelligence Department”
which now came into use, was that extraordinary
instrument known as the “I-Tok,” intended for picking
up enemy telegraphic and telephonic messages. We
never were supposed to know where its operators performed,
and rarely did know, but more often than not
they placed themselves near Battalion Headquarters,
and the sheaves of papers they sent to Brigade were
mostly filled with scraps of our own messages. It is
doubtful if much of value was picked up from enemy
messages, but they certainly did good in keeping a
check on our own conversations over the telephone,
and were regularly used from now onwards. The
“Fullerphone,” (p. 121) which was introduced a little later, and
largely superseded the ordinary telephone, was reputed
to be capable of transmitting messages in such a way
that they could not be picked up.

Our Firework Artistes, too, decided that they
ought to have a show, and accordingly arranged for us
one night to have a display of red rockets in the front
line. These rockets had been issued for use for night
S.O.S. When the time came for them to be let off, the
only visible result to those behind watching, was one
feeble rocket which made a short lob, and fell to the
earth. Only one other went off at all, and it had a great
tussle with John Turner, nearly knocking him through
a traverse, and then fizzing itself out in the bottom of
the trench.

Another brainy person, one of our German scholars,
decided one day to try the result of putting up a placard
to give the Boche the news that the L.15 had been sunk
in the Thames. This was on April 2nd. Two days
later a notice was put up opposite B Company’s
front, which said “Thanks for your news: you are all
mad”—shewing, we thought, a lack of originality on
his part. This was one of the very few occasions upon
which we either sent or received a message in this
way.

Regtl.-sergt.-major A. Westerman.	Comp. Sergt.-major J. T. Slater And N.C.O.’s Of ‘A’ Company, 1917.

Just about the same time, we had the pleasure of
seeing a Hun plane brought down by one of our own,
after a short sharp scrap in mid-air. Our man dived
at the Hun and opened with Lewis gun fire, killing both
the pilot and observer. The plane took charge of
itself, and after a brief wild career, crashed near our
Battalion Headquarters. It was no sooner down than
it was shelled by the enemy and eventually set on fire.
Various useful documents, however, were secured from
it including some maps and a signalling code. The
bodies of the pilot, Lieut. Ziemssen, and the observer
were (p. 122) buried at Mont St. Eloy by Padre Hales, who a
little later received an appreciative letter from the pilot’s
widow.

With these and sundry other excitements, we got
through two six-day tours in the line, and also spent
two periods of similar length at our rest huts cleaning,
training, and reorganising, for we were continually
losing Officers and men in various ways, and fresh ones
were joining. Amongst the former we lost 2nd Lieuts.
G. G. Elliott and Pitt, invalided to England, and the
following Warrant Officers and N.C.O.’s who left us on
completion of their term of service: Regimental Quarter-Master
Sergt. Tomlin, Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood,
Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Shelton, and Sergts. Murden,
Handford and Kettle. Arrivals included Major Ashwell,
Capt. H. Kirby, Lieut. G. Wright, 2nd Lieut. W. P. Duff,
and about 70 men, many of whom were returned
casualties, and in some cases anything but fit to
resume active service. Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt.
Dench became Regimental Quarter-Master Sergt., Sergt.
Bee Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. of B Company,
and Sergt. Hotson Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. of C
Company.

We were able to offer very little in the way of
amusement just at this period, entertainers either
being more or less non-existent, or somewhat shy.
One afternoon, however, we succeeded in rousing
sufficient enthusiasm to organise a boxing contest,
one of the very few ever carried through by the Battalion.
In the heavy-weight contest between those two stalwarts,
Sergt. Slater and Corpl. Bryan, the latter retired after the
third round with an injured hand. The middle-weight
competition was won by Sergt. L. Green, and the lightweight
by Sergt. Attenborough. The same evening, we
managed an impromptu concert in one of the huts.

Our (p. 123) Transport Lines and Quarter-Master’s stores
during this period were back at Acq, and were fairly
comfortable. Here for the first time we had the experience
of taking rations and stores up to the line on the light
railways, already constructed by the French, a system of
transport in which both they and the Germans were much
ahead of us. Stores were unloaded from the limbers at
Ecoivres on to flat trucks, each of which was pulled by
three mules. The “Decauville Track” ran past
“Berthonval Farm,” across the Béthune road, branching
there right and left for the various Battalion dumps, ours
being in the Talus des Zouaves, near Battalion Headquarters.
At first, the system did not work well, and there
was much confusion, but later it was properly organised so
that rations went up first, and Royal Engineers’ stores
about midnight. When we first took over the sector, the
French caused much alarm to our men by carrying their
stores to and from the Béthune Road by electric trucks,
actually the chassis and platforms of trains from Paris
Plage, to which the bells used for warning pedestrians were
still attached. One brakesman, Alphonse by name,
like a wise person, usually went about his own business
on arrival at the Béthune Road Dump, which was often
a warm spot. The driver meanwhile got his load to
take back, and anxious as all were who ever had a job
of work at that particular spot, to get it done and be off,
he adopted the practice which seemed to us rather
foolish, of vigorously sounding his gong time after time,
at the same time shouting “Alphonse, Alphonse,” with
the result that all our men vanished “tout-de-suite,”
leaving him and the errant Alphonse to face any whizz-bangs
which might result. Truly, the French are a
remarkable race!

We must, however, congratulate them on that
excellent institution in the Vimy sector, Trench Coffee
Shops. Where cooking for the trenches was a matter
of (p. 124) some difficulty, as in this sector, it was a great
boon to be able to get such excellent supplies of hot tea
and other comforts as they provided. They were run
by the French for some time after our arrival, but
later were taken over by our own Brigade, and put
under the care of Capt. E. M. Hacking, who was attached
to Brigade Headquarters. We feel, however, we must
attribute to the somewhat casual sanitary measures
adopted by the French, the presence of so many rats
in this sector. One often met them in droves in the
trenches, and never before or after did we come across
such numbers of the beasts, and such colossal specimens
as we found during our stay in the Vimy trenches.

On April 12th, after a brief inspection near our
huts by Major-General Stuart-Wortley, we went up to
the trenches for our last and most eventful tour, which
was destined to last eight days. Owing to falls of snow
and rain, the trenches were in a deplorable state, and
gumboots were in great demand, and our only means of
keeping the men at all dry. At this time we had no such
luxuries as drying-rooms. Heavy shelling by the enemy
during the first three days made things still more uncomfortable.
The real business of the tour, however,
began on April 16th, on which night the French had
arranged to blow one mine on our front, and another
on the front of the 6th Battalion. Combined with this
we had arranged for a small raid to be carried out by
Lieut. A. Bedford and 12 other ranks, who immediately
the mines were exploded were to rush forward round
the left edge of our crater, and endeavour to capture
any Germans found in a small forward trench they had
recently dug there. The mines were to go up at midnight,
and at the same time our guns and trench mortars
were to put down a barrage on the Boche trenches,
which was to be augmented by rifle grenades and showers
of grenades thrown from West Spring Throwers, under
the (p. 125) arrangement of our Grenade Officer. Unfortunately,
there had evidently been some bad synchronisation
somewhere, for at five minutes before zero two Frenchmen
suddenly came rushing towards Bedford, who was
waiting in a communication trench with his party,
shouting “Tout-de-suite! Tout-de-suite!” and almost
at the same instant the mines went up. This was very
unfortunate, as it enabled the Boche, who evidently
knew all about it, to get their barrage down before our
own Gunners, who were waiting for zero. Bedford at
once pushed on with his party with much dash in face
of heavy fire from machine guns, rifles, trench mortars
and bombs. He got as far as the advanced trench,
which, however, was held in considerable strength, and
finding himself bombed on both sides, he had to withdraw
without getting a prisoner. His party got back alright,
but unfortunately Bedford himself was knocked down
by a bomb, and although only slightly wounded had
to leave us, and a few days later was invalided to
England. Capt. Hill meanwhile carried out the consolidation
with much success. As soon as the mass
of débris, chalk and stones had stopped falling, parties
at once got to work digging a new trench across the
crater which was something like 30 yards wide by 30
feet deep, to connect the broken front line, establishing
observation posts and putting out fresh wire. In spite
of intense fire a sufficient trench had been dug by
dawn, and the position made good. Great assistance
was rendered by Capt. Gray and the N.C.O.’s of D
Company. Unfortunately Sergt. Markham, after most
gallantly controlling the fire of his platoon for nearly
two hours, under very heavy fire, was shot through the
head and killed instantly. Another excellent piece
of work was performed by Pvte. E. Dobb, who leapt out
of the trench on seeing a party of Huns trying to get
round the crater, and hurled two bombs right amongst
them. (p. 126) If they had had any doubts as to the possibility of
getting round, this made up their minds, and they
retired hurriedly.

The following night at midnight, the enemy sprang
a mine on the front of our left Company (A), which
caused considerable trouble and heavy loss before the
position was finally made good. A portion of our front
line was blown up, and owing to the heavy state of the
ground, which was much water-logged, and to the
intense hostile bomb, rifle and machine gun fire, it was
impossible to get a trench dug round our lip of the crater.
It was not until three nights after that the situation was
cleared, and our lip of the crater finally occupied, after
some of the most difficult and miserable nights that it was
ever our misfortune to experience. During these days
there was little rest for anyone, and much excellent
work was done by all ranks. Marshall carried out
some splendid patrols, ably assisted by L.-Corpl.
Hinchley, going out nightly through mud and filth,
to ascertain the position around the crater. Duff
did almost superhuman work with bombs and rifle
grenades, being at it practically the whole night,
for three nights in succession, and this was only his
second tour in the trenches. The Stretcher Bearers too,
as always, did most notable work, particularly Pvtes.
Holbery and Thomas, who fetched in our wounded
from the slopes of the crater only a few yards below
and in full view of the German sentry post, whilst Sergts.
Deverall and Collins, and L.-Corpl. Ostick also did very
gallant work, and L.-Corpl. J. T. Templeman throughout
carried out his work of repairing telephone wires, with
his usual skill and courage. So uncanny was the work of
this period, that Lieut. Peerless was able on one occasion
to take deliberate aim, at 30 yards range, at a German
digging hard in the bright moonlight, on the top of
a crater.

On (p. 127) April 19th, the French sprang another mine,
just to the left of our Battalion front, as a result of which
we got a certain amount of hostile shelling, whilst on the
20th, the enemy put up another, slightly to our left,
which also brought its share of shelling on us. This,
however, was our last, for much to our relief, and at
comparatively short notice, the 10th Cheshires (25th
Division) took over our sector on the night of the 20th,
and after a weary trudge over that never-ending duck-board
track, we got to Ecoivres by 1 a.m. on the 21st.
Having done full justice to the excellent tea which the
Quarter-Master and his followers had ready for us, we
were taken in ‘buses to Tincques, where we arrived about
6 a.m., and found that we were to be billeted partly there,
and partly in the neighbouring village of Bethencourt.
We fear we did not present a happy sight at that early
hour to the ladies just going to church on a lovely Good
Friday morning. Dawn is not an ideal time for seeing a
Battalion at its best, especially after an exceptionally
hard eight days in water-logged trenches. Our total
casualties in the Vimy sector amounted to 17 killed or
died of wounds, 69 wounded and five missing.

It was a matter of great regret to us to hear later
that the 25th Division suffered very heavily shortly
after we left, when the enemy made a determined attack
on the front recently held by us, and recaptured several
trenches.

CHAPTER VII (p. 128)

THE BATTLE OF GOMMECOURT

April 22nd, 1916.—
July, 2nd, 1916.

At the time of our relief in the Vimy sector, plans at
General Headquarters must have been in a forward
state for the great offensive, which was to take place
later in the year, and the part which the 46th Division
was to play in that offensive must also have been fixed,
and all our preparations now were for operations on
a large scale.

We soon got rid of the mud and filth of the trenches,
and were fortunate in finding at Tincques excellent
baths run by the 51st Division, of which we made the
best possible use, and having got our clothes and boots
into respectable order, and everyone generally tidied up,
it was not long before we were in very good form and
fit for anything. Whilst this and other work connected
with the interior economy of the Battalion was going
on, some of the Officers had to spend a rather long day
on Easter Monday, April 24th, in making a reconnaissance
of the Corps line between Maroeuil and Mont St.
Eloy.

On April 26th, we were inspected by General Shipley,
and felt rather pleased with the result of our efforts at
cleaning, for the Battalion looked well, and the General
expressed his pleasure at the smart turnout.

The weather now was improving fast, and though
excellent for training, it seemed too lovely on some
of those delightful Spring days, to be spending our time
learning how to kill people. Training included the
new form of bayonet fighting, expounded by Officers
and others on their return from the Third Army School,
where (p. 129) they had been duly instructed in its art by that
expert, Major Campbell, who always succeeded in his
inimitable way in so impressing his hearers, that they
were not likely to forget for many a long day that “two
inches well placed” was ample, and many other similar
maxims. Many tips were also given us in bayonet
fighting by Sergt.-Major Curly, one of the travelling
Physical Training Instructors, who often came to see us,
and made a great impression on all who ever came under
his instruction by his extraordinary keenness and energy.
Eventually we passed on to practise the attack in
“waves,” and were initiated into the art of doing this
under the shelter of a smoke screen. In this form of
attack, the advance from the moment of leaving the
trenches, was carried out behind a smoke barrage, formed
by lighting smoke bombs in the front line trench, and
heaving them forward over the parapet. If they were
good, a dense cloud of smoke was produced, and, provided
the wind was in the right direction, it was possible to
advance concealed behind the smoke cloud for a considerable
distance. This method depended almost entirely for
its success on the strength and direction of the wind.
Later on, when the method was improved in the light
of experience gained, smoke grenades fired from rifles
were used, together with smoke shells fired by the
artillery, so that a barrage could be put down at any
required point, and, except in very strong winds, the
smoke made to drift across any desired portion of the
front of attack. In many of the later attacks this was
done extensively, and was on the whole very successful.
We practised at Tincques with hand smoke bombs
only, and found it was not very difficult to keep direction
through the smoke, whilst at the same time we were
screened from the vision of the enemy.

Our period of training at this juncture was not a
long one, as we were required nearer the front to begin
the (p. 130) many operations necessary to prepare for the big
attack. During that short period, however, we had to
change our billets, and moved on April 29th, to
Averdoignt, a pretty little village near St. Pol, where
we were well housed and very comfortable. From
there we were called upon to send a detachment for a
few weeks’ duty at Third Army Headquarters, at
St. Pol, and a composite company consisting of 60 of
B Company, and 100 of C under Major G. S. Heathcote
were entrusted with the task. They must have done
excellent work and evidently made a good impression,
as a letter of special praise on their smartness and
good work, was sent to the Battalion, on their return
by the Army Commander, General Allenby.

We moved by easy steps from this area, which we
left on May 6th, marching that day to Rebreuviette,
the following day to Gaudiempré, and on the 10th to
Bienvillers. The Transport remained behind at
Gaudiempré, but moved from there on the 11th to
La Bazéque Farm, near Humbercamps. This move
brought us into the VII Corps, commanded by Lieut.-General
T. D’O. Snow.

Up to the time of our arrival this part of the line
was reputed to be almost the quietest on the whole of
the Western Front. It was said that Company Commanders
slept in pyjamas, even when holding the front
line, and certainly the personnel of Battalion Headquarters
at Foncquevillers, which was only about 1000
yards from the enemy line, lived there for all the world,
as if in a peaceful country village in England. The dug-outs
were made for comfort rather than safety, and were in
many cases artistically decorated with pictures, doubtless
got from houses in the village, and surrounded with
elegant little garden plots, which showed evident signs of
careful tending on the part of our predecessors. Together
they formed a kind of miniature “Garden City.” This
comparative (p. 131) quietness lasted for a considerable time
after our arrival; indeed we often failed to understand
why the enemy refrained from shelling, as on many
occasions we must have offered exceptionally favourable
targets. Day by day work went on often in full view
of the Hun, and within a range of between one and two
miles, and the roads almost daily were a mass of
transport of every kind, moving to and fro in broad
daylight, and literally asking for trouble. There can be
no question that the chief reason was a great shortage
of ammunition at this time amongst the Germans, who
were under very strict orders as to its conservation,
otherwise no doubt we should have had a very disagreeable
time. Doubtless they made careful note of all
our doings, and the fact that something big was going
to take place must have been perfectly obvious to them.
That it was so we found afterwards, when in a successful
attack, the diary of the German regiment opposite to us
(55th R.I.R.) was captured, and from it we learned
that they had been able to foresee exactly where the
attack was coming. This diary was most interesting
reading, as it noted each day their observations of our
doings, and the conclusions they drew from them.

The attack of the 46th Division was to be directed
against the German trenches West of Gommecourt,
immediately opposite the village of Foncquevillers.
The German trench line here, forming the Gommecourt
salient, was the most Westerly point that they ever
held as a permanent line. The general object of
the attack was to cut off this salient. The 56th
Division were to attack on the South, and join hands
with our Division East of the village of Gommecourt,
and so establish the left flank of the whole Somme
attack.

All the efforts of the troops of our Division who
were not actually holding the line, were concentrated
on (p. 132) preparing the Divisional front for the attack. The
chief work that we were concerned with, was the digging
out of old communication trenches from Foncquevillers
to the front line, a distance of about 700 yards. There
were something like ten or a dozen of these, several of
which were named after our Division. The principal
were “Stafford Avenue,” “Lincoln Lane,” “Leicester
Street,” “Nottingham Street,” “Derby Dyke,”
“Roberts Avenue,” “Rotten Row,” “Regent Street,”
“Raymond Avenue,” and “Crawlboys Lane.” All
these had to be dug out about two feet below their
existing level, making them about seven feet deep,
and boarded with trench grids from end to end, which
entailed an enormous amount of work. In addition, the
front line had to be cleared of the barbed wire, with which
the unoccupied portions had been filled, support and
reserve trenches had to be prepared for the supporting
troops in the attack, forward or “jumping-off” trenches
to be dug at the last moment, for the assaulting troops
to attack from, “Russian saps” to be dug out into No
Man’s Land to form communication trenches, by
knocking in the thin covering of earth left to hide them,
dug-outs to be made for forward Battalion Headquarters,
and several miles of narrow cable trench to be dug about
six feet deep for the protection of telephone wires from
forward Headquarters back to Brigade, Division and
Artillery Headquarters. In addition to all this navvying
work, large quantities of stores had to be carried up to
forward dumps in the trenches, ready for taking forward if
the attack succeeded, shelters had to be made at various
points in side trenches, convenient to get at from
communication trenches, for storing large quantities of
bombs of all kinds, small arm ammunition, iron rations,
water, picks, shovels, sandbags, and other Royal
Engineers’ material likely to be required to consolidate the
ground we hoped to win in the attack. The transport
of (p. 133) all these stores, and of all the necessary Royal
Engineers’ material, and the work entailed in all these
preparations was colossal, and our first real experience of
anything of the kind. It is probable that at this time
the mass and variety of material required in an attack,
reached a degree of complication never equalled either
before or after. The German comment on this contained
in the diary already mentioned is of interest. “It must
be acknowledged,” it states, “that the equipment and
preparation of the English attack were magnificent.
The assaulting troops were amply provided with numerous
machine guns, Lewis guns, trench mortars, and storming-ladders.
The Officers were provided with excellent
maps, which shewed every German trench system
actually named and gave every detail of our positions.
The sketches had been brought up to date with all
our latest work, and the sectors of attack were shewn
on a very large scale. Special sketches shewing the
objectives of the different units, also aeroplane photographs
were found amongst the captured documents.”

During our week at Bienvillers from May 10th to
18th, we were mostly engaged in improving the defences
of the village, and the approach trenches behind
Foncquevillers, and in work on cable trenches. It
was here that one or two civilians roused our suspicions,
as they insisted on ploughing and carrying on their
cultivations so very near the front, some days working
with grey horses, others with brown, and our Battalion
Scouts were told to keep a special eye on them. Nothing,
however, happened so far as we were aware that in any
way altered the course of the war, as a result of our or
their action.

On May 19th, we relieved the 5th North Staffords
in Foncquevillers, being then in reserve to our 5th, 6th,
and 7th Battalions, who were holding the front line.
Our Transport moved the following day to Souastre.

This (p. 134) was a somewhat uneventful period, and after
a few days in the front line mostly spent in improving
trenches, we were relieved on June 5th, by the 4th
Leicesters, and marched back to huts at Humbercamp,
preparatory to moving further back for our final training
for the “Big Push.” We left there the following
night, and arrived in the early hours of June 7th at
Le Souich, where we were destined to spend one of the
least enjoyable periods out of the line that we ever
experienced. We were only there for a week, but into
that short time was crammed an immense amount of
work both in training, and in cutting wood and making
wattle hurdles in Lucheux Forest. The weather was
very wet, and our billets were anything but comfortable.
In our humble opinion the training here was too
strenuous. We had to march out four miles to the training
ground, and four miles back in full marching order,
practise the attack for two hours through fields of growing
corn three or four feet high soaked with rain, and complete
six hours training daily (not including the marching)
with bayonet fighting, physical exercises, and drill in
the fields near our billets. It takes very little of such
intensive training to make men stale.

The form of attack practised was that ordered for
the general attack, which we now knew was to take place
about the end of June: this allowed each Battalion a
frontage of 250 yards, with three Companies in front,
and one in support, each Company having its four
platoons echelonned in depth at distances of about
50 yards, thus forming four “waves,” the men in each
wave being extended to about four paces. In the attack
the leading wave was to go through to the final objective,
the other waves occupying and mopping up the trenches
passed over by the leading wave.

A full size model of the German lines at Gommecourt
that we were to attack, was made near Sus-St. Leger,
the (p. 135) trenches being dug to a depth of about two feet.
Tape lines were laid for the men to form up on, and the
whole attack was practised time and again as a “drill,”
until eventually we were able to carry it out without
losing direction, with a fair amount of success.

We were now stronger in Officers than we had ever
been during the campaign, our strength being 38. This
was due to the recent arrival of several reinforcements,
including Capt. Piggford and Lieut. Hindley, rejoined,
and 2nd Lieuts. H. de C. Martelli, J. B. White, C. J.
Wells, A. G. T. Lomer, T. G. Day, E. A. Huskinson,
H. I. Newton, and A. A. Field. We had, however,
lost Capt. Lawson, who left for a tour of duty at home,
and Major E. H. Heathcote, Capt. Gray, and 2nd
Lieut. Hodgson invalided to England, also 2nd Lieut.
Peerless, who unfortunately got badly hurt one day by
accidentally kicking a live rifle grenade, which had
been left lying on the bombing practice ground. His
place as Battalion Grenade Officer was taken by 2nd
Lieut. Duff. Lieut. Simonet had gone to hospital, and
was succeeded as Lewis Gun Officer by 2nd Lieut.
Tomlinson. Major G. S. Heathcote was attached to
Headquarters, Third Army, and was succeeded in
command of C Company by Capt. Piggford, whilst
Major Ashwell became Second-in-Command. We were
not particularly strong in other ranks, something less
than 500 being available for the attack, though we had
recently received over 100 reinforcements, including a
very good draft of 61 from the 2nd Sherwood Foresters.
Fortunately General Headquarters had taken an excellent
step in laying down that certain Officers and other
ranks known as “Battle Details,” were now to be left
out of every attack to form a nucleus for carrying on
Battalions in the event of their suffering heavy casualties.
This was a very wise precaution, and was adopted by
us for the first time in the attack at Gommecourt.

Regtl.-sergt.-major W. Mounteney, D.C.M.	Comp. Sergt.-major W. Stokes, D.C.M. and Sergeants Of C Company, 1917.

On (p. 136) June 15th, we marched to Humbercamp, the
Transport at the same time moving to lines at La Bazéque
Farm. Capt. H. Kirby was now Transport Officer, having
taken over from Capt. Davenport, who, after being
attached for some time to XVII Corps Light Railway
Company, Royal Engineers, went to Brigade Headquarters
to learn Staff work. The transport vehicles had somewhat
camouflaged themselves, having been decorated
on all sides by wonderful and mystic signs, so as to show
to the initiated to what unit they belonged. If you enquired
you would be told that the dark blue square meant
“First Line Transport,” the narrow light green oblong
edged with white placed on the left of this square was
for the “8th Sherwood Foresters,” whilst the square
divided diagonally into red and green, and bordered
with white, was the sign of the “46th Division.” It was
not an easy matter to arrange all these coloured patches
clear of the odds and ends carried on the different
vehicles, and this problem was still exercising the minds
of those in authority nearly up to the Armistice—such
an important part did it play in the ultimate winning
of the war!

We now knew that in our Brigade we were to be the
Battalion in reserve, the 5th and 7th Battalions having
to carry out the assault, with the 6th Battalion in
immediate support. As a consequence much of the
“dirty” work during the final preparations for the
attack fell to our lot. This consisted chiefly in holding
the trenches during our preliminary bombardment,
and putting up with such retaliation as the Hun might
choose to carry out, and in completing the final arrangements
in our own trenches. After three days at Humbercamp,
during which we found large working parties
for digging cable trenches, and putting up screens to
conceal the approaches to trenches, we moved to
Foncquevillers on June 18th, and took over part of the
left (p. 137) sub-sector from the 5th Lincolns. An immense
amount of work had been done whilst we had been
away; the prospects seemed bright, and our hopes
rose. Our Headquarters at Foncquevillers became a
centre of attraction to all and sundry. At every hour
of the day and night we had callers, from the Divisional
Commander downwards. The Brigadier and his staff
constantly paid us visits. Gunners galore came to
sample what we kept, and incidentally to see about
finding observation posts. Royal Engineer gentlemen
requested our help at every turn and corner, usually
wanting working parties rather larger than our total
strength, whilst “Tock Emma” Officers were on our
doorstep day and night. Indeed so great was the crowd
that at one time we almost had to put Corpl. Cross on
to regulate the queue, and all the time our poor stock
of victuals and drinks was getting less and less.

All went well until the afternoon of June 23rd,
when there was a violent thunderstorm, which practically
undid the whole of the work we had carried out in the
trenches, filling them in most cases to a depth of two
feet or more with mud and water. This area was a
difficult one to drain, and it was impossible to get the
water away, so that all hands had to be got on as soon as
possible to man trench pumps, and endeavour to clear
the trenches in that way. This method was extremely
laborious, and very little real progress was made, though
every available man was put on to the work. Our poor
dug-outs were knee deep in water, and the newly constructed
bomb and other stores were too weak to stand
such a storm, and in most cases collapsed. Our hopes
sank, for we realised how much depended on all the
careful preparations which had been made, and that the
time left before the attack would be all too short for us
to get the damage repaired.

It (p. 138) is impossible to give anything like an adequate
idea of our plight for the next few days. The artillery
scheme, including a six days’ bombardment, began on
the following day with wire cutting, causing a certain
amount of retaliation, which added to our trouble. This
got worse on the following days, doubtless owing partly
to the fact that we dug a new advanced trench. This was
in a deplorable mess, and our men who had to occupy it
had a most distressing time. Casualties rose rapidly, especially
in B Company, whose front line trench was enfiladed
from Adinfer Wood. Our carrying parties, who had to
take up Royal Engineer material, ammunition of all sorts,
rations and other stores to various points in the line,
mostly adopted the very suitable dress of a sandbag kilt
and boots. They were objects of much interest, but it
was the most workmanlike rig-out for our trenches, which
in many cases remained knee deep in mud and water for
several days. The carrying had to go on whatever
happened, and continued night and day, assistance being
got from the 6th and 7th Battalions, from the Machine
Gun Company, and from the Transport men of all units,
parties of whom marched up nightly for the purpose.
With trenches in such a state, it is needless to say that
it was impossible for men to hold the line for many days,
and in order to give us a brief respite, we were relieved
by the 5th Battalion on the night of June 27th, and
moved back to Pommier.

The nine strenuous days during which we had held the
line, had been a severe trial, and where everyone did so
well it is difficult to single out any for special mention,
but we feel we must say how much we owed to Capts.
Turner, Vann and Hill, for the excellent way in which
they worked to keep up the spirits of their men during
those trying times, and to Sergts. Slater and Rawding,
for the splendid way they kept their men together
during several particularly unpleasant “straffs” by
the (p. 139) Boche of our front trenches. During that time,
too, much excellent patrolling was done by Marshall,
who unfortunately was wounded one day when taking
rather too great risks in observing the Boche lines, and
Martelli, ably helped by L.-Corpl. Hickman, and Pvte. E. C.
Bryan. Our casualties during those nine days included
Capt. Vann, slightly wounded, Lieut. Hindley, who got
a nasty splinter wound on the nose, 16 other ranks
killed, and 44 wounded.

The chief incident during our two days’ stay at
Pommier, occurred on the afternoon of June 30th, when
the Huns began shelling the church. John Turner,
Michie and Harvey, were having tea in their mess,
which was only a few yards from the church, when a
5.9 blew in the end of the house, practically bursting
inside the room where they were sitting. Their escape
was little short of a miracle. John Turner, however,
as one would expect, came into Headquarters smiling
and perfectly cool, though covered with dust and blood.
Harvey and Michie were a bit shaken, the former having
to go to hospital.

The attack, having been postponed owing to the
bad weather, was eventually fixed to take place on the
morning of July 1st, and we left Pommier again the night
before to take up our position at Foncquevillers. Our
cookers were taken down to the Western edge of the wood
behind the village, where we were issued with soup and
rum on arrival at about 10 p.m. Each man carried
in addition to the following day’s ration, his iron ration,
and a bacon and bread sandwich. Equipment carried
included 200 rounds small arm ammunition, four sandbags,
two Mills grenades, two gas helmets, haversack,
waterproof sheet, and a supply of wire cutters and
gloves. The new pattern “tin hat,” with which we had
by this time all been supplied, formed a by no means
unimportant part of our dress. It was not a thing of
beauty, (p. 140) and took a little while to get used to, but it proved
a good friend to many in the days that were to come.

The attack by the 46th Division was to be carried
out with two Brigades, Staffords and Sherwood Foresters,
with the Lincolns and Leicesters in reserve. The 139th
Brigade on the left was to attack between the Northern
edge of Gommecourt Wood and the “Little Z,” the
5th Battalion being on the right, and 7th on the
left, the 6th Battalion in support, and 8th in Reserve;
the German first, second and third lines were to be
captured, and in conjunction with the 56th Division on
the right, our line was to be carried to a point just East
of Gommecourt village.

We reached our assembly positions early on the
morning of July 1st. Our bombardment opened at 6.25
a.m. and the discharge of smoke from our front line
began an hour later. Under cover of this the assaulting
Battalions moved off from our advanced trenches at
7.30 a.m. A heavy and accurate barrage was immediately
put down on our front and support lines by the enemy,
who were evidently well aware of the extent of the
attack and ready for it. The attack by the 139th Brigade
is described in the following extracts from the captured
diary of the 55th R.I.R., the times given being German:—

“G1. sector 7.30 a.m. An extremely violent bombardment
began, overwhelming all the trenches and
sweeping away the wire.

8.30 a.m. The enemy’s fire lifted. The enemy’s
attack, which was made under cover of gas bombs, was
perceived. In consequence of the sharp look-out kept
by the Commander of the 4th Company, and by a Platoon
Commander holding the most dangerous portion of
the line, the shell holes were occupied exactly at the
right moment, and the attackers were received with
hand grenades. The barrage fire which had been called
for began at once.

8.40 a.m. (p. 141) Strong hostile skirmishing lines deployed
from Pilier Farm. They were at once met by heavy
machine gun and infantry fire. Second Lieut. ——,
of the 2nd Company who was holding the 3rd support
line of G1, recognised the superior strength of the
enemy’s attack which was being carried out against
No. 4 Company. In spite of the intense bombardment
he decided to advance with his Platoon over the open,
and, crossing the second line, reached the front line of
G1 at the decisive moment to reinforce No. 4 Company.

The enemy built up his firing line and attempted
to press forward with bombers and flame-projectors,
but was repulsed everywhere.

10.30 a.m. The fine spirit of the troops of the
2nd and 4th Companies succeeded by their stubborn
resistance in annihilating the thick charging waves of the
English. The ground was covered with numbers of
dead, and in front of our trench lay quantities of English
arms and equipment. Gradually the artillery fire
recommenced on the front line trenches and rose to a
pitch of extreme violence in the course of the afternoon.
The fact that all attacks were completely repulsed
without the enemy gaining a footing in the front line
of G1. at any point is due, next to the bravery of the
troops, to the carefully thought-out arrangements of
Major ——, to the care of the Officer Commanding
No. 4 Company, and to the energy of the Platoon
Commanders.”

To resume our own story. At about 8.0 a.m., as
the forward trenches were cleared of troops, we began
to move forward, but everywhere found the trenches,
which were still in many parts deep in mud and water,
blown in, or blocked by dead bodies, or wounded men
trying to make their way back. Little progress was
possible, and there was nothing to be done but to await
further developments.

Although (p. 142) little news came through, it soon became
evident that the attack on our front had not succeeded.
We learnt later that, owing to the difficulty experienced
by the supporting waves in getting across our own
water-logged trenches, they lost the advantage of the
barrage, and that the smoke cleared long before the
bulk of the assaulting troops had got across No Man’s
Land. In spite of our long protracted artillery
bombardment comparatively little damage had been
done to the German trenches and wire, and our men
met with heavy rifle and machine gun fire, not only
from their front, but also from the right flank, where
the 137th Brigade were unable to gain the German front
line owing to uncut wire. A few of both the 5th and 7th
Battalions got into the German trenches, but they were
soon surrounded and overwhelmed. Some who were
wounded before reaching the wire, crawled for shelter
into shell holes, where in several instances, they were
deliberately bombed or shot by the Boche from their
trenches. At 3 p.m. a fresh bombardment was begun
by the right Brigade, and continued on our front, with
a view to an attack being made by two Companies of
the 6th Battalion, but this was cancelled.

At 5.5 p.m. we were ordered to send out daylight
patrols to ascertain the position of affairs in front.
Several volunteers, amongst whom were Corpls. G. Clay,
and C. E. Bryan, L.-Corpls. Moss and Hickman, and
Pvtes. Charles, Brett, Adams, and Nightingall, remained
out for some time, and brought back useful information.
Meanwhile much gallant work was also being done by the
Stretcher Bearers and others. Pvtes. Holbery, Thomas,
Nelson, and Shearman worked continuously for nearly
36 hours carrying in wounded, often under heavy fire,
whilst Comp. Sergt.-Major T. Powell, who brought in
three wounded men by daylight, and Sergt. Grainger,
who controlled his men with great skill during the battle
and (p. 143) also rescued a wounded man, are deserving of special
mention.

At 6.10 p.m. we received instructions to take over
the original front and advanced trenches from the 6th, and
remnants of the 5th and 7th Battalions, who were there,
and this was done. Later, however, the 5th Lincolns
took over the line as they had been ordered to carry
out another attack at midnight, in order to try and
rescue some of the 5th and 7th Battalions, who it was
thought were still in the Boche trenches. This, however,
was not pressed, and finally A Company of our Battalion
were given the melancholy task of scouring No Man’s
Land to find the dead and wounded. Eventually the
5th Lincolns took over from us on the morning of the
2nd July, and we withdrew the same day to billets at
Gaudiempré.

Even as we left Foncquevillers ill-luck pursued us,
for a premature burst of a shell from one of our guns
took place close to us as we were formed up behind the
wood ready to move off, and wounded four, fortunately
not seriously. Otherwise our casualties during the actual
battle had not been heavy, amounting to three killed,
two missing (attached to Trench Mortar Battery) and
37 wounded.

We cannot look back with anything but regret
on that awful battle, when so many lives were sacrificed
apparently to no purpose. July 1st is not our happiest
of days—indeed on two successive occasions it was our
most unfortunate day of the year. It must have been
quite obvious to the enemy that this was to be the flank
of the Somme attack, although some demonstration was
made by the 37th Division on our left. The enemy, therefore,
were able to bring all their guns from the direction
of Adinfer Wood to bear on No Man’s Land on our front.
Lack of troops had necessitated the employment of the
attacking Battalions in the most exacting fatigues
up (p. 144) to the very eve of the assault. Probably, barely a
man had had a full night’s sleep for a week prior to the
attack, and there had been scarcely a day or night when
rain had not fallen consistently and heavily, and working
parties had not been soaked through to the skin. Those
of us, who eight months later, stood on some of the
German concrete machine gun emplacements opposite,
commanding a magnificent field of fire from positions
proof against the heaviest shells, saw still the lines of
dead bodies lying in No Man’s Land, a tragic and pitiable
witness, if witness were needed, that the failure of
the attack was in no measure due to any lack of dash or
courage on the part of our indomitable Infantry.
Practically every Officer of the attacking Battalions
was killed or wounded, and a large proportion of the
men, and but an insignificant proportion fell alive into
the hands of the enemy.

It was some slight comfort to receive from the
Corps Commander an appreciation of our efforts, which
had kept busy a large number of the enemy’s best
troops, and to know that we had a share in the success
of the great Somme attack, and that our terrible losses
were not entirely in vain.

CHAPTER VIII (p. 145)

BELLACOURT

July 2nd, 1916.—
October 29th, 1916.

We spent one night at Gaudiempré, and on July 3rd,
moved a few miles North to a delightful Camp
at Bavincourt, where we made up our minds to have a
well-earned rest. The Camp was charmingly situated,
and we were preparing to have it run on model lines,
when alas, in the early hours of July 4th, sudden orders
were received to move. We had, however, made the
best of our few hours there, most of us going to an
excellent entertainment by the “Barn Owls,” the
Concert Party of the 37th Division, which cheered us
immensely.

The fighting on the Somme, which had gone successfully
for us in many parts, was causing rapid reorganisation
and consequent movement of troops, so that
our sudden move was not altogether surprising. We
left Bavincourt on the morning of July 4th, and after
a little excitement due to the shelling of the road, and
a terrific thunderstorm, we eventually got settled once
more at Pommier, with the exception of A Company,
who went on to Bienvillers. The rest of the Battalion
joined them there on July 7th, except Transport and
Quarter-Master’s Stores, which moved to La Cauchie. Our
most important work there was the somewhat ticklish
procedure on two nights of carrying up to the Monchy
trenches, about two miles North of Foncquevillers,
cylinders of gas to loose off on a suitable occasion.
These were drawn at Hannescamp, and for carrying
were fastened to poles, each cylinder requiring two
men. (p. 146) Special precautions were taken to ensure perfect
silence, so as not to give the enemy an idea that gas was
being installed. Further, in order to protect the carrying
party, in case any of the cylinders got broken by shells
or otherwise on the way up, every man wore his smoke
helmet rolled up on his head, ready for instantly pulling
down over his face. Neither steel helmets nor caps
were worn on these occasions. As the cylinders had
to be got up to our front line trench, the operation was
attended with considerable risk, but fortune favoured
us, and it is believed that the Battalion never suffered
a casualty when engaged on the work, though large
parties had to be found on several occasions for a
similar purpose.

We moved on July 10th, by route march to
Bellacourt, a village about five miles south-west of
Arras, and giving its name to a sector which was to
prove easily the most peaceful and enjoyable part of
the line we ever held. Transport moved to Bailleulval,
where they got good lines in a small orchard, and
the Quarter-Master’s Stores were comfortably fixed up
in billets.

It was from this department that we were first to
hear of the activities of our new Divisional Commander,
Major-General W. Thwaites, R.A., who made it a practice
of frequently visiting transport lines at early morning
stables. Torrance with his ready wit at once dubbed
him “The Mushroom Picker,” an epithet which we
were told gave him much pleasure when it reached his
ears, but did not have the least effect upon his early
morning visits.

Several new Officers had recently joined from our
3rd Line, including 2nd Lieuts. C. F. Woodward, F. M.
Corry, H. G. Kirby, B. P. Page, W. B. Easterfield, and
D. H. Parker. Second Lieut. A. Bedford also rejoined,
and others who arrived shortly afterwards were Lieut.
R. Whitton, (p. 147) who had been Adjutant of the 3rd Line,
2nd Lieuts. Skinner and Moore, back for the second
time, and 2nd Lieuts. C. H. Hicks, D. F. Ranson,
L. E. King-Stephens, G. F. Visser, F. D. Byrne, B. W.
Hall, and A. D. Bailey. Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood
rejoined with a draft of 72 reinforcements, and was
appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of C Company, where
Sergt. Leivers had been carrying on for a short time in
place of Comp. Sergt.-Major J. A. Green, who had been
invalided to England.

We were thus fairly well off for numbers, when on
July 11th, we relieved the Liverpool Scottish in the
left sub-sector of the Brigade sector, this being one of
the rare occasions on which relief was carried out by
daylight. The distribution was as follows: Right—”The
Willows”—A Company (Capt. Vann); Centre
“The Osiers”—B Company (Capt. Turner); Left—”The
Ravine”—C Company (Capt. Piggford); Reserve—Bretencourt—D
Company (Capt. Hill). Battalion
Headquarters was in the “Sunken Road,” just in
front of Bretencourt, off “Engineer Street.” Each
Company had two platoons in the front line and two in
support; a system which, besides being more or less in
accordance with Field Service Regulations, worked
extremely satisfactorily, for whilst the front line posts
could be held by comparatively few men, either in the
line or at the heads of the various saps running out into
No Man’s Land, working parties and patrols were
found from the support platoons, and were thus able
to get back to the support line on completion of their
task, and rest in comparative comfort.

The frontage allotted to us was a long one, and
the front line was thinly held, some of the posts being
as much as 200 yards apart. Frequent visiting patrols
were necessary during the night to prevent any daring
Boche from getting into our lines. In the communication
trenches, (p. 148) blocking posts and gates were fixed at various
points to hold up the enemy if they did ever get in and
attempt to push forward. To look after the rear
portion of these communication trenches the system
of Trench Wardens was instituted during our stay at
Bellacourt. These were usually light duty, or warworn
men drawn from the various Battalions, whose
duty it was to repair broken trench grids, relay any
that required it, clear falls of earth, and generally
look after upkeep.

This sector was reputed to be the quietest on the
British Front, and though we had one or two lively times,
there is no doubt that for the period of three-and-a-half
months we were there, it lived up to its reputation.
Rumour said that some of our troops had been in the
habit of going out and repairing the barbed wire by
daylight! Certainly it was normally extremely peaceful.
The trenches were from 300 to 400 yards apart, and in
the region of the Ransart Road on the right, one could
indeed go out for some distance without coming in view
of the Boche trenches. The weather during most
of our stay was of the best, and there could be few
things more pleasant than to stroll on a quiet afternoon
round some of the communication trenches, e.g., “Dyke
Street,” “Couturelle,” and “La Motte,” where masses
of wild flowers of every kind and of brilliant colours
were in full bloom, and in many parts completely covered
the sides of the trenches. Cooking was normally done
out of the trenches, and hot meals were carried up in
kettles or food containers (something in the nature of
large thermos flasks) by the Reserve Company billeted
at Bretencourt.

We had something of a shock during our first tour
in the trenches, and began to suspect the reports as to
the quietness of the sector, for on our second morning
the enemy poured over for nearly an hour, between
4.0 a.m. (p. 149) and 5.0 a.m., showers of heavy trench mortars
on to part of the front line held by B Company. Their
aim was very good, several bombs falling right into
the trench and doing considerable damage, whilst Lieut.
Lomer’s Platoon, which was holding the part bombarded,
had four men killed and nine wounded. One man
had to have his foot amputated by Johnstone, the
Medical Officer, in order to be released from a shelter
that had been smashed by the bombs. Sergts. Tanner and
Yeomans did splendid work in rescuing the wounded,
as did also Sergt. Bescoby, Pvte. Axon and other
Stretcher Bearers. This, however, turned out to be
the only “hate” of its particular kind that the enemy
inflicted on us during our stay. Possibly it was to let
us know that he was aware of our recent arrival, and
wished to give us a welcome, but most likely it was
what we knew as his “Travelling Circus” which he
brought up at certain times in order to carry out an
organised “straff” on a particular piece of the line.

For some time after this, and in fact for most of
Our sojourn here, life in the trenches was of a somewhat
humdrum character. There were a few days cf activity
now and then, but normally the enemy was very inoffensive
so far as we were concerned. He did, however,
raid the 6th Battalion one night in the right sub-sector,
almost completely levelling one of their communication
trenches with heavy trench mortars during the preliminary
bombardment, on account of which we had
to stand-to, when back at our rest billets at Bailleulval.
On another occasion we had a fidgety night owing to
a gas alarm having been given. This however, proved
but another case of “wind.”

The work in the trenches was of a normal character,
but we welcomed that new article known as the “A”
Frame, consisting as its name indicates of framing
shaped like the letter A. This was the best form of
support (p. 150) for trench revetment that we ever had, and
from this time onwards was used almost universally.
A suggestion of this exact form of framing had been
made by Col. Blackwall as early as November 1915.
and submitted to higher authorities, who turned it down
as unsuitable.

A further great advance was made by us here in the
provision of deep dug-outs, for which the chalk soil was
eminently adapted. Excellent plans were drawn out
by Major Zeller, commanding the Field Company
attached to our Brigade, for complete systems of these
dug-outs to be made in the support line, and a special
Brigade Dug-out Company was formed for this purpose,
to which we contributed, besides a number of men,
2nd Lieuts. Moore and Powell. Great progress was made
with the work, and before we left the sector a large
number had been finished, and fitted up with wire
beds on wooden framework in two tiers, with rifle racks
and other etceteras. The organisation of this work
was one of the first tasks of the new Brigade Major,
Capt. W. P. Buckley, D.S.O., of the Duke of Cornwall’s
Light Infantry, who had succeeded Major Neilson, when
the latter left to take up a higher appointment. In
Major Neilson we lost one who was always ready to
help and advise on every possible occasion, and though
it was with the greatest regret that we said goodbye
to him, it was a great pleasure to know that his hard
work had brought its reward.

At this period after doing six days in the front line,
we spent six days in Brigade Reserve at Bellacourt,
where three Companies were in billets, and usually found
large parties for the Royal Engineers for working in
trenches and dug-outs, and one Company provided garrisons
for the four posts in front of the village, “Starfish,”
“Boundary,” “Burnt Farm” and “Orchard.”
After a further six days in the front line we went back
for (p. 151) six days to Bailleulval, where we were able to have
our periodical clean up, do a little training, and generally
enjoy life for a brief space. We relieved always with
the 7th Battalion, and held the left of the Brigade sector,
which remained the same as originally taken over, except
that we gave up the “Willows” on the right and took
over “Epsom” on the left.

Our billets at Bailleulval were fairly comfortable,
and were constantly improved, under the guiding hand
of Major Wordsworth, the Staff Captain. We had a
splendid parade ground on the high land behind the
village, a good Canteen, a Sergeants’ Mess, a Corporals’
Mess, home-made Russian baths erected with much skill
by our own Pioneers, and frequent visits from the
“Whizz-bangs,” who gave us excellent programmes. We
played cricket, football, both soccer and rugger; we
had Officers’ Riding Classes, which were a source of
much interest not to say amusement, to the onlookers,
and we got good dinners at the well-known “Seven
Sisters,” in the neighbouring village of Basseux. The
weather for the most part was delightful, and life was
extremely pleasant.

Major-General Thwaites twice inspected us, and
all who were in the Battalion during the time he reigned
at Division will remember what an inspection by him
entailed! Our best salute proved very inadequate on
the first occasion, and the Commanding Officer was
requested, after putting himself and his horse in front
of the centre of the Battalion, to do it again! Capt.
Turner, too, who was acting Second-in-Command, got
a polite enquiry as to what he was doing with his
horse! Poor “Strawberry” was apparently rather
upset over the fixing of bayonets! As a rule,
however, we believe our efforts to make a good show
did not pass unnoticed, though a good deal that was
uncomplimentary was said. On his second inspection
Lieut.-General (p. 152) Snow, the Corps Commander, was with
him, and appeared to be quite satisfied with the turnout.

Training at this time, so far as the Battalion was
concerned, consisted only of such general work as could be
done in the few days we spent periodically at Bailleulval.
The Divisional School, however, was in full going order,
Regimental Sergt.-Major Mounteney doing duty there
for a time, and in addition a Brigade School was formed
at Basseux, to which Major Ashwell went as Commandant
and expounded the art of war to young Subalterns and
others, taking with him 2nd Lieut. Hopkinson as his
Adjutant. Whilst Major Ashwell was away, Capt. Turner
took over the duties of Second-in-Command, leaving
B Company in the capable hands of Lieut. G. Wright. At
an Assault Competition arranged by the Brigade School
on October 12th, we almost swept the board, winning
five out of eight events—Physical Drill, Bayonet Fighting,
Bombing, Relay Race, and Obstacle Race—so we were
well satisfied with our efforts, and the training work
that was being done. By this time the whole Battalion
had been fitted out with the short rifle, the last of
the old long rifles being handed to Ordnance on
September 26th.

A new “toy” that was issued in these days was
that horrible thing known as the “Lewis Gun Hand
Cart.” Tomlinson had some most entertaining
experiences in trying to get mules to pull these “handcarts,”
but the mules usually found it more interesting
to try and turn round to see what extraordinary things
on wheels they were now being insulted by being asked
to pull, or in going off at breakneck speeds to try and
get rid of them. These carts were never popular, and
never a success, and gradually, by being carefully “left”
by the roadside or some other convenient spots, they
were eventually disposed of.

The (p. 153) most notable event during this period was
undoubtedly Vann’s raid, the first really successful
raid carried out by the Battalion. This took place on
the night of September 21/22nd, and was carried out
by Capt. Vann, with practically the whole of his (A)
Company. In order to illustrate the thorough manner
in which the scheme was devised and carried out, the
story is given in some detail.

Lieut.-col. B. W. Vann, V.C., M.C.
Killed in action at Ramicourt, Oct. 3rd, 1918, when in command of the 6th Sherwood
Foresters.

The point to be raided was a short sap known
as “Italy Sap,” running out from the Boche front
line about 300 yards away. The wire protecting the
sap was cut during the afternoon of September 21st
by our 2-inch trench mortars, and other gaps were
cut on another part of the front further North, partly
as a “blind” and partly for use in a future operation.
In order to verify that the gaps were properly cut, a
wire patrol under L.-Corpl. Hickman went out at 8.0 p.m.
and reported that the gaps were good, and that the
ammonal tubes which the Royal Engineers had in readiness
to take out and blow gaps with were not required.
Frequent bursts were fired by our machine guns on to
the gaps to prevent them being repaired by the enemy
before the raiding party got there. At 11.15 p.m., the
wire patrol again went out and laid tapes from the gaps
back to “Cavendish Sap” in our own front line to
guide the raiding party across No Man’s Land. The
party was divided up into several smaller parties,
commanded respectively by Lieut. Martelli, 2nd Lieuts.
Duff, White, and Hall, and Comp. Sergt.-Major G. Powell.
In addition there were two teams of Brigade machine
gunners to guard the flanks, and seven sappers to blow
up dug-outs. The total of the party was five Officers,
and 136 other ranks. All identification marks, badges,
letters, etc., had been removed from all members of the
raiding party, and faces, hands and bayonets were
blackened. Smoke helmets were carried in the pocket,
and (p. 154) gas and phosphorus bombs were taken for clearing
dug-outs, together with a number of flashlights and
torches. At 12.15 am the enemy trenches in the
region of the area to be raided were bombarded by
18 pounders, 4.5 and 6-inch howitzers, 2-inch trench
mortars, and 3-inch Stokes mortars. The raiding party
guided by the tapes, got as close up to the barrage as
possible, and as soon as it lifted at 12.28 a.m., went
through the gaps and into the enemy trenches. One
German who was met was at once bayoneted. Several
dug-outs were bombed, and in some cases set on fire, one
being blown up by the Royal Engineers with an ammonal
tube. An enemy machine gun which opened fire from the
right was immediately silenced by our Lewis and machine
guns. The time fixed for the return of the party was
12.50 a.m. and it was only in the last minute or so that
the main object of the raid, a prisoner, was secured.
Most of the dug-outs were empty, but eventually Vann
found one which contained some Boches. These he at
once ordered to come out. Two came up with bayonets
fixed, one of whom was at once shot dead by Vann,
and the other wounded. They were followed by four
others, including a stretcher bearer, who came out with
hands up shouting “Kamerad!” “Kamerad!” They
were at once hustled out of the trench with the scantiest
of ceremony and brought back to our lines. Immediately
after this, Vann ordered his bugler to sound the recall
signal, and at the same instant the prearranged signal
of six red rockets went up at Battalion Headquarters.
During the last ten minutes of the raid the enemy had
surrounded the occupied portion of the trenches with
red lights and their artillery had begun to shell their
front line and “Italy Sap,” but did the party little
harm, and every man got back to our trenches, the only
casualties being eight men wounded. The net result
of the raid was that five Germans were killed by the
raiding (p. 155) party, and five taken prisoners, including one
wounded, apart from any casualties inflicted by our
bombardments. It is worth noting that a bombardment
of the area around the blind gap was also carried out, and
that the barrage there “lifted” before that on the gaps
where the raid was actually to take place. This was
undoubtedly of great assistance to the raiding party in
diverting the enemy’s attention, and in causing his
barrage to come down first in No Man’s Land opposite
the blind gap, where we had no troops whatever. The
number of rounds used to cut the wire was 670, fired
by seven 2-inch trench mortars.

Many messages of congratulation were received on the
success of the raid, including one from the Corps Commander.
It was a great pleasure to all when it was known
shortly afterwards, that Vann, whose gallantry knew no
bounds, had been given a bar to his M.C., and that the
M.C. had been awarded to Duff, who had already done
most admirable work at Vimy, and was one of the
pluckiest Officers the Battalion ever had. Vann was
subsequently awarded the French Croix-de-Guerre.

Much of the success of the raid was undoubtedly
due to the excellent patrolling which had been done by
Martelli and his Scouts, L.-Corpl. Hickman, and Pvtes.
Bambrook and Haslam, who throughout worked with
the greatest skill, and left nothing undone to ensure
that all was in order. Many gallant deeds too, were
performed in the enemy trenches. Pvte. Chappel, a
leading bayonet man successfully shewed one Boche
the proper way of making the point; Pvte. Walsh
wanted to go on to the German second line when he
was unable to find any to kill where he was; Drummer
Heath shewed great bravery and devotion as he had
often done on previous occasions, in carrying messages;
Drummer A. L. Smith, though wounded, remained
at his post to the last to sound the recall signal; while
great (p. 156) gallantry was also shewn by Lieut. Martelli,
Comp. Sergt.-Major G. Powell, Sergt. Slater, Corpl.
Carrier, and Pvte. Needham. The raiding party had a
special little dinner of their own a few days after the
raid at the canteen at Bailleulval.

There is but little to record of our other doings in
the trenches. We recall efforts being made to have “Daily
Trench Exercises” carried out, such as physical jerks,
bomb throwing, and rifle practice, but the orders issued
on the subject were, we fear, honoured rather in the
breach than the observance! We did, however, appreciate
the opportunity given us in these days of sending Officers
from time to time to our Gunner friends to learn something
of the elements of artillery work, and though
these visits were very short, it was certainly not the fault
of the Gunners if we were not wiser for the instruction
they gave us. We on our part were also called upon to
do some instructing, having attached to us at various
times Lieut.-Col. Smeathman of the Hertfordshire
Regiment, Lieut. Haslam (afterwards killed) and 12 men
of the Artists’ Rifles, and an Officer and 14 men of the
1st King’s Dragoon Guards, to all of whom we imparted
as much of our knowledge of trench warfare as was
possible during the short time they were with us.

As time wore on changes took place. Vann, who
had once more been slightly wounded during his raid
and was not very fit, went to the Senior Officers’ Course
at Aldershot, and was succeeded in command of A
Company by Capt. E. M. Hacking. Capt. Davenport
after a week’s tour in the trenches for instruction left
to attend the Staff Course at Cambridge. Hicks, who
was afterwards killed, went to the Trench Mortar
Battery, E. A. Huskinson to the 138th Brigade to learn
Staff duties, Easterfield to the Machine Gun Corps,
where he won the M.C., Corry (who later died of wounds)
and Newton to the Royal Flying Corps, Woodward to
the (p. 157) “Whizz-bangs,” and Capt. A. Hacking (from Brigade
Headquarters), Field, Parker and Wells were invalided
to England. Jones, who followed Marshall as Intelligence
Officer, got wounded on patrol, and was succeeded by
Martelli. Under the new scheme of sending home as
Instructors, Warrant Officers and N.C.O.’s who were
feeling the strain of long periods of active service, we
lost Comp. Sergt.-Major Chappell, and Sergts. L. Bell,
Shore and Wells. Comp. Quarter-Master-Sergt. Hotson
then became Comp. Sergt.-Major of B Company, and
Sergt. Deverall, Comp. Quarter-Master-Sergt. of C Company.
Our casualties during the period amounted to
seven killed, and 37 wounded. Against these losses we
were joined by two Officers, 2nd Lieuts. J. M. Johnston,
and E. W. Warner, and about 80 men, including 40 from
No. 4 Entrenching Battalion.

All this time the Somme fighting had been going
on, more or less successfully, and we wondered time and
again when our turn would come to go and take part
in it. Divisions around us were moved backwards
and forwards, to and from the fighting area, with almost
lightning rapidity, and still we were left in this peaceful
part with few cares, and almost began to think we had
been forgotten, or that the office boy had scratched
our name off the list of Divisions in France! But it was
apparently not so, for on October 20th, we got news of
our approaching move to a training area, preparatory,
no doubt, to taking a more active part in the fighting.
Eventually, on October 29th, we were relieved by the
16th Manchesters and said goodbye to that delightful
area where we had such good times, and to which we
shall always look back with the greatest possible pleasure.

CHAPTER IX (p. 158)

THE CAPTURE OF GOMMECOURT

October 29th, 1916.—
March 17th, 1917.

Having spent the afternoon of October 29th in
packing up, we left Bailleulval about dusk, and
late the same evening arrived at Warluzel, where we
spent the night in indifferent billets. We proceeded
the following day to our old quarters at Le Souich,
where we rested for 24 hours, continuing the march on
November 1st to Neuvillette, and on November 3rd,
to our final destination Maison Ponthieu, in the Third
Army (St. Riquier) training area, having completed
a march of something like 40 miles.

Considering that this area had been used for training
for some considerable time, we cannot say that we found
the billets of the best or well provided with those comforts,
which one might reasonably expect for troops out of
the line preparing to take part in an offensive. Our
energies at first were therefore concentrated on trying
to make ourselves comfortable, and a considerable time
was spent in carrying out improvements, making bathing
arrangements, cookhouses, canteen and reading rooms.
Rightly or wrongly we were inclined to think that we
were unlucky with regard to billets, as we so often found
ourselves scavenging and cleaning up other people’s
refuse. Doubtless every other unit thought the same.
In the way of entertainments we had little or nothing,
and Maison Ponthieu itself boasted nothing more than
one or two estaminets. Auxi-le-Château, the home of
the Third Army Training School, had a few shops and was
rather more lively, while, for those who could get there,
St. (p. 159) Riquier was quite interesting, and the battlefield of
Crécy was not far off. Abbeville some distance away,
was patronised only by a few lucky ones.

We stayed in this area for nearly three weeks,
and trained hard with a view to taking part in the
Somme offensive. The chief points were to make everyone
fit, and to practise formations for open warfare. For
the former, recreation of every kind and for all ranks
was an essential part of the programme, though we
were inclined to think that perhaps a little too much
compulsion was added to this part of the scheme. Inter-platoon
football matches were a prominent part of the
recreational training, and created a great deal of genuine
interest and amusement. There were also inter-battalion
football matches in the Division, in which we started
well by beating the 7th Battalion, but were hopelessly
defeated by the 5th Battalion at Noyelle on November
18th, by eight goals to nil. One of the most entertaining
matches was that which took place at Maison Ponthieu,
between Divisional Headquarters and Brigade Headquarters.
When the Divisional goal was threatened
S.O.S. rockets were sent up and smoke bombs let off,
which to the onlookers, seemed rather to baffle the
defending goalkeeper, who was none other than the
Assistant Provost Marshal, Major Newbold! Preliminary
contests held to select representatives for the Divisional
Boxing Championship, which unfortunately did not
materialise, were won by Sergt. Slater, Sergt. Attenborough,
Signaller Gearney, and Pvte. Hall.

For open warfare we practised mostly the attack,
beginning with artillery formation. Those who did
know something of it had by now grown very rusty,
after so many months in trenches, whilst many Officers
and men in the Battalion at this time, had had
practically no training at all in this kind of warfare, so
that much work was required in the simple practices
of (p. 160) shaking out into artillery formation, lines of companies,
half-companies, platoons or sections, and eventually
extending for the final stages of the attack leading up
to the assault. The other main feature of the training,
was practice in night marching on a compass bearing
and subsequent deployment for attack.

On the whole we must confess we felt that the
training was rather overdone. We had to put in many
hours daily, and the march to the training ground at
Yvrencheux and back, some six miles in all, was to say
the least of it somewhat tedious. We were besides,
most unfortunate with regard to weather, which was
very unpleasant most of the time, and we were hardly
sorry when our time came to leave the area. We were
not, however, required to take part in the Somme fighting,
as this had by now more or less worn itself out. From
what we read and heard from troops, who came out of it,
of the appalling condition of the ground and the
impossibility of making any further progress during the
Winter, we were not surprised or sorry that there was
no need for us in that direction. Our lot was to return
once more to our old trenches at Foncquevillers.

Changes in personnel during this period were mostly
in Officers. Major Ashwell had rejoined and resumed
his duties as Second-in-Command; Major Lane also rejoined
after nearly 18 months in England, as a result of
his wound at Kemmel, and took over A Company from
Capt. E. M. Hacking. A further addition was Lieut.
Simonet, who had by some means managed to get the
Hospital Authorities to pass him fit again for general
service. We also had a small draft of 32 men. On
the other hand we had to part with six Officers at
extremely short notice to the 12th Rifle Brigade and
King’s Royal Rifle Corps which had lost very heavily
in the Somme fighting, and sent 2nd Lieuts. Ranson,
Hall (who later won the M.C.), Visser, H. G. Kirby,
Byrne (p. 161) and Bailey (afterwards killed). Second Lieut. Cox
also left us to join the Signal Company of the 14th
Division, his place as Signalling Officer being taken by
Lieut. Warner. For good work on a subsequent occasion
Cox was awarded the M.C. Lieut. Martelli was still
Intelligence Officer, Lieut. White, Grenade Officer, and
Lieut. Tomlinson, Lewis Gun Officer.

We went by easy stages back to the line, leaving
Maison Ponthieu on November 22nd, and proceeding
to Bealcourt, and the following day to Neuvillette. The
chief item of interest in our two days’ stay there, was a
revolver shooting match between teams of Officers from
our own and the 7th Battalion, in which we were badly
beaten. On November 25th, we marched to Humbercourt
on a pouring wet morning, arriving there about mid-day
drenched to the skin. Here we stayed for nearly a fortnight,
training and cutting wood in Lucheux Forest.
The weather was wet and cold, and as the village lay
in a hollow, we got the full benefit of all the rain, and
consequent flooded streams. On November 30th, we
took part in a Divisional cross-country run, a part of the
programme left over from the St. Riquier area. The
distance was two and three-quarter miles, and we felt
quite pleased to finish 6th out of the 13 Battalions running,
our pleasure knowing no bounds at seeing C. B. Johnstone
and F. Torrance finish well within the time limit, happy
if breathless.

On December 2nd, a Brigade Ceremonial Parade
was held at Sus-St. Leger, where we were inspected by
Major-General Thwaites. It was a bitterly cold day,
but on the whole the show passed off well. It was
perhaps aided a little by the fog, which covered one or
two of our more intricate and unconventional movements
rather successfully.

On the following day we took part in what was
probably one of the most interesting football matches
in the Battalion’s history, when a team of Officers
played (p. 162) one from the 7th Battalion, and beat them one-nil
after a great tussle.

It was at Humbercourt that Sergt. “Sammy” Foster
played an important part in trying to make us all
“gas proof.” With much success he made up a gas
chamber in the village out of the shed for the “Pompe
à incendie,” where all ranks of the Battalion were fitted
with the new small box respirator, which had just
arrived. This proved to be much the most satisfactory
form of gas mask we ever had, and continued in general
use up to the end of the war.

We left Humbercourt on December 6th, and the
same day went into Brigade Reserve, in the Foncquevillers
sector, the 46th Division having taken over this
portion of the line from the 49th Division. The sector
was now fairly quiet, everyone having more or less gone
into winter quarters. Our rest billets and Transport Lines
were at Souastre, where, considering all things, we were
fairly comfortable. There were good baths under the
control of one of those celebrated Town Majors, of whom
so much has been heard, a Y.M.C.A. hut, and a new
form of entertainment in the shape of a Cinema, which
our Division had recently added to its institutions. The
Divisional “Whizz-bangs” were still showing, but were
rather under a cloud, although that great actor subaltern
from the Battalion, Moffat Johnston, gave them a
helping hand for a short time. Being “out to soldier,”
however, he preferred the front line, and very soon
came back to us.

When in Divisional Reserve all companies were back
at Souastre, and carried out a little training in addition
to the usual refitting and cleaning. Parties were also
generally provided for Town Major’s fatigues. When
in Brigade Reserve two companies were at Souastre, and
two at Foncquevillers, the latter finding garrisons for
posts on the Eastern edge of the village, and at “Fort
Dick,” between Foncquevillers and Hébuterne.

When (p. 163) in the line we held the left sub-sector, relieving
with the 7th Battalion, the right company front having
its right on the Foncquevillers-Gommecourt Road, the
centre company being disposed about “Lincoln Lane,”
and the left company front running from “Roberts
Avenue” to the Brayelle Road. Companies holding
the line, had two or three platoons in the front line,
and the remainder in support. The support Company
occupied the dug-outs in “Sniper’s Square.”

The trenches throughout this period were in an
appalling state, though efforts had been made to improve
them by the 49th Division, who certainly left Roberts
Avenue well revetted, and with a good floor of trench
grids. For the most part, however, they were deep in
mud, and in a deplorable condition, and “gumboots
thigh” were in great demand. Dug-outs were of the
poorest, and life in the trenches was not pleasant.
Efforts were made to improve matters during our stay
and the Royal Engineers and Monmouths did a great
deal of work, helped by large parties from all Battalions,
but improvement was very slow.

Major-general Thwaites
Outside Battalion Head-quarters, The Brasserie, Foncquevillers.
Reproduced by permission of the Imperial War Museum.

Fortunately the trenches were no great distance
from the village, where Company cooks had their
cookers, whilst the Battalion was in the line, so that
hot meals were sent up regularly, and included a hot
supper issued generally about midnight, the meals being
mostly carried up by the Support Company. During
the latter part of January and beginning of February,
we had very hard frosts and much snow, and the
carrying parties had a difficult task in walking on the
slippery roads and trench grids, but this was overcome
to a great extent by the use of sandbags tied over the
boots. It was perhaps a somewhat expensive method to
employ with sandbags costing something like a shilling
each, but they served the purpose very well, and
were in great demand in consequence. A drying-room
was (p. 164) established at Battalion Headquarters in the
village, in a large cellar, fitted with double-tier wire
beds, stoves, and braziers. A supply of blankets was
also available, so that the men who had been on
patrol, or had got wet through, could come down
from the line and get their wet clothes dried and a good
rest and sleep in comfort. Inter-Battalion reliefs
were carried out every four days, whilst Companies
were able to relieve their men in the front line
every 48 hours, or, when the weather was extremely
bad, every 24 hours, by taking up the men from the
support line. By this means, the time any particular
man was actually in the front line was reduced to the
lowest possible limit. During December and January,
reliefs were carried out by daylight, usually beginning
immediately after breakfast, and being completed by
about noon. This system not only enabled the incomers
to settle down in the trenches before night, but also
gave the relieved Battalion four complete nights out,
a system which was very much appreciated. At the
end of January we changed to night reliefs. The main
artery for traffic was the Foncquevillers-Souastre
Road, and although it was usually fairly quiet, we
sometimes astonished ourselves at the pace we made
along it on relief nights, and most of us were glad when
we got over the crest into Souastre.

Martelli and his Scouts and many others did some
very good patrols, but on some nights when the moon
was bright, and the ground covered with snow, this
work was not easy. Long white nightshirts complete
with hoods were tried, but not considered very suitable,
as they looked quite dark against the white snow, and on
the whole were not a success.

Though normally quiet the sector was occasionally
trench mortared and shelled fairly heavily,
most attention being paid to the front line about
Roberts (p. 165) Avenue and Lincoln Lane, the Gommecourt
Road, the Orchard in front of the village, where our
heavy trench mortars, familiarly known as “Flying
Pigs”, had their quarters, and the village itself. It
was in connection with one of these bombardments
that the I-Tok machine professed to have some success.
By some means a Boche map had been secured shewing
the areas into which our front was divided for the purpose
of “shoots”, and if the I-Tok picked up messages from
which it was inferred that a shoot over a particular
area was likely to take place, the information was at
once passed on to the Battalion concerned. On one
occasion when such information was received, no sooner
were the men cleared of the area than it was indeed
shelled! It may have been an accident of course, but the
I-Tok personnel took the credit, which we hope was
deserved.

One night, when the 7th Battalion were in the line,
they were raided after a very heavy bombardment, in
which they suffered several casualties. The following
day the Officer Commanding that Battalion sent us a kind
message of appreciation of the prompt way in which
Capt. Turner and B Company, who were in support in
Foncquevillers, had turned out and stood by ready to help.
Fortunately their services were not required.

The most unpleasant experience we ourselves
had was on February 16th, when we relieved the 7th
Battalion for the last time in this sector. The relief
itself was carried out under difficulties, owing to a certain
amount of gas shelling, but later on the Hun sent over
perfect showers of gas bombs, and absolutely deluged
the front and support lines, whilst he also fired a considerable
number of gas shells into the village. It is estimated
that in all between 500 and 600 were put over, mostly
filled with phosgene. It was our first experience of any
real gas shell bombardment, and partly owing to this
and (p. 166) partly to the high concentration of the gas used
we suffered heavy casualties, four men being killed and
24 wounded.

Christmas Day, 1916, was spent in the line, and
passed off very peacefully without anything untoward
happening. We were not able to get our Christmas
dinners until early in the New Year, when we were back
at Souastre, and made the most of all the good things
that had been sent out by kind friends at home. Each
Company enjoyed a most sumptuous dinner, followed by
a splendid entertainment provided by local talent,
speeches, and so on.

The Battalion front remained unchanged until
early in February, when we extended Northwards to
include the “Crawlboys Lane” area, then held by the
138th Brigade.

About the same time we had Companies of the
2/5th, 2/8th, and 2/11th Battalions London Regiment
with us for instruction, and a fine lot of men they were.
Our difficulty was in knowing where to put them, for
whereas we were about 80 per Company, they came
out with their full complement of 250. One dreaded
on occasions what might happen if the enemy suddenly
decided to shell the trenches they held, for in some
parts they were almost like the proverbial sardines.
They came out fully equipped, with mobilisation stores
made up to completion. Rumour says that when they
had finished their instruction with us they were wiser
not only in trench routine, but also in their Quarter-Master’s
Department!

This period saw several important changes in
personnel. With great regret we had to part with
Major Ashwell, who left to take up the duties of Commandant
of the Divisional School. This post, however,
he only held for a brief space, as his excellent services
throughout the war were very soon rewarded by his
appointment (p. 167) to command first the 5th, and shortly
afterwards the 6th Battalion. He was succeeded as
Second-in-Command by Major Lane. Capt. E. M.
Hacking, who commanded A Company for a time,
was appointed Railhead Disbursing Officer, and handed
over his duties to Lieut. Andrews. Capt. Turner stuck
to B Company, but during periods of absence of the
Commanding Officer and Major Lane, acted as Second-in-Command,
leaving Lieut. G. Wright to look after his
Company. Capt. Piggford, after struggling on for some
time, although very unfit, eventually had to go down
sick, and shortly afterwards was appointed Divisional
Claims Officer, to which he later added the duties of
Divisional Burials Officer. When he left, C Company
was handed over to Lieut. Abrams. Capt. Hill, after
a long and successful period in command of D Company,
also had to leave owing to sickness, and was succeeded
by Lieut. Simonet. In 2nd Lieut. King-Stephens we lost
a very gallant Officer, and a great favourite. He was
killed one morning when returning from wiring. The fog
which had been so helpful for the purpose, cleared
rather suddenly and a Boche sniper picked him off
just as he was getting back to the trench. Reinforcement
Officers who joined during the period were
2nd Lieuts. C. H. S. Stephenson, A. E. Geary, and
J. E. Mitchell. So far as other ranks were concerned
there were now no discharges as the Military Service Act,
which was in force, gave to very few the opportunity
of getting home. We lost, however, two excellent
Comp. Sergt.-Majors, G. Powell and Hotson, who went
to England to train for commissions, and were shortly
followed by Comp. Sergt.-Major T. Powell. George Powell
was destined one day to be awarded the D.S.O., whilst
Hotson unfortunately met his fate in Italy. Sergts.
Slater and Rawding, and Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt.
Deverall, then became Comp. Sergt.-Majors of A, B, and
D (p. 168) Companies respectively. Our casualties in the line
during this period were not heavy, amounting to seven
killed and 47 wounded. Reinforcements who joined
totalled 243, and included several men from the Sherwood
Rangers Yeomanry.

On February 19th, after handing over our portion
of the front line to Battalions of the 138th Brigade, we
marched back to St. Amand.

We now entered upon what turned out to be one
of the most interesting periods in the history of the
Battalion. The idea at the moment was that the 46th
Division should take part in an early offensive against
Beaurains, just south of Arras, and the immediate purpose
of our relief was to withdraw to the Sus-St. Leger area
and dig a model of the front to be attacked, ready for
one of the other Brigades of the Division to practise over.
With this object we moved back on February 20th,
to Ivergny, where we spent the first few days refitting
and reorganising. The latter was now becoming of
great moment, for important changes were taking
place. To begin with the Battalion Grenade Platoon,
that picked body of specially trained Bombers, to which
it was everyone’s ambition to belong, ceased to exist,
and the personnel rejoined their Companies, in which
from this time onward each platoon had its own section
of Bombers. This was only a preliminary to the absolute
reorganisation of the platoon, which was now rightly
coming into its own, and regarded as the most important
tactical fighting unit. We had already been lectured
at Souastre by Lieut.-General Sir Ivor Maxse, our Corps
Commander, and later Director General of Training, also
by Major-General Thwaites, on the new organisation
of the platoon, which was now to consist of four specialist
sections: (1) Riflemen, (2) Bombers, (3) Rifle Grenadiers,
(4) Lewis Gunners. We now began the preliminaries
of this new organisation, which was to remain practically
unchanged (p. 169) for the rest of the war. The Signallers were
also reorganised under Lieut. Warner, and divided into
“Battalion” and “Company” Signallers.

After only a few days training in Lucheux Wood,
and digging model trenches near by, we were ordered
to move to Simencourt, preparatory to taking over the
line near Beaurains. Just about the same time, however,
the Boche began his great Somme retirement, and on
February 27th, the news came through that he was
evacuating the Gommecourt salient. This of course
entailed a complete change in our plans, and instead
of moving North, we marched back towards Foncquevillers,
reaching Grenas on February 28th. There we
stayed for one night, proceeding the following morning
to St. Amand, where hurried preparations were made
to relieve the 138th Brigade, who were busy following
up the retreating enemy. We left St. Amand early
on the morning of March 3rd, for Gommecourt, where
we took over the old Boche lines from the 5th Leicesters.
The enemy were still in the Northern and Eastern
outskirts of the village, and the line was in a more
or less “fluid” state. The enemy’s retirement continued
slowly during the day, and our troops kept
moving on in close touch. The 7th Battalion were
working in conjunction with us on the left, and the
31st Division on our right. On March 4th, the withdrawal
was more rapid, and it became somewhat
difficult to keep touch. The few dug-outs that were
not set on fire or otherwise destroyed, were found to
contain quantities of stores and rations, and shewed
evident signs of having been evacuated very hurriedly.
A neat souvenir in the shape of a Boche
bugle was got from one of these dug-outs, and is now
treasured with the Battalion plate at Newark. One
was rather nervous of “booby traps” in some of them,
but so far as our experience went at this time there
were (p. 170) none. “Pigeon Wood” was captured during the
afternoon, after some fighting and an unpleasant sort
of game of hide and seek, and we also occupied Rettemoy
Farm, and “The Z.”

Evidently thinking that we were too close on his
heels, the enemy delivered a determined counter-attack
about 6 p.m. against C Company, who were holding
the trench line in front of La Brayelle Farm, forcing
them to withdraw slightly. During this attack Lieut.
Duff did magnificent work in holding off a bombing
attack, and L.-Sergt. Sansom gallantly held on to a
bombing post which was cut off, until he was rescued
by a party ably led by Corpl. Street, who went forward
under heavy fire, and opening fire on the attacking
enemy, enabled the post to withdraw. Sergt. Henley
also did splendid work in holding his post against a strong
bombing attack, until he was eventually wounded in
the head, dying the next day.

The Battalion suffered a great loss the same day
by the death of Lieut. Abrams, who was killed during
the afternoon whilst reconnoitring near La Brayelle
Farm. Thinking, apparently, that the coast was clear,
he was walking across the open with his batman when
a Boche machine gun suddenly opened fire on them
at close range, killing them both instantaneously.
C Company then came under the command of Lieut. A.
Bedford. The casualties that day in other ranks, were
seven killed and 17 wounded.

Very little happened on March 5th, except a certain
number of bombing encounters, and at night the 5th
Battalion took over the right portion of our front from
Rettemoy Farm to “Brayelle Graben”. On March 6th,
we were relieved by the 6th Battalion, commanded by
Major Ashwell, and moved back to dug-outs in and
around Gommecourt. It was with much regret that
we heard on the 9th that Major Ashwell had been badly
wounded (p. 171) the previous night in an attack on “Kite
Copse.”

The line had not altered appreciably when we
relieved the 6th Battalion again on March 10th. The
weather was cold, and the trenches were deep in mud
and water, and movement was extremely exhausting.
The object now was to force the enemy to retire more
rapidly, and orders were received that we were to seize
“Hedge Trench” and “Kite Copse” as soon as possible,
and form a line across to “Rettemoy Graben” on the
right, which was to be captured by the 5th Battalion.
As a preliminary during the night of March 11/12th, a
party from C Company under Corpl. Kirk successfully
cut gaps in the wire in front of Hedge Trench.

At 1.10 a.m. on March 13th—a wet, pitch dark
night—the 5th Battalion attempted to seize Rettemoy
Graben in conjunction with a hastily planned attack
by the Staffords on their right. In spite of the most
gallant efforts, these attacks were dismal failures, and
attended with a large number of casualties. At the
same time strong parties of A, C and D Companies
made demonstrations along communication trenches
towards Hedge Trench. At 7 a.m. on the same day
Capt. A. Hacking, who had now rejoined the Battalion and
taken command of A Company, ordered Lieut. A. H.
Michie with his platoon to seize Kite Copse. Michie
made a rapid reconnaissance, and in a very short time
found himself in possession of this important point, the
enemy garrison having nearly all left to fetch their
rations. The water was boiling in the dug-outs, and
a supply of coffee was found, which enabled Michie’s
platoon to get breakfast as soon as the position was
consolidated. During the evening the enemy made two
determined counter-attacks against the position, but
these were both driven off with heavy loss by the
excellent work of Pvte. Teare with his Lewis gun,
Sergt. King and Corpl. Scrimshaw.

Map To Illustrate Chapters VII & IX.

In (p. 172) the afternoon of the same day Lieut. Hopkinson
attempted to push through the “Burg Graben” to
Hedge Trench, but was met by strong opposition. He,
however, withdrew his party without casualties, after
inflicting several on the enemy. For his gallantry here
and splendid work on other occasions “Hoppy” was
awarded the M.C. On this occasion Corpl. Kirk again
did splendid work. Many other gallant deeds were
performed during these strenuous days, special credit
being due to Sergt. Edis for good work in charge of a
platoon, Corpl. J. Wilson, who worked unceasingly for 36
hours, when in charge of an advanced bombing post,
Corpls. Blythe and Marvill for good patrol work, and
L.-Corpls. Fern, Martin and Leonard, and Pvtes. Simpson,
Crane, Peplow, W. Barwise, and Bacon. Invaluable work
was also done by the Transport Section, who had a very
hard time in getting supplies up to Gommecourt. The
roads were in an appalling state, and every night were
thronged with horses and vehicles, whilst the enemy
had ample ammunition to loose off before retiring, both
high explosive and gas, most of which he sent over to
Foncquevillers or Gommecourt, or the road in between.
It was on one of these nights that Pvte. Chapman did
excellent work in clearing a block in the road, in the midst
of heavy shell fire, and enabling the masses of transport to
pass.

In this miniature moving warfare, the Signallers
found their task more entertaining than it had hitherto
been. Warner one day went so far as to try flag-wagging,
until he found that his performance was in full view of
the enemy. On another occasion he established a
Trench Wireless set to Brigade, which he maintained
successfully for an hour, but at the end of that period
the whole apparatus was dissipated in the explosion
of a German shell. A second effort with new apparatus
met with a precisely similar fate.

As (p. 173) evidence of the closeness with which we had
followed up the retreating enemy it is interesting to
note that at one time Capt. Hacking reported that
from his front line, he could hear perfectly plainly both
our own Gunners and those of the Boche giving their
fire orders.

An incident in the Quarter-Master’s Department
that was not without interest, was a great ride by
our great Quarter-Master. In his anxiety to see that
all our wants were provided for (or was it for a heavy
wager?), long before horses were allowed so far forward
“Harry” Torrance arrived one night at Pigeon Wood
mounted on “Buster,” having defied the Military Police
and all other Traffic Controls. Another unique experience
was that of Lieut. Whitton, who for a brief space held
the appointment of Town Major of Gommecourt, and
was we believe, the one and only person ever to occupy
that post of honour. As Officer Commanding 300 dozen
Boche mineral waters found in the village, he was a very
useful person to know.

On March 14th, we moved back to Gommecourt,
where we were finally relieved by the 4th Leicesters
three days later. The enemy were retiring very rapidly,
and on the same day evacuated Essarts and Bucquoy.
Being squeezed out owing to the shortening of the line,
the 46th Division began to follow several other Divisions
to the back areas, preparatory to taking part in operations
in other spheres. Never again did we go to Gommecourt,
which we believe is being retained by the French untouched.
It will thus ever remain a type of a completely
destroyed village, for it is probably one of the worst
treated in the whole of France. There were certainly
one or two spots where the remains of buildings were
still standing, but practically every sign of a once
prosperous village had been obliterated. As a type of
German fortification it was probably one of the best,
containing (p. 174) the deepest and best constructed trenches we
ever saw. The wire in front was almost impossible to
break through; each line of trenches was protected in
much the same way; the dug-outs were deep and proof
against all except the very heaviest of shells, and there
was a long subterranean passage built by the Boche
from behind Gommecourt Wood to his second line, along
which reinforcements could be brought in safety to
counter-attack any troops that might have gained a
footing in the front line. It was sad to find magnificent
tapestries and valuable pieces of furniture, evidently
taken from the château, which once existed there,
adorning the German dug-outs or ruthlessly cut and
knocked about, but sadder still to find the bodies of our
own Officers and men lying unburied exactly as they
had fallen on that fated 1st of July, 1916. It is pleasing,
however, to record that the grave of an Officer of the
Brigade was found in Essarts with the inscription in
English on the Cross: “To the memory of a very
gallant British Officer and Gentleman, killed July 1st,
1916.”

CHAPTER X (p. 175)

LENS

March 17th, 1917.—
July 4th, 1917.

After relief at Gommecourt we spent two days at
Souastre, and then marched via Bayencourt and
Courcelles-au-Bois to Contay, where we arrived on March
23rd. The roads for much of this journey were in an
appalling mess, partly as a result of constant shelling,
and partly through being cut up by the masses of transport
which had passed over them during the recent
wet weather either in following up the retreating enemy
or in withdrawing to back areas. Vehicles were often
up to the axle in mud, whilst bicycles gave an immense
amount of trouble, and this was not the only occasion
on which we found it far preferable to foot-slog, even
with heavy packs, than to be Signallers with bicycles,
which practically had to be carried. Loaded with pack
and other paraphernalia, the heavy army pattern bicycle
is not a lovable companion, except on a more or less
perfect road. A really first-class exhibition of bicycle
manoeuvring was given during the move by Pvte. Bunce,
who always seemed to be in trouble, and was a source
of much amusement to his fellow Signallers. We stayed
one night at Contay, moving the following day to
Bertangles, and on March 25th to Revelles, a delightful
village about seven miles West of Amiens. We were
taken through Amiens itself in motor ‘buses, which
picked us up just North of the town, and deposited us
on the other side, leaving us to finish the journey on
foot.

On passing through one village during this backward
march we saw some men wearing Sherwood Forester
badges. They turned out to be men of the 2/8th
Battalion, (p. 176) and proved the correctness of rumours we
had recently heard that that Battalion was actually
in France. One of the 2/8th men accosted a fellow man
of our Battalion, as he passed, with the remark “Who
are you?” “1/8th” was the reply, “Who are you?”
“2/8th”—”Right”, said our friend—we believe a
Signaller—”You can tell your mother you’ve seen some
real soldiers now!”

We were supposed to entrain for the North almost
at once, but as five or six other Divisions were being
moved besides ourselves it was not surprising that
trains were running a day or two late, so we were able
to have a short rest at Revelles, which was much enjoyed,
especially as we were able to make trips to Amiens,
which at that time had only been slightly damaged
by bombs, and was full of life. The chief centres of
attraction were the Hotel Godbert, The Savoy,
Charlie’s Bar, and the Café du Cathédral.

Eventually we entrained at Bacouel Station in the
afternoon of March 28th, the entrainment being one of
the most expeditious ever carried out by the Battalion.
Not so, however, the journey! Times without number
we came to a stop with a succession of jerks, not on
account of signals—indeed it would appear that few,
if any, existed—but because other trains were in front.
During a tedious night of such progress, we passed through
Abbeville, Boulogne, Calais and St. Omer, and arrived
about 9.0 a.m. on March 29th, at Hazebrouck. Being
told there by a French Railway Official that the train
would stop for 15 minutes, most of the Officers dashed
for the buffet on the opposite platform and ordered
“Omelettes et café.” As one might have imagined,
the train began to move without warning just as breakfast
was started. There was a wild dash, but all to no
purpose, for the train was well under way. By the
best of good luck, however, a supply train was found,
which (p. 177) apparently was going in the same direction, though
the guard and driver appeared to have different views
on the subject, which led to a decidedly heated argument
between them. At any rate our party boarded the train
and fortunately found it brought them very shortly to
Berguette Station, where the rest of the Battalion were
just detraining.

The Adjutant’s duty of seeing the Battalion safely
across the railway, near the station, was indeed a pleasant
one, and less fortunate members of the Battalion have
accused him of carrying on in an unseemly manner
with the fair keeper of the level crossing. We have his
assurance, however, that though he felt proud indeed
at having such a charming young lady by his side, his
behaviour was beyond reproach! A few hours’ march
brought us to Westrehem, where we found most comfortable
billets, and were welcomed and treated in the most
cordial manner by all.

This move brought us into the First Army (General
Horne), of which we were now to form part for many
months, and into the II Corps, and though we only
remained in this Corps for a few days the Commander,
Lieut.-General Sir C. Jacob, lost no time in coming to
make our acquaintance, having all the Officers paraded
to meet him at the School at Westrehem, two days
after our arrival.

We spent about a fortnight there refitting and
training, the most important part of the latter being
practice in the new Company and Platoon formations
for attack, in which much attention was paid to the
question of the numbers and positions of the personnel
attached to Company and Platoon Headquarters.
Practice advances were also carried out with these
formations behind a creeping barrage represented by
flags and drums. Outposts and advance guards were
practised, as well as tactical open warfare schemes,
with (p. 178) Officers and N.C.O.’s, and firing was carried out on
a range near the village. One day was devoted to a
Divisional Route March, in which every unit in the
Division took part. It was carried out as a tactical
scheme, the Division supposed to be pursuing a retreating
enemy, and the 8th Battalion forming part of the
Advance Guard.

On the recreational side, football was the chief
feature, and several very interesting matches were
played, in one of which the 7th Battalion Officers got
their revenge by beating us three—nil at Nédonchelle.
Westrehem was also the venu of a Rugby football match,
between a team from the 6th and 8th Battalions, and one
from the 5th and Machine Gun Company, which ended
after a hard fight in a draw. Padre Uthwatt, who had
recently joined us, did his best to try and organise
amusements, and the Divisional Cinema came over and
gave one or two shows. There was small attraction in
the village except one or two shops and estaminets, but
you could get anything from chewing gum upwards at
“Lane’s Emporium,” and the inhabitants were so extremely
kind that we lacked little. The chief drawback
during our stay at Westrehem was the weather, which at
times was very cold, and on several days there were
heavy falls of snow.

On April 13th, we began to move towards the line
once more, spending that night at Vendin-lez-Béthune,
and proceeding the following day to Houchin. There
we went under canvas, sharing a camp with the 7th
Battalion, and had a comfortable if chilly stay of three
days.

Changes which took place about this time included
the departure of our Medical Officer, Capt. C. B. Johnstone,
who was replaced for a brief period by Capt. Walsh,
and later by Capt. W. C. Gavin; Capt. E. M. Hacking,
and Lieut. Moore were invalided to England, and
“Weetie”, (p. 179) who had been our Adjutant for over 18
months, handed over his duties to Lieut. Whitton on
being attached to Brigade Headquarters. A little
later he succeeded “Peter” Wordsworth, who left to
take up a higher appointment after being Staff Captain
for over three years, during which we were grateful for
his kind help on many occasions. Regimental Quarter-Master
Sergt. Dench went home to train for a commission,
but we met him again in the later stages of
the war, when he did excellent work with the 5th Battalion,
gaining the M.C. and two bars. His place was
taken by Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Pritchard, who
was succeeded in D Company by Sergt. Gammon;
Armourer Quarter-Master Sergt. Loughman went to
hospital, and from that time onwards no official
armourer was allowed.

We left Houchin on April 18th, and soon found
familiar signs of our proximity to the front. In Noeux-les-Mines,
a not exactly encouraging notice said “These
cross-roads are registered.” Needless to say we did
not loiter there, especially as it had been shelled several
times during the preceding few days. Passing Petit
Sains and Aix Noulette—the latter mostly in ruins—another
notice warned us that “Small box Respirators
must be worn in the alert position East of this point”.
A little further on we found parties of men at work
making good the roads, and laying temporary corduroy
tracks across what had recently been No Man’s Land.
Passing over this waste we descended to Angres—known
later as “Angry Corner”—and entered Liévin, where we
took over billets from the 13th Middlesex.

Air Photograph Of Lens-loos Area, 1917.
Reproduced by permission of Captain P. Huskinson, M.C.

Liévin had only been evacuated by the enemy
and occupied by the 24th Division two days before our
arrival. This evacuation was not part of his general
scheme of withdrawing from some of his salients and
shortening his line, which we had experienced at
Gommecourt, (p. 180) but had been forced on him by the capture
by the Canadians early in April of Vimy Ridge.

Included in the line now held by the enemy West
of Lens were the strong positions of Fosse 3 and Hill 65,
opposite the South of the front taken over by the 46th
Division, and Hill 70 on the North. His outpost line ran
through the Cité-de-Riaumont and Eastern outskirts of
Liévin, across the Lens-Liévin Road, through Cité-St.
Laurent to Hill 70. Lens itself was one of the most
important centres in the mining district and the whole
area was a mass of mining villages or “Cités,” with their
rows of cottages and neat gardens, pits or “puits,”
slag-heaps, and other usual features of a colliery district.

The town of Liévin lay astride the Souchez river,
about three miles West of Lens. Previously a thriving
mining centre, it had now been badly knocked about by
shelling, though large numbers of houses were still
more or less intact. The Boche had done much work in
strengthening the cellars of the houses by covering
them with concrete, paving setts torn up from the road,
bricks and other material, the only drawback being that
much of the extra strengthening had been put on the
side facing the old front line, so that we now got little
advantage from it, and felt we should like to turn
the houses round, as the side towards the enemy was
often none too strong. The evacuation had been so
hurried that the enemy had not had time to destroy or
remove much of the furniture and clothing from the
houses, in many of which we found all the available beds
collected in the cellars, which were also well furnished
with chairs, tables, cupboards, cutlery and much other
civilian property and made very comfortable billets.
Sappers made an inspection of all these cellars, and of
the dug-outs recently evacuated by the enemy before
we occupied them, in order to ensure the absence of
“booby traps,” and in this respect we had no
excitement.

Information (p. 181) from prisoners indicated that a further
retreat behind Lens was imminent, and the impression
of the Higher Command was that only slight pressure
was necessary to push the enemy outposts out of
Cité-de-Riaumont and Hill 65, and to establish a line
East of that town. Unfortunately this information was
true only up to a point. It has transpired since that
for a day or two before the 46th Division came into the
line there really was something approaching a panic in
the German Command in this sector, and that all
preparations had been made to evacuate Lens. By the
time of our arrival, however, the panic was at an end,
and the enemy were undoubtedly holding the Southern
portion of Cité-de-Riaumont and the strong defences
of Hill 65 in considerable strength. Corps and Army
Intelligence refused, however, to believe this to be more
than a show, and the general trend of orders was that
attacks by small numbers should be made at once to
clear the enemy out of Cité-de-Riaumont and finally
from Hill 65. The loss of this last covering position
should, it was thought, necessitate their withdrawal
from Lens.

The flexibility of the position is indicated by the
fact that a Divisional Commander, in making a reconnaissance
in Riaumont Wood, had run against an enemy
patrol. History does not relate which was the more
surprised, but both escaped without casualties.

On April 19th we took over the left sub-sector of
the Brigade sector from the 7th Northamptons, commanded
by that gallant sportsman, Col. Mobbs. The
main defence just established was on the Eastern edge
of the Bois de Riaumont. The Northern two rows of
houses in the village of Riaumont were occupied by
our outposts, and the enemy were reported to be holding
the remainder in force. A Company (Capt. A. Hacking)
took over the outpost line; B Company (Lieut. G.
Wright, (p. 182) during the absence on leave of Capt. Turner)
were in support in the Bois de Riaumont and Cité des-Bureaux,
whilst C Company (Capt. A. Bedford) and
D Company (Capt. Simonet) were in billets in the “River
Line,” not far from Battalion Headquarters, which were
at the White Château.

It was clear that no attempt to capture Hill 65
would be possible until the whole of Riaumont village
was in our hands, and instructions to this effect were
given to Capt. A. Hacking, operations to secure which
were carried out on the night after relief in conjunction
with the 6th Battalion on our right. The advance
took place quietly in pitch darkness. Several parties of
the enemy were encountered, some being killed and one
captured. By midnight the Battalion’s objective had
been secured, and posts established in the Railway
Cutting along the Company front. In this difficult and
rather uncanny work of clearing and searching the
houses and cellars of the village, Lieut. Geary, Sergt.
Stokes and Corpl. Brett did splendid work, for which
the first-named—who was the last Officer of the Battalion
to be killed, a fortnight before Armistice—was awarded
the Military Cross. Later in the night the enemy opened
a sudden and very heavy bombardment, and parties
were seen advancing down one of the streets, but were
driven off with loss. We had no casualties during this
operation.

Meanwhile the 6th Battalion were not able to make
good the remainder of the village South of the cross
roads, which the enemy were holding in greater strength,
and it was apparent that he intended to hold the trench
on the South side as part of his Lens outposts.

The work put into the cellars of the colliery
houses here was quite extraordinary. In several cases,
fifteen feet under the cellars, were found subterranean
passages with large dormitories and rooms capable of
accommodating (p. 183) large numbers of men. These were well
furnished, but owing to their depth and the proximity
of the enemy, we were unable to use them as much as
we should have liked.

Further fighting and a good deal of shelling took
place during the night of April 21/22, causing us several
casualties, but not any material alteration in the
situation. Particularly good work was done during that
time by Sergt. Bolton.

It was in these circumstances, and rather to the
surprise of those who were acquainted with the position,
that orders were received that we were to attack and
capture Hill 65 in conjunction with the 6th Battalion,
who were at the same time to attack Fosse 3, and make
good the remainder of the village and the enemy trench
to the South. The attack was to be carried out by
C Company, starting from the railway cutting, so far
as this had been established by A Company. There was
little time to make any preparations. A hasty reconnaissance
was made from an old Boche reinforced observation
post East of the railway cutting, just off “Absalom”
Trench, kindly placed at our disposal by a Gunner Officer,
from which an excellent view was obtained of Hill 65,
a bare hill with a row or two of colliery cottages on the
top, later found to contain the inevitable deep cellars.
The rest of the details were fixed at hurriedly summoned
conferences of Officers and N.C.O.’s. The final objective
was “Advance” Trench, just beyond the Hill. The
137th Brigade on the left were to send patrols to gain
touch with us at “Abode” Trench, and the 6th Battalion
on the right were to meet our parties in “Admiral”
Trench. Their attack was not in line with ours but was
more or less echelonned in rear.

As soon as it was dark the Company moved up
from their quarters in the River Line to Cité-de-Riaumont,
where the men were safely got into the cellars
of (p. 184) the houses, relieving part of A Company. Pvte.
Bradshaw, a most excellent Company cook, having
decided that a Company Mess in Advance Trench
would be a dreary place for his Officers without whisky,
slung on his back a bottle which the Mess President had
thought of leaving behind for the incoming Mess.
Unfortunately it proved to be a case of “Love’s Labour
Lost,” for the man, and it is feared the bottle too, fell
into the hands of the Boche!

D Company, who were to “mop up,” took over the
rest of A Company’s area, the latter Company returning
to Liévin, and two platoons of B Company occupied
Absalom Trench. The imminence of our attack was
evidently known to the enemy, whose artillery during
the night liberally shelled Absalom Trench, Riaumont
Château, the Eastern edge of the village, and the
approaches from Liévin. Trench mortars were also very
active on the village, in fact, at one time it was thought
that the Boche himself might be attacking, and shortly
after midnight C Company were got out of the cellars
and ordered to stand to. During that time Comp. Sergt.-Major
Haywood was slightly wounded and had to go
back. Nothing further happened, however, and the
Company eventually took up their final position in the
railway cutting about 4.0 a.m. on April 23rd (after
waiting for the rum and tea which were delayed by the
shelling and arrived too late). Several casualties were
caused now by our own artillery firing short, one shell,
which luckily was a “dud,” burying itself in the side
of the embankment amongst a group of men.

Leaving a right flanking party to deal with the
enemy in the railway cutting, the remainder of the
Company, deploying from the cutting at Zero, 4.45 a.m.,
changed direction half-right and moved forward under a
barrage of artillery and trench mortars. The preliminary
bombardment had more or less destroyed the houses on
the (p. 185) hill and cut good gaps in the wire, which the party
had little difficulty in getting through. The right leading
platoon under Lieut. Skinner got into one of the numerous
trenches and at first met with little opposition, but
being separated from the rest of the Company, were
rapidly surrounded by large numbers of the enemy, and
practically all were killed or captured. The left platoon,
under 2nd Lieut. Hopkinson, reinforced by the remainder
of the Company, were held up by machine gun fire,
which caused many casualties, until Corpl. Fletcher
managed to get a direct hit on one of the guns with a
No. 23 grenade. A message was meanwhile taken by
C Company runner, the redoubtable “Mungo” Marsh, to
D Company, asking them to try and work a party round
to the North side of the houses. Further attempts made
to rush another gun which was doing much damage,
were met now with bombs thrown from a trench just
in front of the houses. The folly of attempting the attack
with the Southern half of the cutting still in the hands
of the enemy, now became apparent, for at this moment
large parties of the enemy appeared on the right rear,
with which the flanking party had apparently been
quite unable to deal. Then from the cellars of the houses
on top of the hill also emerged many of the enemy, and
the now small remains of the Company were in imminent
danger of being completely surrounded. Orders were
given to withdraw, but few returned to tell the tale.
Duff, one of the most heroic and stout-hearted Officers
the Battalion ever possessed, was last seen firing his
revolver amid a horde of the enemy. Hopkinson was
never heard of again. Sergt. Cox died of wounds and
Sergts. Curtis, Sansom and Chalk were amongst the 70
missing, whilst the wounded numbered 34. The highest
praise is due to all ranks of C Company for their
magnificent efforts and especially to Capt. A. Bedford,
who throughout worked incessantly and led the attack
with (p. 186) the utmost gallantry. It was only through a hard
fate that his endeavours did not meet with the success
they so well deserved. Very good work was also done
by the mopping-up platoon of D Company, under
Sergt. Painter, which helped to cover the withdrawal
of the remnants of C Company.

The 6th Battalion fared no better, and the attack
produced, what was suspected by those who knew the
ground, exactly nothing except a total of casualties
which are felt to have been sacrificed on the altar of
faulty intelligence.

It is easy, perhaps, to be wise after the event. All
information received by Corps Intelligence indicated
an imminent retreat by the enemy. On no other premises
could an attack by so small a force on so strong a position
have been justified. One further principle of warfare,
by no means new, was justified to the hilt—no frontal
attack should ever be attempted unless all counter
attack from a flank is impossible, or unless sufficient
forces are available to render such an attack an impracticability.
The ultimate capture of the Hill necessitated
nearly two months’ artillery preparation and the
employment at intervals of two Brigades. Perhaps there
is one further illustration of the uncertainty of modern
warfare in the history of Hill 65. With that Hill in our
hands, and later on the dominating position of Hill 70,
all the tenets of war would conclude that Lens would
be completely untenable, and yet it was not until more
than a year afterwards that the enemy, in the last stages
of the war, evacuated a town which will, in the history
of the Battalion and of the 46th Division, be for ever
associated with the fortunes of Hill 65.

On April 24th we went back into Brigade Support
with Battalion Headquarters at the Red Mill, and
Companies billeted in cellars. Some readjustments
had to be made the following day, when Battalion
Headquarters (p. 187) moved to cellars on the Lens Road. This
spot seemed to be a favourite target for a Whizz-bang,
which fired straight down the road, and was responsible
for many sprints and much language at different times on
the part of various members of Battalion Headquarters.

Three days later the Brigade was relieved by the
137th Brigade and moved into Divisional Reserve, the
Battalion proceeding to a delightful little spot known as
Marqueffles Farm, nestling under the wooded slopes of
the Lorette Ridge. Here we were extremely comfortable,
and on this and a future occasion spent a most agreeable
time, being especially fortunate in the matter of weather.
It was a stiff climb to the top of the ridge, at the Eastern
edge of which were the remains of Notre Dame de
Lorette. This was the favourite spot of the Gipsy bomber,
whose story was told in Punch a few years ago:—

“But most he loved to lie upon Lorette
And, couched on cornflowers, gaze across the lines
On Vimy Ridge—we had not Vimy yet—
Pale Souchez’s bones, and Lens among the mines.
Till, eagle-like, with hoarse indignant shrieks.
Gunners arose from some deep-delved lair.
To chase the intruder from their sacred peaks
And cast him down to Ablain-St. Nazaire.”

Torrance on one occasion climbed the ridge with
Col. Blackwall, and can testify that the view from the
top was worth the walk! It formed a perfectly ideal
observation post, and we now understood why the Hun
had fought so strenuously to maintain a footing on the
ridge.

The chief item whilst at rest was the reorganisation
of C Company, which was practically non-existent.
Each of the other three Companies contributed a quota,
the transfers including Sergt. Stokes, from A Company,
who was appointed Comp.-Sergt. Major. A little later
Sergt. H. J. Wilson, who for a long period had ably
superintended the Battalion cooking arrangements,
was (p. 188) appointed Comp. Quarter-Master-Sergt., and was
succeeded as Sergt.-Cook by Corpl. Bateman. In addition
to other casualties we had lost Lieut. G. Wright, who
injured his knee up in the Riaumont sector and was
now invalided to England, whilst 2nd Lieut. White went
to England for temporary duty as a Bombing Instructor,
and 2nd Lieut. Mitchell was appointed Adjutant of
I Corps School. Our strength was thus considerably
reduced, whilst reinforcements at the moment were
exactly nil.

On May 6th we relieved the 5th Lincolns in the left
sub-sector of the left Brigade sector, with Battalion
Headquarters in the remnants of some mine galleries
at the back of Hart’s Crater, just in front of Loos. There
were only two Brigades of the Division in the line at
this period, and each Brigade went to each sector in turn.
We always went into the left sub-sector of each sector,
relieving with the 7th Battalion. The trenches here
were very bad, so shallow that it was almost impossible
to get round by day, and considerably overlooked by the
enemy, particularly from the tower of Fosse 14. Their
names began with the letter N, the best known being
“Nero,” “Novel,” “Netley,” and “Nash.” They were
old Boche trenches taken in the recent advance. The
whole sector had a very desolate appearance and life
was not pleasant there. The discomfort was increased
by the enormous number of wing bombs and rifle grenades
and occasional deluges of gas bombs and shells fired by
the enemy, which in our first six-day tour there, caused
us 39 casualties. This was followed by six days in
support, when we lived in dug-outs in some trenches
between Loos and the famous Colliery slag heap, known
as the “Double Crassier.” Battalion Headquarters were
at an exceptionally fine dug-out known as “Elvaston
Castle,” which had been dug by the 2nd Sherwood
Foresters. Here, in addition to ordinary work, we
amused (p. 189) ourselves at times by cutting the vetches which
were thriving on some parts of the area, and sending
them back for the transport animals. It was here also
that a certain Padre was overheard one day by the
I-Tok, arranging for a funeral at Maroc, with the result
that he was requested to attend at Brigade Headquarters
to explain his indiscretions.

After a short rest at Noeux-les-Mines, we went back
to the Liévin sector again on May 25th and took over
the line from Fosse 9 and Cité-St. Théodore to just South
of the Liévin-Lens Road. Battalion Headquarters were
at the corner house near the “Marble Arch” in Liévin.
Here the monotony of trench life was varied by long
distance patrols, and an enemy raid on the night of
May 29/30th on our post at the junction of “Crocodile”
Trench and the railway cutting, when we lost two men
captured, three killed and seven wounded. Casualties
during the whole of this period unfortunately were
heavy and reinforcements few, one Officer, 2nd Lieut.
H. C. Orton and 36 men who joined in May, being our
sole additions. We also lost Sergt. Burton, who had done
much excellent work as Signalling-Sergeant. He went for
a Commission, and was succeeded by Corpl. J. T.
Templeman. Our strength at this period was so small
that for some time Companies had to be organised in
three platoons instead of four. About the same time,
much to the regret of all those who had been privileged
to serve under him at any time, during the long period
in which he so successfully commanded the Brigade,
both in England and France, General Shipley left for
a tour of duty at home, and was succeeded by Brigadier-General
G. G. S. Carey, C.B., R.A.

The first six days of June were spent in Brigade
support in Liévin, at the end of which time we went
back into the line in front of Cité-St. Théodore, where
the only excitements were the pushing forward of
advanced (p. 190) posts to help to protect the left flank of the
138th Brigade in an attack on Fosse 3, and a number of
long distance patrols in which Lieut. Martelli and his
Scouts always played a prominent part. After another
short rest at Marqueffles Farm, where on June 12th we
won first prize for the best Transport turnout at the
Brigade Horse Show, we went back for a short tour in
Brigade support in front of Loos on June 15th.

We had now fairly sampled most of the area and
found little of it to our liking. Hart’s Crater sector
was the most monotonous for both front line and support
work, there being nothing but trenches to live in. In
Liévin sector, though the front line work was more
interesting and we had fairly comfortable billets when in
support, the enemy shelled the town itself so incessantly
both with high explosive and gas, that one had to take
more than ordinary precautions. Apart from the fact
that our own Division and the Canadians on the right
were carrying out “stunts” of one kind or other almost
every day, provoking considerable retaliation, we had
an immense number of batteries tucked away amongst
the houses in Liévin, and under almost every bank round
about it, besides many more or less in the open. The
Boche located these batteries with considerable accuracy,
and from time to time literally rained shells (principally
5.9’s) on to them, and almost every day knocked out
numbers of guns.

Many of the gardens in the area close behind the
front line were now in full bearing and provided a very
welcome addition to our rations, and more than one
has pleasant recollections of the excellent dishes of early
asparagus and stewed gooseberries gathered from the
garden of Riaumont Château. Strawberries, currants,
gooseberries and rhubarb were also plentiful in Cité-St.
Pierre. Indeed the attractions of the first were too
much for one greedy German, who was so much occupied
in (p. 191) filling his helmet with this luscious fruit that he
walked into one of the outposts of the 6th Battalion.
It is doubtful if he was allowed to reap the fruits of his
labour, at any rate when he eventually arrived at
Battalion Headquarters both the helmet and the strawberries
were conspicuous by their absence!

The Transport and Quarter-Master’s Stores were
back in a very nice spot at Sains-en-Gohelle, but their
journeys to the line with rations and stores were almost
as unpleasant as they could be. In going to Liévin they
usually got shelled with high explosive and at Loos with
gas, and it says much for the excellent way in which
Capt. H. Kirby and Sergt. Blunt handled the Transport
on these occasions that they never failed to deliver the
stores and had scarcely a single casualty. For a short
period in the Liévin sector, stores were sent up by light
railway from Bully Grenay or Aix Noulette.

The Higher Command all this time had the fixed
idea that the enemy could be driven out of Lens, and all
the efforts of the 46th Division and of the Canadians on
the right were concentrated to bring this about. The
idea was probably strengthened by the fact that fires
and explosions were observed almost daily in Lens itself,
evidently due to the enemy’s desire to leave as little as
possible in the event of his having to withdraw. Numerous
small enterprises carried out from time to time enabled
some slight advance to be made, but towards the end of
June operations took place more frequently and on a
larger scale.

The Canadians having just captured the Generating
Station and the high ground around it, South of the
Souchez River, which overlooked the Boche positions
about Fosse 3, the 138th Brigade were ordered to attack
the Fosse again on June 19th, and this time succeeded
in taking it, and on the night June 21/22nd, we
relieved the 5th Leicesters in their new outpost line in
“Boot” (p. 192) and “Brick” trenches, having spent the last
three days at Calonne, to which place we had moved
from the Loos area on June 18th. The two days spent
there were two of the most unpleasant in the history of
the Battalion. All four Companies were in the line, there
was little accommodation or shelter, the enemy shelling
and trench-mortaring were intense, and there was the
constant fear of a counter-attack from the right—altogether
rather a nightmare. We were lucky in not
getting more casualties than we did; as it was we lost
ten killed and 31 wounded in the two days, during
which we were attached in turn to the 138th and 137th
Brigades. We were relieved on the night June 23/24th
and went back to Calonne. A Company had a particularly
unpleasant relief, as the enemy chose that time to send
over a number of gas shells and trench mortars, most
of which fell amongst that Company, causing them several
casualties.

On June 25th the 137th Brigade, with little or no
trouble, at last occupied Hill 65, and the same night
we were again attached to that Brigade, and moved
into Liévin, with Headquarters at the Red Mill.

Here we got orders for working parties required for
carrying and digging assembly trenches at Cité-de-Riaumont
for the 137th and 138th Brigades, who were
to carry out further operations. Company Commanders
assembled at the Red Mill to get their orders for this
work at the same moment that the Boche had planned
to shell a battery of our guns almost adjacent to it.
Heavies arrived in salvoes for some time; several direct
hits were obtained on the guns, the ammunition dump
just behind it was hit and explosions continued for
days. It caused considerable inconvenience to Company
Commanders and further entailed the hasty exit of
Lieut. Tomlinson from the delightful bathing pool which
had been made in the stream adjoining the Mill. It was
whilst (p. 193) out with one of these working parties at Riaumont
that Moffat Johnston, temporarily in command of B
Company, got badly knocked about by a shell and had to
leave, the Company then being taken over by 2nd Lieut.
Day, Capt. Turner being away with the 46th Division
Depôt Battalion. On the night of June 27/28th we
moved back to billets in Maroc. The following evening
the 137th and 138th Brigades made further progress in
another successful attack, the Canadians also pushing
on South of the River Souchez, practically into the
outskirts of Lens itself. At the same time the 6th and
7th Battalions co-operated with considerable success
North of the Lens-Liévin Road.

Map To Illustrate Operations
Near Lens: April-July. 1917.

The Higher Authorities were now more convinced
than ever that the Germans opposite us were completely
demoralised, and that with a small push we should
capture Lens itself. Hasty plans were accordingly
devised, and, although we were now lamentably weak
in numbers, it was resolved to put the whole Division
into a final effort on the morning of July 1st. The 137th
and 138th Brigades were to attack South of the Lens-Liévin
Road and the 139th Brigade North of it. For this
attack the 2nd Sherwood Foresters and the 9th Norfolks
from the 6th Division on our left were attached to our
Brigade. The assaulting Battalions were the 2nd, 5th
and 6th Sherwood Foresters. We were in support and
late on June 30th moved into St. Pierre. A and D Companies
were attached to the 6th Battalion, A being now
commanded by Capt. Andrews, who had recently
succeeded Capt. A. Hacking on the latter’s appointment
as Second-in-Command of the 5th Battalion. This
Company held the 6th Battalion left Company front,
whilst D Company remained in support. B Company
were attached to the 2nd Battalion, but were not required
until the following afternoon, when they were taken up
to “Crook Redoubt.” Owing to casualties this Company
came (p. 194) under the command of Sergt. Cobb, who carried
out his duties and looked after the Company during a
rather trying time in a most excellent manner. C Company
were attached to the 5th Battalion and were in
support in “Cowden” Trench.

The attack was launched at dawn on July 1st and
part of the objective taken, but an enemy-counter attack
found our men too weak to hold the position, and apart
from a small portion in the neighbourhood of Crocodile
Trench, the ground gained had to be evacuated. The
137th and 138th Brigades on the right met with no
greater success and Lens remained in the hands of the
enemy. July 1st is not a lucky day in the history of the
46th Division.

We remained in St. Pierre, with some Companies
still detached, until the night of July 3/4th, when we
were relieved by the 23rd and 27th Canadian Battalions,
and went back to the Square at Bully Grenay, where
‘buses picked us up soon after dawn on July 4th, and
took us back to the delightful little village of Chelers.

In spite of considerable shelling our casualties
during the last few days had only been two Officers
(Day and Hammond) and four men wounded. Our total
casualties during the Lens operations amounted to five
Officers wounded, three missing, 42 other ranks killed,
180 wounded, and 72 missing.

The whole history of the Lens operations proves,
if proof were needed, how important a part intelligence
plays in modern operations. Intelligence is gained by
reconnaissance by land or from the air, and from information
from prisoners and captured documents. The
responsibility of the Officer, who must judge the truth
from what must often be conflicting reports from these
sources, is serious indeed. On his appreciation of the
position depends to an extent not always recognised the
success or failure of active operations. The Infantry
in (p. 195) the line unfortunately take the hard consequences of
faulty information or false appreciation.

In reviewing the short history of these operations
we are inclined to forget other occasions in which the
credit of successes was due not only to the dash and
courage of the Infantry but to the information sifted
from one source or another, weighed in the balance, and
finally put forward as the premises on which operations
have been based. In our humble judgment the Army of
the future should take care that this branch of technical
training receives a greater measure of attention than it
had received up to the commencement of the Great War.

CHAPTER XI (p. 196)

ST. ELIE AND HILL 70

July 4th, 1917.—
January 21st, 1918.

After nearly three months’ strenuous fighting,
it was a great relief to us to find ourselves back
once more in the quiet regions, and the change was
thoroughly appreciated by all. The weather was
delightful and the country was looking its best, and
altogether the 18 days spent at Chelers were extremely
enjoyable. There was not much in the way of amusement,
as there was little opportunity for it, and we
were so far in the heart of the country that visits to
towns were impossible, except for the few lucky ones
with horses, for whom the journey to St. Pol and back
was a pleasant afternoon’s ride. Billets were quite
comfortable, and Battalion Headquarters were certainly
in clover at the Château, where it was one of their
pleasures to bask in the delightful garden and regale
themselves on peaches brought by the small daughter
of the house. Otherwise there was little attraction in the
village, though in “Lizzie Five-Nine,” it possessed a pearl
of great price. Major Lane was in command for part of
the time, as Col. Blackwall was on leave. The latter on
his return, not being fortunate enough to be met at
Boulogne by a car—Battalion Commanders only got cars
when they were not wanted by the gilded Staff—found, as
so often happened, that Railway Transport Officers knew
nothing of our movements, and sent him off to quite
the wrong place, about 30 miles from Chelers, to which
he had to get as best he could. On a hot summer day
this was not a nice experience to pile on to that “end
of leave feeling” that most of us had at getting back.
and (p. 197) to make matters still worse he found on his arrival
that the supply of lime-juice at the Headquarter Mess
had run out! The truth of course was that not being in
demand during his absence, it had not been replenished!

In training special stress was laid on bayonet
fighting, taken by Comp. Sergt.-Major Lowe of the
Canadian Army Gymnastic Staff, musketry, and firing
practice on the Rocourt Range, where a two days’
Divisional Rifle Meeting was held on July 19th and
20th, at which our representatives shot remarkably
well, and carried off amongst other prizes two silver
bugles, which now repose with the Battalion Plate at
Newark. A large marquee was erected on the ground,
where refreshments could be obtained, and a band was
in attendance each day. All the arrangements were
admirable, and the programme was carried out without
a hitch. Teams from B Company won the Inter-Company
Snap-Shooting and Rapid-Firing competition,
and the Lewis Gun competition, whilst a knock-out
competition for Officers was won by our team composed
of Lieut.-Col. Blackwall, Capt. A. Bedford and
2nd Lieuts. Tomlinson and Martelli. In the final
round this team beat the one from Divisional Headquarters,
which included Major-General Thwaites. In
the General Officer Commanding’s Cup competition for
revolver shooting for Officers, our team won second
prize. On the whole the results from this competition
and the practice leading up to it, were extremely
good, and had a marked effect on the shooting all
round, both with rifle and Lewis gun. Two ceremonial
inspections were carried out, one by the Brigadier on
July 11th, and another by the Divisional Commander
on July 17th, both of which went off successfully.

Our stay at Chelers came to an end on July 23rd,
when we started back once more to the forward area,
marching that day to Verquin, where we billeted for
the (p. 198) night. The next night we relieved the 1st Leicesters
(6th Division) in the St. Elie Left sub-sector
trenches. We were not very strong at this time, about
650 all told. Four new subalterns who had just joined,
were 2nd Lieuts. J. H. Hofmeyr, C. J. Elly, W. H.
Sutton, and R. W. Clarke. Second Lieut. White rejoined
from duty in England, and further Officer reinforcements
who came up shortly afterwards, included 2nd
Lieuts. H. G. Kirby, F. C. Tucker, C. J. Wells,
D. Tanner, and J. A. Pearce.

We now entered on what was to be the longest
continuous period of trench warfare that it was ever our
lot to take part in, for we were destined to remain in the
forward area, holding trenches with but short reliefs,
for a whole six months, and there was little to break the
monotony except one or two changes of trench areas
and the interspersal, now and then of raids carried
out either by ourselves or the enemy. Raids had now
become part and parcel almost of trench warfare routine.
The Divisional Commander’s wishes were that they
should be carried out frequently, and he was strongly
supported by General Carey, who insisted on each Battalion
preparing a scheme for a raid, either large or small,
as soon as it took over the line, so that no time should
be wasted in preliminary arrangements after the order
was given for a raid to be carried out. The drawback,
perhaps, was that raids were apt to be of much the
same type, for it was not easy to introduce variations.
In the normal raid there was always the cutting of
gaps in the enemy wire, which was almost bound to
give them the intimation that something was going to
happen, the bombardment about “Zero” of the area
to be raided, and the forming of a “Box Barrage”
round it, to prevent the enemy bringing up reinforcements,
whilst our men dealt with any enemy found
within the barrage.